[ { "id": 204241, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n6\n\nyear we had 182 of whom 20 were life members and who included several eminent scholars from overseas. But as Sir Robert Black said in his address last month, \"there must be many times 200 people in Hong Kong who are interested both in the cultural life and history of this part of the world which has great riches to offer to anybody interested in research or in studying and enquiring about the inheritance which we all enjoy who live here.\" While we can feel pride in having in our present membership a substantial nucleus not only of scholars but of members generally representative of the cosmopolitan community of the Colony who are keen and enthusiastic, we need more members and hope to appeal to a wider public. As this is a Royal Society, membership is not a matter of form only, and we do not go out into the highways and byways to recruit members, but we feel that the Society can enlarge its activities and membership if the present members will help by bringing within the fold those of their friends and acquaintances who are interested in its activities. There seems to be no reason why in time the membership should not equal that of the Shanghai Branch, which before the war was about 800.\n\nDuring the year the Society has held eight meetings at which addresses have been given, all of them by persons of outstanding eminence in their respective spheres. Most of them were very well attended. Good lecturers are a gift from heaven but so far we have been truly blessed.\n\nWe were particularly fortunate in starting the year with two outstanding meetings. For an opening meeting we had an intensely interesting talk by Prince Peter of Greece and Denmark on \"The Social and Economic Organisation of Tibet\", illustrated by a coloured film taken over a period of seven years during his exploration of Central Asia. The formal inaugural address was given by Professor F. S. Drake of the University of Hong Kong on \"The Study of Asia: a Heritage and a Task.\" It was a memorable address which gave the stamp of learning and authority on the Society's efforts and the text of which is printed in this volume.\n\nOf no less interest and merit were the addresses following:\n\nby the\n\nProfessor John K. Fairbank on \"Chinese Studies in the United States\",\n\nMr. A. C. Scott on \"The Chinese Theatre\" illustrated by Chinese actors in costumes and makeup,\n\nMr. G. B. Downer of the University of London on \"The Yao People of Laos.\"\n\nIn the summer months we followed the advice of the first President of the original Hong Kong Branch, Sir John Davis,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204243, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n8\n\nand contributions from the community, it built a commodious home for itself with a spacious lecture room and provided accommodation for its very valuable library and museum. In Hong Kong we hope that some facilities may be afforded in the new City Hall for societies like ours but if our plans are to mature we need a meeting place of our own where we can build up an Oriental library which should fill a special need which cannot be supplied by the University, whose library is not readily accessible to the public, or by the new City Hall, whose library will probably be of a wider popular interest.\n\nAs the basis of our projected library we propose to print a sufficient number of our periodical journals to enable us to exchange periodicals with kindred societies in other parts of the world. We also propose in our journal to review books on Oriental affairs which may bring us a useful nucleus of publications. Until we have enough money to buy books it would be greatly appreciated if members who have any books of interest and connected with the objects of the Society would kindly remember that any gifts of books and journals would be most welcome.\n\nThe Branch is greatly indebted to benefactors who have been generous with donations. In Sir Richard Winstedt's message on its formation he expressed the hope that both European and Chinese firms with their accustomed generosity would help to foster the growth of a Branch of high promise. This hope was realised in the donations received of 500 dollars each from Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Messrs. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., and The Hongkong and Shanghai Bank, and 250 dollars from Mr. Ellis Hayim. Then in April last year there came a munificent gift from an anonymous donor who is not now resident in the Colony. This was the gift of 10,000 dollars in memory of Arthur de Carl Sowerby, a great authority on the natural history of China, who was the founder and curator of the museum of the Society in Shanghai. These contributions have enabled us to put aside a capital fund which will help us in our aims for the future while yielding a useful interest in the meantime. It is greatly hoped that other merchant houses and individuals in the Colony may, without any direct appeal, emulate the example of these benefactors and help us to build up a Branch of the Society in Hong Kong worthy of the heritage which Professor Drake in his inaugural address coupled with the corresponding task which such heritage implied.\n\nDuring the year there was little change amongst the officers and members of the Council. Mr. Endacott resigned owing to pressure of work and the vacancy was filled in accordance with the rules by the co-option of The Hon. A. G. Clarke. Mr.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204253, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n18\n\nBIRDS OF HONG KONG\n\nCAPTAIN A. M. MACFARLANE, R.A.\n\nBased on a lecture delivered on September 22, 1960,\n\nThe birds of Hong Kong are notable for their variety. Over 330 different kinds of birds have been recorded here since 1860, and the list covers a wide range of types, with very few families found in China left unrepresented. I propose to cover the more common species, both residents and visitors, and to touch on a few of the rarities besides.\n\nI would normally hesitate to point out to residents of the Colony the geography of their surroundings, but a few features are worth remembering from a bird-watcher's point of view. First, Hong Kong is just inside the tropics, and therefore lies at the southern breeding limit of some of the typically northern birds such as the Black-capped Kingfisher, and at the northern breeding limit of some of the typically tropical or sub-tropical birds, such as the sunbirds and flowerpeckers. Secondly, the year is divided into quite definite seasons, some much longer than others, and so we get summer visitors who breed here, such as the Black-naped Oriole and Hair-crested Drongo; winter visitors such as certain ducks and many species of hawks and thrushes; and of course, passage migrants that pass through the Colony, sometimes in immense numbers, in spring and autumn to and from their breeding grounds in the far north. Examples of the more noticeable of these migrants are the waders, the swifts and the flycatchers. Thirdly, the Colony has a wide range of bird country within its small limits, from the top of Tai Mo Shan, over three thousand feet high, down through the wooded valleys such as the Lam Tsuen valley and the Tai Po Kau Forestry Reserve, across the open paddy-fields and marshes bordering Deep Bay to the rocky coasts and open sea off Hong Kong Island and Lantau. Therefore a bird-watcher can select different areas and hope to see different birds accordingly. Lastly, to the regret of all but bird-watchers, Hong Kong is subject to occasional fierce storms and even typhoons. If these last occur, then it is worth every effort to go out and brave the storm, for unusual birds are blown in, especially of marsh and coastal species.\n\nDuring the last few years, members of the Hong Kong Bird-Watching Society have found that just over 60 species nest regularly in the Colony. Despite the apparent scarcity of birds in the summer months, this number compares quite favourably with an area of English coastline of the same size. Although", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204254, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n19\n\nthe density of nesting birds is considerably less owing to the lack of suitable cover and nests are in any case difficult to find, there is a wide variety of nesting birds ranging from the great family of egrets and herons, with eight or nine species, through a list including the Black-eared Kite, White-bellied Sea-eagle, Francolin, Koel and Crow-Pheasant, drongos and mynahs, bulbuls and babblers down to the Tree-sparrow and Spotted Munia—altogether a large range.\n\nNow I shall discuss Hong Kong's birds in more detail, taking them roughly in the order of the new Check-List* so that gaps, especially in the case of rarities, may be filled in by reference to that book.\n\nThe Great Crested Grebe and the Little Grebe are both common winter visitors but are very localised. The favourite haunt of the former is Deep Bay, whilst up to forty of the latter may be observed on Tai Lam Chung Reservoir. They are rarely seen in breeding plumage and are consequently rather dull-looking. In Deep Bay, along with the Great Crested Grebe one may also see quite large numbers of cormorants, big black diving birds which feed voraciously on fish. An even larger companion of these two varieties in the same area is the Spotted-billed Pelican. Up to twenty of these enormous white birds may be seen, especially at low tide, during the coldest months.\n\nOne of the greatest attractions to bird-watchers in the Colony, particularly in June and July when there is little else to see, is the great variety of egrets and herons which visit and nest here. There are the small Yellow Bittern and Little Green Heron which may be seen in the mangroves on the edge of Deep Bay; the Great, Little, Swinhoe's and Cattle Pond Herons which nest widely in heronries throughout the northern New Territories; and the lonely Reef Egret which nests on Tung Lung Island, Waglan, and perhaps elsewhere in the southeastern part of the Colony. These birds are an ever-present source of delight with their fine plumage and graceful flight and movements. There are others in the same family, such as the Grey and Purple Herons, but they unfortunately are only visitors.\n\nDespite the abundance of water surrounding the Colony and a good deal of suitably marshy ground in the north-west, duck are by no means common, and apart from the Falcated Teal at the mouth of the Shum Chun River, and the Yellow-nib Duck and Teal in evening flight near Lok Ma Chau, very few can be expected. This is a pity, for duck are exciting birds to watch.\n\nAnnotated Check-List of the Birds of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, South China Morning Post Ltd., 1960.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204256, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n21\n\nA most odd and interesting bird to be seen around Victoria from Garden Road to the University is the Rose-ringed Paroquet, presumably introduced but now firmly established as a resident. Sometimes parties of up to sixteen birds have been seen.\n\nA noisy but seldom seen family are the Cuckoos, who are well represented here, nearly all of them summer visitors. The Indian Cuckoo, or ‘One-more-bottle Bird', the Large Hawk-cuckoo or 'Brain-fever Bird', and the Plaintive Cuckoo or 'Rain-bird', are three summer visitors to certain favoured localities, mainly in the northern New Territories. The Koel is more common and widespread. All these four are parasites of smaller birds, too lazy to make a nest of their own. The Crow-Pheasant and Lesser Crow-Pheasant (which are neither crows nor pheasants!) are also quite common and widespread: both of them are to some extent hill birds, and the former likes more wooded country than the latter.\n\nTwo species of owl are resident in the Colony, the Barred Owlet, whose bubbling call is heard in the northern New Territories, and the Collared Scops Owl both there and on Hong Kong Island, especially on The Peak.\n\nThe Savannah Nightjar must breed in the Colony, for its whip-lash call is heard frequently over many open spaces in the New Territories during the spring and summer, but no nest has yet been found.\n\nHouse-swifts nest, several pairs at a time, under the verandahs of shops and houses in at least half-a-dozen towns. Many thousands of these and the Large White-rumped Swift pass through the Colony on migration.\n\nThe kingfishers are one of the sights of Hong Kong's bird-life. The Common Kingfisher, the one seen in Europe, is here all the year round and almost certainly nests. The White-breasted Kingfisher and Black-capped Kingfisher are both large, very gaily-coloured birds, although the first is much more common than the second. The Pied Kingfisher is confined to the Deep Bay area, where probably only one pair nests, although formerly this species used to be quite common also.\n\nThe Great Barbet, which as might be expected of a close relative of the woodpeckers is a lover of big trees, may be heard calling its monotonous 'coo-lee-you' from the Norfolk Island Pine in the Botanical Gardens and from several woods in the north-eastern New Territories where it breeds. A small relation, the Wryneck, may be seen in winter, quite frequently in scrubby foothill country.\n\nSwallows are a well-loved and common summer visitor to the Colony, and occasionally a few birds may be seen even on the coldest days of winter. Large numbers also come through on passage.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204258, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n23\n\nrelative, the Black-throated Laughing-thrush, which is confined to Hong Kong Island and is a handsome bird of black and grey with white cheeks. Not so rare but still uncommon is another relative, the Hwamei. This name means 'Painted Eyebrows', a tribute to the most distinctive part of its plumage, but more than anything the Hwamei is famed for its voice. To hear a chorus of these birds almost any evening of the year, their song rather like that of the European Song Thrush, is an unforgettable experience, and the pity is that this species is only really well known on Hong Kong Island, being very local elsewhere.\n\nOne of the most charming families of birds to be seen in the Colony is that of the flycatchers, none of which actually breed here, but either pass through on migration or spend the winter. The variety of plumage is quite bewildering and some of the more exotic species, like the Paradise Flycatcher with its eight inches of tail, the black-and-lemon coloured Narcissus and Tricolour Flycatchers, the malachite-green Verditer Flycatcher, the Blue-and-White Flycatcher, and the Robin and Red-breasted Flycatchers are quite eye-catching and endearing to watch as they fly out from a favourite perch to snap at a passing insect.\n\nSimilarly, the great family of warblers is poorly represented by resident species, although many hundreds of migrants pass through or perhaps stay for the winter. The Deep Bay marshes provide nesting cover for the Fantail Warbler, Yellow-bellied and Brown Wren-warblers, whilst the Tailor-bird, with its neatly-sewn leaf house, breeds commonly all over the Colony. Probably no more than one or two pairs of David's Hill-warbler may nest near the top of Tai Mo Shan. Such permanent residents are far outnumbered by the winter visitors, like the Dusky, Pallas's and Yellow-browed Warblers, and the migrants, like the Arctic Warbler and Great Reed-warbler.\n\nOf the smaller thrushes, the Magpie-robin is the only resident, and is common all over the Colony. It is the third of our trio of fine songsters and with its smart pied plumage is an attractive addition to the list. But there are several more chats which are quite common in winter; the Rubythroat, Red-flanked Bluetail, and Daurian Redstart (all described by their names), the Stonechat all over the marshes and paddy-fields, and the Bluethroat on passage near Deep Bay. Among the larger thrushes the Violet Whistling Thrush is the only resident and may be found near most of the watercourses throughout the Colony, from The Peak and Tai Mo Shan down to sea-level. It has a very pretty habit of fanning its tail at rest. Many other thrushes come to the woods of Hong Kong in winter, but are usually shy and difficult to see. The Blackbird is quite common as are the Grey-backed and Grey Thrushes. On the rocky coastline both the Blue and the Red-bellied Rock-thrushes may frequently be seen.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204269, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n33\n\nmurdered man sent a messenger to report the murder to the throne, the messenger too was killed by Kuo's followers. The Emperor ordered Kuo's arrest, whereupon Kuo left his family and ran away by himself. After a long time he was caught, but exhaustive investigations showed that all his crimes had been committed before a recent amnesty and he could not be punished. However, something new happened. A Confucian scholar from Kuo's native district remarked, \"Kuo Chieh makes it his business to break the law; how can he be called a worthy man!\" When one of Kuo's followers heard this, he killed the scholar and cut off his tongue. The officials questioned Kuo about this, but he really did not know who had done it. The killer was never found, and the officials reported to the Emperor that Kuo was innocent. However, the Imperial Censor Kung-sun Hung said, “Kuo Chieh is a commoner who indulges in knightly deeds and wields great power. He would kill a man for a trivial offence. Though he does not know about this murder, his crimes are greater than the murderer's, and he deserves the penalty for high treason.\" Therefore, Kuo and his whole family were executed.\n\nApart from the knights described in the \"Biographies of knights errant\", we find others mentioned in various individual biographies in the Shih chi. From these accounts we get a fairly clear picture of the typical behaviour of the ancient Chinese knight errant. What were the ideals underlying such behaviour? Briefly, the ideals of knight errantry were justice, altruism, honour, and individual freedom. In many ways, the knight errant formed a strong contrast to the Confucian scholar. While the Confucian scholar aimed at order and moderation, and stressed the need for the individual to conform to a rigid pattern of behaviour and to subjugate himself to the family, the knight errant stressed justice and freedom and placed personal loyalty above family loyalty and above law and order. Both were condemned by the Legalist thinker Han-fei-tzu, who said, \"The Confucians disturb the law with their writings, while the knights errant break the law by force.\" It is easy to see why he condemned them both, for both placed a moral code above the law, though the moral code of each was different. The Confucian regarded obedience to one's sovereign and parents as a sacred duty more important than observance of the law, but would not resort to force in the discharge of such duties; the knight errant, on the other hand, regarded loyalty to a friend as more important than one's duties to one's king and parents, and would not refrain from violence in performing what they considered their moral obligations or what they thought their honour required. In so far as the knight\n\nA\n\ne.g. the biographies of political assassins (chüan 86); the biographies of Chi An and Cheng Tang-shih (chüan 120).\n\n* Han-fei-tzu, \"Wu tu\" chapter, quoted by Ssu-ma Ch'ien at the beginning of the \"Biographies of knights errant”.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204270, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n34\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nerrant may be said to have had an ideology, it had more affinity with Taoism than with any other school of thought. True, in their altruism and devotion to duty they showed some resemblance to the Mohists, but they did not share the austerity of the latter. Indeed, the Mohists despised the knights errant and did not think them worth mentioning. It was to Taoism that some knights errant turned for guidance, as recorded in the biographies of several of them. This is hardly surprising: both Taoism and knight errantry came into being before Confucianism became the established official ideology, and both emphasized individualism and freedom from social bonds. To risk a generalization: if the obverse side of the Chinese character is represented by Confucianism—moderate, realistic, and conservative, then its reverse side is represented by Taoist philosophy, knight errantry, and various unorthodox artists and writers: romantic, individualist, and rebellious. It seems to me that it is the obverse side that is familiar to the West while the reverse side is perhaps not so well known and deserves more attention.\n\nTo come back to the history of knight errantry; the early Han emperors, though they paid lip service to Confucianism, actually ruled largely by Legalist methods. It is therefore not surprising that they took strong measures to suppress the knights errant. I have already mentioned that Kuo Chieh's father was executed by order of Emperor Wen. In the next reign, Emperor Ching ordered the execution of many others. And Emperor Wu, as we have seen, ordered the execution of Kuo Chieh and his family. Yet in spite of such suppression, many knights survived, although not all of them lived up to the high ideals of true knight errantry. In later periods, knights errant continued to exist. For instance, the poet Li Po (A.D. 701-762) was a knight errant in his younger days and killed several people by his own hand. In still later periods of history, we also read of people described as being knights errant or behaving in a knightly manner. Sometimes this means no more than that someone behaved in a chivalrous, altruistic way, without necessarily using force or breaking the law. On the other hand, the more swashbuckling knights either degenerated into mere outlaws or became professional bodyguards. As we are concerned here with literature rather than history, I shall give no more examples of historical knights but turn to descriptions of knight errantry in literature.\n\n7 According to the \"Biographies of knights errant\".\n\nSee Lao Kan, \"Yu-hsia, a type of knights errant in the Han dynasty\", Bulletin of the College of Arts, National Taiwan University, No. 1.\n\nLi T'ai-po shih-chi (SPPY), chüan 31, 5a. See Arthur Waley, The poetry and career of Li Po (London, 1950), p. 6.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204275, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n10\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n39\n\nand defeated government troops again and again. They were eventually persuaded to capitulate to the government, and took part in the victorious campaign against another rebel Fang La.1 However, some modern historians believe that after they had helped the government forces, Sung Chiang and his followers were themselves liquidated in their turn. Be that as it may, the exploits of Sung Chiang and his followers soon became the subject of popular legends told orally. These grew in number and came to be written down. At first only short accounts were written, but later, towards the end of the Yuan period, about 1300, the different stories were joined together to form one long romance, possibly by Shih Nai-an, who has been identified with the dramatist Shih Hui, styled Chun-mei.2 By then, the number of heroes involved had grown from the original thirty-six to a hundred and eight. The romance continued to be enlarged and revised by various hands during the Ming period, until it became a work of 120 chapters, published about 1620. Then, at the beginning of the Ch'ing period, in 1644, the critic Chin Sheng-t'an took the first seventy chapters, added a new chapter at the end as well as commentaries, and published it as the \"Fifth Work of Genius\" in Chinese literature. This edition achieved immense popularity, and it is this truncated version which most Chinese readers have read and which has been rendered into English.\n\n21\n\nMeanwhile, some stories about knights errant found their way into the drama of the Yuan period. The plays of this period were classified by subject under twelve categories, one of which was \"long swords and clubs\". This obviously corresponded to the two categories of stories \"long swords\" and \"clubs\" mentioned earlier. In particular, some stories about Sung Chiang and his followers not included in the Shui-hu chuan were given dramatic treatment in Yuan times. For instance, there were at least a dozen Yuan plays about Li K'uei, one of the followers of Sung Chiang and one of the most colourful characters in popular literature.22 Two of these plays are still extant.23 They present with great gusto this rough-mannered, quick-tempered outlaw with a heart of gold. In plays of later periods, Li K'uei and other\n\n4a.\n\n18 Sung-shih* (SPPY), chüan 22, 3a; chüan 351, 11b; chüan 353,\n\n1 Mou Jun-sun, \"On the tombstone inscription of Chê K'ê-ts'un and Sung Chiang's end\" 牟潤孫,折可存墓誌銘考証兼論宋江之結局, Bulletin of the College of Arts, National Taiwan University, No. 2.\n\n20 Sun K'ai-ti, Chung-kuo t'ung-su hsiao-shuo shu-mu 孫楷第,中國通俗小說書目 (Peking, 1957), p. 181.\n\n+\n\n21 Chu Ch'üan, T'ai-ho cheng-yin p'u 朱權,太和正音譜 (reprinted together with the Lu kuei pu 錄鬼簿, Shanghai, 1957), p. 135.\n\n22 For the titles of these plays, see Fu Hsi-hua, Yuan-tai tsa-chü ch'üan-mu 傅惜華,元代雜劇全目 (Peking, 1957), pp. 406-7.\n\n23 There is another Yuan play in which Li K'uei appears, but only as a subsidiary character.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n43\n\nUntil the Tibetan form of government was abolished in 1959, it was possible to trace its ancestry back through thirteen centuries and to find there the seeds of institutions that one could see in operation with one's own eyes. The script and the language have changed very little in the course of these thirteen centuries. The script, which was borrowed from India in approximately 640 A.D., can still be seen in inscriptions of about a century later. Any literate Tibetan today can read those inscriptions and can understand them pretty well except for a few archaic words.\n\nBut I suppose the greatest example of conservatism and mystery in the eyes of the outside world is the supremacy of religion, as seen in the rule of the Dalai Lama. This, however, is a fairly recent development. Buddhism reached Tibet in the seventh century; as you know, it came both from China and India, but the Indian stream eventually proved the stronger. In less than two hundred years after its introduction, Buddhist monks were holding office as chief ministers of state. The kings, it is true, were laymen, but Buddhists were already powerful officials. Then there came a setback of two centuries, after which religion resumed its rise in importance. The great monasteries acquired larger and larger estates and more and more temporal influence. Indeed, for about seventy years, at the time of the Yuan dynasty, a religious leader was made viceroy of the country. This was never fully accepted by the lay princes and very soon there was a return of supreme power to secular hands. It was not until 1640 (a thousand years after Buddhist religion reached Tibet) that, with the help of the Mongol Khan in the Kokonor, the line of Dalai Lamas emerged as the actual rulers. Although their role as reformers of the church had begun two centuries earlier, other lines of incarnate Lamas in Tibet, which exercised great influence until they were suddenly swept away in 1640, could trace their ancestry to the early years of the twelfth century. That is why I have described the Dalai Lamas as relative newcomers.\n\nThe rule of the Dalai Lamas, after a first brilliant appearance in the hands of a figure known as the Great Fifth, faded out. There was a period of seventy years when the laymen resumed sway and there was even a lay king. Though religious power was restored in 1750, for a century Tibet was ruled not by Dalai Lamas but by monastic regents acting for minor Dalai Lamas who died at an early age four times in succession. The system of supreme personal rule by the Dalai Lama, both temporal and spiritual, was only firmly restored by the thirteenth incarnation—that is, the predecessor of the present Dalai Lama.\n\nSo you see there was nothing static about the Tibetan system, nor was it a simple one. There have been a whole series of adjustments and balances. The Dalai Lamas, for example, although they are in theory autocratic, are in fact the creation", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204280, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n44\n\nof the religious system. They have always had to walk carefully in their relations with the vested interests of the orthodox church, represented principally by the abbots of the three great monasteries, Drebung, Sera and Ganden, which housed among them 25,000 monks and were known as the Three Great Pillars of the State.\n\nThen there were rivalries between one sect and another; there were rivalries between great monasteries of the same sect; there were even rivalries between colleges within the same monastery; and there was a subtle distinction between monks and abbots in the monasteries and the monastic administrative officials of the Tibetan Government, who were a sort of monk civil service. There was a parallel lay civil service, so that if there was, say, a Chief Secretary who was a monk, he was balanced by another who was a layman. Such civil monastic officials were rather a special breed and looked on with some suspicion by the people in the monasteries. There was also an undercurrent of jealousy of the monasteries' power on the part of the displaced lay nobles, who recalled quite clearly the tradition of their past greatness. They had still a leading part in the administration and in general they were more progressively minded than the monks; in fact, I should say that the monks usually lagged a generation behind the progressive laymen.\n\nYet in spite of all these factions and divergencies of feeling, there was remarkable agreement, really remarkable agreement, of the whole people in their complete devotion to their faith and in an affectionate veneration of their ruler. Religion quite simply was all in all to every Tibetan: there were no dissenters and no critics. Every Tibetan without complaining took his place in the social set-up. This was partly due to his acceptance of the teachings of Buddhism with its doctrine of karma and partly to his conviction that by doing so he was serving his Dalai Lama. All the actions and policies of people and government were viewed in the light of the effect that they would have on religion. Church and state really were interchangeable terms.\n\nThe monasteries and the monks played an important part in the social life of the country; they were bankers, landlords, and, to some extent, school-masters. It is of course quite easy for the Westerner to adopt an attitude of intellectual superiority and say that religion was the opiate of the people. It is possible to point to idle, worldly, and comparatively worthless individuals among the monks: so indeed it was possible during the Middle Ages in Europe. On the other hand, also as in the case of the Middle Ages, one can point in Tibet to churchmen who were sincere, devout, saintly, and profoundly learned. I am convinced that there was no conscious exploitation of religion by the Tibetan church.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n48\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nand makes a kind of extract of tea. They put that into another mixer, added a good chunk of butter, some soda, and some salt, and go on pounding until they get a well-mixed soup. It is excellent provided that the butter was good to begin with.\n\nQ: Is it true that some monks can move objects by sheer thought?\n\nA: Marco Polo described a contest between various religious personages at the court of the Great Khan at which they were put through their paces to see who would be the best chaplain to the Crown. He chose the Tibetans because their representative could make a cup rise from the table to his mouth. That was quite a long time ago and I haven't seen it done myself, but that's the story.\n\nQ: Is there any truth in the story of an operation to open the \"third eye\"?\n\nA: None whatsoever. The book which describes it is an utter fraud. It was written by somebody who had never been out of England.\n\nQ: Are the roofs of the Kumbum Monastery really gold?\n\nA: Unfortunately I have never been there but I have read accounts of it, and quite obviously it is a little bit too modern. You can have dances put on for a sum of money. But I assure you that the golden roofs in Tibet proper, although they are not pure gold, are well-coated in the stuff.\n\nQ: Is it true that Tibetans place no importance on gold and jewels, despite an abundance of them underground?\n\nA: There are certainly some gold mines in Tibet, but nobody knows whether the resources are very great. It isn't quite true to say that they don't place any importance on gold and precious stones—they like them very much. They use them as the principal offerings in religious places. All the butter-lamps are made of gold in the holy places; the scene in the holy of holies, the cathedral in Lhasa, is quite fabulous. The main image, behind large iron-mesh curtains, is surrounded by huge gold butter lamps, all blazing with butter—a wonderful sight.\n\nAlthough Tibetans used to dig for gold, it became rather an imposition, because the peasant would dig it out and then the landlord would come and say \"This is my gold\", so in general they stopped digging. Tibetans did not use much money of any sort—it was mostly barter.\n\nQ: Is there capital punishment in Tibet?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204289, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n53\n\nthe failure of subscribers to return the books on leaving the country-so that there is a large space occupied by books that are of little value to the Society, or to the public. I would recommend that the Library be inspected, and that those books which are not worth binding anew should be disposed of, and the proceeds be devoted to rebinding those that are worth keeping. In this way, the library will be freed from a good deal of trash, and the really valuable part of it, which is by no means small, could be more easily accommodated in the apartment designed for it, and better fitted for the use of subscribers.\n\nThe reports of the Society for 1844, 1845 and 1846 do not specifically mention the Library, but it is interesting to note that at a meeting of the subscribers in January 1846 it was unanimously resolved, \"That a bust of the late Hon. J. R. Morrison (who had also died, at the early age of 29 in 1843) be immediately commissioned from England, to be placed in the public rooms of the institution of the Morrison Education Society; that a copy of Chinnery's painting of his father (the late Rev. Dr. Morrison) engaged in the translation of the Bible into Chinese, be obtained for the same purpose; that the sum of $1,000 be appropriated to meet the cost, and the expense of placing these memorials in China.\n\nBy 1849 the Society was running into financial difficulties, the premises had to be closed and the Library was packed up. By 1855 it was open to the public again when, according to an advertisement appearing in the Hong Kong Register on 30 October, 1855, \"The Library of the Morrison Education Society, now deposited in a room in the Court House, is open every day from 1 to 4 o'clock p.m. to Members of the Society for the giving out and exchange of Books. Parties, not members of the Society, may obtain the advantages of the Library, on payment of an Annual Subscription of $5. By order of the Trustees, James Legge, Secretary.”\n\nAt the annual meeting of the Society in 1858 the question of the permanent disposal of the Library was scheduled for discussion. In this same year they had accepted on trust a collection of 400 books belonging to the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society which had been founded in Hong Kong in 1847 by Sir John Davis, later revived by Sir John Bowring, but which was now defunct. A report of the founding of the Asiatic Society appears in the Hong Kong Register for 1847 with a list of 44 titles of books, prints, etc., which had been presented.\n\nThere had been a growing demand for a proper public library and in May, 1863, the Morrison Education Society issued a circular urging the foundation of such a library in a City Hall and offering its own books and those of the Royal Asiatic Society", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n58\n\nAmong the eighteenth century travel books must be mentioned two first editions of interest although not relating to the Far East. The earlier is James Cook's A Voyage towards the South Pole, and Round the World of 1777, unfortunately the second volume only. And the second is Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa by Mungo Park, published in 1799.\n\nThere is a 1771 edition of A voyage to China and the East Indies, by Peter Osbeck which includes An Account of the Chinese Husbandry, by Captain Charles Gustavus Eckeberg and A Faunula and Flora Sinensis. The first volume contains ten engraved plates of plants found in China. In the second volume is printed a letter from Charles Linné [Linnaeus] to Peter Osbeck which says:-\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\nI have read your excellent books with pleasure and surprize. You, Sir, have every where travelled with the light of science: you have named every thing so precisely, that it may be comprehended by the learned world; and have discovered and settled both the genera and species. For this reason, I seem myself to have travelled with you, and to have examined every object you saw with my own eyes.\n\nOne other eighteenth century account of travels and exploration in the Far East should be noticed: A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies by the Abbé Raynal, 1784. It may be salutary to notice the bitter attacks which the Abbé makes on English administration in India and elsewhere. Books like Ellis' Embassy and Timkowski's Travels have been too often described to warrant inclusion here.\n\nThe Hundred Wonders of the World, and of the Three Kingdoms of Nature of 1824 published under the pseudonym of the Rev. C. C. Clarke, has a picture of the Porcelain Tower at Nankin, China, as a frontispiece. It is sad to think that this wonder no longer stands; it was destroyed during the T'ai-p'ing Rebellion. Processes of time, not war, have destroyed two of London's institutions listed as 'wonders', the Linwood Gallery of Leicester Square and Bullock's Museum, Piccadilly. It is strange to think that in their day they were compared with the British Museum and the Louvre of Paris.\n\nElements of political economy by James Mill appears in a first edition of 1821. James was the father of John Stuart Mill for whom he obtained a clerkship in the East India Company after he himself had been given a high position following the publication in 1818 of his History of British India.\n\nAmong the illustrated books in the collection there is an 1828 edition of Flora Javae by Carolo Ludovico Blume with remarkable colour plates.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204295, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n59\n\nIn the appendix to Robert Ainslie's book of religious essays lacking a title page, but published about 1820 under the title Reasons of the hope that is in us, there appears \"A Short Account of Lee Boo and Sackhouse, two Youths, brought at different periods from distant regions of the earth, still the rudest states of human society\" and we may read the following curious story:\n\nLee Boo was born in one of the Pelew Islands. The Antelope East India packet was, in 1783, wrecked on its shore.\n\nLee Boo was the son of the rupack, or king... and was brought to Britain for his improvement at the desire of his father. He was sent to an academy, and instructed in reading; being not a little proud of his acquirements. He was of a most affectionate temper. But why, amid all the cares of his friends of this amiable young man, did they not innoculate him? Exposed to the infection of the smallpox, he was seized with the fatal malady, and, at the age of twenty, died of it on 27th July, 1784, to the great sorrow and regret of all who knew him. The East India Company handsomely erected a neat monument over his grave in Rotherhithe churchyard, with an inscription, expressive of their gratitude for the humane and kind treatment afforded by his father to the crew of their ship the Antelope, when wrecked upon his island\".\n\nSackhouse was an Esquimaux, born in 1797, who in 1816 stowed away on a Scottish whaling ship and went with it to Scotland at his own request. He too learnt English, danced well, and played the flute; and those accomplishments, with his good-natured honest face, and obliging manners, rendered him a favourite and welcome guest wherever he went. He also died an early death in 1819 “most sincerely regretted”.\n\nThe appendix continues:\n\nHow unfortunate was it that those two excellent youths met such untimely fates! Had they lived they might have been the means, under Providence, of facilitating the introduction of Christianity into the most remote regions; and contributed to the happiness of millions,\n\nMr. Ainslie's two books of religious essays which he published remain deservedly obscure, but he himself has a claim to fame as a friend and correspondent of Robert Burns.\n\nBefore turning to Morrison's own contributions to Chinese studies and those of his contemporaries, mention must be made of his collection of Bibles in nearly thirty different languages, from Breton to Irish, from Hawaiian to Esquimaux, and Amharic to Catalan, more than a hundred of which are still in the Library,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n71\n\nnovel. After this treatment, Vaisravana and Nata became completely Sinicized, and few, if any, Chinese readers ever suspect that they are \"alien\" in origin. This is typical of the way in which Chinese Buddhists took stories or ideas of foreign origin and gradually turned them into something totally Chinese.\n\nApart from its influence on religious practice, the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i is also of considerable importance from a literary point of view. It superseded previous stories from which it took some of its material, so much so that but for the efforts of scholars in the past thirty years these previous stories contained in prompt-books would have been unknown. Even now, only a handful of experts have read the prompt-books, while most readers are not aware that the Fêng-shên is not entirely the original creation of one man. This goes to show the success of the author as an imaginative writer.\n\nIn the following pages I shall attempt to describe how the stories about Vaisravana and Nata became integral parts of the novel, as an example of the Sinicization of Buddhist stories and figures and their assimilation into the mainly Taoist pantheon of China. I shall also try to show how the author, Lu Hsi-hsing, made use of the material derived from miscellaneous sources and turned it into a fascinating tale.\n\n1. VAISRAVANA AND NATA\n\nWhen we come to a discussion of some of the prominent figures in the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i, the most striking fact we shall find is that the author described these figures vividly and did not rely on previous legends for literary effect. Rather, he chose from miscellaneous and discordant materials and put them into a unified system which enlarged and modified the Chinese pantheon. The story of Li Ching and his three sons, especially the third one, No-cha, in this novel may serve as an outstanding illustration.\n\nIn this novel Li Ching was first a commander of the Ch'ên-t'ang Pass in the court of the ruthless King Chou (Ch.12), but he was also a Taoist, and for a period of years he had learnt the process of Taoist cultivation from the Immortal Tu O of the K'un-lun Mountain though he was unable to reach the final attainment. He had three sons: the eldest, Chin-cha, was a disciple of Wên-shu (Mañjusri), the second, Mu-cha, was a disciple of P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra) and the third one, No-cha, a disciple of the Immortal Tai-I. Both the father and his three sons joined the side of King Wu in the expedition against King Chou. Though they all knew some magic feats and possessed magic weapons, they are described as human beings. Unless we study the Tantric sutras and compare them with the Chinese\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n73\n\ncalled \"Umbrella of Noumenon and Unity\" (hun-yüan san A) which is decorated with emeralds and precious pearls of divine power which are threaded together to form the words: \"to pack up the universe.\" When this umbrella is opened, heaven and earth, the sun and the moon, will be covered up by darkness, and when it is rolled the world will be shaken. Mo Li-hai carries a spear and on his back there is a four-stringed guitar (p'i-p'a) which will produce the same effect as the \"Blue Cloud Sword\" when played on and the four strings correspond to earth, water, fire and wind. Mo Li-shou carries two whips and a bag in which is concealed a peculiar creature resembling a rat, hua hu-tiao (the striped marten). When hurled into the air this creature will assume the shape of an elephant with wings from its ribs and will devour every one.\n\nThe combat between these four brothers and the heroes from the camp of King Wu can be found in Chs.39-41 of the novel. They are engaged in mortal combat with the Li brothers, Chin-cha, Mu-cha and No-cha in Ch.40. If the reader knows that Li Ching, the fabulous father of these three Li brothers is in fact derived from one of these four heavenly kings, Vaisravana, the ingenuity of the author of this novel can be appreciated, because before the publication of this novel, in many other works Vaisravana and the Chinese god Li Ching, based on the historical hero so named of the Tang dynasty, had long been amalgamated and formed a single name, P'i-sha-mên t'ien-wang Li Ching (Vaisravana or Li Ching, the Heavenly King of Vaisravana). The Chinese transliteration from the Sanskrit \"Vaisravana\" since the T'ang dynasty has been Pi-sha-mên (R), the last character of which, mên, though senseless in this connection, normally means \"gate\". Thus, in popular literature, the term P'i-sha-mên lost its original meaning and became the name of the P'i-sha Gate, and it was therefore natural enough to have a heavenly general, like Li Ching, to take charge of it, though in English this may appear peculiar.\n\n* In Yang Ching-hsien's (MRK) play T'ang San-tsang Hsi-t'ien Ch’ü-ching (EXRE), Scene 9, we read \"P'i-sha-mên hsia Li Tien-wang\" (TX) which means the Heavenly King Li under the P'i-sha Gate. In the prompt-book Ch'i-kuo Ch'un-ch'iu P'ing-hua ta (TH), chüan 3, we have \"P'i-sha-mên To-t'a Li T'ien-wang\" (*XE) or P'i-sha-mên, the Heavenly King Li who holds in his hand a pagoda. Sometimes the story-tellers thought since there was a P'i-sha mên (gate), it was wise to create a palace, called P'i-sha Kung (CE W D). In the Nan-yüeh-chi, Ch. 11, we have \"P'i-sha Kung Li Ching Tien-wang\" (K*XE). In a long eulogistic poem in Ch. 12 of the Feng-shen, there is a palace in heaven called K'un-sha Kung (R V E) which is obviously an erratum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n74\n\nR\n\nThe historical figure of Li Ching had long been admitted into the Taoist pantheon. He was, in the year 760, enshrined with Chiang T'ai-kung (B★A or Chiang Shang) as one of the ten famous historical generals. In the anonymous work, Li Wei-kung Pieh-chuan (A4), it is said, \"When Li Ching was poor, he took a journey in the valleys and stayed in a cottage. When it was mid-night there came a woman who handed him a vase and said, 'Heaven has instructed you to pour down rain ...' and as we know in the Buddhist legends that it is Virupaksha (not Vaisravana) who is the king of the nagas, we understand that even in the T'ang dynasty the popular mind could not properly distinguish the function of these guardians of Mt. Sumeru. In an inscription on a tablet erected in the Temple of Vaisravana in Ning-hwa District (LM), Fukien, dated about 920, we read,\n\nP'i-sha-mên (Vaisravana) is a Sanskrit word which means \"universal or much hearing\" (to-wên SH). He dwells on the north of Mt. Sumeru, in the crystal palace, and is the chief of yakshas,10\n\nFrom this narrative we see why in so many Chinese records it has become an undeniable fact that yakshas are believed to live at the bottom of the seas with the dragon-kings in marvellous crystal palaces loaded with wonderful treasures. The legends of these two heavenly kings have long been mixed in the popular mind.\" As Li Ching was such a famous historical hero, the Taoist priests could not forgive themselves if they failed to utilize his prestige. It is said in an anonymous work of the T'ang dynasty, Yuan Hsien Chi (E), that Li Ching was still alive in the epoch of Ta Li (766-779) and became a Taoist immortal, In addition to the book on military strategy attributed to him in the Bibliography of the Hsin T'ang-shu (MEBOXZ), the Taoist priests also ascribed to him some canonical texts dealing\n\n12\n\n• Hsin T'ang-shu (), Ch. 15, Li-yüeh Chih (M), 5.\n\n• Ku-chin Shuo-hai (546), Shuo-yüan Pu (R), Vol. chi (2) Also Tsung-shu Chi-ch'êng Ch'u-pien (£).\n\n10 See Ninghwa Hsien-chih (\"Annals of the Ninghwa District\") of the Ming dynasty, quoted in Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng (4), Shên-1 Tien (R), chüan 54. The essay was composed by Huang T'ao () for Wang Shen-chih (E).\n\n11 In the Ta-Tang San-tsang Ch'ü-ching Shih-hua (ERR), chüan 1, “...A\" (\"To-day, Vaisravana of the Indra Heaven, the Guardian of the North, will feed Buddhist priests in the Crystal Palace.\")\n\n12 Quoted in Chiu Hsiao-shuo (R), 2nd Series, Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1910.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204311, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n75\n\nwith the worship of the Pole Star and with astrology. These can be found in the Tao Tsang (Two Collections of Taoist Literature). To identify him with the Vaisravana of popular legends was advantageous both to the Buddhists and Taoists.\n\nIt has been said that Vaisravana helped the Emperor T'ai Tsung during the war which led to the founding of the T'ang dynasty. But in some Tantric texts, the story is dated in the year A.D. 742 (the 1st year of Tien Pao in the reign of Hsuan Tsung). When the city of An-si (2) was besieged by the troops of five states including Tashkend and Samarkand, Vaisravana appeared above the tower of the city-gate with his celestial soldiers and defeated the invading troops. The sutra reads,\n\nIt was in the 1st year of T'ien Pao, the cyclic year being Jên-wu (4), when the city of An-si in Kansu was besieged by the troops of five states, Tashkend, Samarkand ... (five characters missing in the text). On the 11th day of the second month the commander of the city sent a petition for reinforcements. The Emperor told the Monk I-hsing (一行), “An-si is twelve thousand li away from our capital and it would take eight months for our reinforcements to reach there. I am afraid the city will fall.\" I-hsing said, \"Why does Your Majesty not supplicate the celestial soldiers of Vaisravana, the heavenly king of the North, for help?\" \"How do I get his help?\" the Emperor inquired. I-hsing said, \"Your Majesty need only summon the foreign priest Amogha and he will do everything.\" Amogha was summoned and said, \"Your Majesty sent for me. Is it not because the city of An-si is besieged by the troops of five states?\" The Emperor answered, “Yes.” Amogha said, \"Bring your urn and follow me to the place of worship and I will supplicate the celestial soldiers of Vaisravana the heavenly king of the North to rescue the city from danger.\" Hardly had he finished chanting his spells for the fourteenth time when the Emperor saw celestial soldiers clad in armour standing in front of the hall. \"Who are they?\" the Emperor asked. \"Tu Chien (毘建), the second son of Vaisravana, who is leading the celestial troops to An-si, has come to say farewell.\" The Emperor gave them food and dispatched them. In the fourth month the commander of An-si reported again, “On the 11th\n\n13 Li Ching's name appears in the Tao-chiao Hsiang-ch'êng Tzu-ti Lu *(道教相承次第録 \"Order of Taoist Teaching\") in Yün-chi Ch'i-ch'ien (雲笈七籤)(XL). chüan 4. In the Tao Tsang (道藏), Tung-shên Pu (洞神部)(1), Fang-fa Lei (方法類)(5) T'ien-lao Shên-kuang Ching *(天老神光經) is attributed to him.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n78\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nson of Li Ching is Hui-an () who was a disciple of Kuan Yin (Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara), while his name, Mu-ch'a (*), is not mentioned except in one verse, and not in the prose part of Ch.21. This is the name the author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adopted. The origin of the name Mu-ch'a can be found in chüan 18, Kan-t'ung P'ien (A) of the Sung Kao-sêng Chuan (***) by Tsan-ning (), who was a follower of the Monk Sangha (@). The latter was said to be an incarnation of the Avalokitesvara of eleven faces and died in A.D. 710. Apart from Mu-ch'a, Hui-an was also one of his disciples. Therefore, in popular literature, Mu-ch'a and Hui-an are mixed up into one person and in the \"Four Travels\" Hui-an remains a disciple of Kuan Yin. It was the author of the Fêng-shên who changed the character ch'a (X) to cha (RE) in his novel so that the name could have the same second character as No-cha. In some popular editions of the \"Four Travels\" the character ch'a (X) has also been changed.\n\nNow, in the Tantric works, though the second and third sons of Vaisravana (Tu Chien and Nata) play rather important parts, his other sons, especially his first son, are not mentioned. I have read through a large number of sutras about Vaisravana and consulted some Buddhist scholars in Japan,1a but they could not give me any definite opinion. In Oda Tokuno's (1) Buddhist Thesaurus (#) and in the Chinese work Fu-hsüeh Ta Tz'u-tien (BAND) edited by Ting Fu-pao (TR) based upon it,19 we find that the names of P'i-sha-mên wu t’ung-tzu (£££7 Five Attendants of Vaisravana) include Tu Chien and Nata, but no origin is given. I think they may be identical with the \"Five Yakshas\" which appear under the sub-title \"Princes and Family Members\" (ERB) in Caturmaharaja (19F諸小王及眷屬)in E) in chuan 6 of the Ch'i Shih Ching (). They are, in translation, Fifty-feet (wu-chang £), Wilderness (k'uang-yeh ), Golden Mountain (chin-shan ), Long Fellow (ch'ang-shên ) and Hair of A Needle (chên-mao E). They appear (translated literally from the Sanskrit) also in the Caturmaharaja of the Shih Chi Ching (H) and in chüan 19 of the Dirghagama (£§ÂŒ) as \"Five Attending Genii of Vaisravana.”\n\n20\n\nI Dr. Henmi Baiei), Professor of Buddhist Art, Tama University (9) and others. I have also consulted the Chinese Buddhist priest Tan-hsü (1), aged 89, a disciple of the late T'i-hsien (M) of the Tien-t'ai Sect (R) and some Tantric scholars.\n\n19 The 4th ed., I Hsieh Shu Chũ (885), Shanghai, 1939.\n\n20 No. 24, The Tripitaka in Chinese, translated by Jñanagupta. cf. No. 25, Ch'i-shih Yin-pên Ching (#LFXE), chữan 6 & 7.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n81\n\nand strong and victorious in fighting. Now the king sent them to invade their own country, and the father was much worried.\n\n24\n\nThis kind of Buddhist story would not pass without leaving some traces in the prompt-books, sources of which are predominantly Buddhist ballads. For instance, in the prompt-book Hsin-pien Wu-tai Liang-shih P'ing-hua (“Popular Tales of the Five Dynasties, Period of Liang”), chüan 1, we read,\n\nThe wife of Huang Tsung-tan was pregnant for fourteen months. One day she gave birth to a substance which looked like a lump of flesh, but inside it was a piece of purple silk gauze in which was wrapped a baby. When the wrapper was opened, purple mist of dazzling brilliance filled the room.\n\n25\n\nThus his mother gave birth to Huang Ch'ao. Again in the Ch'ien Han-shu P'ing-hua (“Han Hsin's Death at the Hands of Empress Lü”), chüan 3, when \"Madam Po (a concubine of the first emperor of the Former Han dynasty) was in labour, Empress Lü went to see her. She was glad to find that the baby was a freak without eyes or eyebrows, like a lump of flesh.\"\n\nIn the anonymous Yüan play, Chin-shui-ch'iao Ch'ên-lin Pao Chuang-ho, in Act 2, when Empress Liu ordered the palace maid K'ou Ch'êng-yü to stab the baby prince and throw him into the river from the bridge, the latter hesitated for she saw \"red light and purple mist enshrouding the body of the prince.\"\n\nWe may now admit that the novel Fêng-shên Yen-i has a closer relation with the \"Four Travels\" than with other prompt-books. In Ch.8 of the Nan-yu-chi, the Buddha of Light told the Flowery Light “to be re-incarnated in the shape of a lump of flesh.” Consequently the Flowery Light, floating about in the air, arrived at the village Hsiao-chia Chuang of Wu-yüan, Anhwei, and darted into the womb of Madam Hsiao who had been pregnant for twenty months. \"Now the maid came out to report to the elder, 'Madam has given birth.' 'A boy or a girl?' the elder asked. 'It is neither a boy nor a girl. It is just like the belly of an ox.' The elder was very much frightened. When they decided to throw the lump away into the river, it...\n\n24 Fu-kuo Chi, translated by James Legge as \"A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms\", Oxford, 1886, Ch. 25, p. 73.\n\n25 Hsin-pien Wu-tai Shih P'ing-hua, photolithographed edition, published by Prof. Tung K'ang, Wu-chin Tung-shih Sung-fên-shih (AAS), 1911. There are also several popular editions available.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n82\n\nfloated up again, until the Buddha of Light transformed himself into a monk to advise the elder that it was not a lump of flesh, and that inside it were five children.\n\nNo-cha's mother was pregnant for three years and six months. I think this is derived from the Pei-yu-chi (\"The Dark God Chên-wu or The Voyage to the North\"), Ch.6, which depicts one of the re-incarnations of the god Chên-wu (EH). In that story it is said the queen of Li T'ien-fu (X), a king of the Kingdom of Hsi-hsia (E), was pregnant for three years and sixty days. The king was vexed about it and thought it inauspicious. When the baby was born at last, the whole chamber was \"full of an extraordinary fragrance.\"\n\n4. THE COMBAT AND THE STORY OF THE PAGODA-BEARER\n\nWhen No-cha was only seven he was six feet in height. It was in the fifth month, the weather was hot and that made No-cha irritable and uneasy. He went to request his mother to allow him to go out of the Pass for a walk. The mother was very fond of him and approved his request but said, \"You must be accompanied by an attendant and must not stay outside very long lest your father should come back.\" (Fêng-shên Yen-i, Ch.12)\n\nIn Ch. of the Nan-yu-chi we read: \"The young Intelligent Light (XAF) prostrated before his mother and said, 'Your son knows that the hills around here have lovely scenery. Please allow me to ramble about them.' The mother said, 'You may go, but you must be accompanied by an old servant, lest you rush into calamity. Do not stay too long and forget your home-work.' When we come back again to the Fêng-shên, we read: No-cha and the attendant went out of the Pass for about one li, when he was covered with perspiration and could not continue the journey. They decided to rest under the shade of some willows. Sitting there he unfastened his waist belt, opened his coat and enjoyed the cool air. A stream of green water running between two banks of willows with a lively current was in front of them. A gentle breeze blew over its surface, and the murmur of the water flowing through the rocks could be heard. No-cha hastened to the bank and cried out, 'I will bathe here on the rock.' 'Hurry up,' the attendant reminded him, 'and take care of yourself. Your father will be anxious if he returns and does not find you.' No-cha agreed. He stripped off his clothes, and dipped his seven feet of red silk gauze, which covered his body, into the water as a towel. When this precious gauze was immersed in the water its brilliant ray turned the river to a reddish", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n88\n\nhis original body and by his miraculous powers preached the dharma for the benefit of his parents.\n\n邵业\n\nThis is a case which was preached as early as the Sung dynasty. But, though it looks like a part of a Buddhist legend with some details probably omitted, it occurs in no canonical texts and is found to be fabulous. In chüan 6 of the Tsu-t'ing Shih-yüan (...), a work composed by Monk Ch'ên Shan-ch'ing (*) about A.D. 1099, it says,\n\nIn the monasteries there is the legend of his \"giving his flesh back to his mother and his bones to his father,\" but nothing referring to it can be found in the texts of the Tripitaka and no one knows what its origin is.\n\n(王子肉濟父母緣\n\nIn the Tripitaka in Chinese, I have found two cases which may have some relation with the legend of Nata as adapted in the Fêng-shên. One appears in the Tsa Pao-tsang Ching (# BK), chüan 1, subtitled \"A Prince Fed His Parents with His Own Flesh\" (±‡Ùƒƒ2R). It was the prince Hsü Shê T'i (F), a young prince aged seven. His grandfather, the king of Varanasi (M) had been assassinated by an usurper who killed also his two sons. The father of the young prince was the third son. Now the young prince when fleeing for his life with his parents, was faced with the problem of food. His father intended to kill his wife. Thereupon the young prince dismembered himself and cut off his own flesh every day to feed his parents until he had only three slices of flesh to offer. He presented two to his parents and the last slice which was so dear to him was given to a hungry wolf who was a transformation of Indra himself.31\n\nThe prince was an incarnation of Sakyamuni in a previous life. The prince Hsü Shê T'i in this Buddhist legend was seven, and his father was the third prince. It is quite possible that in the popular mind the jataka story became confused with the Tantric one, because in some Tantric texts such as the Pei-fang P'i-sha-mên T'ien-wang Sui-chun Hu-fa I-kuei (... \"Ceremonies In the Worship of the Heavenly King Vaisravana, the Protector of the Army\"),\" Nata is regarded as\n\n30 Nata's relation with Tantrism was still very clear in records as well as in the public mind. cf. Hung Mai (), / Chien San-chih (BEZ) chuan 6, on \"Ch'êng Fa-shih\" (El), Han Fên Lou (*) ed.; T'ai-p'ing Kuang-chi (XP), chüan 92, 1-sêng Lei (M), on Nata, In most of the Yuan plays, Nata is a fearful god (MME).\n\n91 No. 203, The Tripitaka in Chinese. cf. No. 156, Ta-fang-pien-fu Pao-ên Ching (XSEOREC), chüan 1, Hsiao-yang P'in (442).\n\n32 No. 1247, The Tripitaka in Chinese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n100\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nThe atomization of the Sangha in Hong Kong, as in China proper, has caused a wide variation in the quality of institutions. One monastery, for example, is little better than a public house. It has a restaurant that serves wine; the sound of mahjong drowns out the crickets on summer evenings; there are ping pong tables in the monastery garden; rooms are available; and the abbot (if one can call him that) is said to have originally joined the Sangha in China to escape criminal prosecution. In another, not entirely dissimilar monastery, the abbot is unable to read and write. Yet in both cases, there is a Buddha Hall and worship is carried on. These are two of the monasteries most often visited by tourists.\n\nOn the other hand, there are some institutions that really do credit to Chinese Buddhism. The members study the doctrine and, in many cases, do admirable welfare work, as we shall see below. The Vinaya is observed. The premises are well kept. There is an atmosphere that can make even the casual visitor think of taking refuge there from the dust of the world. The best example is probably the Po Lin Tsz on Lantao.\n\nMost Hong Kong monasteries are in the New Territories, built on hillsides, often with a fine view. They usually have an extensive set of buildings, capable of accommodating a much larger number of persons than are actually in residence (a reminder of greater prosperity in times past). Nuns and lay women devotees may be found in the same institution, living and worshipping separately from the monks. One reason for this type of \"co-educational\" arrangement is that only monks can be dharma masters, qualified to teach. In a nunnery, therefore, disciples must await their occasional visits.\n\nThe largest of the Colony's monasteries is the Tung Po Toh* in Tsuen Wan, which has about 40 monks, 60 nuns and 30 lay women. The Chuk Lam Shim Yuen, also in Tsuen Wan, has 20 monks, 30 nuns, and 100 lay women. On the other hand, another of Tsuen Wan's well-known institutions, the Wang Faat Tsing She, has monks only, ten in number. These figures are representative for the Colony's larger monasteries. Actually, the only other large monastery is the Po Lin Tsz, which has 30 monks, 20 nuns, and 50 lay women.*\n\n* All these figures are approximate, partly because there is a certain amount of coming and going and partly because of the feeling on the part of informants that a round number is adequate\n\nThe internal organization of Hong Kong monasteries (and the same would apply to nunneries) is generally as follows. All authority rests in the hands of the abbot. Under him there are, theoretically, four departments in charge of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204337, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n101\n\n(1) monastery management, which is further sub-divided into sections in charge of\n\na. finance\n\nb. food\n\nc. entertainment of lay visitors\n\n(2) guests, which not only passes on the qualifications for admission of itinerant monks, but also gives the monastery's own monks the permission they need to leave the premises\n\n(3) the observation of monastic rules\n\n(4) itinerant monks who, after they are admitted, must be provided with food, lodging, and instruction.\n\nAll told, there are 48 positions in the hierarchy—more than the total number of monks in any Hong Kong monastery. Therefore, this elaborate administrative structure exists here only in more or less skeletal form.\n\nHong Kong monasteries are nearly all \"father-to-son\" rather than \"ten directions\". This means that the abbot holds office for life rather than being elected by the monks every three years. Furthermore, he personally has title to the monastery premises. On both counts, there are problems of succession. Normally the abbot chooses his own successor, but some have died without doing so. Since there are often factions among the monks (with the Cantonese, for example, opposing the northerners), this can lead to conflicts that disrupt monastery life. Joint meetings of Buddhists and Taoists have been held to formulate a set of regulations for resolving such disputes. In one monastery, the Po Lin Tsz, there is underway a movement to transfer title of the property to a self-perpetuating committee.\n\nNot all of the difficulties arise because of hot competition for the post of abbot. It is a difficult post to hold. The abbot must keep his monastery operating on funds that are usually inadequate.1 He must maintain his competence as a dharma teacher. Most of the monks who are spiritually qualified for the post would prefer not to have it. In many cases, therefore, the abbot must not only choose his successor, but persuade him to accept. In the process, the abbot often consults the heads of other monasteries as well as the monks of his own. Usually his final choice lights on someone who is a close relative of his by family or religious lineage—hence the term \"father-to-son\".\n\n* Recently the abbot of one of the larger monasteries, having reached an advanced age, appointed his successor and retired. Almost at once the inflow of donations ceased. His successor apparently did not have the \"knack\" of winning lay support. After six months the old abbot had to resume his post to avert financial ruin.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204338, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n102\n\n: \n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nBesides the nine large monasteries and ten large nunneries in the Colony there are several other categories of institutions that are, in fact, far more numerous. In the urban areas, for example, there are small business establishments that go under the name of monasteries or nunneries, but are actually funeral specialists. They are summoned by the families of the deceased to perform the necessary rites at the coffin for one to seven days. They burn incense, offer sacrifices of food, read sutras, employ esoteric mantras and mudras, and (theoretically) concentrate their minds on the joint tasks of saving the soul from hell and saving the household from the soul (who may have become an unquiet ghost). Except for Christians and Muslims, most traditionally minded Chinese in Hong Kong consider that such funeral services are appropriate in the case of the death of one of their relatives, though many people, of course, die without the benefit of any funeral service at all, either because their families cannot afford it or do not care—or because they have no families. The funeral specialists wear monastic robes when \"on duty\", but they are not, in fact, ordained and they lead a secular life. Persons who have money or are strongly Buddhist usually prefer to have funeral services performed by monks from one of the Colony's monasteries, but this is more expensive: a donation of HK$30 a day for each monk is considered suitable. The funeral specialists only ask for a third as much. Usually theirs is a family business, handed down from father to son, in which perhaps half a dozen people participate—mostly members of the family. There are perhaps 15 to 20 such institutions in Hong Kong and Kowloon.\n\nAnother type of institution found in urban areas is the study centre, where services are held and instruction is offered to laymen by one or more ordained monks. Examples would be the To Ts'z Fat She30 in Kennedy Town and the Buddhist Lecture Hall of Abbot To Lun in Happy Valley (where greater emphasis is placed on contact with foreigners). Perhaps the best known is the Ching Kok Lotus AssociationEH, founded in 1950 by the Reverend Kok Kwong. It holds Pure Land services every Saturday, attended by about a hundred people, and occasional dharma meetings to receive instruction by eminent Buddhist teachers from Hong Kong and abroad. Kok Kwong, who is also one of the directors of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association (see below), has recently established a Buddhist monthly, Buddhism in Hong Kong, the first issue of which was dated June 1, 1960. It contains both doctrinal articles and items of local Buddhist news and history.\n\nMembers of the Sangha also operate two libraries. One is the Hong Kong Buddhist Library, Boundary Street, Kowloon, established in 1957. It has a collection of over 10,000 volumes", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204342, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch \n\nRASHKB and author \n\n106 \n\nVol. 1 (1961) \n\nISSN 1991-7295 \n\nwhich include nearly all those not specifically exempted in the urban areas and the majority of better known temples outside the urban areas. The day to day operation of the Committee's temples is annually farmed out to the highest bidders, who collect as much as they can from the public on the sale of incense, fortune-telling tallies etc., and (as and when they can) by attempting to charge fees for admission. From these takings they have to pay quarterly rent, in advance, to the Committee and can pocket the rest. A keeper is not responsible for the maintenance of the building, but only for vacating it at the end of his twelve-month agreement, together with all furnishings in the same condition as he received them, normal wear and tear excepted.\n\nThe Chinese Temples Committee pools the rents from the temples it controls and is required by law to apply the proceeds first to the \"due observance of customary ceremonies\" (i.e., certain annual festivals) and second to the maintenance and repair of temple premises and property. They may then transfer surpluses from rents received and interest on invested capital to their General Chinese Charities Fund, from which they customarily make disbursements at their discretion to various Chinese charities in Hong Kong. In the year ending March 31, 1960 the Committee made grants totalling HK$304,270 in support of a wide field of educational, medical, cultural and welfare activities, after spending $75,800 on temple ceremonies and repairs.\n\nTheoretically, any Buddhist monastery or nunnery could be taken over by the Temples Committee in the same fashion as a temple to T'in Hau or T'aam Kung A. In practice,\n\nA however, this has never happened. Buddhist places of worship are registered under the Chinese Temples Ordinance (or, in a few cases, as societies or corporations), but are allowed to control their premises and administer their property without government interference. If one of them were to collect large sums from the public either in an improper manner or for improper purposes, it might well be taken over, and knowledge of this fact curbs the greed of the few \"slick operators\" in the Hong Kong Buddhist world. On the other hand, since most Buddhist institutions are away from centres of urban population and do not countenance the money-making practices of Chinese temples, their problem is a shortage of money rather than ill-gotten gains.\n\nNot only has there been little or no government interference in Buddhist activities, but there have been traditionally good relations between the Colonial Government, particularly the office of the Secretary of Chinese Affairs, and the leading Buddhist groups in the Colony. The two sides are in regular contact and cooperate on a number of welfare enterprises, as will become clear below.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204375, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "2\n\nflourished between 1858 and 1948 was more fortunate because it was able to draw on the services of a far wider group of people who came to work in China in the years after travel and residence there was no longer restricted. The present Society is luckier still because, thanks to air travel, we have been able to draw on an extremely wide range of contributors in the first two volumes of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nWhen examining the table of contents of the six volumes of Transactions published in Hong Kong between 1847 and 1859, one sees the titles of several articles which it would be most interesting to read if copies of these volumes were available in Hong Kong. For example, in Volume III Harry Parkes, at that time British Consul in Canton, and later British Minister at Peking, described proceedings in a criminal Court at Canton, while Dr. Bowring contributed an article “On the Character and Writings of Commissioner Lin Tsih-seu”, which at that time (1851) was still very recent history. In Volume VI (1859) Dr. D. J. Macgowan wrote on Chinese opium while the Rev. Krone contributed “A notice of the Sanon district *”. This is of particular interest since the Sanon district included all of what later became the New Territories. The full list of contents of each of these volumes can be found in Bibliotheca Sinica by Henri Cordier, Volume IV, columns 2401-2.\n\n44\n\nBy way of contrast it is interesting to consider the contents of the first two volumes of the Journal of the revived Hong Kong Branch of the R.A.S. published in 1961 and 1962. Perhaps the first point which strikes one is the wider range of subject matter covered by these two volumes. In Volume I, Mr. Hugh Richardson, the last head of the British mission at Lhasa wrote on Tibet as it was, and Professor Drake reviewed the whole field of Western contacts with Asia. In Volume II Mr. Evan Luard's newly published book Britain and China, which covers the story of recent Sino-British relations, is the subject of a review-article by Mrs. Colina Lupton. Another noteworthy point is the number of admirable contributions from Chinese scholars in these two volumes. The six volumes of Transactions published between\n\n* Although I have made extensive enquiries I have been unable to locate copies of the Transactions in Hong Kong. The City Hall Library ought to have a set. (Ed.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204381, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "should like to appeal to other merchant houses and individuals in the Colony, who probably need only to have the nature and needs of the Society made known to them to follow the generous example of our first benefactors. In the second place, the greater part of the amount of about $7,000 now in hand will soon be needed to cover the cost of the production and distribution of the Journal Vol. II, to a free copy of which each member is entitled by virtue of his subscription. We also urgently need a public address system, made necessary by the steadily increasing size of our audiences. We shall have to consider the purchase of projectors and apparatus for the exhibition of colour slides with which many lectures are now illustrated. Hitherto we have been fortunate in that we have been furnished with all the necessary equipment by the British Council, to whom and to their projectionists I wish to tender the thanks and appreciation of the Society. Furthermore, until now the British Council Room has been our home ever since the first preliminary meeting of the Society in 1959, and all except three or four of our meetings have been held here. Our lecture expenses in 1961 amounted to only $213.75, and most of this sum was incurred when a larger room had to be taken in the Hong Kong Club. Without the generous help of the British Council and its Representative here, Mr. R. E. Lawry, who is our Honorary Secretary, in placing this room and all its amenities at our disposal free of charge the Society could not have been in the financial position it is in today. On behalf of the Society I wish to express our deep appreciation to the British Council and to Mr. Lawry and his staff for all they have done in giving the Society a home for now over two years, and in the absence of a home of our own we hope that the Council will continue its generous support.\n\nFinally, there is one other matter of expenditure we have to consider—the building up of a library. We are already in touch with many learned societies all over the world who send us their journals and publications, usually in exchange for copies of our own Journal. These will form a valuable nucleus of a collection. We need and appeal for money and gifts of books to build up an Oriental Library worthy of the Society, a collection of books and periodicals which we hope may serve to supplement the more general library of the City Hall and which can be made available for research study and reading not only to members", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204391, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "14\n\nF. S. DRAKE\n\na swastika, turning to the left or to the right; Type 3, a simple cross drawn vertically; Type 4, a simple cross drawn diagonally; Type 5, a figure similar to a Roman capital I; Type 6, a solid circle or dot; Type 7, a hollow circle; Type 8, Miscellaneous. No attempt has been made to illustrate all of these on the plates. When the nineteen types according to shape are combined with the eight types according to design, a total of 152 well-defined types is given. But within this total an infinite variety of individual differences is possible; in the present collection not more than one pair of duplicates has been identified as coming from the same mould (No. 463 and the sixth unnumbered seal). It would seem therefore that duplication has been purposely avoided, perhaps for security reasons.\n\nOf the 979 pieces in the Collection about three fifths are cruciform in shape, about one fifth are bird-shaped, some of which, a single bird with spread wings, may suggest a cruciform outline, while the bird itself is also a Christian symbol.\n\nOf the central patterns the greater number are the swastika, whether turning to the left or to the right, a symbol adopted by the Buddhists, but being of older origin, and used also in such Christian monuments as the Nestorian Tablet of Sianfu (A.D. 781). Next in number comes the cross, whether placed vertically or diagonally. Attempts to read Greek letters in the other linear designs have not succeeded.\n\nThe backs of the crosses are flat, with a strong loop (or two loops crossing each other) fixed for attaching a leather thong for suspension (Pl. II, Fig. f). Some of these are worn through, as though carried for a long time on the person by a horseman.\n\nThe designs are in high relief, too deep for an ordinary seal, but admirable for impressing on a slab of mud.\n\nII. THE NESTORIAN CHURCH\n\nman.\n\nWe may now ask how it came about that these bronze crosses of Mongolian workmanship and of Christian origin became buried in the sands of the Ordos region beyond the memory of living. We must remember that in the beginning Christianity not only spread westwards from Palestine into Europe, but that it moved eastwards at the same time through Syria to Persia and India. According to ancient Christian tradition St. Matthew and St. Thomas evangelized the East as St. Peter and St. Paul", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204411, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "34 \n\nG. FINDLAY ANDREW \n\ncamped till about midnight. Then making our way down the mountain side we came to a large field in the centre of which some of the war-lord's men started digging. It was not long before they uncovered the first of several large earthenware crocks full of silver, mostly the fifty ounce \"shoes\". Each crock was wired to the next. By daylight we had the whole of the sycee boxed in the cases we had brought with us and shortly after sun-up we had the pack-animals loaded and were on our way home. One very pleasant remembrance of the incident was the spirit of integrity that was evidenced in the whole deal. Under the peculiar circumstances we naturally had to accept the weights and standards that were given us at the place of take over. But when we were able to check-up at the provincial capital we found no discrepancy. \n\nI purposed using this consignment of silver to purchase some coarse barley, cultivated on the Tibetan border and which was the only grain available and in very limited quantities. However, we hit a snag when the people of the district (half-breed Tibetans) insisted that payment must be made in silver dollars of standard value. It seemed for a time as though we had reached an impasse, until, acting on a hint, I found in the local arsenal machinery for a mint which our far-sighted War-Lord was planning for this backward province of the North-West. We found dies and stamps to mint the impressions which we made in moulds from the dollars of all provinces and regions. The only difference between our production and the originals was that our content was of uniform standard. The only dollar we were unable to copy was the Sun Yat-sen dollar where the impression goes through and comes out in relief on the other side. We even produced Hong Kong dollars. In all we minted and uttered two hundred and thirty odd thousand silver dollars. What alloy we used was white brass. This episode had an interesting sequel some ten years later when, one evening, I found myself dining with Dr. T. V. Soong, then Minister of Finance. Among the guests was Yu Yu-ren, then President of the Examination Board. This office was responsible for the disciplining of officials. Pointing at me, Dr. Soong said to Mr. Yu, “You ought to put this man behind the bars. He comes to our country and without Government charter or licence he issues our currencies and mints our coinage\". \"Excuse me \",", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204427, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "50 \n\nT. Y. LI \n\nThe seal originated from jade tablets used by the Emperor and members of his Court in religious rituals. Later, seals were used to seal articles in the same way as we use sealing-wax nowadays. The only difference is that in those days, a ball of clay was used to receive the impression made by a seal. Writings on slips of wood or bamboo were bundled and sealed. Valuables were placed in a sack which was tied by string and again sealed in the same way. Naturally, these seals had to be small. Paper or silk for writing was not in popular use until long after the Han period (206 B.C.-221 A.D.), and it was then that vermilion ink was first used for seals. This practice has continued to the present day. \n\nThe Ancient Seals. \n\nThe so-called ancient seals were discovered at a much later period. They were thought to belong to the Chou Dynasty (1122-221 B.C.), or possibly earlier, but there is a lack of historical evidence to support it. The form of this class of seal is most variable. The size ranges from a fraction of an inch to a few inches square. The shape is mostly square, but many odd and strange shapes are also found. The engraving may be intaglio or relief. Many characters are difficult to decipher. The matrix was of bronze, though a few were of jade. The decorations are simple but elegant. They are the \"platform\" or \"nose\" type with an \"eye\" or \"hole\" provided for a cord to go through it. \n\nSubsequently, in the late Chou or Warring States Period (481-221 B.C.), a type known as Small Seals is found. The size is usually about one inch square. The shape may be oblong, oval, or round. The style of engraving is either intaglio or relief. Many characters are difficult to read because during the Warring States Period, each feudal state developed their own writing, and these were afterwards prohibited by the Emperor of the Chin Dynasty (221-206 B.C.). Hence, they became obsolete. However, their style is delicate, graceful, and well-balanced. They are all made of bronze with simple decoration, as in the ancient seals. \n\nAfter the First Emperor of the Chin Dynasty united the feudal states (221-206 B.C.), China was once more under one Government. Great reforms were carried out in many things, among which was the standardization of Chinese characters. A form known", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204436, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n57\n\nminor groupings in south China. In the southwest were the Ch'iang, the Fan (properly read Po), the Wu-man14 (who include the Yi, Lolo, Norsu, etcetera), and a fourth group of poorly differentiated tribes. In the south were the Austronesian Tai or Thai, the Yao and TanE, and the Liao#. The six subsidiary groups he considered derived from intermixtures and cultural overlays. These include the Miao (descendants of the Fan or Po), the Ch'i-lao or K'e-lao2 of the southwest plateau lands, the Pae of Szechwan, the Pai-man of the Ta-li✯ plain in west Yunnan, the Li of Hainan Island, and the Yueh centered on the Canton delta in early times.\n\nAlthough, in general, the historical movement of the non-Han people of central and south China has been southward in the face of the constantly expanding pressures of the Han from the north, the migratory paths of some of the chief ethnic groups within south China are interesting to note. Four of these groups of present importance are the Miao, the Yao, the Yi or Wu-man, and the Tai.\n\nSince the Miao are high mountain dwellers, their migration routes generally have followed mountain ranges where they could practice their fire-field or forest-burning, shifting type of cultivation and semi-nomadic pastoral herding. The Miao, apparently derived from the Fan or Po of the west Szechwan mountain lands, migrated slowly eastward along the Ta-pae and Ch'in-ling ranges and down into the Tung-t'ing lake region after traversing the Wu mountains of the Yangtze Gorges. Here they must have established themselves for a long time and acquired the name Ching Man# or the Barbarians of the Ching (Tung-t'ing Lake) region.\n\nThe Miao then spread southward in several directions, but especially into the west Hunan and east Kweichow regions among the tributaries of the Yuan river from which they acquired the name Wu-ch'i* (Five Streams) Barbarians. They became further dispersed during various dynastic struggles among the Han and especially during the Sung and Mongol struggles. The Manchu and their Han Chinese forces during the Ch'ing dynasty dispersed them further in many bloody battles with the Miao. Today the Miao have sought refuge not only in the more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204443, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "64\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nso strict is caste rule, that marriage within the clan or outside of the noble caste is absolutely forbidden and may be punished by death or banishment.\n\nCommoners are of several varieties. Bondsmen are born in serfdom and have to give service to their nobles all of their lives. Although they are not slaves, failure to fulfil feudal obligations make them liable to enslavement. Since they are not Black-bone Yi, the commoners are permitted to marry outsiders, even though the commoners regard themselves as Yi people. Their original Yi blood, therefore, has been very much thinned through inter-mixture with enslaved Han and with other non-Han peoples. A bondsman may become rich and substitute the labour of others for his obligations to the noble lord, but he may not refuse to bear arms when called to do so by his lord. If a bondsman dies without a son, all of his property goes to his master.\n\nAside from this system of bondsmen and noble lord, there existed concurrently a system of slavery among the Yi. These were in two categories: (1) the so-called \"separate-slaves\" lived an uncertain state of matrimony as matched by their owners, but resided in their own households working some land provided by the noble. A small part of their time is allowed for the cultivation of their own plots after they have cultivated the plots of their owners. (2) The children of these \"separate-slaves\" become household slaves, entering the master's house at the age of five or six when they can perform simple tasks. House-slaves are divided up among the owner's own sons and daughters of the same generation when these marry. The male and female slaves are paired off as \"separate-slaves\" by their new masters, and the cycle begins again.\n\n14\n\n**\n\nIt appears that what are separate-slaves may themselves acquire slaves when they manage to accumulate enough wealth. It would seem, thus, that slaves must possess some rights allowed them by their masters. Even the slaves of slaves may possess slaves. Moreover, although having the bonds of slavery, some slaves may become richer than many bondsmen or even than some nobles. The forcible abolition of the system where the Communists had gained control was not without problems. Slaves regarded the cadres as new masters who were supposed to feed them and give them their orders; otherwise they did nothing. Many slaves also regarded freedom as the right to be idle, which\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\n69\n\nTable II lists the numbers of people in each ethnic group distributed by provinces in south and central China. In brief, the T'ai-related groups lead with some 10 million people at present. They are followed by the Tibeto-Burman related group with some 8.4 million, followed by the Miao-Yao related group with about 3.4 million. The greatest concentration of minorities in any one group is among the Chuang in the Tai group. The Chuang live in a compact body numbering some seven million in Kwangsi. The Miao, however, are the most widely distributed of all ethnic groups, being found in significant numbers in every province of south and central China except Kiangsi, although their chief strength is in Kweichow. Yunnan, by all odds, is the most complex province ethnically. Of the 30 national minorities listed by the Census for 1953, some twenty-four are found in Yunnan. This Census apparently may need considerable revision when the minorities are scrutinized more closely. Thus, it listed only 90,000 so-called T'u-chia, which was proclaimed to be a newly discovered ethnic group hitherto confused with Han Chinese and Miao because of their degrees of acculturation. A personal check by Fang Jen revealed over 300,000, and a still more detailed check in subsequent years disclosed that actually these were 549,000 that should be so classified and, from their original cultural traits, they belonged in the Yi-related group. They occupy an area in northwest Hunan.\n\n44\n\nThe Yi comprise so many sub-groups under different names (there are 40 sub-tribes in Yunnan alone) that confusion is understandable. In northwest Yunnan such sub-groups of the Yi as the Na-khi or Na-hsi and Li-su live in the region between the great bends of the Chin-sha river and the Burma border. In the western part of this region are the Nu, Tu-lung, and Ching-p'o, occupying parts of the Salween and Mekong drainage of north Yunnan. Farther south in the drainages of these rivers are the related La-hu and A-ch'ang. The Pai people, in a solid bloc on the plain of Erh Hai (Lake Erh), have been thought by some writers, including this one, to be a T'ai-related people, but are listed by Bruk as a Yi sub-group. In the west bank region of the Red river of Yunnan are the sub-group known as the Han-yi. The Yi proper are scattered over the three southwestern provinces,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204455, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "76\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nThe New Territory comprised an estimated 376 square miles of hill and plain situated on the mainland of China and a number of offshore islands, large and small, some of which were inhabited and some were not. For the purpose of this article it is sufficient to say here that in 1898 it was primarily an agricultural district consisting of a few broad valleys and many pockets of farm land among the hills or at their foot, both on the mainland and on some of the larger islands, with a few market towns here and there. The emphasis was on agriculture, though there were a few small industries in operation. Village life was bounded by the two rice crops in summer and autumn and the winter season, when most land lay fallow; and by the occasional visit to the market town, often two or three hours away and over the hills, always on foot, and frequently laden with produce and livestock to sell or exchange.\n\n3\n\nIt goes almost without saying that this small slice of territory, only half the size of San On District which was one of the smaller administrative districts of the Kwangtung Province, and 1,500 miles from Peking, was an insignificant part of the Chinese Empire. However, despite its minute size and remoteness from the central provinces and the seat of government it was fundamentally Chinese and essentially Confucian in its component parts, two features which are worth emphasising. One of its former District Magistrates made an observation covering both these points in a Confucian discourse which he contributed to mark the restoration of a school at Kam Tin in 1744 when he wrote \"In this era of prosperity culture has spread to even this remote place near the sea. Here the Book of Poetry is read as early as sunrise\".4\n\nThe integrated life in which everything under Heaven has its place and plan is a recognisable feature of the Confucian code which was evolved and formulated in an agricultural society ever 2,500 years ago. A study of the daily life and background of New Territory people in 1898, which was also placed in an agricultural setting, though one based on the cultivation of rice and not of wheat, leaves me with the impression that the high degree of mental and environmental integration attainable within a Confucian framework had certainly been attained here. Life was lived generation after generation according to a set pattern. The disciplined life imposed upon an agricultural community", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204459, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "80 \n\nJ. W. HAYES \n\nan honest livelihood without difficulty. Few signs of anything approaching destitution were seen, and only a few beggars were met \".\" \n\nThe reason for this general standard of well-being was undoubtedly the universal ownership of land. Whether Punti or Hakka, most families in every village owned some fields of their own, some more as a matter of course and some less, and because of the joint succession to ancestral property by all male descendants in the direct line, nearly everyone had a joint and undivided share, a stake, in the land. There was also clan land, which could be farmed out to poorer members. In land matters, the clan had priority over the individual. This was reflected in Chinese deeds of sale or mortgage which, if the New Territory is anything to go by, appear to follow the same form in Kwangtung as in far Shantung.11 Where a sale was contemplated, a reason had always to be specified, and the land had always to be offered in the first place to all relatives, which in fact meant practically anyone inside the clan, before being offered to an outsider. Mortgages were more common than sales and were redeemable at any period after the original mortgage, so that land need not pass outside the clan forever. There is no doubt that this tight rein on sales assisted the general preservation of the clan and the village and was a powerful factor in the continuance of a static and integrated life. These matters were regulated by the clan elders in conformity with immemorial custom. \n\nTo meet clan needs, amongst which was the proper worship of ancestors as well as the needs of the living, such as education of the young and the care of the old, certain fields and houses were set aside in trust, and the trust so created was known as a tong or tso. These are commonly found in the New Territory, and many were registered at the land settlement which followed the grant of the lease to Great Britain. The tso is the more closely connected with the clan. Anyone can form a tong, but a tso is definitely a clan affair, and of the nature of a serious ancestral trust.12 It is set up to ensure that property is not divided or disposed of without due thought and is designed to circumvent the acts of foolish or spendthrift descendants, in the interests of all that the Confucian system holds most dear: the rearing of sons, giving them a proper education, seeing that forebears are duly respected in a fitting manner, assisting with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES \n\n81\n\nweddings and funerals, repairs to the ancestral temple, and so on. In \n\nAnother and less formal method of securing these aims is the setting aside of joss and oil fields, sometimes known by the obscure title of ching sheung 1, whose proceeds, again, are used for the proper observance of ancestral rites and other family needs.1 One need hardly emphasise the integrating effect of these land measures,\n\nTo understand the people and their outlook and background it is necessary to see to what sort of government they were accustomed.1 The government of the San On district was essentially Confucian, like that of every other administrative division; by which I mean that Confucian principles were ostensibly followed. This was sealed by the state worship of the sage. In every district city there was a temple to Confucius styled a man miu in which the District Magistrate, his senior staff and the local gentry paid the customary respects to the sage and his seventy-two disciples on his birthday (twenty-seventh day of the eighth moon) and at the spring worship or chun chai 1 in the second moon. The same thing happened at the prefectural and provincial capitals. At the head of the San On district was the District Magistrate whose superior was the prefect of the Kwang Chau prefecture which embraced at least five large districts. He was subordinate to the provincial governor and he in turn to the Viceroy of the two Kwang Provinces of Kwangtung and Kwangsi. The nature and duties of the provincial officers had been established since the T'ang dynasty and for well over a millennium the pattern of government had been cast in an identical mould. The District Magistrate was usually a scholar who had taken one of the metropolitan examinations at Peking and he was always a native of another province than his native one, this being a long standing rule. He spent three or six years in one post and was then moved elsewhere, and was promoted in due course to be prefect or to higher office through merit, connections or good fortune. Some persons began and ended their official careers as District Magistrates.\n\n1\n\nThe District Magistrate's duties were many and his competence was most extensive. He was, in truth, the father-mother official1 of the people so called by them and also so styled in official documents because of his authority over all their affairs, criminal or civil. He certainly regarded himself as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204476, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES \n\n97\n\nJ, FUNG Yiu Tsan, residing at No. 69 in this village, have a farm hut and a piece of waste threshing ground at Lot Nos. 94 and 95, which I hereby sell to a junior clansman FUNG Tak Yau, because I am old, have no son to support me and cannot make a living or obtain the money I need by borrowing. The price agreed upon is twenty-four silver dollars. This has been paid in full, after weighing, to me personally; the money is to be taken home for me to spend; hereafter the above-named payer will assume ownership of the farm hut and waste threshing ground, including the walls, tiles, ordure pit and boundary stones. From now on no arbitrary claims may be made, for this sale is voluntary and payment has been made in full and as agreed. This agreement is irrevocable. Should this property be found to have been acquired under suspicious circumstances, the vendor alone will be held responsible; the above payer is not liable. This written agreement is hereby prepared as proof and for retention by FUNG Tak Yau.\n\nAnother, drawn up during the difficult days of the Japanese occupation in 1942 reads,\n\nThis deed of sale on land is drawn up by the vendor CHAN Wan Shing. Because he has not money for purchasing provisions, he first offered to sell to his kinsfolk the nine plots of land, total area three dau chung, located at Nam Pei Tau in Shek Pik Village, bequeathed to him by his grandfather, but none of them are interested. Then, through the medium of a middleman, KWOK Lai Pai of Tai O was approached and he undertook to buy them at a current price of $165.00. Again, through the middleman, CHAN Wan Shing has received a sum of $165 for himself, and with effect from the date of this deed, the lots will become the permanent property of KWOK Lai Pai. For fear that verbal agreement may not constitute evidence, this deed is executed as a certificate to confirm the transaction.\n\nDuring a land court held during the Shek Pik settlement just as a case was being settled in the present possessor's favour in default of proof of the plaintiff's contention that the original document was a mortgage and not a sale (and therefore redeemable, according to custom, despite subsequent transactions) the defendant pulled out a new sheaf of papers for inspection. Among them was a white deed which proved to be the original mortgage of 1918. He thereby defeated his own case. It turned out that he had never bothered to read the papers handed over to him with the white deed of sale drawn up during the Japanese Occupation. Similarly, a sixty year old mortgage elsewhere on Lantau which was discovered in the land registers when succession was being determined, was honoured by the mortgagees, though grudgingly, the real point at issue being the amount of compensation and not the return of the land, as no figure was stated in the original entry.\n\n12 This is recognised in the provisions of the New Territories Ordinance Cap. 97 where the registration of a so manager in the Land Office is obligatory. A change of manager can only be secured after the vacancy has been filled at a properly advertised clan meeting and notices of election, posted by the District Office, have expired without objection, Prospective sales of two land have to be reported to the Assistant Land Officer (the D.O.) and advertised by him, again without objection, before a sale is allowed. Trustees, too, are not permitted to sell land belonging to minors unless the Land Officer has given his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "102\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nthere are sometimes several. As a general rule they are small buildings, but the major clans have constructed large high spacious buildings with several courtyards and side rooms. Among the largest in the New Territories are the ancestral temples of branches of the TANG clan at Ping Shan and Ha Tsuen near Yuen Long. These are fine and impressive buildings but are not, unfortunately, kept in good repair. Much of the opposition to the British troops in 1898 was planned in the ancestral hall at Ha Tsuen. Beside the Ping Shan hall there is a school/library building, now used as a private residence.\n\n53 The reason is always said to be lack of funds though I suspect a lack of leadership is also a prime factor. The clan usually waits until something is seriously wrong, by which time it is often too late; a storm completes the ruination. There seems to be some truth in this as I have found newly built ancestral halls in several villages, e.g. the CHEUNG ancestral hall at Lo Wai, Pui O which was rebuilt in 1960 on a new site, the old one having been in ruins for twenty years.\n\n54 Clan worship at the graves still goes on, but is much more informal than in 1898. Mr. TANG Kiu-fong of Fui Sha Wai, a retired schoolmaster, previously quoted, who was born in 1894, tells me that when he was a boy the ceremony was taken very seriously. Everyone wore the long robe, elders were carried to the graves in sedan chairs, and male members of the clan were drawn up in ranks by generations and worshipped in strict seniority, under the direction of a master of ceremonies.\n\n55 These ancestral obligations often imposed considerable inconvenience and up to several days' travel for the whole family. Mr. CHEUNG Yau of Tai Ping village, North Lamma, (b. 1883) tells me that his grandfather settled on Lamma Island from his native village of Wai Tau in the Lam Tsuen valley in the present Tai Po district. Ever since he can remember, and until old age interfered with visits a few years ago, he has gone back to his ancestral village at least three times a year, as dictated by custom. For the first twenty-five years there was no railway and his family used to go by junk to Kowloon and walk the rest of the way, children included. Others went further afield. Mr. LAM Shue Chun, Chairman of the Peng Chau Rural Committee, told me that his family went regularly to their ancestral village of Nam Leng Wai in Po On, north of the border, and were interrupted in their journeys first by the Japanese and latterly by the Communists. He has been twice since 1942 and an uncle has been visiting fairly regularly up to last year. The family travelled to Kowloon by junk, then used the railway and had a long walk from Sham Chon Market. Sometimes there was no need to go from home as contact had been lost with the ancestral village which was too far away.\n\n56 They were full at any time. There is an interesting count of travel on the Colony's border roads and the Shum Chun ferries taken 11th and 12th December 1905 in Enclosure E to Despatch No. 59 in Correspondence relating to Kowloon-Canton Railway already quoted. The first was a market day, when the count of persons, with and without goods, roughly doubled the figures for the second, or ordinary day. On the two main ferries, for instance, the count on December 11 was with goods 1126, without goods 1379 and on the Shum Chun-Sha Tau Kok road 521 and 1302. On the day following the figures were 468 and 1124, and 158 and 550 respectively. At New Year and the two grave festivals the number must have been very much increased.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204530, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "The Honorary Treasurer has submitted a statement of accounts which appears eminently satisfactory. It shows an excess of income over expenditure of $1,708.18. I wish, however, to stress the point that the income from the annual membership fees is $4,779.55 from 240 members but the expenses of the Society amount to $6,605.15. The deficit is made good partly by the receipts from the sale of journals but mainly by the income from capital investments derived from the gift of $10,000 made by a generous and anonymous donor in memory of the late Arthur de Carl Sowerby on the re-establishment of the Society. It is the Council's aim to reserve the income from investments, to build up a fund for a library and for the permanent interests of the Society, and to increase the income from annual subscriptions to meet our annual expenses. For the present annual subscription of $20 members receive all the benefit of the lectures during the year and a free copy of the Journal, which together cost the Society nearly 40 per cent over the amount of their subscriptions. In order to enable the Society to work on a steady basis we need an addition of another 100 members. At the end of 1962 we had on our books 33 life members and 247 ordinary members including 8 overseas members. There has been a gratifying and steady increase each year, but each year many resign on their departure from the Colony, while too many go away on leave and forget to pay their subscriptions. The Treasurer and the Secretary are both busy people who have neither the time nor the staff to collect past dues, and it would greatly lessen their burden if members would make their subscriptions payable by Banker's Orders or become life members.\n\nThe present membership of somewhat over 240 members represents a permanent nucleus of those who are interested in our cultural heritage in the Colony; but as H.E. Sir Robert Black, our patron, said two years ago: \"There are many times this number who are interested both in the cultural life and history of this part of the world, which has great riches to offer to anybody interested in research, or in studying and inquiring about the inheritance which we all enjoy who live here.\" Hong Kong provides the greatest opportunity in the world today for a meeting of minds between East and West. East may remain East and West, West, but here, more than anywhere else, if the world is to be one, they must meet.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204533, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "THE OLD PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO\n\nA lecture delivered on 7 May, 1962\n\nLINDSAY RIDE, C.B.E., E.D., D.M., LL.D.*\n\nThere are worse ways of occupying leisure than tours on foot through noteworthy cemeteries — EDMUND BLUNDEN in Cricket Country.\n\nMacao is of fundamental interest to all of us here tonight because, in the eighteenth and the early part of the nineteenth centuries, as well as being a Portuguese base, it was the Far Eastern home of those who were unconsciously but surely laying the foundations of the community which was to become known as the Colony of Hong Kong. It was also the main gateway through which flowed the influence that the west was exerting on the whole of China; and of all its non-Portuguese foreign residents responsible for this influence, the most valuable cross-section accessible to us today is the group of 162 members of many nations who lie buried in its Old Protestant Cemetery. Their personal histories, read in and between the lines carved on their weathering memorials, give us the most accurate picture it is possible to paint today of the parent community they represent; deciphering these lines and filling in their gaps, has been the spare-time hobby of my wife and myself now for over seven years; it has given us interest in members of divers nationalities and professions, and has introduced us to the fascinating lives of scores of people who lived in earlier times. It has directed our searching into many corners of the globe, and earned us a host of interesting friends and correspondents the world over.†\n\nIn the time at my disposal this evening it is impossible to describe in any detail any one of the life histories which it took individuals decades to weave and us years to unravel, but if I can give you even a general understanding of their community and their home, of their lives and their times, I shall be content.\n\n* Sir Lindsay Ride is Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hong Kong. †The results of these researches will be published shortly by the Hong Kong University Press in a volume provisionally entitled Macao's Old Protestant Cemetery.\n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204535, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PROTESTANT CEMETERY IN MACAO\n\n11\n\nCompany doing in Portuguese territory? Why did the Protestants need a separate cemetery? What is the significance of the date 1814? These are but a sample of the problems that these few words pose.\n\nThe first Europeans to set up permanent maritime contacts with the Chinese were the Portuguese, and by 1557 they had been granted permission to settle on a small peninsula of the delta island of Heung Shan. This peninsula, covering an area of only about five square miles, thus became the first permanent European trading base in China.\n\nLater came the Dutch, the Spanish and the British traders and navigators; the first and the second of these national groups eventually made their oriental headquarters elsewhere, but the British, through their highly organized East India Company, were more persistent and more successful as far as trade with the mainland of China was concerned.\n\nBut the China of those days was, in the eyes of her own people, the centre of the universe, and all those who lived outside the confines of her ancient and well-tested civilization were considered barbarians. They could only be admitted inside the fold as tribute bearers to the Imperial Court to receive the ethical instruction of the Son of Heaven, and were then sent back home. When such admissions were allowed, portals of entry were carefully chosen and rigidly controlled, and in the case of sea-faring people, the port appointed was Canton, situated ninety miles up the river from Macao, and thus the barbarians were kept as far as possible from the sacred heart of the Middle Kingdom.\n\nBut even at Canton there were further restrictions, geographical as well as political. The ships could only get up as far as Whampoa, which was the deep-sea port for Canton, and about eleven miles down river from it. The foreign merchants were allowed to go on to Canton itself but they had to reside in a place set apart outside the city—the Factories; nor could they remain there permanently; the length of residence permitted was determined by the time it took to dispose of the cargo brought in their ships and to load the return cargo of silk or tea. The time of the year at which these operations took place was determined by the monsoon; foreign trade was therefore completely seasonal—from September to March approximately, and as soon", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204540, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "16\n\nLINDSAY RIDE\n\nAs we leave the church level to visit the terraces below, it is worth noticing that the corner of the balustrade behind the chapel is adorned with an old piece of Chinese porcelain in the form of a large peach. It is about a foot in diameter and carries on top, another small, almost parasitic one, about two inches in diameter; both have a delightful bluish-grey underglaze. These peaches, Chinese emblems of longevity, are most fitting and reassuring adornments to the approach of a Christian burial ground.\n\nThe three most widely known personalities, and the most frequently visited memorials, in the cemetery are undoubtedly those of Dr. Robert Morrison, D.D., Captain Lord Henry John Spencer Churchill, R.N., the brother of Sir Winston's great-grandfather, and George Chinnery; but these people are so well known that they need neither introduction nor lengthy consideration. Chinnery will be mentioned again in connection with his portraits and we shall have to be content therefore with just one or two observations on the artist himself when we come to his memorial. The Memorials. The Upper Terrace contains forty memorials; thirty-eight of them are to be found on either side of a small central avenue, and the other two are at its far end; they are of Chinnery and Drinker. All these memorials mark the resting places of those most recently buried in the cemetery, from 1850 to 1859, as well as one relatively very recent one who unaccountably gained entrance in 1889, thirty years after the cemetery was closed!\n\nOn the left, as we move along the central avenue from the entrance, the memorials nearly all stand back under palms and shrubs near the retaining wall below the chapel. They include American naval and merchant personnel, an Armenian and a few British. The majority of the Upper Terrace memorials however are on the right, their backs to the Lower Terrace. They include more American seafarers both naval and merchant, missionaries both British and American, a member of Perry's historic mission to Japan, and Joseph Adams, the grandson of the second President and the nephew of the sixth President, of the United States of America.\n\nNames associated with early Hong Kong, for example Duddell of Duddell Street, will be found in this row, as will also that of a famous Danish family of sea captains; in fact Captain Ipland has two memorials", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204560, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "36\n\nTHE DEVELOPMENT OF PRINTING IN CHINA and its effects on the renaissance under the Sung dynasty (960-1279) A lecture delivered on 3 September, 1962\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH,* PH.D.\n\nThe art of printing took a long time to develop. It came into being when the demand was urgent for multiple copies, and when the Chinese had both the essential materials and the technical processes. This seems to have happened some time after the year A.D. 700.\n\nLet us consider first the demand. It came in all circles where reading was essential. The Buddhists at this time were extremely active in their work of propaganda. For example, in 581 the emperor Kao-tsu4 of the Sui ordered the copying of Buddhist texts at state expense; this involved 46 collections in 132,086 rolls. In Taoist circles there was need for large numbers of charms to ward off evils. The Confucians, again coming into their own with the re-introduction of the system of civil service examinations, needed hundreds of thousands of text books for students, and copies of the Confucian canon for the scholar class. We read that at the capital alone, for instance, the emperor Yang (605-616) ordered the making of fifty duplicate sets of the imperial library. This involved the copying of 3,127 works in 36,708 rolls.\n\nLet us consider next the main ingredients and technical processes. The first were ink and paper. We know now that red ink was known to the Chinese at least by the 13th century B.C. (A) and black ink about the same time. For writing surfaces the Chinese experimented with wood, bamboo, silk, and harder materials. Then at the end of the 1st century A.D. paper came into being. At this time the dynastic history drily relates: \"Silk was too expensive and bamboo too heavy.\" In 1931 the Swedish member of the Sino-Swedish Expedition in Central Asia, Folke Bergman, discovered some paper in a lonely site called Chü-yen\n\n* Dr. Goodrich is Professor Emeritus of Chinese at Columbia University. He is well known as the author of A Short History of the Chinese People, and for his revised edition of T. F. Carter's The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204565, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n41\n\na school of thought restricted to the well-born, and became to some extent democratized. Methods of teaching changed. The practice of learning by heart was modified. This was the consequence of the great increase in publication of texts, reference works, compendia, etc. Books of this kind exceeded in number those on the classics.\n\nThere also resulted a gradual change in the written language. The vernacular penetrated the literary classical style.\n\nLastly, let me say something about libraries during the Sung period.\n\n1. The Palace collection. This was increased by various means: through purchase from private parties; through the granting of titles or awards in exchange for books; through gifts by the authors of books; through search by local officials; through the copying of rare books. The increase in the number of books, brought about through printing, required the enlargement of old libraries, and the construction of new ones. These imperial libraries were accessible only to a limited number of people: members of the Hanlin #, high officials. Books, however, were borrowed in quantity. A report of 1114 relates that 4,328 chüan ✯ had not been returned to the library since the year 1104.\n\n2. School libraries. The increase of education, and the need for more text-books made such institutions necessary. They were sponsored by the government not only in the capital but also in small towns. These collections were increased by purchase, made possible by government subsidies and private donations (sometimes quite extensive). Occasionally books were sent from the capital to these local libraries by special government order. The schools where these libraries were located sometimes published their own books. Many old Chinese books bear the stamps of school libraries. Readers were warned to use the books with care. At the same time, librarians were forbidden to take back damaged books or books that were soiled. All available information leads to the conclusion that there were public libraries and reading rooms open to a large circle of people.\n\n3. Private collections. These increased because of the low price of printed books, and the new form of books facilitated storage. Many bibliophiles, however, still valued hand-copied", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "51\n\nRECENT CHANGES IN THE\n\nCHINESE LANGUAGE\n\nA lecture delivered on 18th June, 1962\n\nMA MENG, B.A.*\n\n*Mr. Ma Meng is Principal of the Language School of the Institute of Oriental Studies in the University of Hong Kong.\n\nRecent changes in the Chinese language, so far-reaching in many respects, should not escape attention by anyone interested in studying China. Comments on this subject, both in Chinese and other languages, have appeared quite regularly in recent years.† Most of these deal directly with the simplified characters and the adoption of romanization in place of the traditional ideographs — radical changes, which, however, form only one part of the latest developments in Chinese language reform.\n\nAlthough the extent of these changes has varied in different historical periods, the long process which led to the drastic reforms of recent years began only after China's contacts with the West in the late nineteenth century. The limitations imposed by the traditional language were felt more keenly as the demand for Western knowledge increased. As the traditional language seemed no longer adequate to cope with the new situation, the need to reform it began to appear imperative. The first efforts aimed at language reform came from a small number of intellectuals, including Liang Ch'i-ch'ao, a leader of the 1898 reform movement who also advocated radical political changes aimed at westernization. Their efforts soon bore fruit. Between 1890 and 1913 there appeared no less than six plans for language reform, all aimed at standardizing the spoken language and simplifying the written one. Both of these measures were considered necessary preliminaries to more thorough reforms. The last of the six plans for reform provided for a script based on the Peking dialect and was very similar to the Japanese Kana. This plan proved quite practicable and has therefore been adopted.\n\n*I should like to express my gratitude to Miss Li Chi of the University of California from whose work, Studies of Chinese Communist Terminology (Berkeley: University of California, Institute of International Studies, East Asia Studies, Nos. 1 and 2, 1956; Nos. 3 and 4, 1957) I have drawn information in preparing this paper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204586, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "56\n\nMA MENG\n\nT\n\nmao-tun, contradiction; po-shiao H, exploitation; fu-shê radiation; and cheng-k'ung, vacuum. It should be noted that some of these combined expressions such as ke-ming and mao-tun first appeared in the classics in the Book of Changes and the Book of Han Fei Tzu respectively. The growing use of such combined expressions in place of individual characters has thus been a great aid in introducing modern concepts into the Chinese language.\n\nThe Chinese language has also been enriched by the absorption of colloquial and regional expressions. This has been especially true on the Mainland in recent years, where such practice has been deliberately employed, particularly in party or government publications. However, in Taiwan and in the overseas Chinese communities, it has not had any marked influence.\n\nIn the creation of an adequate modern Chinese vocabulary one problem still remains unsolved: that of creating standard technical terms. The problem as such is not new but has become more complicated with the rapid increase of new technical terms in recent years. Efforts to create new technical terms have often foundered because the public has not been willing to accept them. Thus the words used in technical texts often remain unknown to industrial workers, whose own expressions, in turn, are not understood by engineers. In Hong Kong and in the overseas Chinese communities this difficulty has often been resolved by the use of English terms.\n\nAnother aspect of recent changes in the Chinese language is the development of a standard spoken language. Although within limited circles a common language known as kuan-hua T meaning official language has been in use by officials and some intellectuals for a long time, it was not till the beginning of this century that the development of a standard spoken language was consciously promoted. The history of kuan-hua goes back to the Ming Dynasty, which made Peking its capital in the fifteenth century. Throughout the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, kuan-hua, which is based on the Peking dialect but pronounced with different accents, served as the medium of verbal communication between officials of different provincial origin appointed to posts throughout the empire. Kuan-hua continued to develop through the centuries because of the lasting need for such a common language.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204606, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "76\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nagainst the rats. One other drawback. They had to carry their revolvers about with them wherever they went because of local hostility and robbers.\n\nAs regards work, Wilkinson was quite frank. He explained that soon after his arrival a student was provided with a Chinese teacher, and provided himself with a copy of Wade's Yü-yen Tzu-erh Chi4, better known under the title 'A Progressive Course of Colloquial Chinese', which was the only orthodox introduction to the study of Mandarin. The Assistant Chinese Secretary directed his studies. \"Working hours are theoretically from 9 to 12, and 1 to 4, but custom has altered these to 10 to 12, and 2 to 4. The four hours thus left will be divided up much in this way: 10 to 10.30 Tone Exercises/10.30 to 11 Reading with Teacher/11 to 11.30 New work/11.30 to 11.45 Writing/11.45 to 12 Character Slips1/the Afternoon Scheme being much the same.\"*19\n\nOnly those who have studied Chinese will appreciate the toil and brain-teasing implied in this simple-looking course of study. As Wilkinson remarks after explaining the 'drill' for acquiring the correct tone in which to pronounce each character: \"It was dreadful work. The poor teacher would get hoarse, and have to imbibe an enormous quantity of tea\". There was an examination in colloquial Chinese at the end of the first year and another, in which written work was generally supposed to hold more weight, at the end of the second year. Besides studying Wade's course they were encouraged to dip into the daily Peking Gazette in which they sometimes found a good murder case to read. As the final examination drew near the students tried various methods of 'cramming', but as Wilkinson explained it was a hardship to undergo a competitive examination held in the middle of the Peking summer with the temperature standing at over 100° in the shade. However, the dreaded examination when it came, was not very formidable. \"Our paper-work was done in our own rooms, or in the Reception Hall of the Minister's residence. Here, right opposite the entrance, is a life-size portrait of the\n\n1 Slips of thin cardboard which usually have a Chinese character on one side and its pronunciation, tone and meaning on the other side. Still sometimes used by foreigners in the early stages of learning Chinese.\n\n19 \"Where Chineses Drive\", op. cit., 65.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204616, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "84 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\nnorth-west gate of Peking I took a pedicab, but when we reached the Wangfuching and ran into columns of marching children the driver began to show signs of fright, so I paid him off and started to walk. By now I realized that I had left it too late to reach the Legation gate before the demonstrators arrived, so I made a wide circuit and eventually reached the Hsinchiao Hotel near the Chungwenmen (Hatamen Gate). Having been told that the demonstration would probably end by about 10 p.m., because a previous demonstration over the Suez episode had lasted until that time, I decided to wait at the Hsinchiao Hotel until the coast was clear. Just before 11 p.m. I walked to a point near to the entrance of the British Legation and mingled with the sightseers, but found the demonstrators still hard at work. It was rather like a rowdy Bank Holiday evening on Hampstead Heath. There were large crowds strolling about watching the demonstrators who were still queueing up five or six abreast and moving forward very slowly towards the gate of the Legation. Once opposite the open gate they performed their slogan-shouting, sometimes accompanying their shouts with gesticulations and a series of jumps, before being waved on by cadres who appeared to be controlling the demonstration. All along the road facing the wall of the Legation ran a water pipe with taps every few yards so that in the summer heat of Peking no one need go thirsty. Among the bushes growing down the centre of the street (where once the Imperial Canal flowed) were canvas latrines, while the whole area was lit up at night by arc lamps fixed among the trees, and the front of the Legation gateway was picked out by powerful spot-lights. Nests of amplifiers had been fixed to the trees near the gate so that the inhabitants of the Legation had no difficulty in hearing the slogans being chanted, such as 'Ying-Kuo lang kan ch'u-ch'u' 'English wolves get out'. Since the demonstrators seemed particularly fiery at this stage I decided to retreat and try again at dawn. After a few hours sleep at the Hsinchiao Hotel I again approached the Legation gate only to find a long queue of new demonstrators, refreshed by a night's sleep, taking some vocal exercise before going to work. At this stage I decided that it was quite safe to enter the gate of the Legation, and joining the queue I moved forward gradually until opposite \n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204631, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHAU\n\n99\n\nlocal parties who support the venture which is designed to assist the public by providing a safe, regular and reliable means of conveying cargo and passengers between the island and, in this case, Hong Kong. An agreed percentage of the profits is supposed to be contributed towards charitable and welfare purposes at need. Four junks appear on the list of donors to the Fong Pin hospital, and one of these, together with a fifth, appears on the list for the repair of the Tin Hau Temple a year later, in 1879. They have business names such as Tung On “universal peace”, Kung Cheong “public prosperity”, Yee Tai On “righteous peace”, Kung Yik “public welfare” and On Shun “peaceful tranquility”, all propitious names for sea and river travel. It is likely that the two which made donations to the repair of the temple were kaifong junks since their generous contributions placed their names almost at the head of the list.\n\nScrutiny of the tablets and other sources of information mentioned in this brief account of Cheung Chau just before the British lease therefore leaves a vivid impression of a lively, bustling community, largely dependent upon its own leaders and local resources for initiating works of communal benefit, but making use of its links with the outside world, both by business and kinship, to help achieve its ends. So far as I know, there are no studies of the internal structure of a community of similar size and location in the same period available in any western language and it is therefore difficult for me to say whether Cheung Chau is similar or dissimilar to the general pattern of small coastal towns in South China. It does, however, present a basic pattern of association and an enforced reliance on self-help which is typically Chinese, in which respects the community has altered little to this day.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "107\n\nEUROPEAN NAVIGATION ON THE YANGTSE\n\nA. D. BLUE *\n\nThe Yangtse is the greatest river in China, and has been of much greater importance in the history of the world than the Amazon and the Mississippi, which are superior in length and volume. In this respect it ranks with the Nile and the Euphrates, but unlike them it has always had a much greater population living along its banks. The Chinese know the Yangtse as the Long, or Great, River. Marco Polo may not have been the first European to see the Yangtse, but he was certainly the first to appreciate its importance, and to bring it to the notice of the Western world.\n\nOf the Yangtse in general Marco Polo said \"the multitude of vessels that invest this great river is so great that no one who should read or hear would believe it. The quantity of merchandise carried up and down is past all belief. In fact it is so big, that it seems to be a sea rather than a river\". There is no doubt but at that time, the second half of the 13th century, the Yangtse carried a greater volume of traffic than any other river in the world. Marco Polo was correct in thinking that no one would believe his reports on the Yangtse, or on China, and it was left to later generations to appreciate the accuracy of his observations.\n\nIt was the missions to China of Lord Macartney and Lord Amherst in 1793 and 1816 respectively, that made Europeans realise the importance of the Yangtse. Then in 1842, during the First China War, a British naval force entered the Yangtse, and was on the point of attacking Nanking (182 miles from the mouth) when the Chinese sued for peace. Sixteen years later, after the Second China War, one of the clauses of the Treaty of Tientsin\n\n* The author served as an Engineer Officer with the China Navigation Company from 1928 until 1938, and was on the Yangtse in 1930 in the Shengking and again in 1934 in the Wuhu. He was captured by pirates in the Newchang river in Manchuria in 1933 and held prisoner for five and a half months. During and after the War he was in the Colonial Service in West Africa, but in 1958 he returned to service with the China Navigation Company, and this has enabled him to revisit a number of the former Treaty Ports.\n\n1 Chinese records mention the visit of a 'Roman merchant' to Nanking about 230 A.D. See G. F. Hudson, Europe and China (London, 1931), p. 90.\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204649, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "116\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nThere was intense rivalry between John Swire's China Navigation Company and Russell's Shanghai Steam Navigation Company in the years before the latter's ships were sold to the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company. John Swire seems to have adopted and improved on Russell's methods of soliciting business from Chinese merchants, and making his shipping services and godown facilities as attractive to them as possible. This was a policy which the \"Princely Hong\" were much slower in adopting in their shipping services. It is amusing to read F. B. Forbes's exasperated comments on a dinner party which Swire's compradores gave for their Chinese freight brokers, and at which their European clerks were present and assisted in the hostly duties.12 Forbes thought this undignified, but one imagines his real grievance was that he had not thought of this himself.\n\nThe Chefoo Convention between Britain and China was signed in 1876, following the murder of A. R. Margary, a British consular officer, on the border between Burma and China. The connection between the two events may appear remote, but at this time the murder of a foreigner, or any untoward outburst of xenophobia on the part of the Chinese, was often followed by China being compelled to surrender some of her territory or sovereignty to the foreign power concerned. In this instance the Chefoo Convention provided for the opening to foreign trade of several more ports on the coast, and a further 340 miles on the Yangtse, the section between Hankow and Ichang known as the Middle River. Ichang, at the upper end of the Middle River, became a treaty port, and also Wuhu, a port between Nanking and Kiukiang. At the same time, Anking, Hichow, Luhchow, Tatung, and Wusueh, were opened to foreign trade as ports of call. These were ports where passengers and cargo could be loaded and discharged, but where foreigners had no rights of residence. All these ports of call, except Luhchow, were below Hankow; Luhchow being on the Middle River 70 miles above Hankow.\n\nF. B. Forbes was a nephew of P. S. Forbes, a former head of Russell and Company in America. He was a director of the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company from 1863 to 1866, and from 1868 to 1872, and president from 1872 to 1874.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n137\n\nIt is therefore a delight to read such a work as Mr. Cranmer-Byng's An Embassy to China. Produced by an historian, and one moreover who combines integrity with an uncommon knowledge of the East, this book is indispensable to an understanding today of the problems that East and West have inherited in their dealings with one another.\n\nThe main body of the book consists of the Journal kept by Lord Macartney on his embassy to the Emperor Ch'ien-lung in 1793. He describes his journey to Peking, beyond the Great Wall to Jehol, and back by the Grand Canal and by river to Canton. There follow a series of \"observations\", compiled by Macartney from his own shrewd judgment and from data supplied by members of his entourage, on subjects such as the Manners, Religion, Government, Population, Arts and Sciences, Language etc. of China under the Ch'ing Dynasty.\n\nThe first 58 pages of the book contain an Introduction by the editor, in which he comments on early Anglo-Chinese relations, paints a brief biographical picture of Lord Macartney, and discusses the embassy, the manner of its reception, and its results. The final pages of the Introduction lead up to the Journal itself, its style, content and the method used by the diarist in compiling such a detailed account of his mission - an account written by a professional diplomat, skilled at seeing behind the facade, patient in negotiation, lucid in recollection and description.\n\nLooking back today from our vantage point in time nearly two hundred years later, it is easy to see that Macartney was given an impossible task. Remote in her geographical isolation and sublimely ignorant of world affairs, China had sealed herself for centuries in a false cocoon of imagined cultural superiority. The eighteenth century was both too late and too early for any European power to overcome the supreme complacency of the Imperial Court and Government. From the mid-sixteen hundreds onwards, Western nations, notably the Dutch, the Russians and the Portuguese had sent embassies to China, but all had failed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204674, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n139\n\nHe was ahead of his time in assessing the value of what are now described as \"cultural relations\" between countries. In spite of all the resources at his command, however, he failed to arouse any interest in concluding a commercial treaty, or to put in train a sequence of events, which, had circumstances been different, might have led to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two greatest countries of the day in East and West to the undoubted benefit of both. In the event he came up against the extreme obscurantism of the Orient which until this twentieth century has been its own worst enemy.\n\nAlthough Macartney returned to England in 1794, no wholly satisfactory edition of his Journal has previously been available in print. We now have a virtually full transcription, and where irrelevant material has been omitted, the omissions and the reasons for them have been clearly stated. Scholars will welcome the well-documented notes designed for reference, and added at the end of the book, where they cannot distract the reader's attention from the main flow of the narrative. Only the maps are something of a disappointment.\n\n++\n\n\"While keeping in mind the needs of the specialist,\" says Mr. Cranmer-Byng in his Preface, \"I have edited this Journal in such a way that I hope the general reader will be able to enjoy it. . . . In this endeavour he has been entirely successful. Here is a work which will appeal to scholars, serve as an invaluable book of reference to present and future historians, and at the same time make entertaining reading for the layman who need possess no background knowledge of Chinese history or Anglo-Chinese relations to enjoy it to the full. Apart from its intrinsic worth, this book is an absorbing travel story. It was one of those supremely happy strokes of fortune all too rare in the unfolding of human affairs—that so able a man, gifted with incisive judgment and the power of descriptive writing, should visit China at the end of the finest hour in her long dynastic history.\n\nR. E. LAWRY.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204675, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "140\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nSOUND AND SYMBOL IN CHINESE. By Bernhard Karlgren. Hong Kong University Press, 1962. Paper covers. 97 pages. HK$6.00.\n\nThis is the first volume in a series published by the Hong Kong University Press under the title CHINESE COMPANION SERIES, and it is an admirable choice. It consists of a new edition of Professor Karlgren's illuminating study, first published in 1922, which has been revised by the author himself and the Bibliographical Notes brought up to date. Short in length this book is nevertheless of the highest importance and no student of the Chinese language can afford to neglect it. Even those who are not primarily linguists should certainly read it since the subject which it discusses lies at the very roots of Chinese culture. It is written in a pleasant and lucid style which helps to make it easy to understand. The text contains a number of Chinese characters. All students of Chinese will be glad to see that there is a photograph of the author at the front of the book. He is one of the most distinguished living Sinologists.\n\nIt is good to see this important work available in an inexpensive but attractive format and the Hong Kong University Press is to be congratulated on an auspicious start to its CHINESE COMPANION SERIES.\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG.\n\nASIAN PERSPECTIVES. The Bulletin of the Far-Eastern Prehistory Society. Edited by Wilhelm G. Solheim II. Volume V, Nos. 1 & 2, 1961. Hong Kong University Press, 1962. Approx. 130 pages each. Illustrated. HK$25 per number.\n\nNumber 1 of Volume 5 contains regional reports from seventeen areas, including a brief note for Hong Kong, and a longer one for China mainland by R. C. Rudolph giving a useful annotated bibliography of recent monographs and Journals dealing with current work on Chinese archaeology. It also includes a few notes and articles including a note on a glazed bowl from Lamma island.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204697, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF\n\nSOUTHEAST ASIAN HISTORY\n\nPublished twice yearly by Department of History, University of Singapore\n\nEditor: K. G. TREGONNING\n\nVol. 4, No. 1\n\nMarch 1963\n\nARTICLES\n\nTHE ORIGIN OF THE JAVANESE MOSQUE\n\nH. J. de Graaf\n\nTHE COMING OF ISLAM TO NORTH SUMATRA\n\nA. H. Hill\n\nHISTORIANS IN INDONESIA TODAY\n\nSartono Kartodirdjo\n\nPEASANT AND LAND REFORM IN\n\nINDONESIAN COMMUNISM\n\nJustus M. van der Kroef\n\nON THE NEED FOR A STUDY OF\n\nMALAYSIAN ISLAMIZATION\n\nSyed Hussein Alatas\n\nTHE UNIQUENESS OF PHILIPPINE NATIONALISM\n\nR. S. Milne\n\nBRITISH AND AMERICAN INFLUENCE IN THAILAND\n\nFrank C. Darling\n\nTHE “TIM ENG SENG”\n\nNicholas Tarling\n\nAnnual Subscription: Malaya: $10/-\n\nU.K.: £1 4s.\n\nU.S.: $3.40\n\nOrder from: The Secretary,\n\nDepartment of History, University of Singapore,\n\nSINGAPORE 10.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204700, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "ERRATA\n\nJHKBRAS Vol. 4 pages 42 - 154\n\nlandscapes\n\nRemarks\n\nafter Tai Mo Shan there should be an index figure 39.\n\nChek Lap Kok\n\n \n page No.\n Line\n \n \n 43\n 32\n \n \n 45\n 3\n \n \n 8\n \n \n \n 48\n 25\n \n \n 49\n 18\n \n \n 51\n 26\n \n \n 53\n 37\n \n \n 59\n 16\n \n \n Note\n \n \n \n 60\n 11\n \n \n 61\n 32\n \n \n 42\n \n \n \n 45\n \n \n \n 59\n \n \n \n 62\n 54\n \n \n 61\n \n \n \n 63\n 6\n \n \n 63\n 86\n \n \n 65\n 124\n \n \n 55\n \n \n \n 99\n \n \n \n 125\n \n \n \n 129\n \n \n \n 66\n 151\n \n \n Line\n \n \n \n 67\n 1\n \n \n Note\n \n \n \n 154\n 12\n \n \n 99\n \n \n \n 15\n \n \n\nbottom of page\n\nthe index figure should be 124 not 123\n\nChaah-xhaanq\n\nthe index figure should be 108 not 109 the fourth character should be\n\nthe second character should be\n\nadd word names to the end of line one\n\n-fun-should read\n\nfuu-\n\nthe second character should be\n\nadd at end: Pages 66-67\n\nthe last word should be shanqtrinq\n\nthe second character of second entry should be 岗\n\n+206 should read 206\n\nthe second name should be Leung Tung-ming\n\nthe seventh word in line 5 should be Irammmhunq\n\nsritrawy\n\nMissing attribution. Should be: K. M. A. Barnett", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204710, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "4\n\nfinancial basis it is essential that the membership should be considerably increased if the subscription is to remain at its present modest level which, so far as I can ascertain, is lower than that of any Branch of the Society. A serious aspect of the accounts is that out of a total number of 371 members there are 166 who have not yet paid their subscriptions for 1963. The subscriptions are due on the 1st January each year, but a margin of grace is allowed until June 30th. Some of those who have not paid have probably left the Colony; in the case of others it is probably a matter of forgetfulness or procrastination. As I stressed last year the Hon. Treasurer and the Hon. Secretary are both busy people who have neither the time nor the staff to continue to appeal to and to press members for payment and it would greatly lessen their burden if members made their subscriptions payable by banker's order or became life members.\n\nThe need for an increased membership has recently been emphasized by our Patron, Sir Robert Black, in a message which was authorised for circulation in support of the Society's appeal. A copy of this message, together with a brochure containing a synopsis of the history of the Hong Kong Branch of the Society, is now available to members who are asked to help by recruiting such of their friends and acquaintances as may be interested in the objects of the Society.\n\nThis month we are faced with a double loss of very serious import. Sir Robert Black who has been our Patron since the Branch was reconstituted will be leaving the Colony at the end of this month. Sir Robert has not only honoured the Society with his distinguished patronage, but both he and Lady Black have shown keen personal interest in the Society and in spite of the heavy calls on their time have been regular attendants at our meetings. They have helped to foster the growth of the Society during the first vital years of its revival and stimulated the interest of the public in the activities. At the beginning of the month Mr. Cranmer-Byng left the Colony to take up another appointment in Canada. He took a leading part in the re-establishment of the Hong Kong Branch in 1959, served on the Council until his departure and above all, it may truly be said that the Journal is a monument to his scholarship and editorial ability. His place will be exceedingly difficult to fill. The Rules of the Society", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204712, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HON. TREASURER'S REPORT\n\nMr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen,\n\nMy first duty this year is to make apologies to Mr. Knightly and to Mr. Mack. First to Mr. Knightly who audited the accounts last year and who did not receive the acknowledgment of his work and responsibility in the printed copy of the accounts that appeared in the Journal. Secondly, to Mr. Mack on whom was placed the responsibility which was not warranted in that year. Unfortunately, I did not see a proof of this page of the Journal before it went to press.\n\nMy second duty is to thank Mr. Harman for having audited the accounts this year. I am afraid he had quite a task.\n\nThe Accounts have been in your hands for some time and there is little I need say about them. As you will see, the excess of income over expenditure in 1963 was $2,947.62. This compares with $1,708.00 in 1962. We have been able to invest a further £300 in Hong Kong Bank shares and their value has appreciated since they were purchased. The only other point that I would mention is that sales of Journals and Journal Articles have brought in a small but significant amount to offset the cost of the Journal. I would like to take this opportunity, on behalf of the Members of the Society, to thank our President who most generously paid for the cost of the colour prints in Volume 3 of the Journal.\n\nAt today's date we have just on $2,600 in the Bank, $2,000 on deposit due 23rd April, and $650 in cash.\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204734, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "CANTON\n\nCHANPOA\n\nTigris a\n\nBocco\n\nTUNG KWAN\n\nLintin I\n\nSAN ON\n\ntung Cu\n\nCastle Peak\n\nKapsulimoon Betive Įsa\n\nChek Lap Kok\n\n“KOWLOON”\n\nLANTAU\n\nMACAU\n\nTYPA\n\nEG\n\n15\n\n20 miles\n\nThe Pearl River Estuary\n\nHONG KONG\n\nWATCHOW\n\nHowever, to follow the exact format requested (HTML using for paragraphs), and considering the need to correct and format the given text according to the rules provided, a more appropriate response would involve directly correcting the text as per the instructions.\n\nUpon closer inspection, it appears the text is a jumbled collection of geographical names and terms related to the Pearl River Estuary area, including Hong Kong and Macau. To correct and format it properly:\n\n1. **Correct spelling errors**: \"Tigris a\" should likely be \"Tigris or Bocca Tigris\", a known historical name for the Humen Strait. \"Bocco\" is likely \"Bocca Tigris\". \"tung Cur\" or \"tung Cu\" is likely \"Tung Chung\". \"Kapsulimoon Betive Įsa\" doesn't seem to be a real location and might be a misrecognition; it could be related to \"Kap Shui Mun\" between Lantau Island and Ma Wan. \"TYPA\" is unclear but could be a misrecognition. \"WATCHOW\" is likely \"Wanchai\" or another location, possibly a misrecognition of a place name.\n\n2. **Fix spacing issues and rejoin broken sentences**: The text appears to be a list or map labels rather than sentences.\n\n3. **Format in Markdown or HTML as requested**: Since the output format requested is HTML using \n\n, the corrected text will be formatted accordingly.\n\nHere's a corrected and formatted version:\n\nCANTON\n\nCHANPOA\n\nBocca Tigris\n\nTUNG KWAN\n\nLintin I.\n\nSAN ON\n\nTung Chung\n\nCastle Peak\n\nKap Shui Mun\n\nChek Lap Kok\n\nKOWLOON\n\nLANTAU\n\nMACAU\n\n...\n\n15\n\n20 miles\n\nThe Pearl River Estuary\n\nHONG KONG\n\nWanchai\n\nGiven the original task's constraints and focusing on the primary request:\n\nThe best answer is CANTON\n\nCHANPOA\n\nBocca Tigris\n\nTUNG KWAN\n\nLintin I.\n\nSAN ON\n\nTung Chung\n\nCastle Peak\n\nKap Shui Mun\n\nChek Lap Kok\n\nKOWLOON\n\nLANTAU\n\nMACAU\n\n...\n\n15\n\n20 miles\n\nThe Pearl River Estuary\n\nHONG KONG\n\nWanchai\n\n.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204742, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "34 \n\nW. C. HUNTER \n\nDuring the afternoon letters were received from Macao dated 27th stating that Columbia had arrived in the roads. It is needless to say that this news has created universal joy in our prison, tho' she may not after all be able to afford us any protection. It remains to be seen what effect her presence will have on matters, \n\nWednesday, 1st May 1839 \n\nEverything remains as before. We have no certain intelligence from below but many rumors, amongst them that of opium becoming scarce at Chumpee and doubts if there will be enough for some time to make up 20,283 chests. In the evening we heard that a letter dated yesterday had reached town stating that the Colonel Young and Ternate, two east coast vessels, had got in, which is lucky as it will keep the deliveries going till more arrives. The Manl... is also in from the Gulf of Tonquin rather unexpectedly. She reports having been lying at anchor in a bay for one month surrounded by men-of-war junks without the possibility of a boat getting alongside of her. \n\nThursday, 2 May \n\nThis afternoon we had a report in town of the arrival in Macao Roads of the John Adams which gave us great pleasure. There are now outside three vessels of war. It is also said that Commodore Read has sent on shore at Macao 50 barrels of gunpowder. The Commissioner it appears has ordered the place to surrender a quantity of opium within three days, and if not given up threatens to remove all Chinese servants, cooks, etc., and to cut off all supplies of food from the foreigners. It is well known that there is no opium in the place, and consequently we are at a loss to know what measures the Commissioner will adopt after the three days have expired. In the meantime the Governor of Macao46, who is himself a soldier and said to be a brave man, intends should the Chinese commence hostilities against the place to defend it. He has about 400 troops. The forts are in good order and quite capable if well manned to defend the city against any Chinese force. There are about 350 officers in the place, a daring set of fellows who despise the Chinese, and about 800 or 1,000 male inhabitants capable of bearing arms. Besides these he will have the assistance of all the crews of the vessels in the roads without the men-of-war, about 500 men, and finally there \n\nRemaining part of name illegible. \n\n! \n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204746, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "38\n\n10 Linguist purser.\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nSee note 39, (J.L.C-B)\n\n11 Elliot's last day. On 25 March Elliot formally requested the Viceroy that passports should be issued within three days for all the English ships and people at Canton and that if passports were not issued he would consider the men and ships of his country as forcibly detained and act accordingly. Blue Book, Correspondence relating to China, 1840, p. 367. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n12 Edward Elmslie. Secretary and Treasurer to the British Superintendents of Trade, Captain Charles Elliot and the Deputy Superintendent, A. R. Johnston, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n13 Houqua. Known to Westerners at Canton as Howqua 7. His family name was Wu Ch'ung-yüeh (1810-1863). He was the fifth son of the famous Hong merchant Wu Ping-chien whom he succeeded as head of the firm in 1843. For his biography see Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 867-8. (F.L.C-B.)\n\n14 Nam Hoe. Also written Nam Hoi. This means Nan Hai Hsien #i.e. the Magistrate having jurisdiction over the western part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included the area in which the foreign Factories lay. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n15 Kwang Hup. The author may be referring to the Kwangchou hsieh \"the Canton brigade\", and so to its commander. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n16 The Governor. The Governor of Kwangtung province at this time was I-liang (1791-1867). For his biography see Hummel, op. cit., I, 389. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n17 K'an-ch'o (J.L.C-B.)\n\n18 An-tsou (J.L.C-B)\n\n19 Columbia & John Adams. According to the Chinese Repository Vol. 8, p. 56 the Columbia was a U.S. frigate and the John Adams was classed as a sloop-of-war. The Columbia was commanded by Commodore George C. Read. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n20 Johnston, Alexander Robert Johnston, H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade. When the Government of Hong Kong was set up he was deputy first to Elliot and later to Sir Henry Pottinger and in this capacity he administered the Government of the Colony on various occasions from 1841 until 1843. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n21 Pwan Kei Kua. Probably the merchant whose name was also spelt by Westerners at Canton at that time Ponkhequa and Puan Khequa. This was P'an Chengwei (1791-1850). See Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, II, 605, (J.L.C-B.)\n\n22 Saoqua. His family name was Ma Tso-liang and the name of his Hong was Shun Tai Hong A. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n23 Sturgis. Russell Sturgis (1805-1887) of Boston was first named Nathaniel Russell Sturgis, Jr., but he was always known as Russell Sturgis after his name was changed by decree of the Middlesex County Court. He graduated from Harvard in 1823, married in 1828 but was widowed four months later. After an extended tour of Europe he returned to Boston and for a while practised law. He remarried and in 1833 took his family to the orient where he became a partner of Russell & Sturgis of Manila and Russell, Sturgis & Co. of Canton. Later in 1842 when the latter firm became incorporated with Russell & Co., China, he became a partner in 1842. In May 1844 he retired to Boston, his second wife having died in Manila in 1837. Being far too young to give up work altogether he decided to return to China in 1849 but while passing through London he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE \n\n51 \n\nI will here jump ahead and say that one study which is urgently needed to restore one of the missing pieces in our puzzle before it melts away, is the collection preferably on tape recordings, of local stories, legends and above all, songs and rhymes. These were formerly widely heard, especially among the Tanka43 and Hokloss boat people and among the Hakka149 villagers of the high plateaux where they are called shan-ko.117 When I was District Commissioner, New Territories, I attempted to arrange a performance of some of these shan-ko for the then Governor, Sir Alexander Grantham, but the star performer, who was a very old man, was afflicted by stage-fright and would not sing a note until after the Governor had left; nor would he allow the songs which he afterwards rendered to be recorded. However, I am sure this kind of reluctance could be overcome, perhaps by a little alcoholic inducement, but the point I really wish to emphasize is that now everybody has a transistor radio, no one wants to listen to the old songs and they are remembered only by the ancient. The evidence which they enshrine of the origin of our local people may be of high importance, quite aside from the artistic and musical merits of the songs and stories, and I think a determined effort should be made to ensure that this evidence, which we have so outrageously neglected while it was plentiful, should be put on record before it is too late.\n\nTwo non-Chinese words are the word yong for a village and the word kan53 for a water channel; if only more studies of the Yao languages were available, the list could be much longer. The late S. L. Wong of Hong Kong University, previously of Lingnam University, who had done original research among the Yao of two districts of Kwangtung Province, including his own native district of Tsang Shing,159 told me many years ago that one thing to look for when testing whether a \"Chinese\" village was of Yao origin was to keep a watchful eye and ear for traces of the cult of Pan-ku.112 At the same time he warned me that where the memory of tribal origin still lived among village traditions they were careful to conceal the fact from strangers, so that any direct question would almost certainly meet flat denial. This, I need hardly say, is characteristic of rural communities the world over and I have encountered similar difficulties even in recording the local names of mountains and streams, including one instance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204772, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "64 \n\nK. M. A. BARNETT \n\nNg \n\n103 Ngraahcrinn-chynn, \n\n104 Ngrhtrung-shaann, \n\nN. L. \n\n105 Ngrr-droi, £1 (+908—+959, with local variations). \n\n0 \n\n106 Obliterated villages:- Nai Tong Kok,101 Pak Hok Tuns and the original Tai Pak,35 some way from the present site. \n\nP \n\n107 Phuunniryh, #5. \n\n108 Preangzhaw, , an island five miles west of the western tip of Hong Kong Island. \n\n109 Preangzhaw, H, an island in the north-eastern part of Mirs Bay,41 \n\n110 Pre-Chinese languages: I should exempt from this stricture Professor Princeton S. Hsu,23 whose books, \"History of the People of South China”72 and \"A Study of the Thais, Chuangs and the Cantonese People\"133 are of great interest and should be read by anyone anxious to learn more in this field. But I think he goes too far in suggesting a Malay origin for the Tanka-or is it a Tanka origin for the Malays? \n\n111 Prengshaann, Ħ4. \n\n112 Pruunn-gwuur, 1. \n\nR \n\n113 River Capture. The break-through of the Kwun Yam Ho62 from the Lam Tsuen74 valley to Taipo:33 formerly it flowed through Fanling48 and Sheung Shui130 into Deep Bay;152 and that of the two streams which now flow into the sea at Sham Tseng,119 the headwaters of which used to flow through Tin Fu Tsai137 into Tai Lam.38 \n\n$ \n\nSei-braak, see 35, \n\n114 Shaahtraw-gok, YA★ · \n\n115 Shaahtrinn, 3⁄4w. \n\n+ \n\n116 Shaahtrinn-xoe, , still better known to the local people as Lik Yuen Hoi. \n\nShaamm-braak, E★ see 35, \n\n117 shaann-ghoh, Hakka saan-go, L. \n\n118 Shaannloo, \n\n#. \n\n119 Shamm-zearng, ##. \n\n+ \n\n120 Shamm-zeon, . The second word means an artificial channel with earth banks and suggests that the present river was cut to drain the swamps to the east and south-east of the present town. \n\n121 Shann Ngrrdroi-sir, ĦARK - \n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE \n\n65 \n\n122 Shann-qhonn, ✯✯. \n\n123 Shann-ghonn Jrynvzi. ĦEMA. \n\n124 Shann-qhonn Jrynvzi, ĦE, previous editions, see separate table. \n\n125 Shanntrinn, #w (there pronounced shangtrin), \n\n126 Shaygung, St. \n\n127 Sheong-shih-mruunn, \n\n128 Sreakbhek-whaann, \n\nH, the passage south of Cape D'Aguilar. \n\n*. \n\n129 Sreak-seoe-gaarn, ̃†M - \n\nSreoi-jran, **, see 42. \n\n1 \n\n130 Sreong-seoe, L. \n\n131 Srynnwhaann-xoe, MA. \n\n132 Sungeriw, \n\nT \n\n+960 +1279, but in Kwangtung only from +971. \n\nTaai-xhaanq, * see 11. \n\n133 Taaizruk Zrongzruk Jrytzruk xaao, ****** . \n\n134 Terraces. See also an excellent photograph in the latest report by the Director of Agriculture and Forestry. \n\n135 Thinnxrau-ghung, AB, or Thinnxrau-mriuv, B. Tin Hau is the patroness of the Tanka43 boat people. \n\n136 trinn, \n\n+ \n\n137 Trinnfhuuh-zae, W★# or Trinnfuur-zae, \n\n. \n\n138 known locally as Tronq-brok, #, pronounced treong-breok which \n\nI believe is a corruption of tryng-brok & the meaning of which had been forgotten. \n\n139 Trongcriw, I +618–+907. \n\n140 troo, . \n\n141 Trynn-mruunn, Es, local pronunciation tryną-mruunq, see 138. \n\nTrynnmruunn-zan, E18. \n\n142 trynntrinn, ɖ#. \n\nW \n\n143 what, or Z. The # of #, as is written in the San On Yuen Chi123 should be read thus, \n\n144 What-Iroofuur, Z. \n\n145 Wraljreoną, \n\n. \n\nWrang-buui, Я, see 51. \n\n146 Wrong Craaw, . The rebellion began in +877. Canton fell in +878 and Ch'ang An (the capital) in +880. The capital was retaken by loyal forces in +883 and the rebellion spluttered on for some years after the death of Huang Ch'ao in +884. Although defeated, the rebellion brought down the dynasty.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204776, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "=\n\n68\n\n# INTRODUCTION TO CHINESE PAINTING\n\nA lecture delivered on 19th August 1963\n\nHO TICKON\n\nThe technical side of Chinese painting does not present the same difficulties to a Chinese beginner as it would to a foreigner, for a Chinese is already familiar with the media he is going to use: paper, brushes, and ink or water colours.\n\nTo begin with, painting is but an extension of calligraphy, and every Chinese is trained in the mastery of brush work when he learns to write, as each ideogram requires that the strokes should be made in varying directions and that the brush pressure applied should be subject to constant alterations.\n\nThe ink and colours employed by Chinese artists differ from pigments used in the West. All are derived from mineral substances and produce an effect which pleases the eye and satisfies the imagination.\n\nThe ink should be prepared immediately before use, to ensure that the natural gloss is not lost. Pure water, a good, smooth grindstone, and an ink well are the requisites. The inkstick is rubbed gently on the stone in circular motion and diluted with water to the desired density.\n\nBrushes are usually made in three grades: hard, soft, and medium. Objects which need sharp delineation, like the finer stems of bamboo, are depicted with a hard brush, while the texture of a flower petal, with colour shading from pale to deep, is produced with a soft brush. In painting a bird or an insect, which adds life to a flower composition, a medium brush will be used.\n\nBefore applying the pigment, the brush should be thoroughly washed. This is essential to ensure fresh and brilliant colour, as any trace of previous usage will produce muddiness. The brush is then filled with clean water up to the bamboo holder. Next, it is dipped into the lighter shade of colour up to the half-way level, and finally, the tip, up to a third, is dipped in the darker shade. Thus filled, when the brush is applied to the paper, the colours spread themselves harmoniously, shading off at a single stroke.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204778, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "70\n\nHO TICKON\n\ning them to explore new methods which express their personalities.\n\nRules of composition for beginners have been formulated by various masters, but they may be rather a hindrance than an advantage to follow. They are apt to lead to a stilted form which is difficult to abandon later. A better plan is the close study of renowned painters, ancient and modern, examining their brushwork and the arrangement of the subject. The student should ponder why certain areas are left blank, and how the balance is achieved to produce such harmony,\n\nTo the Chinese eye a painting looks incomplete without the imprint of a seal and an inscription. The seals often two of them on a single painting, in which case one has the characters in red and the other in white on a red background, give the artist's name. The owner's seal is often added. A valuable painting, changing hands, often has the seals of successive owners. The inscription may give information on the painter's where-abouts and even age at the time of painting, serve as dedication or indicate the mood it was painted in. Occasionally it is an appreciation of the painting penned by another, more famous, artist. The calligraphy of the inscription must be in harmony with the painting and the placing of seals and inscriptions should give a well-balanced effect. A misplaced seal or inscription can ruin the whole effect of a good painting and render it unpleasing to the eye.\n\nAlthough there is a close relationship between Chinese painting and calligraphy and the scholars of old practised both arts, it does not follow that a master of calligraphy is necessarily an artist. There are many problems in painting which cannot be overcome by the calligrapher, though the materials are the same. The brush must be handled differently, and there is the need for harmonious application of colour and, above all, an eye for composition to produce a balanced work of art.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "78 \n\nJ. W. HAYES \n\nsix parts sea\", an exaggeration which none the less makes its point.24 \n\nHardly part of the fishing fleet as such, but a contribution to Peng Chau's sea-faring activity was the recovery of coral from the sea bed. The coral was used in the production of lime which was required in the building trade for making mortar. This was a major undertaking by the end of the century; it was, in fact, the largest in the New Territories at the time its numbers were reported in 1901.25 Twenty junks each carrying eighteen men and sixty boats each carrying six men, that is 720 men between them, were said to have been engaged in this work which took place within three square miles of sea between Peng Chau and Nei Kwu Chau, the present Hei Ling Chau leprosarium. Fishing, and the recovery of coral for the lime kilns, was such a large scale enterprise in Peng Chau waters at this time that, as two elders have put it to me on different occasions, you could walk on boats as far as the adjacent shore of Lantau, a distance of almost a mile. \n\nThe land dwellers on Peng Chau were of two kinds: Cantonese, whose principal outlet was business, and Hakkas who had settled down to farm there in the decades before and after 1800. The history and origins of the latter are well-defined by family graves and the recollections of their present descendants but the influx of the Cantonese, and the time and manner of their coming — because in many cases they probably came and went without making a permanent settlement — is more of a mystery. \n\nChinese land deeds of the Ching period are often useful since they sometimes uncover facts not recorded in the earliest land records of the British administration. I have seen such a deed dated 188226 which records the transfer of a shop from one party to another. Naturally this is a common enough transaction, but this particular deed provides interesting information about land ownership on Peng Chau at an earlier date. It relates how the CHAN Yan Hop Tong ✰✰ of San On district had, at a prior but unknown date, leased land sufficient to build ten houses to the CHAN Yee Ka Tong of Tung Kwun district, who in turn sold one shop built on this land to another person. There are actually two differently worded deeds of the same date relating to the same shop and the same transaction, and they \n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "PENG CHAU \n\n79 \n\nprovide complementary information which makes it clear that this is the position. \n\nThough this is not stated in the deeds, it is very likely that these two Tongs were related and formed part of one large clan. Of the two, the CHAN Yan Hop Tong is evidently the principal and probably owned more land on Peng Chau than the portion it leased to the other Tong. It is interesting that it still owned land on the Lantau coast after 1898 when the land registers give its address as Nam Tau, the district city of San On. However, on the scanty information at present available, this Tong is rather a shadowy body, though we have a little more information about its lessee, the CHAN Yee Ka Tong, which itself may have been quite wealthy. On one of the 1882 deeds the seller CHAN Kai-sin describes himself as Chung Tong Shi 中堂司 of this Tong. This must have been a clan office and the seller and other members of his Tong were almost certainly resident in Tung Kwun and not in Peng Chau. A few years before (1878) the commemorative tablet in the Tin Hau temple \n\nlists the CHAN Kai-sin Tong4 as having contributed six taels of silver to the repair fund. In the light of the deed, the inscription on the tablet is probably a mistake and should have read CHAN Yee Ka Tong, of which CHAN Kai-sin was a leading member. This gift put this Tong among the main subscribers, thereby attesting its importance on the island. The other is not mentioned on the tablet. \n\nThese Tongs were almost certainly absentee landlords, and the first of them may perhaps have had tax-lord privileges for the whole island which may have been granted to it at an earlier and unknown date, in the eighteenth century or even before, in return for services rendered to the imperial government.27 They most likely belonged to a family of scholar gentry of some importance in its own locality, and the rents from its Peng Chau property would help to support its members and provide funds to enable them to study for the examinations and so continue to obtain official posts. \n\nWhilst the 1798 tablet in the Tin Hau temple gives no direct evidence of these Tongs' ownership of land on Peng Chau in the eighteenth century, it does give a few good hints. Two CHANS appear as the principal donors, and it is interesting that the names", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "FENG CHAU \n\n83 \n\ncontributed a joss-stand table to the temple in the first year of the Tao Kwang period (1821) and a ferry from Shek Lung was one of the donors in 1878. Three local ferries are also listed on the tablet. According to local information36 two of them, each capable of taking a load of 40-50,000 catties (approximately 24-30 tons), sailed between Peng Chau and Chan Tsuen #in \n\nLANTAU \n\nYee Pak. \n\nTai \n\nTei Wan \n\nNim Shue Wan \n\nCheung Sha Lan \n\nPENG CHÂU \n\nHung Shui \n\nKau Shat Wan \n\nSILVER MINE \n\nBAY \n\n(Man Kok \n\nMILAL \n\n'NEI KWU CHAU \n\nPeng Chau and Surrounding Area \n\nthe Delta, whilst the third, which was smaller with a load capacity of 10,000 catties (about 6 tons), plied at need between Peng Chau and the local ports of Hong Kong, Kowloon, Cheung Chau and Tsuen Wan. The goods carried from the Delta towns were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "84 \n\nJ. W. HAYES \n\nprobably building materials and general goods, including clothing, luxury items and foodstuffs, since Peng Chau produced little more than sufficed for the Hakka farmers who had settled there. In the other direction the boats may have taken salt fish and shrimp paste, and lime for the building trade from Peng Chau's kilns. \n\nPeng Chau's development in the nineteenth century and before was assisted by its proximity to the south-east coast of Lantau. The waters in this area, except in the south-west monsoon, are generally calm and are easily crossed by rowing sampans or wind-driven craft. In 1898 there were some half a dozen small villages and hamlets situated along this coast37 which, together with a large settlement on Nei Kwu Chau, used Peng Chau as a market centre, selling their produce and livestock there and purchasing goods of all kinds from the island's shopkeepers. The area east of Tai Pak appears to have been well settled in 1899 by Hakka farmers whose descendants still live there today, but from Tai Pak west to Man Kok the land must at one time have supported a larger population than it did in 1899. The land registers show that many fields were abandoned, and no owners came forward to claim them at the Land Settlement after the lease of the New Territories. Even the claimed land, which in this area was in the minority, was in the course of changing hands, largely by way of mortgage to persons from Peng Chau. A WONG Keng of Peng Chau had recently become the registered owner of sixteen acres situated there and east to Yee Pak and was giving mortgages to other owners. The LAMs of Peng Chau were in possession of many fields at Man Kok and Kau Sat Wan, of which they were the mortgagees. They also held the mortgages of other fields there which belonged to the unfortunate LUI clan of Peng Chau. The large amount of empty fields, unclaimed at the lease, is interesting and the conclusion must therefore be that there were more settlers in this part of Lantau fifty or a hundred years before, and that these persons helped in a small but steady way to increase Peng Chau's prosperity,38 These families had either died or gone away by 1899. \n\nIn an island community like Peng Chau where different groups found themselves in the course of time committed to joint settlement, and hence to the need to establish a modus vivendi, one of the more interesting relationships is that which subsisted", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204796, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "FENG CHAU\n\n87\n\nChinese New Year, were accustomed to visit their parent villages, which were in any case not far away. However, there seem in mid-century to have been close links with the Tung Kwun association of Cheung Chau. Fifteen Peng Chau shops47 subscribed to the repair of the association's premises in 1866, and Peng Chau residents may have been members of the association, as is the case with several of the Cheung Chau district and other organisations today.\n\ntoday. The extent of the help given on that occasion may be attributed either to this, or else to some very energetic canvassing by the Cheung Chau organisers.48\n\nHowever, the gradual expansion of the local community did bring with it various manifestations of communal endeavour. There was an interesting building, now in ruins, known as the Yee Chee, which was a poor house rather on the lines of the Fong Pin Hospital at Cheung Chau. It was a substantial structure constructed from the dark grey-blue bricks of the region, and rather like a temple in appearance. There were three rooms: one for sick persons, one for the dying and one for the caretaker. There were idols inside, the principal one being that of the God of Ghosts. The Yee Chee is said to have been constructed by the island Kaifong from funds specially raised for the\n\n# purpose and was maintained by them as occasion required. It was intended for use by destitute persons in poor health and as a place where they could die in peace. No one with relatives able to support him would ever let himself be taken there. Free coffins were provided by the Kaifong. It was available to all, land and sea dwellers alike. The caretaker was supported by collections and was allowed to cultivate land under the control of the Kaifong. The building was not in particularly good repair when Mr. CHUNG was a boy, and its origin can therefore be dated with confidence to 1850 or before.\n\nThe Peng Chau Kaifong mentioned in the previous paragraph had premises on each side of the Tin Hau temple. They were renovated in 1876-77 about the same time as the temple. Present elders clearly recall a tablet in the office building to one side of the temple which said it was enlarged. The annexe on the other side served as a school or guest house as the need arose. It is not certain when the Kaifong began,50 but it appears to have existed before this office was repaired and it has been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204797, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "88 \n\nJ. W. HAYES \n\ncredited with the construction of the Yee Chee about 1850. What does appear fairly certain is that the Kaifong originated among the Cantonese shopkeepers and house-owners of Wing On Street, the main, and for long the only, street on the island. The street had a corporate identity which was quite separate from the rest of the island, and this is clearly shown on the 1878 tablet which is at pains to differentiate donors as belonging to either \"this street\" or \"this island\". There were one or two of them, rather than one. By the turn of the century, however, Hakka shopkeepers in the main street, the CHUNG clan, who in origin was a leading member of the Kaifong, but this was apparently a recent development. The Kaifong's interests thus became those of the island community at large. It was not necessarily in regular session with meetings once a week or once a month, but is more likely to have been rather sporadic in its activities, active only when it was asked to advise, arbitrate or organise, as the need arose.\n\nThere was also an association for religious purposes known as the Hung Man Wui. It is mentioned in the 1878 tablet in the Tin Hau temple, when it was among the principal subscribers. One assumes, therefore, that it had many members. It was responsible for the organisation of the various festivals, including the staging of processions and the customary opera or puppet shows, and its directors were chosen by \"shaking the sticks\" at the temple once a year. Apparently anyone could join and, in theory at least, anyone could be chosen by the gods for the chief posts. I am told that it still exists today, for similar objects.\n\nLest this article should leave the impression of a well-organised and orderly community which lived a peaceful existence year by year in ever growing prosperity, it is as well to call attention to the more uncertain side of daily life at the time under review. The period was characterised by the gradual break-down of imperial control which was reflected in unsettled conditions. The tablets of 1835 recording the fishermen's petition to the Viceroy recalls the presence of pirates, and cargo junks and ferries in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204800, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "PENG CHAU\n\n91\n\nThere are said to be over 230 islands within the Crown Colony of Hong Kong. See Hong Kong Annual Report for 1962 (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1963) p. 319.\n\n? I am not well acquainted with the Chinese records, but there seems to be little information on Peng Chau available in the San On Gazetteer, or Gazetteer of the San On District, last edition 1819, but reprinted by Kwangtung Printers, Canton, 1933.\n\n10 A lucky day of a winter month of the third year of Chia Ching.\n\n11 A lucky day of the third winter month of the 57th year of Chien Lung.\n\n12 It is customary to do so: in fact the 1878 tablet states whether subscribers are local or from various other places. I base this statement on experience of many such tablets, but there are always exceptions to disprove the general rule. Tablets may be considered generally to be reliable, but are subject to occasional errors and omissions.\n\n13 A lucky day of the third winter month of the year, third year of Kuang Hsü (January/February 1878).\n\n14 The nineteenth day of the seventh Moon of the fifteenth year of Tao Kwang. There is nothing on the tablet to indicate that it was the only one erected. If it was, it confirms the island's importance as a fishing centre,\n\n15 This date and the number of boats stated cannot be confirmed. It is given in a short manuscript account of Peng Chau in Chinese, available locally, compiled anonymously a few years ago,\n\n16 On Cheung Chau a Peng On Tong existed in 1898 when, together with two other Tongs, it held a lease of land for a boatshed. These appear to have been organisations of Tanka fishermen. The Peng On Tong and its boatshed still exist, though its affairs have been managed by several generations of a prominent Punti family since at least 1910 (BCL and Land Registers).\n\n17 For some information on the origins of the Tanka see K. M. A. Barnett \"The Peoples of the New Territories\" in Hong Kong Business Symposium (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, 1957) p. 261 and his Introduction, pp. 2-3 to T. R. Tregear's Hong Kong Gazetteer (Hong Kong University Press, 1958).\n\n18 The local name for trawlers is ... The smaller types of Tanka fishing craft using the anchorage in 1898 are described as * and *. Then there are Hoklo boats of a similar type: one usually equipped with cars and styled #, and a variant called, literally \"chicken hair claw\", which was the type of boat used by Mr. CHUNG and his fellow Hakka fishermen. I am told that the first are principally shrimp boats and the latter mainly used for catching fish. There is a good description of such craft on p. 53 of Orme's Report in Sessional Papers 1912 quoted above, which is also useful for a contemporary account of the boat people. A list of the various types of local fishing craft (modern) is given in Table I, pp. 45-51 of Stanley S. S. Yuan's paper on Fishing Junks, which was read to the Engineering Society of Hong Kong in the 1955-56 session and published in January 1956 in volume IX no. 2 of their Proceedings. A diagram showing six local types is on p. 55. For an interesting account of the Hong Kong fishing fleet before the Japanese War, see Reports on the Fisheries Industries of Hong Kong by S. Y. Lin, apparently written between 1938-48, of which there is a typescript copy in the Library, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "94\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n96\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nSince writing about Cheung Chau I have discovered that the Kaifong there were responsible for a large communal free grave dated the sixth month of the twelfth year of Tung Chi (summer 1873) and repaired in 1901, which takes its history further back than I had imagined; whilst at Stanley * on Hong Kong island the present Kaifong occupies the premises of its predecessor the Sin On Kung Soi2 which were repaired for that body in the twenty-seventh year of Tao Kwang (1847) according to the inscription on the granite lintel over the entrance and a tablet set in the wall outside of the same date.\n\n51 See Administrative Report 1925 of the District Officer, New Territories for a later example,\n\n52 See the Cheung Chau article p. 92, and my earlier \"Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898\" pp. 86-88 and note 29. In the latter for \"HO family\" read \"CHEUNG family\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204805, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "96\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nSince writing about Cheung Chau I have discovered that the Kaifong there were responsible for a large communal free grave dated the sixth month of the twelfth year of Tung Chi (summer 1873) and repaired in 1901, which takes its history further back than I had imagined; whilst at Stanley * on Hong Kong island the present Kaifong occupies the premises of its predecessor the Sin On Kung Sor2 which were repaired for that body in the twenty-seventh year of Tao Kwang (1847) according to the inscription on the granite lintel over the entrance and a tablet set in the wall outside of the same date.\n\n51 See Administrative Report 1925 of the District Officer, New Territories for a later example.\n\n52 See the Cheung Chau article p. 92, and my earlier \"Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898\" pp. 86-88 and note 29. In the latter for \"HO family\" read \"CHEUNG family\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204806, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "97\n\nHONG KONG BUTTERFLIES\n\nV. R. BURKHARDT\n\nRichard South, the author of the most popular handbook of British butterflies, prefaces his work by saying, \"Almost everyone admires the wild flowers that Nature produces so lavishly, and in such charming variety of form and colour; but, in addition to their own proper florescence, the plants of woodland, meadow, moor, and down have other blossoms that arise from them, although they are not of them. These are the beautiful winged creatures called butterflies, which, as crawling caterpillars, obtain their nourishment from plant leafage, and in the perfect state help the bees to rifle the flowers of their sweets, and at the same time assist in the work of fertilisation.\n\nEnglish butterflies rarely obtrude themselves on the stroller's gaze apart from the whites which devastate his cabbages, and the apparently aimless flight of the Meadow Brown, when crossing a hayfield. The real country lover passing through the leafless copse on a sunny windless day in February, may be heartened by the sight of the sulphur yellow of the male Brimstone which, as the \"butter-coloured fly\", gives its English name to the whole race. In Hong Kong, the most unobservant cannot fail to notice the brilliant \"aerial flowers\" referred to by the British naturalist, as the purple shot Euploeas, or the yellow Euremas pass him in the very centre of the city.\n\nThough the Colony lies just within the tropic of Cancer, at least seventy per cent of its butterflies are Palaearctic, that is to say, to be found normally in a zone running from Africa north of the Sahara across Europe and Asia to Japan and Formosa. The geology and climate of the Colony both militate against the luxurious vegetation associated with a tropical country. Though much has been done by the Government in the way of afforestation, there has not been time since the British occupation to produce the leaf mould and rich subsoil found in primitive jungle and forest, and the flora on which the larvae of butterflies feed is much more restricted than in countries like Malaya and Indonesia.\n\nEarly collectors identified about 140 different species of butterflies in the Colony, and J. C. Kershaw in his \"Butterflies of Hong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204816, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BUTTERFLIES\n\n99\n\nA white, suffused dorsal patch, or smear, is on the fifth and sixth segments, extending down the sides. Half grown the creature is bright moss green and the processes become obsolete. The protective armament of all Papilio larvae is known as the osmeterium. From this gland it can protrude two forked filaments emitting an odour which is highly pungent, resembling certain dried fruits. In the case of P. paris the filaments are orange and it extends them when disturbed or annoyed. The pupa is subangular, the general colour bright green, the dorsal and wing ridges light yellow. The head is cleft very obtusely, forming two projections. It is attached to a twig by a cremestral pad at the tail, and a silk girdle. Its coloration makes it extremely hard to detect, and the pupa is rarely found until the imago has emerged, when the empty case, the shade of skimmed milk, renders it conspicuous.\n\nPractically all the Papilio larvae feed on the upper side of the leaf, and are consequently much easier to find than those of other families. Chilasa clytia, whose caterpillars are dark brown with vivid primrose streaks, is a case in point. The food plant is Litsea sebifera, and it seems to affect seedlings so that half a dozen larvae in various stages of growth, vie with each other to attract the human eye.\n\nMODEL AND MIMIC\n\nAnything in motion attracts the human eye, and butterflies on the wing are conspicuous objects. In nearly every case the upper sides of the insects would make concealment difficult, even at rest were the wings to remain spread. Whereas a moth on alighting chooses a background to suit the coloration, and pattern of its forewings which cover the often more brilliantly marked hind, the butterfly rests with folded members cocked up, and merely exhibiting the under pattern. This is usually marvellously broken up to suit the insect's normal surroundings and confers upon it a cloak of invisibility.\n\nIn flight the butterfly relies on speed to evade its main enemies the birds, and those species which have a weaker movement such as the Pieridae rely on its irregularity to dodge their foes. If one of these is met by a collector in a ride it will practically always slip over or under the net, and the only assured way of capture is to strike when the insect is past, with a following sweep.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204838, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "116\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\nwhich lies in the mouth of the Pearl River estuary between Macao and Castle Peak on the opposite headland. However, during the south-west monsoons the anchorages of Kapsuimun門 pq 29, and Hong Kong were used because they provided greater protection. The Kapsuimun anchorage was situated south of Ma Wan island and sheltered to the west by the headland of Lantao and to the east by Tsing I island. Because of the smuggling of opium from depot ships at these outer anchorages the capabilities of the anchorages off Lantao island and between Hong Kong island and Kowloon on the mainland became thoroughly known to British merchants and sea captains. In 1835 a former member of the British East India Company published a book in which he advocated the need for Britain to obtain some island from which trade with China could be carried on because of the uncertain conditions of trade at Canton following the ending of the Company's monopoly30. In a review of this book published in the Chinese Repository the reviewer remarks on the fact that the author pressed the idea of Britain acquiring Macao from Portugal, which he considered ill-advised. He wrote\n\nThe want of a good harbour, and its dangerous position in the season of typhoons and strong north or east gales, unfit it for the possession of a commercial nation, as point d'appui. Lantao is better, and this we should prefer of the places named by our author. It is an island, capable of defence, producing abundant supplies of food, with many good harbours, is not so near the provincial city as to render it dangerous for natives to resort to it, for the purpose of commerce.31\n\nThus in 1835 Lantao was still considered eligible as a possible British settlement. In May 1839 the British Superintendent of Trade, Captain Charles Elliot, and all British subjects, left Canton as a result of the measures taken by the Imperial Commissioner Lin Tse-hsü, and retired to Macao. However, when in mid-August of 1839 the British were forced out of Macao by Chinese pressure it was to the anchorage of Hong Kong that the English ships went. Although Hong Kong was eventually ceded to Britain by the Treaty of Nanking 1842 this had not always been an automatic choice, the possibility of forming a settlement on Formosa, the Bonin Islands, and on Ma Wan and Lantao island had previously been given serious consideration.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204847, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "LUN HENG\n\n125\n\nThe republication, unchanged and in an excellent edition, of Alfred Forke's Lun Heng, by the Paragon Book Gallery in 1962, is clearly a most significant event. Just how valuable is Forke's work?\n\nWhen first published in 1907 and 1911, Forke's translation of the Lun Heng was rightly lauded by Pelliot (Journal Asiatique 20, 1912, pp. 156-171), and later by Karlgren (Bulletin, Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, 23, 1951, pp. 107-135). Forke's translation, done without the use of a Chinese commentary, was not only one of the greatest Western sinological works, but was also the first serious study of the Lun Heng in any language. We now have several studies and commentaries in Chinese, and also partial translations and summaries in English. Does Forke's work still stand up today?\n\nAs a translation, Forke's great work still stands alone. There is no other complete translation, not even in Japanese. Translations into Polish and into Mandarin have been announced but, so far as I know, not completed. Thirteen chapters (out of the 84 extant) have been translated into Mandarin in the Chung-kuo che-hsüeh-shih tzu-liao hsüan-chi, Liang Han chih pu, 1960, Peking, pp. 215-421.\n\nAs for the quality of the translation, I have already pointed out in my \"Contribution to a New Translation of the Lun Heng\", T'oung Pao 44, 1956, pp. 100-149, that many rough edges and minor inaccuracies need to be eliminated. Nevertheless Forke's understanding of the text is excellent. Comparison with the minute portions translated by E. R. Hughes (Chinese Philosophy in Classical Times, 1942, pp. 317-336), D. Bodde (Fung Yu-lan, A History of Chinese Philosophy, Vol. II, 1953, pp. 150-167), Burton Watson (in Sources of Chinese Tradition, 1960, pp. 250-155), and Chan Wing-tsit (A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, 1963 pp. 292-304) shows that these scholars, with all the modern aids unavailable to Forke, can still only make slight improvements to his translation.\n\nUntil the welcome publication of this second edition, copies of Forke's translation were almost unobtainable (£30 was a quoted figure). I suggested in my \"Contribution\" that a new translation was required to fill the gap. If such a translation is to be done now that Forke's is again available, it would need to be fully\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "126\n\nD. LESLIE\n\nannotated. The Lun Heng is over six times the size of Mencius and thirteen times that of the Analects (of which Waley's translation takes up 150 pages with 100 pages of comment). The task is clearly enormous. Until such time as a modern scholar can devote many years to this work alone, Forke's translation will remain indispensable.\n\nForke's \"Introduction\" (pp. 4-44) is still amongst the finest summaries of Wang Ch'ung's thought. It goes deeper than the wider-ranging general surveys of Chinese philosophy mentioned earlier, and consequently gives a more rounded picture of his contribution. The only comparable western summary is given by Li Shi Yi in his \"Wang Ch'ung\" T'ien Hsia Monthly 5, 1937, pp. 162-184, 290-307. After reading Forke, one may turn to the more specialised studies by Joseph Needham in his Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. II, 1956, pp. 368-386; and by myself on \"Technical Vocabulary\" (in my \"Contribution\" pp. 134-149); on Wang Ch'ung's biological ideas in \"Early Chinese Ideas on Heredity\" Asiatische Studien: Etudes Asiatiques 1/2, 1953, pp. 26-46; and on \"Les Théories de Wang Tch'ong sur la Causalité\" (to appear in 1964 in the Mélanges).\n\nSince Forke's work appeared, several annotated commentaries to the Lun Heng have been published. The best is undoubtedly the 1938 Lun-heng Chiao-shih by Huang Hui. Unfortunately this is almost unobtainable. A second-best is the 1957 Lun-heng Chi-chieh by Liu P'an-sui, based on work up to 1932. Both include the comments by earlier scholars such as Yü Yüch and Sun Yi-jang; and both give, in extensive appendices, passages from the Chinese works throughout the centuries which mention Wang Ch'ung. However, Huang Hui not only gives a fully punctuated text, but also the pre-Han and Han parallels, rarely given in Liu P'an-sui's edition, but many of which had been found independently by Forke, who also gives a valuable list of Wang Ch'ung's quotations from earlier sources. Huang Hui also includes the brilliant essay on Wang Ch'ung's reasoning by Hu Shih.\n\nThere is no need to go into details about the many recent books and articles in Chinese on Wang Ch'ung, since Timoteus Pokora has dealt with them in his excellent, mainly bibliographical essay \"The Necessity of a more thorough Study of philosopher", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204850, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "128\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nGEORGE CHINNERY 1774-1852, ARTIST OF THE CHINA COAST. By Henry and Sidney Berry-Hill. 61 pages text, bibliography, and 76 pages of black and white photographs. F. Lewis, Publishers, Ltd., England. Price U.K. 10 Guineas, U.S. $30.00.\n\nThe various phases of the artist's life - early years, the English and Irish periods, the sojourn in India, and the final years in South China are described. The 76 plates of photographs comprise 154 subjects.\n\nSince the Arts Council exhibition of 1957 in England and Scotland, there is renewed interest in Chinnery. As information about him is frequently fragmentary, there is definite need for a comprehensive biography. However, enthusiasts and scholars will be disappointed by this book. The approach is lyrical and romantic instead of factual, authoritative, and scholarly.\n\nIt is all very well to quote the inscription on the silver palette presented to Chinnery by the Artists of Dublin (even though this information appears in Plate 1), but why describe it as “measures 16 inches across and was made by one of the leading silversmiths” when actual measurements, hallmark, date letter, and silversmith mark are all known and recorded.1\n\nTo claim Chinnery painted unsigned oils of sporting scenes2 in India on the sole basis of a label admittedly dated at least eight years after he left Dacca, strains imagination to the bursting point. Those who know what Chinnery sketched and painted in India and China - houses, temples, people, domestic animals — all placid scenes - will find it difficult, if not impossible, to accept this attribution.\n\nThe false alarm of Mrs. Chinnery's prospective arrival in China, amusingly described by W. C. Hunter, intimate friend...\n\n1 Arts Council Catalogue 1957 15\" x 13\", Dublin hallmark, date letter \"E\" (for 1801), and silversmith mark \"R.W.” (for Richard Whitford).\n\n2 Page 25, Plates 18 and 19.\n\n* Page 268, W. C. Hunter Bits of Old China,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n135\n\nThe First 50 Years is not only a beautiful memento of the Jubilee Year but also an interesting first history of the University and a useful work of reference. More research is needed on certain subjects, such as the activities of graduates in China and in Southeast Asia as well as in the colony itself. I suspect that the University and the Medical College which preceded it, and such secondary schools as Central (later Queen's College) and Belilios, exercised more influence in China than is generally recognized. For that matter all of the contributions of Hong Kong to the modernization of China need study; many of these have not even been identified. When the definitive history of the University of Hong Kong is written, after considerably more research has been done, The First 50 Years will be one of the principal sources.\n\nCornell University\n\nKNIGHT BIGGERSTAFF,\n\nTHE CHINESE ON THE ART OF PAINTING: TRANSLATIONS AND COMMENTS. Osvald Sirén. Schocken Books, New York, and Hong Kong University Press, 1963. 21 monochrome illustrations. H.K.$16. U.S.$1.95.\n\nThis book was first published by the firm of Henri Vetch in Peiping in 1936 and had long been out of print. It is excellent to see it available again, this time in a paper-back edition, printed on good paper, with reasonably wide margins, attractive print, and twenty-one extremely good black and white illustrations.\n\nThis book was a landmark in the study of Chinese painting in the West when it first appeared because it gave the reader, through translation and comment, a knowledge of the attitudes of Chinese painters to their craft throughout the centuries. Now it is again available to a new generation of readers who will be able to discover what the Chinese themselves have said about the art of painting. It contains extracts in translation from Kuo Hsi's famous Shan Shui Hsün (“Comments on Landscape\"), put together by his son who gives us a vivid picture of his father's method in the following passage: \"On the days when he was going to paint (he would place himself) at a bright window before a clean table and burned incense right and left. He took a fine", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204860, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "138\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nbetween man and woman. True, there are many Chinese poems by men professing affection for other men in terms which would bring serious embarrassment if not public prosecution to an English poet; true also that in old China, where marriages were arranged by the parents, a man's need for sympathy, understanding, and affection often found their answer in another man\n\n15\n\nOne of the things that often lead to a misunderstanding of Chinese poetry is the insistence, to the point of excess, on the associative power of Chinese characters. One often hears that the genius of China is in its written language, in the curves and squares and dashes of its mystic signs. However, to the Chinese there is much less mysticism attached to their ideograms. They are taken for granted. No doubt association is important in Chinese poetry but it is allusion which provides the chief difficulty to readers, foreign and native alike. It is often impossible for people who have no classical Chinese background to go beyond the first line of some Chinese poems.\n\nPerhaps Mr. Liu's chief contribution to an understanding of this art is his application of Western methods to the criticism of Chinese poetry and his attempt at a synthesis between the traditional Chinese views of poetry and the verbal analytical approach of the West. This is contained in Part III of the book which begins with a criticism of the four schools of critics, namely, The Moralists, the Individualists, the Technicians and the Intuitionalists, and continues with a description of how these views might be reconciled. Imagery, symbolism, allusion, antithesis and other poetical devices are then described, contrasting Western and Chinese uses of them.\n\nThere will always be two types of readers: the man in the street and the academician. To whichever category one may belong, to those who are looking for something peculiarly Chinese or to those who look upon poetry as an exploration of different worlds (world as \"emotion and scene\")—there will be much to enjoy in Mr. Liu's well-conceived volume The Art of Chinese Poetry.\n\nT. C. LAI.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204862, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "140\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nbill, a useful bit of information often omitted in bird books. Also included are brief sections on Habits (again often omitted in bird books), Voice (if heard in Hong Kong), Habitat, World Range, and Records for Hong Kong (where, when and how frequently seen).\n\nA lecture given by Major Macfarlane in 1960 to the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society is reproduced. This shows the distinctive features of Hong Kong as seen by the bird watcher, such as its wide range of habitats within a small area and the fact that being on the northern limit of the tropics it is in a zone where northern birds and tropical birds overlap to some extent. It is also on a migration route and in spring or autumn one may see many species on their way to or from their breeding grounds in the Arctic.\n\nThe illustrations in black and white by Commander A. M. Hughes are excellent and there is also a useful map at the end showing most of the places mentioned in the book. It is clearly printed on good paper and will fit easily into the pocket.\n\nAnother very useful feature is a chapter on bird-watching areas by J. L. Cranmer-Byng. It is easy in Hong Kong to walk in the country for some hours and see hardly any birds. One must know where to look and in describing the best areas Mr. Cranmer-Byng makes clear the threat now faced by the ever \"encroaching tide of human activities\" which has already driven many birds out of places where they were abundant in Dr. Herklots' time. It is suggested that eventually Hong Kong will need to establish a Nature Reserve. Surely the need is for a Nature Reserve now. In a few years' time it may not be possible to find a large enough area which would be suitable.\n\nIt has been a pleasure to review this excellent little book on which Miss Benham, her collaborators and her publishers are to be congratulated. If you already know something about birds in another part of the world it will enable you to get to know the rich variety of birds to be found in Hong Kong. If you know little about birds but would like to know more it will almost certainly entangle you irretrievably in an absorbing hobby which will give lifelong pleasure.\n\nA. ST. G. WALTON.\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204864, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "142\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nIndian archaeology, Robert Bruce Foote, a fascinating story that probably could be duplicated in every country in the world as regards the beginnings of archaeological interest and research. In this third section there is also a paper by Naoichi Kokubu and Erika Kaneko entitled Ryukyu Survey 1960 which is a preliminary report on ethnological and archaeological research carried out on several of the islands of the Ryukyu archipelago. The report is detailed, well and fully illustrated with notes on the history and customs of the islands in addition to findings from excavations and the study of existing museum material. An appendix, Note on the skeletal material collected during the 1960 Survey by Takeo Kana Saki accompanies the report. Other notes and articles in this section are New Dates for Early Pottery in Japan; On the Origins of Traditional Vietnamese Music; A First Classification of Prehistoric Bone and Tooth Artifacts,—and two articles on the occurrence of glass rings and bracelets in Southeast Asia.\n\nThe Journal is pleasant to read and to handle with good print and clear drawings and photographs.\n\nE. MANEELY", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204901, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "into close contact with the people of the rural districts of the Colony. The success of these studies proved so encouraging that we have considered it to be a worthy task to follow up and to record in print all that can be recorded now of the traditional aspects of Chinese life which can still be seen in the rural areas of Hong Kong, but which are in danger of dying and vanishing forever. The results of the Symposium, including the substance of the papers read on the first day, have been recorded in a booklet edited by Dr. Marjorie Topley which will be published in a month or two. It will be the first comprehensive sociological study of New Territories organization. We commend this booklet to members and we hope that we can recoup the cost of its printing. We hope to be able to continue this line of study and research and that it might be of assistance to the Committee of the City Hall Museum, who are considering a project for the inclusion in the Museum of exhibits illustrating the ethnography and history of the native peoples of Hong Kong.\n\nA particular feature of the Society's work is the production of its Journal and we may justly feel a sense of pride in the vigorous scholarship exemplified in the first three volumes. Owing to a series of unforeseen difficulties, the issue for 1963-64, which should have been published last summer, has been much delayed. Mr. Cranmer-Byng, the Chairman of the Editorial Committee, who had been mainly responsible for the first three volumes left the Colony early in 1964, and Mr. Talbot, who kindly stepped into the breach, was on leave until the late autumn. The printers also had been unable to obtain the special accented type for the romanization of oriental languages which had been ordered in October 1963. The Journal, however, will, we are assured, be out next month.\n\nDuring 1964 the Society suffered serious and regrettable losses. In March, Sir Robert Black, who had been our Patron since the branch was revived, left the Colony. He was not only our Patron but had enrolled as a life member. He had taken an active interest in the Society and both he and Lady Black, in spite of the many calls on their time, attended most of our meetings. In the same month, Mr. Cranmer-Byng left. He took a leading part in the re-establishment of the Hong Kong Branch in 1959; he was a tower of strength on the Council and was the Chairman", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204912, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "ARCHAEOLOGICAL DISCOVERY\n\n15\n\nSince World War II archaeological work has continued fairly vigorously. From 1947 to 1949 a small team regularly (every Sunday) visited Lamma. Mr. W. Weinberger, Mr. Paul Daiko and the author were the key members. The finds collected were taken care of by Mr. Weinberger who took them to England after his tour of duty with the military forces.\n\nIt was not until February 1953 that a society was formed to promote and stimulate organized archaeological study through active fieldwork. It was set up as part of the Geographical, Geological and Archaeological Society of the University of Hong Kong. Its membership consisted of internal, external, graduate and associated students of the University. This Society continues to be active.\n\nIn March 1956 a University Archaeological Team was founded. Its membership is limited to twenty-five, all of whom must be active workers in the field. The need for such a team alongside the Geographical, Geological and Archaeological Society was felt to be justified because of the large number of new sites discovered and the need for experienced workers capable of regular systematic work and providing exact, written and illustrated records. Membership of this team is open to University staff and others. At present approximately half are from the University and half from outside. Responsibility for running the Team is with the Department of Geography and Geology under the leadership of the Head of Department. Regular monthly talks to the Team on different aspects of archaeology are given. During the cooler months fieldwork is carried out, mainly at weekends. The Team has an archaeological laboratory and storeroom in the Fung Ping Shan Museum on Bonham Road.\n\nBeginning in April 1958 the Team started what so far has proved to be its largest and most outstanding work. This was the excavations at Man Kok Tsui, Silvermine Bay on Lantau Island (4). This site was first reported by a member of the Team, Dr. S. Bard. It had the great advantage of being practically undisturbed. With the help of the Hong Kong Government, who provided $3,000 for expenses, digs continued throughout the summer and autumn of 1958.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204926, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "27\n\nTHE POPULATION OF CHINA\n\nA LETTER ON THE POPULATION OF CHINA,\n\naddressed to the Registrar General, London:\n\nBy SIR JOHN BOWRING. Read to the Society, 8th August, 1855.\n\n(Editor's Note:-Beginning with the present volume the Society will reprint a selected article from the Transactions of the old China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society whenever it is convenient to do so. There were published in Hong Kong six Transactions of the China Branch between the years 1847 and 1859. The only known complete extant sets of the Transactions in the Colony are the microfilmed sets recently acquired by the Library of the University of Hong Kong and by the Society. The present selection is taken from Transactions, Part V, 1855, pp. 1-16. The author was Governor of Hong Kong, 1854 to 1859, and an able early President of the Society. The subject is one of continuing, intriguing interest. The article is reprinted here in its original, unrevised form.)\n\nGovernment House, Hong Kong, 13th July, 1855.\n\nSir, I wish it were possible to give a satisfactory reply to your inquiries as to the real Population of China.\n\nThere has been no official census taken since the time of Kia King, 43 years ago. Much doubt has been thrown upon the accuracy of these returns, which give 362,447,183 as the total number of the inhabitants of China. I think our greater knowledge of the country increases the evidence in favour of the approximative correctness of the official document, and that we may with tolerable safety estimate the present population of the Chinese Empire as between 350,000,000 and 400,000,000 of human beings. The penal Laws of China make provision for a general system of registration; and corporal punishments, generally amounting to 100 blows of the bamboo, are to be inflicted on those who neglect to make the proper returns. The machinery is confided to the Elders of the district, and the census is required to be annually taken; but I have no reason to believe the law is obeyed, or the neglect of it punished,\n\nIn the English translation of Father Alvares Semedo's history of China published in London A.D. 1655, is the following passage\n\n\"This kingdom is so exceedingly populous, that having lived there two-and-twenty years, I was in no less amazement at my", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204934, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "The Population of China \n\n35 \n\nIn all parts of China to which we have access, we find not only that every foot of ground is cultivated which is capable of producing anything, but that, from the value of land and the surplus of labour, cultivation is rather that of gardeners than of husbandmen. The sides of hills, in their natural declivity often unavailable, are, by a succession of artificial terraces, turned to profitable account. Every little bit of soil, though it be only a few feet in length and breadth, is turned to account; and not only is the surface of the land thus cared for, but every device is employed for the gathering together of every article that can serve for manure. Scavengers are constantly clearing the streets of the stercoraceous filth—the cloacae are farmed by speculators in human ordure; the most populous places are often made offensive by the means taken to prevent the precious deposits from being lost. The fields in China have almost always large earthenware vessels for the reception of the contributions of the peasant or the traveller. You cannot enter any of their great cities without meeting multitudes of men, women, and children, conveying liquid manure into the fields and gardens around. The stimulants to production are applied with most untiring industry. In this colony of Hong Kong, I scarcely ever ride out without finding some little bit of ground either newly cultivated or clearing for cultivation.\n\nAttention to the soil not only to make it productive, but as much productive as possible is inculcated as a political and social duty. One of the most admired sages of China (Yung-ching) says, \"Let there be no uncultivated spot in the country—no unemployed person in the city;\" and the 4th maxim of the sacred Edict of Kang-hi, which is required to be read through the Empire on the 1st and 15th day of every moon in the presence of all the Officers of State, is to the following effect: \"Let husbandry occupy the principal place, and the culture of the mulberry tree, so that there may be sufficient supply of food and clothing.” Shin Nung, the name of one of the most ancient and honoured of the Chinese Emperors, means \"the divine Husbandman.\"\n\nT\n\nJ\n\nThe arts of draining and irrigating, of preserving, preparing, and applying manure in a great variety of shapes, of fertilizing seeds—indeed all the details of Chinese Agriculture—are well\n\nL", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204961, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "62\n\nJ. MCCOY\n\ncontrasts in meaning when compared with all other such sound groups in the given language, ie, hat as contrasted with bar, cat, rat, etc. By convention, phonetic notations are enclosed in brackets, as [ylt2] ‘leaf’, while phonemic notations are enclosed in slant lines, /it2/ 'leaf'. I will follow this convention whenever it is necessary to record the distinction.5 For typographical reasons ad hoc symbolization will be used in this paper to express phonetic and phonemic notation represented elsewhere by special type. These are:\n\na. [ng] will be used for the velar nasal. As with the aspirate stops, two symbols here represent a unit phoneme.\n\nb. [*], the apostrophe will be used to represent the glottal stop.\n\nc. (ê), a circumflex 'e' will represent the mid central vowel elsewhere written with the inverted 'e' or schwa.\n\nd. [ô] a circumflex 'o' will represent the low back rounded vowel elsewhere written with the reversed 'c'.\n\n* For good descriptions of SC consonants see Chao (1947, pp.18-21) and Wong (1963, Part I, pp. xi-xii),\n\n7 These and other examples may not all be minimal pairs in the strictest sense because of tones differences. However, I found no instances of change in the segmental phonemic structure of a syllable which was correlatable with tone change and I have ignored tone in order to select more familiar examples.\n\n8 The chief reason for setting up the phoneme /kw/ in SC seems to be the fact that this permits a neater distribution pattern when all possible syllable types are recorded. If only /k/ is postulated, the total number of syllable types beginning with /k/ will be about double the average for other initials. If both /k/ and /kw/ are set up, the syllable types for these two initials are about equal in number to each other and to those for other initials. Here again, the arguments seem equally strong for either interpretation but I personally opt in favor of dropping the /kw,kwh/ from the SC analysis. My reasons are to some extent arbitrary and stem first from a desire to make the original phonemic selections on purely phonemic grounds and second from a desire to simplify comparative work with other subdialects which do not have /kw/ under any phonemic approach.\n\n9 In spite of a general preference for postulating a phoneme of length in analyses of SC, there is equally good argument for eliminating length and adding one segmental phoneme. For my work I prefer the second alternative and include a mid central vowel /ê/; again my reasons for choosing this method are based on the resulting convenience in terms of comparing SC with other Kwangtung Province dialects which do not have length phonemes. If we dismiss the interpretations of Wong and Yuan, assuming the former to be purposely overdone for practical or pedagogical reasons and the latter to be more phonetic than phonemic, we find no real economy in a choice between Chao's five vowels plus length or my proposed six vowels without length. In either of these two latter systems roughly the same amount of explanation will do to fit the phonetic facts to the phonemicization. In any case SC length is significant only in the contrasts which Chao writes -aai versus ai, aau versus au. In other occurrences -aa- is described as differing from a in vowel quality, a very clear [a] as opposed to [ê]. When using /ê/ throughout instead of short /a/ the description must read that /a/ and /e/ have their cardinal values in all occurrences except /-au, -ai/ versus /-êu, -ei/ where the difference is essentially one of length; thus /-au/ would be [-a:u], /-êu/ would be [-au], etc.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204965, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "66\n\n: JEN YU-WEN : \n\nIn the summer of 1958 a number of Chinese and Western historians, writers, poets, reporters and government officers accompanying the author, who had taken the principal interest in and had organized the research project, made three trips to the place to see and study the historic object. As a result of painstaking research and study, we are now able to decipher and read every character engraved there and to understand the exact meaning of the whole text. The full text is rendered more clearly on the opposite page.\n\nThe inscription and engraving were done by the Administrator of the salt field, Kuan-fu-ch'iang (Kwoon-fu-ch'eung) a place which is identified as present-day Kowloon Peninsula. The text describes the Administrator's full name and position, his visit to the site, the construction of the Stone Pagoda on South Fu-t'ang (the islet south of North Fu-t'ang now officially named Tung-lung Island), the repairing and renewing of these two places successively by several persons, the erection of another stone tablet (now disappeared), and finally, the elaborate repairs carried out by a local celebrity, Lin Tao-yi (Lum To-yi), who caused the text to be engraved on the rock on the aforementioned date.\n\nLin Tao-yi was also responsible for the construction of the Temple of T'ien-hou at North Fu-t'ang. The author, after visiting the place, had the privilege of being invited by some of his descendants in Kowloon to read their Genealogical Record mentioned above. It was found that Tao-yi's great-grandfather originally hailed from P'u-t'ien (P'o-t'in), South Fukien, and was the first ancestor of their clan to migrate to Kwangtung settling down in Kowloon sometime during the Southern Sung period. His own son had had two sons, Sung-chien (Ch'ung-kin) and Po-chien (P'ak-kin). The two brothers engaged in the transportation business with large sailing vessels between sea ports along the coast and Kowloon. Once while returning south they met with a typhoon near the Fu-t'ang gap. The ship was wrecked and sunk, but they held on to the matshed-cover of the ship which kept them floating. On the cover was a tablet of the Goddess Lin Ta-ku whom they had been worshipping aboard the ship. They tied their loosened hair to it and swam to South Fu-t'ang. Landing in safety they firmly believed that the Goddess had saved their lives and immediately made the matshed-cover", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204966, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "以之今辛滕清於天 古\n\n紀道三道了堞大覺汴\n\n咸義山朴覺石中來嚴\n\n淳又念鼎繼刋祥游盆\n\n甲能法剏之木符兩彰\n\n戌宏明於北 五山宫\n\n六其土戊堂新年攷是\n\n月規人申古兩次南場\n\n十求林莫碑堂 三堂同\n\n五再道攷乃續山石三\n\n日立義 年 泉永鄭塔山\n\n書石 繼號人嘉廣建何\n\nThe whole text was deciphered as above by the author who added the punctuation. The two half-worn-out characters and were the most\n\ndifficult to read. The dots, strokes and lines were identified by feeling the original stone engraving with finger tips.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "70 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nmiddlemen in trade between the two countries. There was a flavour of irony in this, as the Portuguese were to prove as great pirates as the Japanese, Their most famous pirate was Mendes Pinto, who flourished in the latter half of the sixteenth century, and who seems to have been a combination of Sir Henry Morgan and Baron Munchausen. Pinto's exploits are characteristic of Portuguese history during those early centuries, displaying that amazing mixture of gallantry and greed, of religious zeal, bigotry, and cruelty. \n\nThe eastern seas had always been full of violence, and the arrival of the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century, and the Dutch a century later, increased that violence. The Dutch lacked the religious zeal of the Portuguese, but substituted an equally unattractive obsession with trade. Much of the European trade in the Far East at that time was based on piracy. The Dutch, for instance, were excluded from direct trade with China until 1729, and in their Japan trade in which Chinese silk was the most important commodity they obtained much of their silk by plundering Portuguese and Chinese ships. \n\n— \n\nThe persistence of piracy in Chinese waters for so long after regular trade had been established there by Europeans, was due to the peculiar conditions under which that trade developed. In India, and in the East Indies, European trade was succeeded by a steady increase in European power, although in both places there was a considerable time lag between establishing political power on land and the suppression of piracy at sea. \n\nBy the mid-nineteenth century, however, British and Dutch naval power had made Indian and East Indian waters comparatively safe for European commerce. The situation in China was very different, however, and piracy continued there for fully another century. Not until after the First China War of 1841-42 were there any centres of European power in China, and the few centres established then were separated from each other by hundreds of miles of Chinese territory. The situation was aggravated by the increasing anarchy and lawlessness which became endemic over much of coastal China from the early nineteenth century, as the authority and power of the Manchu Government declined. \n\nWhen the East India Company's monopoly of the China trade was abolished in 1833, and the trade thrown open to all comers,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204972, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n71\n\nPiracy was firmly rooted along the South China coast. Then, during the First China War, many junks were allowed to act as armed privateers, and when the war was over, became pirates rather than return to peaceful trade. Hong Kong and its neighbouring islands had always been centres of piracy, or the home of fishermen ambitious to earn a dishonest dollar or two from piracy. The new British colony must have appeared like manna from Heaven to these people, and the colony's first years were marked by an increase in piracy. There was a similar increase in piracy around Singapore at the same time. The founding of Singapore in 1819 had resulted in a great increase in native trade in the area, and this suffered severely from attacks by well-armed Chinese junks, which sometimes attacked European ships. Captain James Brooke with his sea Dyaks played a big part in suppressing piracy in these waters.1\n\nThe period between the First and Second China Wars is one of the most confusing in Chinese history. On one hand is the founding of a British colony at Hong Kong, the opening of the treaty ports, and the inception of regular shipping services along the coast; while on the other is the persistence of lawlessness and piracy. In the background is the increasing weakness of the Manchu Dynasty, and during the last years of the period, the Taiping Rebellion.\n\nWhen the East India Company controlled the China trade, there was little need for naval protection in Chinese waters, and the Cantonese were traditionally opposed to the Royal Navy. The large and well-armed East Indiamen and \"Country\" ships were perfectly capable of fighting their way past the pirates who infested the Canton River delta, as were smaller, but faster and equally well-armed opium clippers. In spite of Chinese objections, however, British warships visited Canton on several occasions. Anson called in the Centurion in 1741, on the famous voyage on which he captured the Manila galleon, and Cook in 1779 with the Resolution and Discovery after his three-year cruise in the Pacific. Cook's ships were careened, refitted, and provisioned at Canton, the East India Company advancing the money in return for bills on the Admiralty in London.\n\n1 The first white Rajah of Sarawak.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "80\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nThe China Navigation Company's Sunning was pirated on 14th November 1926, on a passage from Shanghai to Hong Kong.3 The officers recaptured the ship shortly afterwards, and when they refused the pirates an armistice the latter set the ship on fire. By turning into the wind the pirates were smoked out, and forced to leave in one of the lifeboats. When the fire got out of control the officers and crew were forced to do the same, but were picked up by a Norwegian ship. When the destroyer H.M.S. Verity arrived, however, they returned to the Sunning and put out the fire with naval help. The Sunning was then towed to Hong Kong.\n\nThe Haiching piracy of 1929 was very reminiscent of the Sunning. The Haiching belonged to the Douglas Steamship Company of Hong Kong, and was pirated while on her way from Amoy to Hong Kong. There were two hundred and fifty deck passengers and four saloon passengers on board at the time, and the attack took place when passing Bias Bay, just a few hours before reaching Hong Kong. The third mate and a Sikh guard were killed in the first few minutes, but the wireless officer continued to send out messages for help. The pirates, unable to get control of the ship, set it on fire; and two lifeboats were burnt out before their resistance was broken. When British warships arrived, they helped to put the fire out, and then towed the Haiching to Hong Kong, where all the passengers were thoroughly screened. Three of them were charged with piracy and murder, but one was later freed through lack of evidence, while the other two suffered the death penalty. Captain Farrar of the Haiching was awarded the O.B.E. for his part in the case.\n\nFrom the pirates' point of view the Anking piracy of 1928 was much more successful than either that of the Sunning or the Haiching. It was probably the classic piracy of modern times on the coast. The Anking, also a China Navigation Company ship, with over 1,000 deck passengers aboard, was on her way from Singapore to Amoy and Swatow when the piracy took place. These passengers were either returning to China to retire, or for a holiday after working in Malaya for several years, and were likely therefore to be well supplied with money and valuables.\n\n3 The Sunning had also been pirated three years earlier, on 23rd October, 1923.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204987, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "86\n\nTHE CHINESE UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG\n\nSTEVE S. C. HUANG\n\nThe need for a university in Hong Kong teaching through the medium of Chinese has existed for many years. As the \"Report of the Committee on Higher Education in Hong Kong,\" published in 1952 by a group of British scholars led by Professor John Keswick and commonly known as the Keswick Report, said, \"Hong Kong is unique geographically and politically and its people have a more advanced cultural background than the peoples of most other colonies.\"\n\nThe vast majority of its inhabitants are Chinese, and the Chinese have a traditional love of scholarship, and a highly developed language, literature, and artistic sense. Hong Kong, it was thought, by reason of its location and circumstances, should certainly be a centre for the East and the West to meet, not only for commercial advantage, but also for cultural exchange. To accomplish this, a university with Chinese as the medium of teaching was considered as important as a university with English as the medium of teaching; each would make a valuable complement to the other,\n\nEver since the inception of the University of Hong Kong, even among the British residents in the Colony, there have been many who have advanced the idea of establishing a university which would teach through the medium of Chinese, or a university which would teach through the medium of both Chinese and English, in all branches of learning. The Keswick Report gave strong support to such an idea. For various reasons, however, this recommendation of the Keswick Report did not lead to immediate action.\n\nNevertheless, the need existed. Since 1949, social and political conditions in China have undergone a great change. In addition to the large number of young men and women of college age who could no longer return to China for their higher education as earlier generations did, there were thousands who emigrated from\n\nThe author, a former student of Journalism and History at the University of California, Berkeley, and City Editor of the Hong Kong Tiger-Standard, is currently Assistant Registrar of the Chinese University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "The Chinese University of Hong Kong\n\n87\n\nMainland China to the Colony. The growth of population in the Colony from less than a million to nearly four million between 1949 and 1963, accentuated the need for a second university.\n\nThere are thousands of students who passed the Chinese School Certificate Examination each year, but most of whom have found no opportunity for higher education. It would be not only wasteful, but also dangerous to society, should the ablest youths who pass the Chinese School Certificate Examination lack suitable avenues for university education, with the exception of those who go abroad.\n\nAmong the immigrants to Hong Kong were a number of refugee educators and missionaries, formerly teachers in universities or colleges on the mainland of China, who began to found colleges of their own, with very inadequate resources.\n\nNew Asia College was founded in 1949 by such a group of refugee professors and students, and, at first, used rented flats in a slum district of Kowloon. Chung Chi College was founded in October 1951 with only sixty-three students and a few rented classrooms, by educators and several representatives of various Protestant Churches and Missions in Hong Kong. The United College of Hong Kong, a combination of five refugee colleges, carried on its work in similar rented premises. However, in spite of adversity, devotion to learning kept the Colleges going, and with the help of overseas friends and society at large, and by their own persistent effort, all three Colleges developed steadily.\n\nAt the end of 1956, at the initial suggestion of the Rev. Charles H. Long, Jr., Representative of the Yale-in-China Association which was assisting New Asia College, the Right Rev. R. O. Hall, Bishop of Hong Kong, called a meeting of representatives from Chung Chi, New Asia and United at his home in order to discuss joint policies and action for the achievement of objects of common interest. This Provisional Committee for Joint Action by the Chinese Colleges of Hong Kong had several meetings and finally a Chinese College Joint Council was established on February 25, 1957, with Chung Chi, New Asia and United Colleges, each having three representatives. The Rt. Rev. R. O. Hall and Dr. C. L. Chien of the Education Department were co-opted as advisers, and Dr. F. I. Tseung was elected the first Chairman.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204995, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "94\n\nS. HUANG\n\nfacilities for its faculty members to do research and to give training to postgraduates so as to serve directly the needs of the community and to enable faculty members to keep up with the latest developments in their own field and to contribute to it. Moreover, the University hopes to attract and to keep able scholars by having research facilities. Under the direction of the Vice-Chancellor, the University has established two institutes for advanced studies within the first year. They are the Institute of Science and Technology, and the Institute of Social Studies and the Humanities.\n\nThe Institute of Social Studies and the Humanities includes units in each of the areas of business and public administration, economics, geography, mass communication, modern Chinese studies, social survey, sociology, social welfare and world history. The Institute of Science and Technology will engage in both basic and applied research in such areas as biology, chemistry, physics, mathematics and statistics. These units will be working closely with industrial, commercial and communal interests of Hong Kong.\n\nA programme of intercollegiate teaching to allow all students of the three Foundation Colleges to take the third and fourth-year courses in Colleges other than their own, is now being carried out. The scheme is expected to be expanded when the new campus is completed. By carrying out such a scheme, the University is hoping to pool the special knowledge of the staff and the facilities for the benefit of all the students of the University, and to reduce the teaching load of some members of the teaching staff so that they may be released for other tasks.\n\nIn May, 1965, the University announced the adoption of a new system of teaching methods which was an integration of the best features of systems in all parts of the world, including China. The new system calls for re-examination of all syllabuses, reduction of lecture hours, introduction of small group teaching and de-emphasis of examinations. The new system, no doubt, will affect the development of the University drastically.\n\nThe long struggle of the Chinese University of Hong Kong for recognition, support and to meet the need of a fast growing society has completed its first phase. The future is opened to unlimited possibilities and challenges.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204999, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "98\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\nindication is given in this book of how the British Government saw the ultimate future of the Colony, though this is of academic interest today.\n\nThe years 1946-1949 were spent in drawing up what has become known as the Young Plan, after the Governor of the time, which would have provided for an elected Municipal Council, with a franchise for all men and women over the age of 25 who could read and write either English or Chinese. This plan was however thrown out by the Legislative Council, of which the unofficial members felt that reform of their own body should come first. They also objected to the fact that the proposed Municipal Council would overlap the functions of the Colonial Administration. In any case, the time, mid-1949, was unsettled in view of events in China and the opportunity was missed. Subsequently, the whole of Hong Kong society underwent such an upheaval with the flood of refugees and the diminishing of trade with the Mainland that constitutional reforms were shelved.\n\nA feature of the post-war situation of Hong Kong is the fact that everyone knows that the really important long-term decisions are not made in the Colonial Secretariat or even in Government House. This certainly adds to the lack of interest in acquiring any share in the Government. On the other hand, a paradoxical result of the establishment of the Communist Government in Peking is that most of the Chinese who have come to Hong Kong in the last fifteen years are here to stay, unlike the transients who before the war came to the Colony to find jobs in bad periods at home, expecting to return to their families when conditions improved. Hence the Chinese population does in fact have more interest than it did in pre-1949 days in seeing that the Government should at least be of the complexion it desires. As time passes, this will be both more and less true: a greater proportion of the populace will be Hong Kong born or educated, or both; but since it is clear that as Mr. Endacott says, Peking's demands for the revision of the \"unequal treaties\" are unlikely to stop at the Shum Chun river, the Colony's lifespan depends on how pressing the Chinese Government feels this revision is.\n\nAn interesting point in the early history of the Colony which Mr. Endacott brings out very clearly is that it was the British Government, which by not allowing any constitutional advance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "104\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nand mineral deposits in Hong Kong, Southern China and South-East Asia. After a lapse of three years, the proceedings have been published, making a very substantial contribution to the study of the geography of Hong Kong.\n\nThe book is divided into three parts:\n\nPart I deals with land use and contains eighteen short articles. Of the nineteen authors, eight are graduates of the Department of Geography, University of Hong Kong. With Professor Davis as editor, the book leaves us with a vivid impression akin to a painting which portrays a mother hen directing a group of her young in search of food. The eighteen articles occupy 152 pages or sixty-two per cent of the book's length. According to their nature, the articles are again divided into three sections: industrial planning (five papers), agricultural planning (two) and land use in South-East Asia (eleven). Of the eighteen articles, \"Land for Industry and Factors Influencing Location in Hong Kong\", \"Changes in Agricultural Land Use in Hong Kong\", and \"The Port of Hong Kong\" constitute the core of Part I, providing a basic explanation of the economic development of Hong Kong in recent years and the influence exercised thereon by the geographical setting.\n\nIn Part I, only two articles are unrelated to Hong Kong. They are \"Mixed Farming and Multiple Cropping in Malaya\" by R. Ho, and “The Development and Spread of Agricultural Terracing in China\" by J. E. Spencer. The former gave me an opportunity to re-examine the facts about land use in Malaya. In 1962, accepting an invitation from the University of Malaya, I had gone to Kuala Lumpur to participate in the Regional Conference of the International Geographical Union. We had lengthy discussions about land use in Malaya and Professor Ho had kindly accompanied us throughout the post-conference excursion and explained to us the problems concerned. The second article is of absorbing interest to me too, because, over the years I have been groping in a similar field. However, research of this kind entails much reading of the Chinese classics, and I feel that the more I have read, the more difficult it is to jump to conclusions.\n\nOne defect that is usually inevitable in any collection of articles is that they generally fail to reflect a uniform standard. As an article is a piece of writing done on request, the people invited to write often show different degrees of seriousness in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "106\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nAmong other things, the map on page 92 is a black-and-white photo reproduction of the original colour map. Through this \"simplification\", the beauty of the original map is completely lost. This tells us that if we want to turn out a worthwhile map, we should take pains. The demand may, however, be contradictory to the strain of life in Hong Kong,\n\nThe whole volume also contains thirty-four photos printed on art paper, all very clear. Compared with general publications in Hong Kong, the printing and binding of the book can be said to be beautiful, and printing errors are also few. Nevertheless, I should like to point out several places that had escaped the eye of the proofreader : On page 26, the figure in \"The area of cultivated land is approximately 5.1 sq. miles\" is obviously “51 sq. miles\" misprinted; on page 56, \"6.5 miles\" is obviously \"6.5 sq. miles\" with the word \"sq.\" missing; on page 127, \"the remainder came from Japan\" should read; from Taiwan; on page 115, \"December 1951 - August 1945\" is also clearly a misprint. A few other places could also be cited.\n\n*\n\n+\n\n+ +\n\nThese minor flaws naturally will not detract from the academic value of the book as a whole, and in the second edition they can be easily corrected. The publication of the book is undoubtedly an important increment to the literature of Hong Kong.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong\n\nA\n\nCHENG-SIANG CHEN\n\nPOCKET DICTIONARY CHINESE - ENGLISH AND PEKINGESE SYLLABARY. Chauncey Goodrich. Hong Kong University Press 1964. Re-issue March 1965.\n\nAs a pocket or table companion, this is one of the best dictionaries available for students of Chinese. Its unique value lies in its combination of conciseness with comprehensiveness. Despite its moderate size, it contains, including duplicates, as many as 10,587 characters, i.e. two or three thousand more than some other considerably larger dictionaries.\n\nIt carries a chronological table of Chinese history, lists of the Chinese \"ten celestial stems\" and \"twelve earthly branches”, a group of four sexagenary cycles for the period A.D. 1804 - 2043, and Chinese units of weights and measures, all of which are reference data of practical value.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n107\n\nIn addition to the above merits over which it has no exclusive claim, Goodrich's dictionary has two special assets which are not commonly shared by other dictionaries. First, each character is immediately followed by its radical. This indication of the character's radical improves the value of the book as a tool for learning Chinese, especially for those who learn it by the inductive method. Radicals help the student understand the etymologies of the characters, and facilitate the process of associating the character and its meaning. Thus, they help, to some extent, remove that utterly 'lost' feeling which sometimes develops in the beginner who is tempted to think that Chinese characters are just so many arbitrary symbols.\n\nSecondly, abbreviated characters now in official use in Communist China are inserted in the new edition. This makes the dictionary particularly valuable to the student of contemporary Chinese problems, who must read source materials coming from Mainland China.\n\nNevertheless, the dictionary is not without its share of imperfection. It was probably considerations of space that led the author of this pocket-size book to keep the number of \"terms\" or \"expressions\" given as illustrations of the use of the various characters, to a bare minimum. Among its very limited number of illustrative expressions, some are obsolete or wrong or otherwise not commonly in use in China. The following are but a few examples:\n\nThe term shuikuo2 (or jui kuo2) (literally \"Shui-country\") given on page 177 to mean 'Sweden' is no longer in use at present. Chinese people coming across these two characters today would be at a loss as to what the user wants to say: Sweden (# shui tien3) or Switzerland (shui shih) or some obscure newly created state in some remote corner of the earth.\n\nThe expression hsi fu4 is given on page 71 to mean 'bride, wife'. This is a colloquial use confined to Peking and its neighbouring areas. Elsewhere in China, these two characters put together mean 'daughter-in-law'. Other expressions such as cha2 cheng1 for 'exerting oneself' (page 3) and cheng1 ching4 for 'wrangling' (page 39), which are in colloquial use in Peking, are unheard of in other parts of China. The usual related expressions in ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205009, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "108\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nuse all over the country, including Peking, are ching1 cheng4, meaning 'compete, competition' and cheng4ch'a2, 'struggle'. \n\nThe character ch'a2 means 'verbose, slander'. But Goodrich's dictionary links it with tsui3 to mean 'interrupt in speaking' (page 5). This is wrong. The correct character is 1, meaning 'insert, drive into', which is also pronounced ch'a2, but written differently. \n\nDespite the great number of character entries, I have chanced to discover that a rather commonplace character t'o3 (oval, elliptical), is missing. Only the list of abbreviated characters at the end of the book gives this character and its abbreviated form, but, of course, not its meaning. \n\nAlso missing is the character when pronounced k'a3 and used in the expression 1 k'a3p'ien4 to mean ‘card' or 'visiting card'. \n\nAnother defect of the dictionary is that there exists some minor inconsistency in the romanization system. The circumflex accent which is seen over ‘e' in ‘ên' and ‘êng' in almost all cases such as chên, fên, hên, jên, kên, mên chêng, fêng hàng 'shen' on page 17, kêng, mêng, shêng, têng \n\nis missing in 'leng' on page 120 and 'neng' on page 143. \n\nFinally, there is a misprint on page xvii. The title at the top of the page should read \"A Group Of Four Cycles A.D. 1804 - 2043\" instead of \"A.D. 1804 - 2064\". There is a difference of 21 years. \n\nJOHN T. S. CHEN\n\nJOURNAL OF ORIENTAL STUDIES, Vol. V, Nos. 1 and 2 (1959 and 1960), Hong Kong University Press, 1965. \n\nTwo articles in the Chinese language for which English summaries are given form the beginning of this volume. Ho Ke-en submits his research on the origin and geographical distribution of the Tan Tribe (Tan Chia) on pp. 1-40. A shorter article by Jao Tsung-i deals with the \"Calligraphy in the Tun-huang Scrolls\" and is accompanied by twenty-four plates presenting examples of calligraphy concerning varied subjects. \n\nFive studies in the English language follow on pp. 45-173. Herbert V. Guenther begins his \"The Philosophical Background", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205017, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "116\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nAdditional Note on Article “JOURNAL OF OCCURRENCES AT CANTON IN 1839 BY WILLIAM HUNTER”\n\nReaders of Volume 4 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society will be grateful to the Editorial Committee for deciding to print the full text of William C. Hunter's manuscript journal preserved in the Boston Athenaeum. It is a happy coincidence that his journal should have been made available in print to scholars of modern Chinese history at the very time when Hunter's manuscript has been drawn on extensively in a recently published account of the causes and events which led to the Opium War. The late Dr. Hsin-pao Chang, in his scholarly book Commissioner Lin and the Opium War (Harvard University Press, 1964), relates in some detail the story of the detention of the foreign merchants in their factories from 24th March until 5th May by orders of Imperial Commissioner Lin Tse-hsü (pp. 151-159). In describing this episode Dr. Chang has used various sources but has taken most of his details from Hunter's manuscript journal.\n\nAfter reading Dr. Chang's book I have discovered answers to a few problems which puzzled me while writing some of the footnotes to Hunter's journal as published in Volume 4 of this journal. May I, therefore, make a few additions and corrections to the text. Firstly, the sketch map of the Canton estuary on page 59 of Commissioner Lin and the Opium War marks most of the places mentioned by Hunter which were not shown on the sketch map on page 27 of Volume 4 of this journal, or left unidentified in the notes to the text. Thus the positions of Lankeet, Chuenpee, Shakok and Chunhow are clearly shown on the map in Dr. Chang's book. Hunter's use of the name Chinn-up under entry for 13th April is still inexplicable but in fact the opium was being unloaded at that date at Sha-chiao ('Sandy Head') which presumably was the Shakok of Western accounts, lying across the estuary from Lankeet. Secondly, some minor corrections. On p. 16, line 1, the word 'songs' should read 'gongs'; on p. 14, lines 9-10, it would be more accurate to say", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205019, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "118\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nhalf of the century could be made subsequently. This is a job for an historical geographer and I suggest that the Department of Geography in the University of Hong Kong would be the proper place in which to undertake this project. Such a map should then be printed and sold through the University Press. This would be a useful tool which scholars increasingly need as they dig deeper into the history of China's relations with the West in this part of Kwangtung and as the early history of the Colony of Hong Kong is more fully studied.\n\nWhile on this subject of local history I would like to take up a few points concerning the article entitled \"A Reconnaissance of Ma Wan and Lantao Islands in 1794\" by Mr. A. Shepherd and myself and published in Volume 4 of this journal. At the time this article was written Mr. Shepherd was a Lecturer in the Geography Department of Hong Kong University and I was a member of the History Department there. On page 115, the seventh line from the bottom, we wrote that in 1821 the Kwang-tung authorities were much stricter in enforcing anti-opium regulations. It would have been truer to have said \"from 1821 onwards.\" One of the virtues of Dr. Chang Hsin-pao's recently published book Commissioner Lin and the Opium War is that he gives ample evidence from Chinese sources to show that the Canton authorities had taken energetic and successful measures to prevent opium smuggling in the Pearl River before the arrival of Commissioner Lin in Canton in March 1839. Both Juan Yuan as Governor-General of the two Kwangs from 1817 until 1826 and later Teng T'ing-chen who was Governor-General from 1836 until 1840 took a tough line against Chinese opium smugglers within the Pearl River before Commissioner Lin arrived.\n\nI would like to add these few corrections to this article: On page 118 note 25, the name Tung Ku should read Lung Ku or Lung Kwu Chau. In note 26 for Tulse read Hulse. In note 27: the photographs are printed between pages 114-115 and were taken by me in 1963. Finally, we would like to acknowledge the help which we received in writing this article from Mr. James Hayes, Mr. Webb-Johnson and Mr. G. B. Endacott.\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205020, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nVILLAGE CREDIT AT SHEK PIK, 1879 - 1895\n\n119\n\nShek Pik was a large Cantonese village on Lantau Island. It appears to have been established in the Ming Dynasty (1368 - 1644) and in the late nineteenth century was inhabited by about a dozen different clans. At the 1911 Hong Kong Census its recorded population was 363, although for various reasons, it seems likely there were more people living there fifty years before. The village was removed for a reservoir scheme in 1960.\n\nOne of the villagers has kindly allowed me to see a few papers which survived the removal. Some of these relate to credit arrangements made by local people in the late nineteenth century. Although their context and meaning is not always clear, some documents appear to have been only aides memoire for the writers; they provide information on this interesting subject. They concern the activities of:\n\na) several money-loan associations (†);\n\nb) loans made by a business organization belonging to one of the clans, the Chi Wing Shing Tong (祺永盛堂) (AI).\n\nMoney Loan Associations\n\nThese are described by Dyer Ball in the various editions of his Things Chinese and, with more local application, by G. N. Orme in Appendix E to his \"Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912” (see the Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers for 1912).\n\nA few of the Shek Pik papers directly concern these associations and in others they figure indirectly. For the three money associations for which some details are available, the following facts may be noted:\n\n1. The number of participants was small (16, 13 and 9), although the village was comparatively large.\n\n2. Membership was not restricted to one clan or even to the members of the village. In the thirteen-member association, eleven villagers came from five different clans, and the remaining two members were outsiders. This suggests that the groups were formed on the basis of acquaintance and a mutual and contemporaneous need for funds —", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205022, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n121\n\n(v) Loans were often outstanding for a long time, e.g., two separate cases appear in the papers where loans were not concluded until thirty-eight months had passed. Where such delays occurred, fields were taken during the course of the loan as additional security for it, or on settlement in lieu of repayment in cash.\n\n(vi) Money loans were also made under different initial arrangements, i.e., on the security of a deed of mortgage of land to the Tong. This alternative procedure was presumably adopted in cases where repayment in cash was doubtful. Where it occurred, a debtor lost the use of his fields, which were placed at the complete disposal of his creditor. On the other hand, he paid no interest for his loan.\n\n(vii) Sometimes a time limit was placed on repayment of the loan. This was done in one case relating to a man from an adjoining village. His fields were to become the property of the Tong if repayment was not made within a period of two years.\n\nA Tong such as this would only come into being and flourish where a member of the clan was literate, i.e., could keep written accounts, and possessed business acumen. This particular Tong appears not to have survived the death of its architect. It was not known of by the present Chi elder (b. 1900), nor did it appear in the schedules of ownership completed by the Hong Kong Government after the land settlement which followed the lease of the New Territories to Great Britain in 1898.\n\nOther Points\n\n1. The papers give no indication of the objects for which villagers sought to raise money by joining a money association or getting a loan on repayment of interest. But where land was given as security by way of mortgage, or where land was sold, reasons were usually given in the deed of transfer, and some of these were specific, e.g., debts incurred by a younger brother; the need to pay government taxes; money to pay for a father's funeral; capital for business, etc.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205023, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "122\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n2. With the high rates of interest on loans and/or the continuing need over several years to have money ready to pay the instalments in a money-loan association, it is not surprising that people got into difficulties and there are good instances of this in the papers. One man borrowed thirty-four silver dollars from the Tong at the end of 1886, and three years and two months later owed eighty-eight dollars, representing principal plus interest. Of this sum ten dollars had already been paid off by selling land to offset the debt. The remainder was extinguished by the debtor waiving his turn for payment in a money-loan association in favour of his creditor. Yet this experience was not a case of 'once bitten, twice shy' for either side, for in the month following the settlement of his affairs with the Tong he asked it for, and secured, another loan of sixteen dollars \"due to dire need of money.\" This loan was made on the mortgage of more of his inherited farmland. We do not know the sequel. Another villager who had failed to pay his share or instalment in a money-loan association mortgaged a house in pledge and was to lose if he had not paid the money by the end of that lunar year.\n\n3. The Tong was not the only source of money loans available to the Shek Pik villagers. Shops in the neighbouring market centres of Tai O and Cheung Chau would advance credit, or give loans as would two other local Tongs. They were not organizations belonging to Shek Pik, one being composed of merchants from Tai O and the other a family organization belonging to a clan in another village.\n\n4. These papers came from only one of the clans living at Shek Pik and there is reason to think that similar activities were taking place in other clans and amongst other groups of persons in the village.\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nA CEREMONY TO PROPITIATE THE GODS AT TONG FUK, LANTAU, 1958\n\nIn the course of opening new roads and other works the developers usually run up against feng shui (geomantic influences). This", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205081, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "32\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\nable foodstuffs. On a more speculative level, however, it is worthy of note that relics of an old market called Kak Chun Hui7% are still turned up by the plough near Hang Tau Tsuen.\" Apparently this market disappeared some 300 years ago, possibly with the original rise of Shek Wu Hui. It is close to the Hau villages of Ho Sheung Heung and Yin Kong, and may have been controlled by them, in which case its demise may have been the result of rivalry between the Haus and the Lius. Obviously, with high rents coming in from markets, the two clans would have had reason to try to monopolise local buying and selling.\n\nIn general, land-holdings may be equated with wealth. The possession of wealth meant changes in the life of a lineage. The leadership based on the age-hierarchy tended to lose its importance when there were wealthy men in the village, and this seems to have been the case in the five clans. With unequal wealth in a lineage, one or two men must be thrown up who are clearly richer than the rest, and it was these men who assumed unofficial leadership in the group. This situation has been dealt with at some length before and need not be gone into here:78 but it is worth stating that at the present time the leadership in lineage villages is of exactly the same kind. The age-hierarchy leadership still exists formally, but the actual leadership rests with men who are educated, and wealthy and powerful in their own right—though now they are dignified with an official title, 'Village Representative',79 by the British Government.\n\nA wealthy lineage could afford to educate its sons, and in nearly all of the villages of the five clans tutorial schools were run. Frequently these would be held in the ancestral halls, but some villages had special school-rooms-cum-libraries built, and these survive to the present day in Fan Ling, Kam Tin, Tai Po Tau, Lung Kwat Tau and several other places. Education was a means to consolidate wealth, for it was through education that men could enter official life up the steep path of the examination system. A scholar-official was in a position not only to make money, but also to advance the interests of his kin through his contacts with other officials. All the five clans have produced scholars, some of whom became officials, the Tangs being particularly noteworthy in this respect—a fact which accords well with their having superior wealth. During recent years the clans have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205085, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "36 \n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER \n\none's own lineage or clan, nor indeed from any of the other four clans, I think. Descendants of these people still live amongst the master clans, though their servitude ended in most places shortly before the Second World War.89 Thus, single-lineage settlements often contained more than one surname due to this system, the Sai Man sometimes now constituting quite a high proportion of the total as is the case in the Hau village of Ping Kong, for instance, but politically the Sai Man were not to be reckoned with, and I was told, “As with women, we don't count them.\" \n\nNowadays, however, they tend to be treated as near-equals by members of the master-lineages, certainly as superior to other outsiders. For instance, Sai Man descendants surnamed Lam still live in Sheung Shui, and their children attend a private kindergarten run by the Lius at the same reduced fees which Liu children pay; in fact, they do not count as 'outsiders', who have to pay the full fee. In the Mung Yeung School at Kam Tin, the list of subscribers to the fund raised to found the school includes one man of the surname Sham,92 a descendant of a Sai Man family of Kam Tin, who has become wealthy.93 In Ping Kong, as noted above, many Sai Man descendants are still living; but yet other descendants of these people in the various villages have removed out of the villages of their ancestors' degradation now that they are free to do so. Near the town of Shek Wu Hui there is a small village started some years ago by such Sai Man descendants of the surname Chiu.94 \n\nFinally, in our discussion of the effects of landed wealth, we may point out that it has made a difference to the adaptability of the five clans to recently developed ways of acquiring money. For several generations now, smaller lineages and mixed-lineage villages have been sending men overseas on a large scale, and amassing a great deal of money, which is invested in better housing and sometimes in urban business ventures. Already wealthy, the five clans did not feel the need to indulge in this kind of enterprise on a large scale, and only since the 1950's have they succumbed to the lure of the easy money to be earned in the United Kingdom, France, Germany, and other overseas territories. Particularly since the Communist victory on the Mainland, agriculture has been hard hit in the New Territories. Pigs and chickens cannot be raised to sell at a competitive price with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205087, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "38\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\nmen temples were built and dedicated to them in many parts of the effected area. In the New Territories there were three such temples - one at Sha Tau Kok,10 one built by the Kam Tin lineage of the Tang Clan,102 and a third in the market town of Shek Wu Hui known as the Chau Wong Yee Yuen,103 which was built by the five clans and endowed by them with land for its upkeep. It was not the five clans as clans which did this, but rather lineages of the five clans which came together and each purchased a share in the temple.104 The Man Clan took two shares in the temple, one purchased by each of the two lineages; as was the case with the eastern Tangs.105 The Pangs, Hau* and Lius each had one share. Not only was land purchased and a temple106 built with this money, but also a ferry boat was bought to assist all members of the five clans to cross the Sham Chun River107 to get to the large market town of Sham Chun, with which all had dealings. The share-holding lineages took part in an annual feast at which the business of the temple was discussed, the feast being paid for out of temple funds. As might be expected, however, the history of this temple association has not all been peaceful, and recently a major dispute has arisen, three members108 claiming complete control of the funds to the exclusion of the others.109 The matter quickly escalated to a point where both sides hired lawyers and placed vituperative advertisements in the Colony's newspapers. Eventually, after three years of argument, it was settled in 1963.\n\nThe second example of cooperation between the clans is of the army which they raised between them to oppose the arrival of the British when they took control of the New Territories in 1899. Under the leadership of literati of the Tang Clan, working from the ancestral hall of the Ha Tsuen lineage,110 they mustered men, arms and supplies in quantity and attacked the British at their landing point in Tai Po. Unfortunately they lacked training and could do no more than fight an ignominious retreat back over the hills. Some records of the organisation of this force are still available through documents captured by the British at the time, and it is obvious that all the planning was done by and communications established at the level of the literati of the five clans. It seems that these men kept up some kind of informal contact, and there is mention of an organisation called the Tung P'ing Kuk112 in the first British reports on the area, which was said\n\n*Hau is the correct spelling, not \"Haus\". I've made the correction. \nPlease let me know if you need further assistance.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205090, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Five Great Clans\n\n41\n\ninside their walled village, and the Hau installed cannon in three of their villages and bombarded Sheung Shui. At the same time one of their literati with contacts in Nam Tau,118 the district capital, arranged for the Imperial troops stationed there to be brought in on the side of the Hau Clan. The Lius got to hear of this, and used their contacts in the provincial capital to have the troops stopped. It is said that on being told of this Liu countermove the leader of the Hau \"spat out blood and died of rage\". The dispute was settled eventually by arbitration.\n\nVI\n\nI have tried to show that these five clans controlled the more important part of the area which is now the New Territories, and that they derived their power and wealth from the land. My field-work was concerned with only one of these five, and the information which I have given above was largely gathered as incidental to my own study. I feel that a worthwhile project would be a study of just such a group of clans, to find answers to such questions as: exactly how much power they did wield; how much they were able to disregard the central government and the provincial authorities; what connections they had with each other at what levels; how much they inter-married, and whether marriage patterns changed significantly according to the rise of disputes; exactly why certain clans allied with others; and how spheres of influence over smaller clans came about. There is the question also of the position of some of these clans as tax-lords120 acting as tax agents for the government how they obtained the privilege and how they used it. The study could be brought up to date with an enquiry into the way in which the power of the five clans is being lost as educational, economic, and governmental changes bring about a levelling of opportunity in the New Territories. Perhaps this brief introduction will serve to point out the need for such a study.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205091, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "42\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\nNOTES\n\nThis article is based on the lecture delivered to the Society on 1st March, 1965. The material has, however, undergone rewriting, augmentation and excision, firstly for the purposes of a paper read to the Anthropology Colloquium of Cornell University in April 1965, and secondly to suit it for publication in this Journal. When the original lecture was given, I began by pointing out that I could give no more than an outline of the history and conditions of settlement and life of the Five Clans, and that much more work would have to be done on this topic before concrete conclusions could be drawn. I must stress again the tentative and sketchy nature of this article, offering it rather as an inducement to others to continue investigations than as a satisfactory piece of research.\n\nMany statements made are unsubstantiated by footnotes, and it should be understood that in these cases I have drawn the material from oral sources and from my own observations during a residence of eighteen months in a village of one of the Five Clans. Chinese names and terms have been romanised according to their pronunciation in Cantonese.\n\n1 Maurice Freedman, Lineage Organisation in Southeastern China, London, 1958; Preface,\n\n2\n\n3\n\n4.\n\n6 X.\n\n7 *, A.D. 960-1127.\n\n8 寶安錦田鄧氏族譜、“干開寶六年宦遊入廣.........遂即遷居于寶安\n\n9. See Sung Hok-pang's articles in the Hong Kong Naturalist, Vols. VI and VII, \"Legends and Stories of the New Territories\", Parts III and IV, \"Kam Tin\", for a detailed account of the founding of this village. Strictly speaking, Kam Tin is an area rather than a village, but I shall refer to it as a village.\n\nThe population is given as 2,150 in A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, Hong Kong, 1960. Population figures given below are also taken from this source, but they must be taken as a rough guide only, the Introduction to the Gazetteer warning that \"the statistics are based on an unofficial census in 1955\". Furthermore, the intervening decade has seen many changes in distribution and size of the population. In some cases the total population for one village is not given, and I have had to add together figures from component villages, which I may have selected too arbitrarily for accuracy.\n\n10. Population 2,760.\n\n11. Population 2,840.\n\n12 AЯ. Population 660 including Tai Po Tau Lo Wai ✰ƒ¤★¤,\n\n13 ★★A, also known as Lung Yeuk Tau. The name is that of a group of villages, an area; but I shall refer to this group as a village. Population 2,605, but only a small proportion are Tangs.\n\n14 $*, A.D. 1127-1279.\n\n15 ML, but frequently pronounced Wo Sheung Heung, and sometimes written #. Population 580.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205095, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "46\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\nto \"Mui Tsai in Hong Kong\", the Report of the Committee appointed by the Governor, in Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1935.- \"The most careful inquiry shews that no male children are bought and sold here as slaves or servants. and confirms the statements in the Blue-book that 'Boys are sold to be sons. not slaves' and 'that no such thing as a slave-boy exists in Hong Kong\". It might too with truth have been added 'nor in Canton' \". The 1935 Report itself concludes that \"there is no evidence of slavery among Chinese males”. \n\n90 ***.\n\n91 蒙養學校.\n\n92 *.\n\n93 It is tempting to link this Sai Man surname with the original name of Kam Tin - Sham Lei - and to postulate a history of enslavement by 岑里 the Tangs of the original inhabitants. There is no evidence to support such a theory, however, and it must be put down to coincidence.\n\n94 趟。\n\n95 Anyway, since the vegetable-growers are mainly immigrants, indigenous men were freed from the land and looked elsewhere for income in addition to the rents from these fields.\n\n96 Perhaps the village of Tai Tau Leng ★★ may be taken as an example.\n\n97 See for instance Freedman, op. cit.; Hu Hsien-chin, The Common Descent Group in China and its Functions, New York, 1948; Arthur H. Smith, Village Life in China, New York, 1899; Lena E. Johnston, China and her Peoples, London, 1923; and many others.\n\n98. A.D. 1662-1723.\n\n99 For more details see Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, Hong Kong, 1963, (Chinese version 1960), chapter VI.\n\n100 Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, and *, Governor of Kwangtung. For details see the Hsin-an Hsien-chih B of 1819; also Lo Hsiang-lin, op. cit., chapter VI.\n\n101 I have not seen this temple, and believe it to be on the mainland side of the border which runs through the town.\n\n102 It has become very much a part of village life, accommodating a school; while on the ten-yearly occasions of Kam Tin's Ta-chiu Festival it is the physical focus of the ceremonies, and also has importance in that Chau and Wong are the 'patron saints' of the festival,\n\n103 周王二院.\n\n104 In fact, it was only the Tang Clan which was not wholly involved in the venture---those of its lineages on the West side of the New Territories not being included. The whole of each of the other four clans took part.\n\n105 That is the Tangs of Tai Po Tau and Lung Kwat Tau.\n\n106 Burned down in the fire of 1954, and not yet rebuilt.\n\n107 深圳河.\n\n108 The Tangs of Lung Kwat Tau, the Haus and the Lius.\n\n109 The Tangs of Tai Po Tau, the Pangs, and the Mans of San Tin and Tai Hang.\n\n110 J. W. Hayes, op. cit., note 52.\n\n111 \"Despatches and other papers relating to the extension of the Colony of Hong Kong\", in Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1899.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205106, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n57\n\nwith Chinese technique and art forms. This stone is so far the \"sole material monument\" of the Franciscan mission in medieval China. It has been suggested that there might exist another one. Christian tombstones from Ch'üan-chou were published some years ago, and it has been thought that the language on one of them is Latin. It must be Christian because the inscription begins with the sign of the Cross, but the attempt to read it as Latin and to regard it as the tomb inscription for Andrew of Perugia, the third suffragan bishop of Zayton — modern Ch'üan-chou — does not seem convincing. The only thing that can be said with certainty is that the inscription is not in Syriac script.5\n\nThere is, however, another mission from the West that reached China and where even the dynastic history of the Yuan has recorded their arrival. It is that of the papal envoy Giovanni da Marignolli, Bishop of Bisignano. A medieval manuscript in Prague has recorded the Western part of the story. This embassy, if we may call it that, was occasioned by a letter from some Alan Christians in China dated 11th July 1336. Some of the senders can be identified with persons mentioned in Chinese sources of the period. The Pope, Benedict XII, answered with a letter dated 13th June 1338, and Giovanni da Marignolli left Avignon — the papal see in those years — in December 1338. He travelled first to Constantinople and proceeded from there to the Crimea and the court of Uzbeg, Khan of the Golden Horde. Another station was Almaliq in Central Asia. Finally the papal envoy reached Khanbaliq (Peking) and was presented to the Emperor, Shun-ti. Giovanni presented the emperor with gifts, among them a Western horse. After a few years in China the envoy went back to Europe via India and reached Avignon in 1353. The Chinese annals have recorded the exact date of the audience when Giovanni met Shun-ti, or, to call him by his Mongol name, Togon Temur; it was August 19, 1342. The Chinese dynastic history calls the country Fu-lang, another way of transcribing the name of the Franks, that is, the Europeans. However, Giovanni's name and that of the Pope, are not mentioned by the Yuan-shih. In any case, this embassy seemed so important to the compilers of the dynastic history that they recorded it, and this means something because the basic documents for Togon Temur's reign were already lost at the time of the compilation of the Yuan-shih so that the annals for his reign are notoriously incomplete. But even so it does not seem", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205107, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "58\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nas if the court historiographers and recorders recognized the importance of the mission. The Western horse, at least, impressed Mongols and Chinese alike. It was, if not one of the Flemish battle horses, certainly much bigger and stronger than the native breed of horses familiar to the Mongols. The court painter Chou Lang was commissioned to paint a portrait of the horse. This painting was still extant in the eighteenth century when the Jesuit Father Gaubil saw it; the Catalog of the Imperial Collections compiled in 1815 lists it. There is no trace of that painting left, but in a time when so many and sometimes stunning discoveries are made in China and Chinese archives we should not give up all hope of tracing this pictorial evidence of Giovanni da Marignolli's embassy. Apart from painting, there are many passages in fourteenth-century Chinese literature where allusion is made to the gift of Western horses to the emperor. Many poets of that time wrote poems praising this kingly gift and extolling the horse which, as one poet says, stood out like a camel among the other horses in the Imperial stables. At least a full dozen writers can be found who considered this horse important enough to be the subject of a poem. Almost invariably, allusion is made to the famous \"Heavenly Horses\" brought to China under the Han Dynasty from the Western Regions by Chang Ch'ien. Then, as under Shun-ti, the gift of a Heavenly Horse was regarded as an auspicious omen for the Imperial house and the emperor in particular. All this is completely in accordance with Chinese tradition. If far-distant countries send tribute, this shows that the Mandate of Heaven truly extends to the end of the inhabited world. One wonders what Giovanni da Marignolli would have thought, being the representative of the Vicar of Christ on earth, if he had known that his embassy served as the subject for a display of Sinocentric sentiment and an exhibition of pro-dynastic loyalty. The lucky omen of the Heavenly Horses turned out to be of not much avail, however. A few decades later, the emperor had to flee to the Mongolian steppes when the Ming troops took Peking. It remains, nevertheless, quite surprising that so many Chinese poets (there is hardly a non-Chinese among them) went to the length of writing hymns of praise of the dynasty when nobody forced them to, and it seems that at least among the literati, there was not yet much anti-dynastic and anti-Mongol feeling. In any case, it is striking how much this incident is treated in literature in a traditional Chinese way.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205110, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n61\n\nYangtse basin. The national Chinese state of Sung therefore tried hard to defend Hsiang-yang against the invading Mongol forces, and the town was besieged for five consecutive years (1268-1273). The engineers who built catapults for the Mongols came from Baghdad and had such unmistakably Muslim names as Ala-ud-din and Ismail. This disproves the story told by Marco Polo, that it was the Polos who distinguished themselves by constructing the artillery used against the fortifications of Hsiang-yang10. Another technological field in which Muslim engineers excelled was hydraulic engineering. In Yunnan, a Chinese province that was incorporated into the Chinese-Mongol empire as late as 1253, the governor was a Muslim from, it seems, Turkistan, by the name of Sayyid Ajall Shams-al-Din. He did much for the irrigation of the K'un-ming basin, works that still survive today.11 The eternal hydraulic problem of China, the Yellow River, came, at some time under the Yüan, equally under the supervision of a foreigner; a Persian or rather Arab called Shams (1278-1351). He is the author of a treatise on river conservancy, the Ho-fang 'ung-i \"Comprehensive Explanation of River Conservancy\", published in 1321. The grandfather of Shams had come to China in the wake of the Mongol conquest of Arabia and settled there. Apart from hydraulic engineering, Shams is described in his biography as having been an expert in astronomy, geography, mathematics, and musical or rather acoustic theory. He had not yet lost the cultural ties with the homelands of his forefathers, as so many other Westerners did once they had come to China, but was still interested in what the Chinese biography called \"books of foreign nations\". In this case, Arab or Persian literature is certainly meant. But, ironically, the biography of Shams has been incorporated in the section reserved for Confucian Learning in the Yüan dynastic history! It is a matter for regret that of all the works he wrote in his lifetime, only the treatise on Yellow River conservancy has survived. The list of the books he wrote is tantalizing to read because their titles reflect a lasting interest in Western (Islamic) scientific thought, and their contents would perhaps have enabled us to see more clearly the interplay of Chinese and Near Eastern science.12\n\nThe largest group of foreigners in Yüan China were, however, not the Arab and Persian or Syrian scientists but merchants from the Near East. Transcontinental trade flourished under the Mon-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205114, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "SINO-WESTERN CONTACTS\n\n65\n\nhad been converted to Christianity somewhere in the eleventh or twelfth century. Christian tombs of Önggüt tribesmen have been discovered in Inner Mongolia near Olon Süme and in Ch’üan-chou (Fukien), mostly with Turkish inscriptions, in some cases also accompanied by a Chinese version of the inscription text. But whether Nestorian Christian, Uighur, or Mohammedan Arabs or Persians, all these foreigners became Chinese in a cultural sense. One would look in vain for traces of their foreign origin in their literary works. If they wrote Chinese poems, then these poems are indistinguishable from those written by native Chinese, much as in Medieval Europe when a poet wrote in Latin and thereby obscured his national characteristics. It is amazing to what degree this rapid acculturation was carried out in China. One could perhaps assume that members of a national community which had not yet developed a national literature of its own were easily attracted by Chinese literature; this would apply to the Mongols and some Turkish tribes. But it remains a singular phenomenon that even foreigners coming from a highly civilized country with a considerable literature of their own, such as Arabs or Persians, were so soon absorbed by Chinese literary culture. Nothing in the poems of Sa'd ad-Daula suggests even the slightest trace of a foreign origin. As a typical example, let me quote one poem by Jacob, Ya-ku, in Goodrich's translation:\n\n44\n\nThe path to the plum blossoms is short; snow has been falling. The ripples on the water are as smooth as peach leaves; it is favorable for ferrying across the river.\n\nOne whistle of a metal flute pierces the air above a thousand moonlit homes.\n\nTen reed matting sails ride before a wind of a myriad li.\"\nNothing could be more Chinese than these lines. And they are typical for the poetry written by foreigners. Things are similar in prose literature and philosophy. Foreigners tried to be as Confucian as possible, writing commentaries to the Classics and trying to live up to traditional Chinese ideals. And if they painted, their works were equally Chinese. At least one famous Yüan painter, Kao K'o-kung (1248-ca. 1310) came from the Western Regions, or rather his family did. He was born in Ta-t'ung (Shansi Province), rose to high offices, and became ultimately President of the Board of Justice. Kao was chiefly known as a landscape painter who carried on the tradition of Mi Fu and Tung Yuan, two famous", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205115, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "66\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nChinese artists of the tenth and twelfth centuries respectively. One does not even have to look at reproductions of his paintings to see how Chinese he is; the titles of his paintings alone show this. \"Mountains in Rain\", \"A Grove of Leafy Trees in Mist and Rain\", \"Clearing after a Spring Rain over the Mountains\" -- all these and many other titles suggest strongly that Kao stayed strictly within the Chinese tradition.21 In this connection another phenomenon must be noted. These foreigners not only seem to have lost their national background but also their religion. When we read, for example, the poems written by a Nestorian Önggüt in Chinese we do not find any Christian elements, nor is there any hint to Islamic faith in the poems of writers like Sa'd ad-Daula. Nothing could, of course, prevent these authors from, say, praising Allah in Chinese or writing a Christian hymn. And there was also nothing and nobody to prevent them from continuing to use their native language as a literary medium. The Mongol Government remained, on the whole, tolerant towards foreigners and foreign languages. But it seems as if the attraction of Chinese civilization was so strong that foreigners residing in China tried hard to be acknowledged by the Chinese intelligentsia as their equals. Or must we ascribe this phenomenon to a hostility of the Chinese who did not care to preserve literature written in foreign languages? There may have been poems written in Persian or Turkish in Yüan China, but if so, they certainly did not survive. There are certain indications that later Chinese nationalism under the Ming may have wiped out any traces of foreigners. In 1269 a new script for the Mongol language had been invented by Phags-pa Lama, a script that was meant to supersede the Uighur-Mongol script. The use of this new script, the so-called square script which was based on the Tibetan alphabet, was made obligatory by Imperial decree, and also used for printing Mongol books. But only fragments of one Mongol book printed in the Phags-pa script have survived, fragments of a Buddhist text (Subhāsitaratnanidhi) that have been found in Turfan. The Yuan dynastic history contains some data on the translations of Chinese works into Mongol. Apart from Buddhist scriptures at least seven works, some of them quite lengthy, were translated and printed, and nine more have at least reached the MS stage. But not a single one of these printed books and manuscripts has survived, with the possible exception of the bilingual Chinese-Mongol Classical Book of Filial Piety (Hsiao-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205123, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "74\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nIn 1873 the first Japanese missionary arrived in the Middle Kingdom. His name was Ogurusu Kocho and he had been sent to look over the situation in Shanghai by the Higashi Honganji sub-sect of Jodo Shinshu (the larger of the two main Pure Land sects). The following year he paid another visit to Shanghai and also went to Peking.\n\nIn 1876 the Higashi Honganji drew up a new creed that could be interpreted as a bid for collaboration with the state. Among other things, it emphasized that glorious death in military service would be rewarded by rebirth in the Western Paradise. It spoke of brotherhood with the Chinese in face of the unfilial barbarians. In May that year Count Otani, the hereditary patriarch of the subsect went to Tokyo accompanied by Ogurusu Kocho, and consulted Terashima Munenori in the Foreign Ministry on the problem of missionary work in China. We are not told the substance of their conversation, but in August a branch temple opened its doors in Shanghai, staffed by six priests, including Ogurusu. It was \"the first Japanese religious organization in China.\"2\n\nAfter China's defeat by Japan in 1895 a trade agreement was signed that gave the Japanese the right to construct temples in all the Treaty Ports. In 1896 Nanking had a Honganji temple.3 Shanghai got a Nichiren temple in 1899 and a second Honganji temple in 1906. According to one source special efforts were made to build temples in Fukien province, where the Japanese were trying to create a sphere of influence across the straits from their newly acquired colony of Formosa. Their missions were often able to attract parishioners because they could offer the same protection as their Christian counterparts, but did not require anyone to give up ancestor worship. The aim, however, was not merely parish-building, but use of the missions in the same way as the European powers. Thus in the autumn of 1900 a Japanese temple in Amoy was mysteriously destroyed by fire. A few hours later Japanese marines landed from a warship that had been waiting in the harbor and occupied the city. Only the strongest British representations induced Japan to withdraw her troops and bring her first \"missions case\" to a close.\n\nA more subtle approach was already on its way. In 1899 the East Asian Cultural Alliance had been established to create an", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205151, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "102\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nFurther research inside the Academy\n\nOne of the functions of the Academy was to give a group of high intellectuals a further chance to conduct research in the most favourable literary surroundings of the empire, where they were helped by good libraries, sufficient subsidies and experienced advisers. The establishment of the Shu-ch'ang kuan as a sub-department of the Academy had this object in view.\n\nThe lecturers in charge of the Shu-ch'ang kuan were all men of high rank. In the early years of the dynasty, they came exclusively from chancellors of the Three Inner Courts (Nei-san yüan). From 1670 onwards, the chancellors of the Hanlin Academy and senior officials of the Grand Secretariat joined the teaching staff and from 1722 onwards, presidents and vice-presidents of the Six Boards were sometimes called to serve as lecturers.3\n\nAs time went on, the need for more lecturers was felt, as their number was at no time more than four. Besides, the lecturers, mostly high dignitaries of the Empire, were occupied with their various government functions and were therefore unable to pay full attention to the teaching in the Shu-ch'ang kuan. In 1694 a number of assistant lecturers were appointed from junior members of the Hanlin hierarchy and from among the better students themselves. These assistant lecturers had more free time and were thus in a better position to help the students. They gave tests to the students twice a month.4\n\nThe students of the research institute, titled Probationers, were recruited from among the top scholars of the Civil Service Examination who, in addition, had to pass an Imperial interview before being admitted into the Shu-ch'ang kuan.\n\nOnce becoming probationers, the scholars were treated as a favoured group. They were not given any definite or permanent work to do. This means that they were free to study and observe government procedure and official behaviour at the capital. The government supplied them with books and stationery for their literary pursuits, while providing them with monthly subsidies to enable them to study without financial worry.\n\nIn the early years, all probationers were given lessons on the study of the Manchu language as well as the Chinese Classics.?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205152, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n103\n\nFrom 1647 onwards, probationers were required to study either the Manchu language or the Chinese Classics. The number of probationers taking the Manchu course, however, declined as time went on. In the reign of Yung-cheng, only about fifteen scholars were ordered to read the Manchu course, the rest, about forty, took the Chinese course.9 In the next reign (Ch'ien-lung), the aggregate number of probationers studying the Manchu course was about ten each year, and even this small number would sometimes be reduced, as those who took long sick leaves would change to study the Chinese course after their return.10\n\nThe qualification for taking up the Manchu course was physical rather than literary. Only the young and the good-looking with a pleasant voice were selected. Presumably, the reason for such a choice is that probationers studying the Manchu course would have more contacts with the Emperor and senior officials than the others. They were the persons likely to be selected as masters of ceremony in official ceremonies. In the pursuit of the course, the probationers would be called upon to study the \"History of the Liao dynasty, the Chin dynasty, and the Yüan dynasty\" (Liao Chin Yüan shih), \"the Sacred Edicts of the Emperor Hung-wu, the first Emperor of the Ming dynasty\" (Hung-wu pao-hsün), the \"Daily Exposition of the Meaning of the Book of Great Learning\" (Ta-hsüeh yen-i jih-chiang) and the \"Commentaries of the Four Books\" (Szu-shu chieh-i).11\n\n12\n\nProbationers doing research work on the Chinese texts took lessons in Chinese Classics, history and poetry. Together with those reading the Manchu language, they had to sit for a final examination after three years of study. Probationers studying the Manchu course were tested on their ability to translate from Chinese to Manchu and vice versa, whereas those reading the Chinese Classics were each ordered to compose a poem of set form or a piece of irregular verse and to write an argumentative discussion or an eight-legged essay.13\n\nNotice that the final examination of the probationers laid emphasis on the literary skill of writing essays and poems rather than on administrative knowledge. This was because of the need to distinguish \"real\" from \"false\" talent among the candidates. Themes on administrative problems, useful though they might be in testing the practical knowledge of candidates when they were original,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n105\n\nThe Manchus as alien conquerors were quick to master the Chinese language, but for official purposes, the need of translating Chinese documents into the Manchu language and vice versa was great in the early days. Many Manchu nobles and officials in the provinces knew but little of the Chinese classical language. Many Chinese local officials too had not read the Manchu language and therefore could not understand documents written in Manchu. Both groups certainly required the help of translators. The probationers versed in the two languages therefore filled the administrative gap, so to speak. As time went on, however, the Manchus became more familiar with the Chinese Classics and there was a gradual decline in the number of Hanlin probationers reading the Manchu language.\n\nOne of the best ways for Hanlin probationers to attain administrative knowledge came in an indirect manner. It was the favourable politico-literary atmosphere of the capital that gave opportunities for their acquisition of practical knowledge. In the first place, high dignitaries and prominent men of ability clustered in Peking, so that advisors and teachers were not wanting. Secondly, access to research materials was facilitated by the fine collection of books in government libraries at the capital. Moreover, scholars could purchase books fairly easily in Liu-li street, a place specially designed for selling books which might not be available elsewhere.18\n\nThe very prestige and honour bestowed upon the probationers and even more upon the active Hanlin officials had the effect of strengthening their confidence in the existing government. They were, as it were, the chosen few. They believed with justification that given time and opportunity they would rise high in the bureaucracy. With this assurance of future advancement, it may reasonably be conjectured that the majority of them would be quite eager to learn more about administrative affairs. In this respect, they were greatly assisted by the fact that they could spare the time to do so. After all, they had been holders of the Third Degree before entering the Academy and their literary research certainly left them time to care for other business during the three years.19\n\nThe Hanlins and the Emperor\n\nBesides setting up the Shu-ch'ang kuan and providing a training", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205172, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "OLD BRITISH KOWLOON\n\n123\n\nshores away from the villages and forming small clannish communities\".\n\nFor this description he was indignantly taken to task by later writers13 but since this is the contemporary estimate of an experienced person it should not be set altogether on one side, especially as this was a period during which Hakkas were generally on the move. His case is perhaps strengthened by a contemporary statement of the low ebb of education among the estimated 10,000 Hakkas then living in the San On district. At that time Rev. Ph. Winnes of the Basel Mission wrote:14\n\n\"Popular education in this district... is generally speaking in a deplorable state as regards the Hakkas. We may find small villages in which scarcely one person is to be found who can read and write. Then in those places where schools are to be found the local people cannot derive much benefit from them on account of their poverty\".\n\nIf an accurate statement of the position, this is consistent inter alia with recent settlement on the part of many of the 10,000.\n\nI wish now to turn my attention to some Hakka villages in the centre of Old Kowloon. These are the villages of Mong Kok (*) and Ho Man Tin (††) which, with other smaller settlements, occupied the hilly area in the centre of the peninsula.15 These villages disappeared in the face of urban development in the opening decades of the 20th century but sufficient material is available to give an account of them, thanks to the longevity of some of their former inhabitants16 and to published source material.\n\nThese villages may be described as multi-clan settlements; that is to say, they were inhabited by families of more than one shing () or name. For instance by 1897 Mong Kok seems to have been inhabited by families of seven names, though one of them nearly outnumbered all the others put together.\n\nTheir population was then between 200-300 persons each.17 In Ho Man Tin families of six names together made up the village. All these persons were described to me as Hakkas. However, my enquiries about marriages to the third generation above my informants show that these local Hakkas were of mixed blood. Marriages of Hakka men with Punti women and vice versa were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205179, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "JAMES HAYES \n\ntype based on the Tai Shek Kwu temple, the kaifongs usually deliberated in a temple.\n\nThe Yau Ma Ti Kaifong was closely linked with the Tin Hau Temple. This temple was apparently removed from another site in 1876-7743 and it is almost certain that the Kaifong took the lead in its removal and reconstruction. They also took the opportunity to construct a school building to one side of the temple about the same time. These building projects were considerable undertakings and as such were highly creditable to the Kaifong members. Some years later (1888) the Kaifong presented the temple with a large cast iron bell which bears their name. Finally in 1894, the growing wealth of the Yau Ma Ti community enabled the Kaifong to build a separate community office or kung sor (2) on the other side of the temple building. The commemorative tablet recording this event comments:\n\n\"Yau Ma Ti district has undergone many changes and it can hardly be said that it still remains as it used to be.\n\nConsequently there was a need for larger premises in which to handle the affairs of a growing population. As the organisers put it:\n\n\"Persons who desire that right and wrong can be clearly discerned must help to set up a community office\".\n\nThe tablet concludes:\n\nThe organisers and donors confidently expect to see the new office uphold justice and righteousness\".\n\nThis temple, school and community office still exist today. They stand on Public Square Street, Kowloon, in substantially the same form as when they were erected in the last quarter of the nineteenth century by the leaders of the Yau Ma Ti Kaifong, to whose enterprise and community spirit they are a fitting memorial.\n\nFortunately we have a good example who spans the two localities considered in this article, the one a group of villages and the other a township. This man, WONG Lan-sang (£), 1878-1935, came from one of the villages. His father was a small farmer whose ancestors had come previously to Mong Kok village from the Wai Yeung region of Kwang Tung. The son is a good\n\nPage 130\n\n44\n\n+1\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205191, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n141\n\nTHE GLASS CURTAIN BETWEEN ASIA AND EUROPE: A Symposium on the Historical Encounters and the Changing Attitudes of the Peoples of the East and the West. Edited by Raghavan Iyer, with a Foreword by the Dalai Lama. London: Oxford University Press, 1965. xii+356 pages. HK$42.00\n\nThis book, as its subtitle indicates, is a study of the East-vs.-West mentality of both Asians and Europeans in the modern world. The \"Glass Curtain\" refers to this mentality, as it were, \"invisible yet impenetrable.\" As something that divides peoples into opposing sides, it is more subtle, and therefore more difficult to recognize and deal with, than the Iron Curtain, the \"Bamboo Curtain,\" or what have you. The result is lack of mutual understanding and the proliferation of distorted images of other peoples as well as of one's own.\n\nSuch a result, though perhaps inevitable historically, is naturally undesirable, so it is assumed in this book. This is so especially in our day of more extensive intercultural exchanges and more intense international conflicts. Furthermore, it is time to look forward to an emerging world civilization in which Asians and Europeans and other peoples should be more or less equal partners. All those who share this global outlook and cosmopolitan concern should read this book. The book is a tract for the times, a lesson in world citizenship. Though it presents a somber picture at the beginning, the book ends with an optimistic outlook. It appeals throughout to a broader understanding and a deeper sympathy. Although its material is historical (as are most of its essays), its aim is moral. Here lies the book's peculiar character.\n\nThe main purpose of the book is to expose and, hopefully, lift one particular \"curtain of ignorance\" that separates and misleads people about others and about themselves, for the sake of better communication and in the name of a common humanity. In the words of its editor, the book aims at least \"to offer a provisional framework for a frank dialogue between Asians and Europeans on the Glass Curtain that seems to separate them\" (p.312). And he adds, \"the concern for a real dialogue on equal terms is indeed more significant than the anxiety to reach agreement or to find specific solutions\" (p.318). The point is to get the dialogue going. This book should provide a good start.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205197, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n147\n\nThomas Braddell, James Guthrie, A. L. Johnston, W. H. Read and 'Mr. Whampoa' (Hoo Ah Kay) are traced. The setting is that of a British colonial society in its heyday; the viewpoint is rather parochial.\n\nThe author was himself a prominent resident of Singapore for nearly fifty years. He arrived there in 1864, having been told by W. H. Read that it was ‘a fine healthy place for a young man'. He dryly noted that at the time of writing (1902) the English idea that Singapore was somewhere in the centre of India was becoming less generally held.\n\nThe author writes over-modestly that his book 'will interest those only who have some association with Singapore'. It should in fact interest many today for its detailed picture of the years of growth of a great South-east Asian city-state. To take one year — 1848 — at random; we read of Chinese gang robberies, the P. & O. mail, restrictions on firecrackers at Chinese New Year, the price of gambier, the inability of the Government of India to understand the special conditions and needs of the Straits Settlements, the sending of Chinese convicts from Hong Kong to Singapore, the trade depression, interference by the Malay ruler of Johore with the movement of guttapercha to Singapore, the failure of the Balestier sugar plantation, Captain Keppel and the new harbour, the arrival of Mr. James Brooke on his way to Labuan, and Singapore as a naval station. The author remarks, in passing, that the year 1848 had also been a very exciting time all over Europe'.\n\nThe Anecdotal History was well worth re-publishing for its lively if limited treatment of an era in Singapore's history. There is an excellent index, particularly important in a work of this kind. University of Hong Kong.\n\nB. HARRISON\n\nVIA PORTS: FROM HONG KONG TO HONG KONG, Alexander Grantham. Hong Kong University Press, 1965. pp. HK$30.\n\nThe author, Alexander William George Herder Grantham, is better known to the people of Hong Kong as Sir Alexander, Governor from 1947 to 1957. His book traces his own official career from 1922 when he arrived from England as a Government Cadet, to 1957 when he retired as the Governor.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205204, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "154\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nsheer volume alone makes this dictionary unique and should tell the prospective user that he will likely find here many definitions which do not appear elsewhere or which would be found only after a time-consuming search of numerous other sources.\n\nThe arrangement is alphabetical in romanized Cantonese. With only minor modifications the romanization is the same as that used in Meyer and Wempe, The Student's Cantonese-English Dictionary, and in a number of textbooks on colloquial Cantonese ranging from Father O'Melia's First Year Cantonese to S. L. Wong's Cantonese Conversation Grammar (which latter text duplicates all the romanized material in the Barnett-Chao system as well). This makes a handy tie-in with training materials for the beginning student although there are some concomitant problems which I will mention below. Being in romanized form this book should be especially welcome to those who want to study the dialect without necessarily learning characters in the process. For those who need them, characters are available in the back of the book, and it is even possible to work from material in characters through the keys in the appendices which are cross-referenced to the romanized entries and definitions. However, according to the title the chief target is not the reader but the speaker, the person who hears an expression and wants to look it up in the quickest and most convenient way. In this form the dictionary fills a long need for a large reference work on the dialect in romanized form.\n\nThe title is, however, somewhat misleading since the book is obviously and admittedly designed for the reader as well as the speaker. This is seen principally in the fact that there was no attempt to stick exclusively to colloquial or conversational material. A great number of words and phrases from the classical and written language are included and many of these cannot be described as allusions or quotations commonly heard in the spoken language.\n\nAs might be expected from a book this size with such a large number of entries, each entry receives only a minimum of attention and the simplest possible definition usually suffices. There is little or nothing in the way of elaboration on the meanings and no examples of usage. This may occasionally leave the user with an additional research job and it certainly won't afford any feel for context in case the student wonders how to put an item back", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205207, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n157\n\nforms should be included or the student is going to be left in the dark on numerous items which are often heard in everyday speech. K. P. K. Whitaker (\"A Study of the Modified Tones in Spoken Cantonese\", Asia Major, New Series, Vol. V, Parts 1 and 2) has treated this subject intensively and a glance at her long lists of words normally appearing in changed tone will convince anyone that a student of Cantonese will certainly need some way to handle unknown items showing this phenomenon.\n\nAdmittedly, as Rev. Cowles points out in defending his decision to ignore the changed tones, they vary considerably from area to area; it would indeed be impractical to attempt to record all the local variants. The point here should be that there is no practical way to design a dictionary to cover all the great multitude of regional varieties of the Cantonese dialects. A choice will have to be made concerning just which dialect form will be treated and the most likely selection would seem to be Standard Cantonese. I believe that this choice should have been made and that this dictionary should have included as many as possible of the common changed tone forms used by the speakers in Hong Kong and Canton. Furthermore, these forms should not be listed under the basic tone of the character but in such a way that the student can look them up in the dictionary on the basis of what he hears. Thus, since the high rising changed tone is often confused with basic tone of similar contour, it might be best to list these under the high rising basic tone and indicate in the symbolization that historically such forms are members of other basic tone categories.\n\nRev. Cowles has indeed made a very important contribution and I do not mean to detract from this by quibbling over minor points. Nevertheless, in striving for totality in a single dictionary the compiler necessarily takes on an impossible task. Obviously decisions to include and exclude face him at every turn, and no two compilers could be expected to make the same decisions. A lexicographer should define his area and depth of concentration then be as thorough as possible within these limitations. One should not in one paragraph (p. vii) defend the size of a dictionary on the grounds that the forms included ‘are in the language, and being there, call for a record and interpretation into English' then three paragraphs later argue against inclusion of the changed tone forms because they \"are simply multitudinous, and usage differs widely in many localities\". It would seem wise to skip local", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205216, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "166\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ncase at Compensation Board hearings, following upon such resumptions.\n\nRods, acres and chains are unknown measurements in Hong Kong insofar as the Chinese farmer is concerned. He uses such measurements as mau (mou), tau chung (tou chung) and tam shui (tan shui) which besides being different words are also very different in area. A mau = 4.8 of an acre. This measurement is still used in mainland China but has been out of general use in the Colony of Hong Kong since at least the early 1900's. Here in Hong Kong the tau chung and the tam shui are the local measures.1\n\nEach Chinese village in Hong Kong has its own tau. Usually it is a wooden tub or boat-shaped container which holds approximately ten catties of rice seed. A catty is a Chinese weight of 1¼ pounds. The tau is therefore about 13.333 lbs., but could be more or less as there is no standard tau in use among the villages. Turning from the tau to the tau chung, the latter measure is the area of land required to grow one tau of rice seed.\n\nAgricultural land in Hong Kong is rated as first class, second class or third class, dependent on its water supply. First class land is well-watered land that will grow two crops of rice and a catch-crop in the off season, generally sweet potato. Second class land relies generally on rainfall for its water supply and is rated as medium grade land. Third class land is generally located on hillsides, is usually dry, and is used as orchard land or for growing ground nuts, millet and upland rice.2\n\nJust prior to the rice growing season which coincides with the southeast monsoon, padi nurseries are prepared here and there in the fields and the seed is scattered in a small nursery plot which grows very green and very thick. At the same time, the farmer gets out his buffalo and ploughs the padi fields in preparation for the planting. Each padi field is constructed so that it is at a slightly higher level than the one below it, which accounts for the terracing effect one associates with padi fields. The size and location of a padi field is governed by its ability to receive a gravity feed of water from its source. Each padi is surrounded by an earth bund in which outlets are made so that water flowing in from the top level feeds directly to the lowest level. With sufficient water in the lowest field the farmer plugs the bund outlet and allows the next level to fill until all the padis have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205219, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n169 \n\nplant. In Hong Kong four general groups are recognised comprising about thirteen different varieties, all of which but one, the upland rice, need to grow in standing water.\n\nThe first crop of kuk ripens in mid-summer during the typhoon season of blue skies and huge white mountains of cumulus cloud. Sudden and devastating rain storms and periods of low pressure at this time may ruin a crop not yet ripe. Rice is a particularly difficult grain to grow as right up to the last few days before harvesting there is no hard grain in the heads but only a milky white fluid, which, unless it has a few days of very strong sunshine, will not harden into grain. Typhoon winds at this period can completely ruin a crop by flattening the standing grain into the padi water. However, assuming that all is well, the first crop is harvested from the water in which it grows.\n\nBeing harvested from wet fields the grain from this first crop is unsuitable for keeping in store for lengthy periods as it tends to mildew. This crop therefore sells at a lower value than the second crop, which is harvested in the Autumn.\n\nAs the water in the fields is no longer required after the second crop the fields are drained off, the rice left standing in the drying fields, ripens and turns into a grain that will keep in store for years if necessary. This crop fetches a higher price than the first crop.\n\nBy tying his rent return to kuk instead of to a fixed cash rent the landowner ensures that his return is commensurate with the local market price at the time of harvesting. Should bad weather make a poor harvest local prices for kuk rise in sympathy with shortages. If a glut of rice ensues then prices will fall in sympathy with the economy.\n\nRentals\n\nYield should be an important factor when considering tenant rentals, but figures based on statistics collected for use at arbitration board hearings, indicate a pattern which is against yield as a factor in deciding rents in some localities. As a corollary to a technical soil survey of arable lands carried out by Dr. C. J. Grant of the University of Hong Kong, the author made enquiries and collected statistics of prices paid by tenant farmers in those areas mentioned under the heading \"Soil Associations\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205245, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "ERRAT A\n\nPage 3\nPage 3, line 1-for \"Colonial Office\" substitute \"Public Records Office\".\nPage 3, 4th line from foot-for \"enthusiatically\" read \"enthusiastically\".\n\nPage 11, line 11-for \"Orient\" read \"Oriental\".\n\nPage 13 - Carnivores should be deleted from its position here and interpolated between the second and third lines from the foot of page 12.\n\nPage 15, line 2-the words \"now very rare\" should not be italicised.\n\nPage 16, 5th line from foot - for \"incease\" read \"increase”. \n\nPage 143, footnote- for p. 199 read p. 119.\n\nPage 160 in Note 2 the Tien Hsia reference should be as in Note 2 on p. 18.\n\nPage 187, line 11- for \"One the whole\" read \"On the whole\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205254, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "# 9\n\n# HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1966\n\nThe Accounts for 1966 have been audited by Mr. O. P. Edwards of The Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank. I assumed office as Hon. Treasurer only a month ago following Mr. W. S. Addis and Mr. Michael Morgan who acted temporarily after Mr. T. J. Lindsay's retirement.\n\nOn the income side, there is a gratifying increase in Life Membership subscriptions, now $2,750 against $650 last year. The annual subscriptions amounted to $10,177, a little over $2,000 short of our total expenditure. The shortage was covered by income from investments amounting to $2,054.69 (against $1,742.54 last year) and from the sale of copies of the Journal. The total amount of annual subscriptions at the increased rate of $30 a year would have been higher had all members paid their subscriptions by the end of the year, and if all members had given instructions to their banks to increase their annual subscriptions from $20 to $30. Members are strongly urged to pay by means of Banker's Orders in order to ease the arduous work of the Hon. Secretary and Hon. Treasurer.\n\nOur investments show an increase in market value of over $4,000 in spite of the depressed market.\n\nThe amount of $13,000 cash deposit is rather illusory. A sum of $2,500 represents a donation from the Asia Foundation and is earmarked to pay for books which have already been ordered. About $7,000 to $8,000 will be required to pay for the next issue of the Journal and off-prints. Provision has also to be made for the printing of the brochure on the 1966 Symposium and for the reprinting of the paper by Sir Lindsay Ride on \"The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao\". We hope to recoup the cost of these publications by their sale, but we shall need more money to reprint Volume 1 of the Journal which has now been sold out and to build up our library and to provide for its accommodation. There is no likelihood of any real excess of income over expenditure.\n\n3 April, 1967.\n\nG. W. LANCHESTER", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205259, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "14\n\nPATRICIA MARSHALL\n\nhorses and hounds could not penetrate the shrub and the hunt club eventually gave up and was dissolved. Today local foxes face a greater peril; persistent hunting by illegal shooting and trapping. Each winter a number of young foxes, probably imported, are sold alive in the markets for food, despite Government's attempts to stop this trade.\n\nAnother mammal imported during the winter for food is the raccoon dog. It resembles the North American raccoon but in fact its nearest living relative is the domestic dog. It has never been recorded from Hong Kong but was common on the plains around Canton until at least 1914. In Russia it is encouraged and has been released in some areas to breed wild for fur. It is also useful as a destroyer of rats.\n\nIn Hong Kong this animal is often treated with extreme cruelty being confined in small cages, too small for it to stand or turn round, and may be kept for several days on food stalls before being killed and eaten. Until 1966 they were commonly seen in the markets of Hong Kong and Kowloon, particularly in Shanghai and Market streets. They now appear to be kept in backrooms and sold under the counter.\n\nA fairly abundant wild mammal in the Colony is the ferret-badger. It is a true badger, feeding on insects, earthworms, small rats and mice. Plate 4 shows the broken white markings on the head and back. Like the leopard cat, it is a retiring, nervous mammal prone to die of nervous shock in captivity, although it can be tamed if caught young.\n\nOtters were once common here but are now rare due to illegal hunting. Fishermen have always persecuted them, although the more informed are now realizing that otters in an area improve rather than harm the fishing. Research on the life history and feeding habits has shown that although otters eat fish, they eat only diseased fish. By controlling the numbers of the sick they prevent the spread of fish diseases and so are beneficial to the fish population.\n\nProtection by law of the otter (since 1938) has not been effective. If some otters were kept in a zoo or in the Botanical Gardens so that people may see how very charming and captivating they can be, a few of the poachers may be dissuaded from killing them.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205261, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "16\n\nPATRICIA MARSHALL\n\nconsiderable time and energy, yet in a recent case where a poacher was eventually brought to trial he was fined the sum of only $50. There is no reason why these deer could not be farmed on patches of hillside. Their selective diet, unlike that of goats, makes them far less of an erosion hazard. If farmed scientifically they would not only add to the enjoyment of walkers but would provide venison in reasonable quantity from otherwise unproductive hillsides.\n\nConservation\n\nThe basic biological needs of any living community on land or in the ocean, including human communities, is food and oxygen. These two requirements are provided only by vegetation. Only plants can produce oxygen. Should all the plants die, and by some miracle the animals remain alive, all the oxygen in the atmosphere would be used up within 2 years. Vegetation replenishes the oxygen and provides basic food materials for almost all living things. Only plants can use the energy of sunlight to manufacture organic foods. Animals that eat plants can use the stored energy in the food to convert plant proteins, carbohydrates and fats into animal proteins, carbohydrates and fats. Without the raw materials from plants, animals cannot make these substances for themselves.\n\nThe mammals of Hong Kong can be represented on a simplified food pyramid (see Table II). Each layer of the pyramid contains animals that feed on the animals in the layer beneath.\n\nHerbivorous animals (insects, rats, etc. in Hong Kong) form the food of the carnivores and insectivores (pangolins, birds of prey, snakes, civet cats etc.) and on these smaller carnivores live the larger carnivores (foxes, leopards, raccoon dogs and tigers). The animals lower down in the food pyramid are usually small and numerous and reproduce rapidly. They provide the basic food for the rest of the pyramid. Animals near the top of the pyramid are large and reproduce slowly.\n\nShould the animals in any one layer of the pyramid increase or decrease it would have far reaching effects on all the rest of the animals in the community. If the herbivores increase, the carnivores, with more food, would also increase. If the carnivores increase they would eat too many of the herbivores so that they would cause themselves to run short of food. On the other hand, if the carnivores were removed there would be nothing to check", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205272, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n27\n\nheight. The character toi was in a variant which has been mistaken by many people for tang (). Later, a further seven characters were added, vertically, on the right side, recording that repairs had been carried out in the ting mau year of the Ch'ing Emperor Chia Ch'ing (A.D. 1807). Of course, this means the re-engravement of the three original characters, for there was otherwise nothing to be repaired. The character wang (£) \"king\" should be huang (§) which stands for \"emperor\". It was first intentionally inscribed in that erroneous form in the history of the Sung Dynasty compiled by the Yuan officials where it was recorded that there were two Sung \"Kings\", implying that they were not recognised as Emperors perpetuating the Sung dynastic throne. This was a grave mistake subsequently pointed out by many Chinese scholars. We should use the character huang for \"Emperor\" instead. The naming of the Sung Huang Tai Garden and Sung Huang Tai Road by the Hong Kong Government is therefore correct.\n\nThe precise meaning of the name Sung Wong Toi is not easily ascertained. It has been alleged that the boy Emperor Tuan Tsung used to rest in the cave beneath the great rock and sometimes played hide and seek there with his small brother. The mound has been likened to a toi, a terrace or high building. One historian has asserted that a watch tower was built on the top of the mound to look out for the advent of the enemy, hence its name. This last theory is not credible since the mound itself was already high enough for watching over the sea to the east without the superstructure. In my own research work, a line has been found in the Hsin-an Gazetteer which gives a very useful hint for the interpretation of the name. It reads: \"There were three characters 'Sung Wong Toi', on the great rock which was beside the Toi\".12 In reverse the last part can be read \"the Toi was beside the great rock\". Therefore, neither the great rock nor the hill itself can be identified as the Toi. The logical conclusion cannot be anything but that a separate toi must have been constructed near the foot by the side of the hill and the big characters were later engraved on the great rock merely as an indication of the historic spot commemorating the visit of two Emperors. It might have been a real watch tower, for the rocky hill was not easy to climb for military purposes. But where exactly was the toi or tower is a problem which remains to be solved.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "THE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG\n\n37\n\n\"the back seat\". But before accepting this interpretation, one must verify the identity of the Yunnan Lao with the aboriginal tribe dwelling in Kow-Joon speaking the same language.\n\n6 See my article \"The Southern Sung Stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang\" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 5, 1965. At line 17 of the article \"before this date\" should read \"after this date\". The Chinese text on the engraven rock was given in my article, but was not accompanied by a literal translation, which now follows:\n\n[I] Yen I-chang of Ku-pien (K'ai-feng, Honan Province), being the administrator of this Field (namely, Kuan-fu Ch'ang), accompanied by Ho T'ien-chuch of San-shan (Foochow, Fukien Province), come to visit these two mountains (North and South Fu-t'ang). In the course of investigation, [I found, first, that] the stone pagoda (shih-ta, or colloquially called Ku-shih-ta and abbreviated to Ki-ta) at South T'ang was constructed in the 5th year of the reign of Ta Chung Hsiang Fu (i.e., of Emperor Tsen Tsung of Northern Sung, A.D. 1012). Next, Cheng Kuang-ch'ing of San-shan, piling up stones and chopping down trees, renovated the two T'angs. Again, T'eng Liao-chuch of Yung-chia (Wen-chou of Chekiang Province) continued the work. The ancient stone-tablet at North T'ang was established by Hsin P'o-ting of Ch'uan-chou (Fukien province) in the year wu shen but the reign [of what Emperor] cannot be ascertained. Now, Nien Fa-ming of San-shan and Lin Tao-i of this native place (i.e., Kowloon) continue the work. Furthermore, Tao-i can expand the former plan requesting [me] to establish another stone-engraving for commemoration [of the renovation]. Inscribed on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month in the year chia shu [i.e., 10th year] during the Hsien Shun reign (Emperor Tu Tsung of Southern Sung, A.D. 1274).\n\n7 Yuan Yuan, Kwangtung T'ung-chih, Haifang lüeh, chuan 2, kx. Ak Ma. 40%. Shu Mou-kuan, Hsin-an Hsien-chi, chuan 7, Chien-shu lüeh 建署累\n\n8 Ta-ch'ing Hui-tien, Kuan-chih kao. 76.\n\n9 Research notes by the late Sung Hsueh-p'eng (4) who had done much research work on the local history and geography of Hong Kong and Kowloon. A portion of the notes was generously recopied and given to me.\n\n10 Ibid.\n\n11 T'u-shu Chi-cheng, Chih-fang-tien (811A.AZ) records that \"This was the old engraving of Yuan times”.\n\n12 Chuan 18, Sheng-chi-lüeh BAY.\n\n13 Before 1941 there were three streets at this place, called \"Sung Street\", \"Ti (Emperor) Street\" and \"Ping Street\". (Apparently Emperor Ping was mistaken for Tuan Tsung (Shib). As the history of Southern Sung in Kowloon had been rather obscure, the mixing up of the two names was not very unlikely; even the Hsin-an Gazetteer made the same mistake. This whole area including the three streets was levelled during the Japanese occupation to facilitate the extension of Kai-tak airfield.\n\n14 See Jao Tsung-i, Kowloon yũ Sung-chi shih-liao ✯‡, ^*‡‡‡£ #, Hong Kong, Universal Book Co., 1959, p. 105.\n\n15 Wu Pa-ling, Sung-t'ai kan-chiulu 4*. *4434 in Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume, p. 108.\n\n16 By the side of the cliff a low-cost housing estate has been recently constructed south of the new Fu-ning Street (3##), east of the now Fuk-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "PRINTING: A NEW DISCOVERY\n\n41\n\nThe Korean find adds one important brick to the edifice we may call the history of printing. It does not fundamentally change the edifice, however. Everything still points, in my opinion, to the beginnings of the invention in China, and its spread outward from there, Buddhism being one of the principal vehicles for its distribution. The monks of that day were a migratory lot. It seems entirely likely that one or more of them, Chinese or Korean, made use of the novel device in the kingdom of Silla, while another, Japanese or Chinese or Korean, introduced it a few years later to Nara, then capital of Japan. It is significant and curious that, in spite of its early introduction to both countries, printing does not really become established amongst either people until three centuries later.\n\nThis is a preliminary report, based on illustrations and newspaper articles sent me by Professor Young-gyu Minn of Yonsei University, Mr. Huh Young-kwan, reporter of the Hankook Ilbo (Seoul), and Mr. K. R. Crim of the Presbyterian Mission in Seoul. One may hope that before long the Korean authorities on early printing will publish an exhaustive monograph, fully illustrated, on this important discovery.\n\nNote: In writing this sketch I have benefited greatly from discussion of the find with my colleagues Professors Chaoying Fang and Gari Ledyard, both of whom read Korean, which I do not.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205301, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "56\n\nHe continues:\n\nL. G. ALMER\n\nIt was apparently open to any man of means to tie a portion of the property he left either to the maintenance of an ancestral hall already in existence or to the establishment of a new one in respect of himself or some recently dead forebear. New segments coming into being were physically reflected in the ramification of halls.17\n\nFreedman, arguing in terms of domination processes, isolates the accumulation of wealth, implying power, within certain sections as the seed of lineage proliferation; the transformation from section to segment being manifested by the establishment of a new ancestral hall.\n\nSome features of traditional Hakka society need to be examined in this context. Major lineages tended to have small numbers; for instance, in 1911 Big Stream Village had 173 inhabitants. Plum Grove Village 59, and Grass Field Village 124.18 Surveying the 23 purely Hakka villages in the surrounding mountainous area, we find that at that time Big Stream Village was the most populous place; the number of residents in the 23 villages ranging between 173 and 6, giving an average of 64.19\n\nHere in the mountains there was very small differentiation as to occupation, all people being agriculturalists cultivating small pieces of land, owned and controlled by themselves. Poverty was a characteristic of these settlements. With the exception of a few paddy fields, said to be the lands of the village founder and connected with ancestral ceremonialism and occasionally with schools, no common property was shared by villagers. Some economic differentiation will have arisen from different forms of external income, and perhaps in relation to ownership of ferry boats, charcoal ovens, and hill plantations. The ecological setting, limiting any expansion of local production, provided the framework of an unstable situation, sensitive to any increase in population or decline in economic capacity. The small numbers of inhabitants in the Hakka mountain villages seem to reveal, therefore, that growth within the social and ecological framework was not possible.\n\nThis picture of Hakka society displays localized communities on a major lineage basis, connected only through occasional common ancestor worship expressing the idea of clanship as a con-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205316, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n71\n\ngeneral rule. Unlike the Punti population, among whom it was customarily expected that groom and bride were total strangers to each other,40 the Hakka go-between arranged a meeting on a selected day at a tea house in a market town. The boy and the girl each brought along their 'friends', which presumably meant mainly the age-mates of their respective major lineages. The parents were not present on this occasion. If the couple consented, the boy's parents selected an auspicious day and informed the girl's family at least a month in advance of the date of the wedding.\n\nThe bride's family now started to arrange the dowry, which mainly consisted of clothes, at an amount that was supposed to be sufficient for her entire lifetime, and which was maintained under her control after the marriage. If it could be afforded, the dowry also contained some jewellery.\n\nAt the wedding the bride was transferred from her native village to her future one by means of a sedan chair. This ceremony is supposed to have limited the area in which a marriageable girl was to be found, as in this mountain district it would be difficult for a bridal procession to move too long a distance. Most wives of the valley seem to have been recruited from the surrounding mountain villages and from the Three Fathoms Cove area. Big Stream Village also has had many wives coming from one particular village in the Lam Chuen Valley in the hinterland of the Tai Po Market. It was also pointed out that in 'old times' marriage connections stretched as far as the border town of Sha Tau Kok and Sham Chun Market in Chinese territory.4 Plum Grove Village and Grass Field Village have frequently had marriage connections with the Sai Kung area. Some of the community members working overseas took secondary wives in the country they were working in.42\n\nAdoption of infant or child brides into the household was also very frequent, as this was a more economic solution for poor people who had not then to feed an extra mouth until the girl was of marriageable age and provide a dowry for her. In both cases the woman maintained the surname of the clan of which she was born a member.\n\nAt the present-day go-betweens are not used. The youths make their own contacts during work and recreation. Bonds of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n73\n\n2 There are indications that this mountain area at one time was inhabited by non-Chinese Yao people; Barnett 1957, p. 261. The present inhabitants, however, are all Hakka- and Cantonese-speaking Chinese, settled here for only about 300 years.\n\n3 The estimated average price for local unmilled rice is (1965) HK$28 per picul for first crop rice. The corresponding figure for second crop rice is HK$36 a picul.\n\n4 Chiu 1964, p. 77.\n\n5 Bot. Report 1906, p. 221.\n\nIt could be added that a fish hawker is touring the area daily. He is from Sai Kung and his route includes Grass Field Village and Plum Grove Village. There are also other occasional peddlers, trading in food and sweets. Some shops can be found at the mining workers' settlement at Ma On Shan. Fishermen call at the pier there every morning. People from Big Stream Village often take advantage of these facilities.\n\n7 S., D. W. 1900, p. 202f. See also Tregear & Berry 1959, p. 12ff, and Hayes 1966, p. 128f.\n\n8 In a village just outside Canton, \"almost all those who went to work on ships were Wongs. This was chiefly due to the functioning of kinship relations in economic life. One who knew of an opportunity in one's own occupation usually recommended it to a kinsman. A Lee already engaged in business in Hong Kong would hire his own relatives as help or recommend them to fellow businessmen who might need help. A Wong in the 'hard labour' business, an activity tightly controlled by secret societies, or in marine work, did the same for his own kinsmen.\" Yang 1959, p. 73.\n\n9 Lockhart Report, p. 557. Census 1911, p. 103.\n\n10 Skinner 1964/65, p. 202. For further details, see Groves 1965a and 1965b.\n\n11 The Ng people in Plum Grove Village have no connections with the former Grass Field people of the same surname.\n\n12 The coastal area of Kwangtung was the scene of a dramatic mass deportation, executed by the Ch'ing occupants as a counter-measure in the struggle against raiding Ming loyalists. This course of action was carried out from 1661. Eight years later the coastal strip was declared open for settlement and an active policy by the Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, A Ke-min, lured immigrants to the waste lands. The main influx of Hakka to the New Territories was in the following decades. If this is correct it may be that the Lau people appeared in this area during the course of this re-occupation. See Hui 1963, p. 89ff.\n\nSee Hui 1963, p. 89ff. However, Professor Freedman (1967) has quite correctly pointed out that the data are by no means conclusive on the effective evacuation of the area.\n\n13 Skinner 1964/65, p. 37.\n\n14 Freedman 1958, p. 50.\n\n15 In the Hakka village in the Tolo Harbour area, studied by Jean Pratt, at the Chinese New Year 'all the men go to the lineage hall in a village across the valley, where they claim their ancestors lived. Pratt 1960, p. 149. But note supplementary information in Freedman 1966, p. 41; this issue, however, has no bearing on my argument. Similar social ceremonialism seems to have occurred among the Cantonese-speaking Punti population. See Hayes 1962, p. 28.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "76\n\nL. G. AIMER\n\nthe carrying and other heavy work, \"The men do not even know how to carry water\" and probably do not demand that the women give them lessons at it.' \n\nFrank 1925, p. 210f. Even among the Cantonese-speaking Punti population in Kwangtung, traditional women's participation in the work in the fields occurred; cf. Yang 1959, p. 21f. The notes above, however, are to be read as contrasts to Punti custom.\n\n35 Investments in house building on a large scale seem to be typical for all Chinese peasant communities with a marked inflow of external income. Generalizing from his experiences with three emigrant communities in Fukien and Kwangtung, Chen Ta writes:\n\n\"The most practical way to gratify their vanity is to build a house. Even when he does not contemplate a return in the immediate future, a Chinese emigrant who has made a fortune in the Nan Yang is quite likely to send a sum of money home for the express purpose of buying a new house\"; Chen 1939, p. 109.\n\nFrom another part of China, Francis Hsu notes that\n\n\"in this Yunnan community people became rich not through South-Seas emigration, but through tin mines and trading. As soon as a family becomes wealthy, it begins to build huge but largely unused houses ...\"; Hsu 1945, p. 48.\n\nBoth authors interpret house building as the symbolic aspect of the move from one social position to another by the sojourner in his home community, the big house being closely associated with gentry status. A comment on increasing house building in the New Territories in the beginning of this century is made in the N. T. Report 1899-1912, p. 56.\n\n36 Although these people have spent many years in English-speaking countries, none of them can converse in the English language. Also, this is largely true for the younger generation now residing in Britain. The Chinese emigrant is often sojourning in a Chinese enclave, the structure of which, in many important respects, is very different from that of his home community; it is still basically Chinese and offers social security in a foreign country. I have the impression that the sojourners have a fairly limited direct contact with the people of the country where they stay, especially if this is in Europe or America. Such contacts are also often highly formalized, of the type client-waiter relations in a restaurant. The surrounding social milieu is, I feel, experienced filtered through the culture of the enclave.\n\n37 In 1963 overseas remittances, in the form of postal and money orders cashed at the New Territories post offices, amounted to the value of HK$20,973,152. The corresponding figure for 1964 was HK$24,076,719; Hong Kong 1963, p. 60; Hong Kong 1964, p. 30. Considerable sums will also have been remitted through banks: these figures are not known. One item of information from the New Territories tells that one farmer annually receives about HK$1,500 from his two sons working in England; Topley 1964, p. 176. Ronald Ng (1965, p. 35) estimates the monthly remittances at £30, or HK$5,760 annually.\n\n38 This means that the daily income for a restaurant worker in Britain would amount to nearly HK$23. This may be compared to the daily wage of a worker in the New Territories which is about HK$10. Ng gives a similar figure for restaurant workers in the U.K.; Ng (1965, p. 35).\n\n39 The situation of the members of the overseas community in Britain could be compared to that of a villager of Big Stream Village working in a grocer's shop on the island of Aruba in the Netherlands West Indies. His salary there is 'over' US$100, i.e., at least HK$130, a month. The daily", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "80\n\nTHE CHINA COASTERS\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nJames Matheson sent his San Sebastian from Canton to ports in Fukien Province in 1820, to open up new markets for opium, and this is generally considered the pioneer voyage in the China coast trade. Although Matheson was Danish Consul at Canton at this time, and the San Sebastian sailed under Spanish colours, it is correct to describe this voyage as a British venture. The men who sailed the opium clippers, therefore, were the first 'China coasters', and since that time 'China coasters' have considered themselves a breed apart, distinct from the rest of the British Merchant Navy. The tradition of more liberal manning, of better pay, food, and conditions in general, pioneered by the opium clippers has continued to the present day.\n\nMany of the customs and practices of the lordly East Indiamen and of the Indian 'country ships' were inherited by the humbler 'China coasters'. The East Indiaman's captain could, and was expected to, make a fortune from carrying passengers and private cargo, in addition to the company's, and in self defence the latter stipulated a definite scale of perquisites for each member of the crew, from captain down to bosun and carpenter. Generous as this was, it was invariably exceeded. There was a much greater variety of 'pidgin' (=business) on the China coast, although it did not comprise such a high proportion of the China coaster's total earnings. As on the East India Company's ships, dabbling in certain types of 'pidgin' was considered legitimate and carried no moral stigma.\n\nThe most common and profitable pidgin came from deck passengers. It was on the emigrant runs to the Straits and Bangkok that this type of 'pidgin' was most prolific. I was introduced to this on my first ship on the coast, the Antung. The Antung was\n\nThe author served as an Engineer Officer with the China Navigation Company from 1928 until 1938, and was on the Yangtse in 1930 in the Shengking and again in 1934 in the Wuhu. He was captured by pirates in the Newchang river in Manchuria in 1933 and held prisoner for five and a half months. Two of his articles have been published previously in the Journal. \"European Navigation on the Yangtse\" in Vol. 3, 1963, and \"Piracy on the China Coast\" in Vol. 5, 1965.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205346, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "LAND AND LEADERSHIP IN THE H.K. REGION OF KWANGTUNG 101\n\nLockhart calls them in his 1898 report on the New Territories.18 He states that the council for the Eastern Tung embraced most of the leased territory and sat in the market town of Sham Chun just north of the 1898 boundary. One imagines that men such as the three who form the subject of this paper might have been members. Here I have had the benefit of conversations with a former mandarin, now deceased, who served as a Chou and then as a Fu magistrate in Hupeh for some years before the Revolution of 1911. He told me that the councils of the poorer districts were augmented by prominent non-literati of the type to be found on Lantau, the normal restrictions on scholar membership being waived in order to secure the presence of persons who carried weight in their localities. If practised in San On this realistic approach, in part occasioned by the need to obtain their help in chasing in and securing the payment of the land tax, would probably have brought in local leaders like Chan, Cheung and Kung.\n\nI must record that this is conjecture since no information on their participation in the council, their work there, and their relations with the district magistrate and the true gentry of the District has yet turned up though I am by no means sure, given local conditions, that it ever will. However an account of these men would be lacking unless one hinted at the possibility of their participation in local councils, especially as it is probable that the rural gentry of Lantau and similar fringe areas in South China and elsewhere in the Ching period were similar in origins to these three men.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The New Territories were ceded by the Convention of Peking signed on 9th June 1898; for the text see The Hong Kong Government Gazette for 8 April 1899, pp. 552-553—but were not occupied until the following year. The boundaries were not discussed until March 1899, and some hostilities took place in March and April of that year when the Hong Kong Government took possession of the New Territory. See Sessional Papers 1899, No. 32 \"Dispatches and Other Papers Relating to the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong\" and No. 35 \"Further Papers relating to Military Operations in Connection with the Disturbances On The Taking Over of the New Territory\".\n\nThe Romanisation used in this article is in the Cantonese form. For place names see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories. (Hong Kong Government Printer, 1960).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205349, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "104\n\nA NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT 新安城:\n\nBy the REV. Mr. Krone\n\n(Editor's Note. Beginning with Vol. 5 (1965) the Society made a start with reprinting selected articles from the Transactions of the old China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society which existed in Hong Kong between 1846-59. The only known complete extant sets of the Transactions in the Colony are the microfilmed sets recently acquired by the Library of the University of Hong Kong and by the Society. The article reprinted below is taken from pp. 71-105 of the sixth and last volume of Transactions, published in Hong Kong in 1859. It is a valuable contemporary account of the north-western part of the San On (Hsin An) district (新安縣) and will be of special interest to readers of this Journal in that it describes something of the history and conditions of life in the area just beyond the present Sino-British frontier in the New Territories. Its re-appearance in print will also provide scholars with the text in a more accessible form than the microfilmed sets which are available here and elsewhere. The author was a missionary of the Rhenish Missionary Society which, according to the account of its history given in The China Mission Hand Book (Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1896) pp. 272-275 came to South China in 1847. From this account, Mr. Krone appears to have come to China about 1850 and worked there for upwards of ten years. He seems to have gone on leave thereafter and died in the Red Sea on his way back to China from Germany. The article is reprinted here exactly as it appears in the original, despite a few obvious errors and inconsistencies).\n\nA NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT 新安城:\n\nRead before the Society, February 24th, 1858\n\nTHE District of Sanon, to which the mainland opposite to the Island of Hongkong belongs, is one of the fourteen districts of the department of Canton. During the Han dynasty, and at the time of the Three States, the present Sanon District, together with those of Túng-kun and Pok-lo, formed only one large district, bearing the name of Pok-lo *.\n\nand Túng-kun\n\nUnder the following dynasties, Sanon ✯✯ constituted one district, which was denominated Túng-kun 東莞 ★, afterwards Po-on, and since the 2d year of the Emperor Chi-tok of the Tong dynasty, Túng-kun ✯ £. 東莞. Hung-mo, the founder of the Ming dynasty (1368-1399 A.D.), found it necessary in the 27th year of his reign to appoint an officer with the title \"Shou-yu-sho\"-Protector of the region, in order to protect the population, which was rapidly increasing, against the bands of robbers and vagabonds which infested the district.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205366, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n121\n\nI may here be permitted to hint to foreigners, that much mischief is often done by an indiscrete throwing away of money among the people. The most important of the charitable establishments are those ancient institutions, the \"Kuk-tsong\"-Imperial granaries; but these, like the rest, are much abused. In these, rice is stored up against times of famine, when they are opened, and their stock distributed to the needy. According to the “Sanon-che,” there should be two of these Imperial granaries in the provinces, - one at Sanon, containing 20,660 piculs of rice, and the other at Tai-pung, containing 1,700 piculs; but even this benevolent institution is made, by the avarice of the mandarins, more a burden to the people than a means of relieving their necessities. The small quantity which is stored up is generally consumed by vermin, and nothing is left for the indigent in times of scarcity.\n\nA small public Library exists at the residence of the district mandarin; the books it contains have been presented to the province by different emperors, and consist chiefly of Commentaries on the Classics, or Treatises on Ethics. They are intended for the instruction of the people; but as it would be inconvenient to allow the people in general free access to them, it is ordered that the mandarin should assemble the people on certain days, and read and explain the contents of these books to them. For the last twenty years, at any rate, no mandarin has, to my knowledge, attempted the performance of these duties; and as the collection is but poorly cared for, the worms alone derive any advantage from it.\n\nAt Sanon there is a school for pupils intending to take a degree at Canton; one teacher of this school receives his salary from government. Essays are sent in and examined by the teachers, and those whose essays are the best, are admitted members of the college, and receive a small allowance of money for the purchase of oil and firewood as a stimulant to more zealous studies. These, being the most distinguished scholars, have more hope of obtaining a degree at the public examinations than the rest have. It is reckoned a distinction to receive this allowance, and many of its recipients are well off. Many persons are only connected with this institution by having sent in essays, and have never studied there. This, like all the other government establishments, is subject to many abuses, and the successful essays are often not written by their pretended authors, but by some literary character who thus...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205371, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "126\n\nREV. MR. KRONE\n\nthese villages smaller hamlets were in league. The mandarins tried in vain to restore peace. At last the district magistrate himself repaired to Sha-tsing with a force of 1,000 men, but the inhabitants threatened to take up arms against him also, if he should show himself inimical to their party. The mandarin was at a loss what to do, till the people of San-keaou, who were not engaged in the quarrel, offered themselves as mediators between the mandarin and the inhabitants of Sha-tsing. Through their influence the magistrate was allowed to enter Sha-tsing with an unarmed body of his followers, and to pull down two old houses which belonged to the ringleaders in the quarrel. This was only to save the dignity of the mandarin, and had no influence at all upon the dispute, fighting being carried on afterwards just as before. The only way in which the government endeavours to put a stop to these disturbances, is by not allowing the fighting clans to send up their graduates for examination at Canton, a severe punishment, which not only deprives the graduates of the titles and honours they might gain, but hurts the pride of the clans, who are wont to boast of the number of successful candidates for literary honours which they have produced.\n\nLet us now direct our attention to the Schools, Teachers, and the class of Literati. There is no lack of schools; in the first place there are numerous elementary schools, in which boys in bodies of from ten to thirty, are taught to read and write the characters. The teacher in these schools receives an annual salary from the parents of his scholars, varying from 20,000 to 50,000 cash; besides this he is found in rice, and if he does his duty well, and makes himself popular, he receives presents in kind, and is also invited by turns to dinner. The places which serve for schoolrooms are generally the ancestral halls; but sometimes temples, and occasionally vacant private houses, are used for the purpose. Regular schoolrooms are scarce in the villages, but are found in towns and larger places. Each boy brings his own table to the school, and very often lives altogether at the place, so that he may continue his studies with less interruption. The pupils attend the school on an average for eight months of the year, the other four months being spent in field labour.\n\nThe books taught are, the Trimetrical Classic, Thousand Character Classic †††, and the Tau-hok *; after the boys have committed these to memory, they proceed to learn", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205372, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n127\n\nthe Four Books, and finally the Five Classics. All the boys however do not devote so much time to study; such as afterwards engage in trade or learn a handicraft usually only remain at school from two to four years, during which time they acquire sufficient knowledge of the characters to carry on business, write letters, and make out accounts, &c.\n\nIf a boy intends to devote himself entirely to study, he enters a higher school in which graduates train young men for the examinations. Such schools exist at Namtow, Sai-heong, Kap-shui-hau, San-keaou, and many other places. Kap-shui-hau ✯7k ¤, is famous for these schools, and, as the Chinese say, \"diffuses the fragrance of pen and ink.\" Many youths repair thither to study; many inhabitants of the village itself have succeeded in obtaining a degree; and several flag-staffs in it bear witness to the rank of the person over against whose dwelling they are erected.\n\nThe method of teaching observed in these schools is the following: The student is made thoroughly acquainted with the contents of the Four Books and the Five Classics. The teacher explains each passage, and the pupils are required to repeat the explanations on the following day. As the knowledge of the student increases, he is instructed to write essays on a given theme. To acquire expertness and fluency of style, the student obtains a large number of essays, which he must read and commit to memory. He is also instructed in versification. Writing essays and making verses are the two principal requirements in the examinations at Canton for the degree Sew-tsai. Arithmetic, geography, astronomy, or other sciences, are not taught, and are not considered necessary in education.\n\nThe first examination, by which no degree is obtained, is held in the district city by the \"Che yuen” ✯ ✯ — or district magistrate. About 300 young men attend this examination, and about one-half of these, who have some hope of obtaining a degree, proceed afterwards to Canton, to undergo the examination of the Foo under the superintendence of the Prefect. These examinations take place three times in two years. The number of graduates to be chosen at each examination from the applicants from the district of Sanon, amounts to ten persons, eight of whom must be Pun-ti, and two Hak-ka. There are in the district about 150 Seu-tsai† †, and the village of San-keaou boasts of having produced the largest number of them. There is a difference of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205381, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "136\n\nREV. MR. KRONE\n\ncalled \"Sha-tau\"; or the Gods of the Earth and Soil, called “Pak-kung.\" Sometimes images represent these gods, but more commonly there is only a smooth stone to be seen on the altar.\n\nThe Monasteries and Convents are either Buddhist or Taouist. There are in Sanon about twenty-five Buddhist monasteries, which are inhabited by about seventy monks, and fifteen convents, which contain a like number of nuns. The most noted of the Buddhist monasteries is that of Wan-kai, near Sha-tsing, the abbot of which claims a sort of superiority over all the Buddhist establishments of the district. Some of these buildings are situated on hills, and command a fine view,\n\nThere are about twenty Taouist monasteries in the district, with some sixty priests who are engaged in medical practice, and in fortune-telling. They are more highly esteemed than their Buddhist brethren, and are employed in the temples, as is the case at Chik-wan. There are also establishments on Castlepeak, and on a mountain near Fuk-wing. On this mountain a renowned Taouist is said to have distilled the Elixir of Life, and then to have ascended to heaven. There are no nuns in the district.\n\nAs regards religion: \"The three different ways,\" as they are called by the Chinese, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Taouism, all find their followers in the Sanon district. It must not however be supposed that the line of demarcation is strictly drawn, that a man must belong solely to one of these sects, for it frequently happens that the same individual embraces all three beliefs.\n\nThe doctrines of Confucius are taught in all the schools, and are firmly believed in as far as they go. But the great deficiency in the system of Confucius is, that it does not pretend to say anything of the state of the soul after death; and in consequence we find the staunchest adherents of Confucius take refuge with the Buddhist priests at the hour of death, and engage them to say mass for their souls, that they may gain admission into heaven,\n\nThe Taouist religion is had recourse to in any supposed case of need, as in sickness, or for the purpose of divining future events,\n\nThe Christian religion has been introduced into the province only a few years. There are some Roman Catholic convents in the district, but their number is not known. There is a Roman Catholic chapel at Tsin-wan, but no European missionary resides there. The first attempt at a Protestant missionary establishment...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205412, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n167 \n\nlittle farming, as the island has steep and rocky sides and there are only a few places where agriculture may be carried on. \n\nAs in other little towns of this sort whose existence was founded upon the business opportunities created by the presence of a fishing fleet, the population was mixed, consisting of Punti and Hakka people from a number of districts of the Kwangtung province.23 For the most part, it was recruited from among young men from the country districts bearing introductions to fellow clansmen and relatives already working or settled on Ap Lei Chau, or else following them back to Ap Lei Chau when they came on short visits to their native place. For most of its history, men outnumbered women residents. As late as 1911, the relative numbers of males and females, including children, were 1,041 to 396. In 1897, it had been 783 to 340.24 This was because many wives stayed behind in the village and were never taken to Ap Lei Chau. In this respect, Ap Lei Chau was like any other settlement of overseas Chinese living away from their native place and under alien rule. \n\nFollowing a pattern long established elsewhere, the local people established their own \"district associations\" (鄉會) on the island in the 19th century.25 There were three of these organisations, each under a fong or 'ward' name. Membership of the Fongs was automatically extended to all comers, whether temporary or permanent residents, and irrespective of status. The odd-job coolie and the established merchant were equal members, though having adequate means and more leisure, the latter would, of course, play the more important part in the Fong's affairs: it would, in any case, be expected of him. Only women and children were excluded from membership. \n\nAt a time when the Victorian colonial administration of the Colony saw its main function in the rural areas as keeping the peace, the leaders of the three Fongs, in effect, of the Ap Lei Chau community made themselves generally responsible for local affairs. However, the need to perform special duties was apparently intermittent and spasmodic, and their most regular function was to make adequate arrangements for celebrating the birthdays of the principal gods of the two local temples, Hung Shing, the God of the Southern Sea, and Kuan Yin, the Goddess of Mercy, and the occasion of the Yue Lan Festival (盂蘭節) in the 7th moon. Each Fong took its turn to be entirely responsi-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n175 \n\nbeliefs and practices still occupied an important role in the lives of the people (we have so little information on the contemporary position of the popular cults), it is doubtful whether we could ever cover the immense range of variation in the material. \n\nGods worshipped by the ordinary folk, the celebration of their festivals, stories about them, and what they were believed able to do for the people in a community, differed not only from region to region, as we know from the literature on the subject, but even between different localities within a region. \n\nBut immigrants from various parts of the homeland have taken many of their local beliefs and practices with them (although they have sometimes come to occupy a different role in their societies). And it is still possible, therefore, to enlarge our knowledge of such things from study of the Chinese overseas. \n\nThis short handbook by Father Saso, a Jesuit living in Taiwan, provides us with some welcome new material on some of the beliefs and practices of the region as followed by the Taiwanese, a people originating from round the Amoy area in Fukien province. \n\nThe author takes us through the lunar year discussing gods of local popularity and their festivals, and the social customs associated with them. He also discusses some local customs associated with festivals which enjoyed a wider popularity in China, and some of their possible origins. Discussion is based on written sources, including some in Taiwanese and Japanese, on information from a temple to the city god in Hsinchu, which helped him track down stories and identify the many temple \"patrons\", and on his own observations particularly of the celebrations and customs of one family. \n\nThe reader not approaching Chinese religious phenomena from a Christian angle might be disconcerted to read that divinities in the temples can hardly be called gods because they are spirits of human beings who lived long ago, and the student of religion will recognise some of the pitfalls of trying to disentangle the various elements which go to make up this typically syncretic Chinese folk-type religious material. Nevertheless, points such as these are not unduly distracting. There is much of interest in the book. \n\nThose working on problems of comparative religion might have welcomed more information on who, more precisely, in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205421, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "176\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\npopulation is involved in all this and its relationship to the institutional life of the society. There are a few useful pieces on such matters however. A section worth mentioning here is on the city gods who are second only in importance on the island to the goddess Ma Tsu. The section includes a detailed description of the temple to the city god in Hsinchu,\n\nIt appears that before the Ch'ing dynasty set up official law and order in Taiwan the need for public control in the early days of immigration was met largely by the city gods and their temples. In some cases temple attendants became the administrators of local justice and a group of bone-healers (associated with the temples?) the police force. Their shops in Taiwan, says the author, still display swords and helmets associated with their former role. Mandarin officials sent by the Ch'ing court in Peking had first to report to the city god temple and ask permission for any changes in local administration, and this went on until the Japanese curtailed the activity during their administration. Not only did the city gods \"take the place of the Imperial government\" in the early days, but \"each were given titles and enfeoffed (sic) with their territories\" (p. 58).\n\nThe resident in Hong Kong might be interested particularly in a section on Ma Tsu, who has assumed something of the status of patron saint in Taiwan. Ma Tsu, in fact, is none other than T'in Hau, \"Goddess of Heaven\" who is so important here to the boat population. The author gives us various legends of her origin which are popular in Taiwan and show us why she should have such importance for sea-faring folk (interestingly enough T'in Hau is similarly known as Ma Tsu in Macau and some believe Macau is in fact named after her). It is also interesting to note that those seven \"fairies\" known as the Seven Sisters in Hong Kong and worshipped by girls looking for husbands appear in Taiwan as the Seven Old Maids, with a particular role in care of children.\n\nIt is my impression that this book is probably written more with the interests of the foreign visitor or new foreign resident to Taiwan in mind, and perhaps those also of people working in Christian missions on the island. However, even if not directed especially to the research worker or resident elsewhere, there is much in this account to repay study by them. Hong Kong, 1967.\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205429, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "184\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nlung, who was concurrently a Grand Councillor and a Grand Secretary.\n\nThis inadequate chapter on the Macartney mission demonstrates the basic weakness of the whole book, namely the author's failure to use the best primary sources both Chinese and Western. The story of the abortive Macartney mission is a fascinating one because it marks the first cultural confrontation between China and a major Western power, and as such has historical overtones which are relevant to a full understanding of the confrontation which we are witnessing today. But Mr. Coates has failed to bring out this significance mainly, I suspect, because of his unfamiliarity with the primary English and Chinese sources. For instance, there is no indication from his account that he has read Lord Macartney's own journal of his embassy which was published in full in 1962. From the bibliography it appears that this chapter was based almost entirely on the official account of the embassy written by Sir George Leonard Staunton which is dull and florid in comparison with Macartney's own private journal.\n\nIt is only fair to say, however, that the last 50 pages of the book are devoted to the events following the death of Lord Napier in 1834 and leading up to the formal cession of Hong Kong in 1843, and that here the author appears to be on more familiar ground. For instance, he brings out clearly the difficulties which faced Captain Charles Elliot as British Superintendent of Trade and he guides the reader towards a fair and balanced judgment of Elliot as a statesman. It is time that the reputation of Charles Elliot, created mainly by the strictures of Queen Victoria and Palmerston, be reassessed.\n\nIn conclusion, Prelude to Hong Kong is not in any way an original work of scholarship and contains almost nothing which cannot be read more reliably elsewhere. It may be of some value to those who have recently become aware of Hong Kong's existence and want to read up, in brief summary, the train of events which resulted in its founding. But for those who already know something of the history of Macao and the development of foreign trade at Canton, this modest little book will be a disappointment since the author has failed to draw sufficiently on the richness of the archives of the period and thus the reader is compelled to view the story through the eyes of the author rather than through", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205431, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "186\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n(2) to instill elementary knowledge of Confucian classics in the mind of the young; and (3) to familiarize children with the most widely used quotations, proverbs and stories from historical and literary writings. This booklet falls into the first of these categories.\n\nAlthough this type of work had undergone a continuous process of revision and development, some of the early texts had been kept in use since their first appearance in Han period. A few examples of Tang times can still be seen in collections of Tunhuang scrolls preserved in China and abroad. The Sung Neo-Confucian scholars first advocated and worked for a more relevant language teaching method for children and quite a number of standard work in this field were compiled during the Sung and Yuan Periods. But it was only in early Ming Dynasty that illustrations of the kind included in this primer were added.\n\nThus this slim volume will be of special value to those interested in the study of Chinese educational techniques, particularly in regard to the study of basic language teaching. At the same time it is of considerable use as a historical reference work since the characters and illustrations are drawn from everyday life, thus providing us with additional information on physical surroundings of the period. Professor Goodrich has also given us in his notes, romanizations and brief explanations of individual characters and compounds, which further increase the usefulness of the work as a small but comprehensive source book of the times.\n\nMA MENG\n\nHong Kong, 1967.\n\nCHINA: THE PEOPLE'S MIDDLE KINGDOM AND THE USA John K. Fairbank; Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Mass, and London, Oxford University Press, 1967, pp. xi, 145. HK$27.50,\n\nHow refreshing it is to read a volume of essays on China instead of one of the many tomes which issue from the world's presses on this abstruse country. Professor Fairbank is a famous historian, but his book shows him as what many experts at their own subject cannot manage to be, a populariser in the very best sense of the word. He has been able to distill from his many", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205432, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n187\n\nyears of research on Chinese history and politics a number of profound thoughts on the situation of China which he lays before the reader simply, almost conversationally, without any of the impedimenta of scholarship to restrict his book to the expert. The result is a stimulating book which is effortless to read.\n\nAll these essays were published earlier in magazines, and though this might have meant a rather disorganised book, in fact the aspects of the China problem which he covers in this rather small volume are the crucial ones, except possibly for the gap left by his silence on China's relations with Europe and the Soviet Union. On the whole the book is oriented towards the American reader, but this is justified in the preface in which Fairbank explains that his conception of the China expert is as a middleman, explaining China to his own country as much as studying it in vacuo. He fulfils this function himself beautifully in several pieces which show how China developed her hostility towards the U.S. and other foreigners, and one can hardly escape his conclusion that, if the American imperialists had not existed, Peking would have had to invent them. There are a couple of first-class essays on Taiwan, and, at the end, an assortment which includes a piece on the journalist Edgar Snow and another on the protestant missions in China. Both of them drive home vital aspects of the gap in understanding between China and the U.S.\n\nHong Kong.\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\n1.\n\nLOCAL PUBLICATIONS NOTED\n\nMAKING ENDS MEET; Majorie Topley (Ed.) being Vol. 1, Journal of the Hong Kong Institute of Social Research (1965), pp. iv, 117, published in Hong Kong by the South China Morning Post. H.K.$5.\n\nCHILDREN WITH PROBLEMS — CHILD GUIDANCE IN HONG KONG: by Gennie Gen-hwa Lee, Anita King-fun Li and Beryl Robina Wright. Hong Kong, 1966, pp. xii, 88, H.K.$6.00.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205458, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "宋官富行官遺址全圖\n\nTHE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG\n\nIN KOWLOON KUAN FU\n\nWITH\n\nL COMELLAN LIMETESTY\n\n(10)\n\nREFERENCES\n\nPERWER SEA\n\nPREDO SIA\n\nDECLAMER LÁNG\n\nFORMER VILLAGE\n\n$ CALE\n\nKECI\n\nPROPET NA JHOM\n\nPLAY GROUND\n\nLUNC\n\nTO KWA WAN VILLAGE\n\nLANDING MACE\n\nSACRED HILL\n\nSUNG WONG TOI ROCK\n\nXIAO Fur\n\nSHEK\n\nTAM KUNG VEH\n\nMA HILL\n\nKAM FOU VAN GRAVE\n\nTAU EHEME VILLAGE\n\nMA TAU KOM VILLAGE\n\nYI WONG TIEN VILLAGE\n\nYE WONG TIEN HILL\n\nKUAN MOUNTAIN\n\nMA TAU WEL VILLAGE\n\nSHANG-TI ANCIENT DEMONS\n\nWONG TEMPLE\n\nKOWLOON TSAL WALL CHT\n\nPAK HER SHANIYU SIN NGANJ\n\nHAU\n\nTI TARDEN\n\nIN COURTEST AN A NEW KING GOVERNMENT\n\n啟德機懾\n\nPLENARI JAD JA TAR\n\nAIKKA\n\nLOW.ALINAN FLARE FICU\n\nPlate 12. Map to illustrate Mr Jen Yu-wen's article \"The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung in Kowloon\" between pp. 21 & 38\n\n\"Romand Road\" to the immediate right of the number 12 above is taken from a Chinese-English map, and should read \"Lomond Road\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205475, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "12\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nwhen wealth was available because property was needed, particularly land, for their economic support. The more extensive cult organizations might indeed own not only land but other property outside the village: irrigation works for example. With a hall-land (or other property) complex a village could not only engage in more elaborate rites but a community organization could be built round it. Halls often became centres for trying village disputes, teaching the young, and conferring on matters regarding a village's external relations and those with the local government administration. Births and deaths were reported to the hall and genealogies constructed and kept there. Genealogies often contained rules and regulations for governing relations between members of villages based on kinship, some even stipulating measures of punishment. Others regulated use of common property.3\n\nMembers of a mono-lineage village could benefit considerably through the economic extensions of an ancestral hall organization. Lineage land dedicated to the ancestors might be allocated to poor farmers at low rent; used in rotation by branches of the lineage free of charge; or rented to outsiders, income being used to finance loans to needy members. Hall wealth could be used to finance education of villagers for the State examinations, potentially raising the number of scholars in the village and thus its status and power in the area.\n\nIdeally lineage affairs, certainly the rituals of the ancestral cult round which the hall was built, were under the control of senior men of the lineage in terms of generation. But such men would not necessarily be rich or scholarly since no rule of primogeniture obtained. Those controlling were likely to be the wealthy and also the scholarly of the village. The importance of scholarship and good connexions to the emergence of a hall-land complex is clearly emphasised in the literature. Managers would likely come from rich gentry families who promoted the organization and added to its property irrespective of generational position.\n\nA complex ancestral hall association would require scholars who knew the correct rituals, could write genealogies, and draw up regulations. It would need them also to meet with locally-based officials and arrange that village interests were protected (etiquette forbade those unequal in education and other attainments to meet face to face to discuss matters of mutual concern). In", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "20\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nBut there might be factors connected with temple organization even in multi-lineage villages which could make for disruption. Where there were several wealthy individuals from different families competing for influence through the organization, quarrels over management of temple property might arise.2 In villages with large populations or with much social differentiation a number of temples might be built also to gods specialising in their various interests. Where local gods, or rather their temples, had nothing to do with each other's affairs (Hsiao gives an example from Shantung of two temples, one patronized mainly by rural scholars and another by farmers) they need not compete.22 A village might be divided into sections at least for some organizational purposes. But when temples offered gods and facilities appealing to the same sorts of persons rivalry and competition might occur over funds and members, unless they agreed to divide their areas of recruitment.\n\nIf promoters and managers were concerned with secular activities in the main, who organized the ritual affairs of such temples? Much of popular Chinese worship is of course performed alone, but in some areas, notably Fukien, there were spirit-medium cults (the god offering advice through the medium), and everywhere there were festivals for gods, in some cases several in a year. People in trouble also sometimes engaged in occasional rites involving popular gods and goddesses and might need special arrangements and specialist attentions. Cult organizers are described in the literature as \"predatory elements\": that is, not members of the regular peasantry.23 Some might have been members of the dislocated peasantry living outside villages, who saw a chance to improve their economic position; others, Taoist priests, of the kind who lived in their own homes and engaged in religion sometimes as a part-time occupation (see below); and still others the kind of persons associated with secret societies and religious sects. At any rate, we know such temples were sometimes borrowed as premises for secret societies, and temples just outside villages sometimes became meeting places for thieves and bandits.\n\nThe State believed that temple festivals offered opportunities for secret heretical groups to plan their insurrections and when evidence that this was the case came to light popular festivals were banned.24 Sometimes those promoting religious activities", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205487, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "24\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nments. Finally there might be ties between such institutions and villages with lay-disciples who were \"kinsmen\" and lived in their own homes.\n\nFrom Buddhist genealogies I have seen, and from information gained from their owners in Singapore who were members of the Buddhist organization in China before emigrating, it seems that members of \"kinship\" groups might be dotted over a large area. The numbers and kinds of institution found in an area would probably depend partly on economic circumstances in a region. For example in one district of Kwangtung, Shuntê, there was a particularly large number of vegetarian halls, according to my informants, and which catered for women who refused to marry or live with their husbands. They worked in the silk-mills for cash-earnings and their strength to resist marriage undoubtedly stemmed from this fact (their reasons for not wanting to marry are more complex and I cannot go into them here). In old age such women often had nowhere to go and they sometimes financed the building of vegetarian halls themselves and became their managers.28\n\nIt seems unlikely however that Buddhist pseudo-kinship was a significant form of organization for ordinary kinds of peasants in the nineteenth century in most parts of China. Buddhism itself does not appear to have had a very strong structural position at that time. There are indications that it was not well endowed and the number of residents of their institutions small.29 Generally speaking the kinds of persons wishing to make use of Buddhist organization were not very wealthy.\n\nThe general lower-classness of the Buddhist clergy would not attract the scholarly men of wealth as disciples. It is said a scholarly family would be despised by the community if it mixed with Buddhist (and Taoist) priests frequently.30 Any scholarly person genuinely interested in the Buddhist faith would not need the instruction of a priest in reading texts and would be unlikely to take instruction anyway from a person beneath him in education and other status. If he wished to \"take refuge\" in the religion he might take a master as a formality, but it is unlikely the \"kinship\" connexion thus established would play a significant role in the life of either person.\n\nIt was not in fact until the turn of the century that educated laymen took up the Buddhist cause with any vigour. At that time", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION AND RURAL COHESION\n\n25\n\nnumbers of laymen interested in reform established study centres and even began to take the first five vows of the clergy, conducting some of the religious performances formerly reserved to the priesthood. But this lay-movement flourished mainly in the urban areas.31\n\nOne might expect Buddhism as an organization to be more active in towns perhaps. Communications among members would be easier and there would also be more unattached wishing to avail themselves of its facilities. Even today in Malaya the contrast between Buddhist activities in the towns and rural areas is quite marked. In towns the social life of \"kinsmen\" is very active and includes visits to different establishments on anniversaries of birth and death of \"kinsmen\"; visiting for \"ancestor\" worship (part of the rituals of \"kinship\") and for popular Chinese festivals of the kind which demand family get-togethers. Not only are there many vegetarian halls but there are large numbers of inmates consisting of both those using them as a pied-à-terre during working life and those living in permanently in old age. In the rural areas the numbers attached to vegetarian halls and other establishments based on residence is small, as is the number of such establishments themselves, and the social life much less intense.\n\nIn providing a home and other social and economic benefits for those in need, however, Buddhist organization might perform a valuable function in the rural area. For a poor village without any other strong forms of aid for the poor and unattached strong kinship system, well-financed ancestral hall association or temple organization, for example a monastic establishment in the area could draw off some at least of the individuals likely to be most troublesome in village life.\n\nTaoism\n\nWe know less of the religious activities and organization of monastic establishments of Taoism and their relation to rural communities in the nineteenth century than in the case of Buddhism, but again the religion is said to have been poorly financed. Where its establishments provided both residence and a professional training they might have recruited, partly at least, from among the poor and unattached as with Buddhist establishments; although some of Taoism's goals for the individual increased physical vigour, super-human skills, and long-life appear from\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205499, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "36\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\ncentury ago, used for the purpose of making rebellion into a sacred task.\n\nSecret societies have not had independent and systematic ideologies or any system of religious qualifications for membership, or priestly hierarchy for leading them in their tasks. Their ritual brotherhood among members has often involved exacting obligations but they have had no extensive \"kinship\" system as have many of the sects.\n\nMore is known about the rituals and organization of the Triad societies than the majority of sects in the nineteenth century and I do not propose to deal with such matters in detail here.50 It should be pointed out however that they also organised themselves under lodges in different areas (often symbolised by different colours) and appear also to have had difficulties in maintaining integration of their organization in various parts of the country. The evidence suggests that, on the whole, secret societies cut across the organization of lineages and also drew in mainly the poor and weak members of lineages which were differentiated.51 They did not offer salvation in the next world and do not appear to have looked forward to a millennium in this and they did not offer residence for the unattached, at least in village life in China. They drew in more men than women. Membership not only offered an opportunity to participate in a movement for changing the dynasty but the societies also, when not rebelling, often offered facilities for mutual aid in ordinary life.\n\nOne might imagine that even these groupings would need leaders with some education when organizing rebellion, however, and it may be that their more successful efforts involved some pooling of efforts with sects; sects perhaps providing leaders of education and with \"magical\" powers, and societies, leaders with more practical skills and with a larger contingent of ordinary peasants.52\n\nInter-village Defence against Societies and Sects\n\nIt is said that creating conditions of poverty and disruption in rural life was one of the methods used by militant groups to get members. At any rate a form of inter-village organization to resist sects and societies has been noted in the literature. Hsiao", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "THE HANKOW STEAMER TEA RACES\n\n49\n\nIn short, the growth of Indian tea output with regular quantity and quality broke the Chinese market, in which both quantity and quality varied from year to year. The tea merchants could not afford to pay fancy freights to be first home with their tea just to have it thrown on to a well-stocked market. Moreover, steamer carriage by Suez saved so much time over clipper carriage that an extra day or two saved on swift steamer passages made little difference to the quality and to the price. Economics made itself felt and regular services at cheap rates became of more importance than a voyage a year at great speed and cost.\n\nIn the days before this had become clear, Mr. Macgregor of Macgregor, Gow & Holland, speaking at the launching of Glencoe in 1878, was reported to have said that he saw no reason why the new teas should not be brought to London as fast as the merchants cared to have them transmitted: i.e., we presume, the merchants could have as much speed as they chose to pay for.\n\nAt a luncheon after Sterling Castle's trials, her owner, Mr. Skinner, is reported as saying that it was a well-known fact that the tea which came in eight or ten days in advance of that brought by any other steamers commanded a price in the market which yielded a large profit for the exporter. For this reason, the China merchants had been in the habit of encouraging a type of vessel that had never been seen anywhere else in the world, either in sailing ship or steamer, and to the liberality of these gentlemen, who never stuck at £1 or £2 a ton of freight paid to shipowners of this country, was due the development of the beautiful vessel they were on board. He continued, \"The merchants of China have so far appreciated what we have done, and I have still faith in them to recoup us for the enormous capital invested. We have still faith in their liberality, and believe they will give us such freights as will reward us for the risk we have taken.\"\n\nWith the decline of the dominant position of China teas in the market, the need for economy became more important. The question was argued well in an article in the China Mail on 27th September, 1882, from which the following extracts are taken:\n\n\"Not so very long since we commented upon the manner in which the prognostication of Mr. Macgregor (of Messrs Macgregor, Gow & Co., London), that the speed of carrying steamers would be accelerated in the same proportion as freights increased,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205528, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES\n\n65\n\nbe removed for use within the Court, in Chambers, or the Registry, but were not to be taken further: whether this applied only to barristers and solicitors, who were privileged to use the Library subject to the rules, or also to the Judiciary and Law Officers who were entitled to use it, is not clear.\n\nMr. J. W. Norton-Kyshe, the Registrar of the Supreme Court, whose useful history of the laws of Hong Kong is the source of the information on its Library, managed to persuade the Government in 1896 that an annual grant should be made for the purchase of books. In 1897 this amounted to $500, and in the following year it was doubled,12\n\nCertainly the history of Hong Kong libraries in the nineteenth century is by no means restricted to those which have been considered in this article, although they are probably the most important. There must, for example, have been libraries in the various schools, both Government sponsored and others, though the condition of school libraries in the Colony even today suggests that they would not have been particularly well organised fifty or more years ago. Government departments other than the Supreme Court must also have had collections of books. All these possibilities, quite apart from the existence of private libraries, both Chinese and English, need to be investigated. What has been discovered so far, however, contributes to refute the common notion of Hong Kong as a cultural desert, and to indicate that library history in Hong Kong goes back almost as far as the history of the Colony itself.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 V. H. G. Jarrett, under the pseudonym of 'Colonial' contributed a series of articles to the South China Morning Post between 17th June, 1933 and 13th April, 1935 on \"Old Hong Kong\". Typescripts of these articles were rearranged alphabetically by subject and bound in four volumes (unpaginated) in the S. C. M. P. Office. By kind permission of the Managing Director, a Xerox copy of this set is available in the University of Hong Kong Library. This extract is from the article headed \"Public Library.\"\n\n2 Hongkong Register, vol. 25, 1852, pp. 94-5.\n\n3 At this date (1852) prices were normally quoted in Spanish or Mexican dollars, equivalent to about 4/2d sterling.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205536, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FURTHER NOTES ON THE SUNG WONG T'OI\n\n73\n\nevidently of later date. The sherds with partially preserved glaze appear to represent a local attempt to imitate Yüeh ware, while one or two of the smaller glazed fragments are of better quality and may be imported from kilns further north and are definitely of T'ang date.\n\nIt need only be added that one fragment, of soft pinkish earthenware, is certainly proto-historic; and that the attribution of the whole of the fragments to the T'ang Dynasty or earlier raises the question whether the earthwork, or at least that part where the cutting was, may not date to the troubled period at the fall of that dynasty. If so, it might be that the Sung army re-used and strengthened an old fortification, very likely adding the high rampart with its ditch, counterscarp, and glacis at the north end, where an attack was evidently expected. The total absence of Sung pottery is certainly an unexpected feature, and if any part of these earthworks still survives, a few trenches dug across them would reveal enough pottery to prove or disprove this view. The turf and spoil removed could easily be put back, as is done in most modern excavations.\n\nOne thing is certain: the work at the north end faces Kowloon City, so cannot be a defence work for the salt depot there, as the wall on the Kowloon T'ong gap west of the city was. There was Sung pottery on the hill when the writer saw it, so that an earthwork thrown up in 1276 should contain some pieces of it. The small number of 13 pieces found may well be not enough to yield a satisfactory basis for a conclusion: yet the total absence of both Sung and later porcelain among them points at least to the extreme scarcity of such porcelain at the time the earthwork was thrown up. As the evidence now stands, it is reasonably likely that the earthwork is connected, like the watch-tower recorded as erected on the summit rock, with the defence of the palace of the last Sung emperors.\n\nAcknowledgement\n\nMy thanks are owing to the Department of Oriental Antiquities, British Museum, for their expert advice on the pottery from the beach and the earthwork cutting, to which this paper owes much of its value.\n\nBiographical Note\n\nMr. Schofield served in Hong Kong as a Cadet (Administrative) Officer in the Civil Service between 1911-38. He is well-known for his published articles on the archaeology and geology of the Colony in pre-war years, and is M.A. (Liv. and Oxon).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205537, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "74\n\nBEING CAUGHT BY A FISHNET\n\nON FENGSHUI IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER\n\nBig Stream Village is situated on the east shore of Tide Cove in Hong Kong's New Territories. It is a Hakka-speaking settlement exclusively inhabited by people of the surname of Zhang (*) all members of one major lineage. In 1964 there were 146 persons in the village and 33 members of the community working elsewhere. Big Stream Village is located at the mouth of a mountain valley. About one mile and a half further up this valley the small Plum Grove Village is picturesquely situated on the lower slopes of a cone-shaped mountain. It is inhabited by a localized major lineage of the surname of Wu (吳). In 1964 their number was 74 but over 20 members were then away.1\n\nI was told a story about these two villages. Formerly, the story has it, the people of Plum Grove Village were living on the spot now occupied by the Zhang; and the Zhang were living where the Wu are now. Because of influences emanating from the natural surroundings the Wu were not too happy about their location at the mouth of the valley. It is said that the Zhang people pointed out to the Wu that the mountain on the other side of the fields in front of the village was a fishnet. This fact, it was pronounced, had a very special effect on the settlers there. The local Hakka pronunciation of Wu, their shared surname, is Ng. But ng in Hakka also means 'fish', and the Zhang assured the settlers at the mouth of the valley that they were, for certain, in the process of being caught by the net. The Wu seem to have agreed with this suggestion, and the result was that both communities exchanged their locations for their present-day situations.\n\nThis story may need some comments. It deals with influences emanating from the natural surroundings, a believed-in order that in Chinese is designated fengshui – ‘wind — water'. It implies an aspect of ecological adjustment in that it is concerned with natural\n\n* Standard Chinese is given in pinyin form. Dr. Aijmer, whose article \"Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society\" appeared in Vol. VII of the Journal, is Assistant Professor in the University of Stockholm.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205574, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "SUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY\n\n111\n\nOne day, a fellow student picked one of the volumes at random and questioned Sun on its contents. It is reported that the student was surprised to discover that young Sun Yat-sen had read the work thoroughly. In this fashion then, is built the image of the revolutionary whose knowledge of his own nation's past was firmly grounded.\n\nYet if anything at all is clear about Sun Yat-sen's career, it should be that he had no real proclivity toward history. Aside from the required Chinese part of his curriculum at Queen's College in Hong Kong, an interest in history seems to be lacking completely in Sun's formal education, which in any case eventuated in a medical degree. But even if there was some interest in Chinese history, as manifested in his hiring of the tutor, it is even more evident that his historical curiosity was not matched by an equal amount of critical acumen as he internalized what he read of it. These then are basic considerations to be taken in hand from the beginning. Any question of the influence of nationalism momentarily aside, Sun's lack of interest in history led to a ready and unquestioning acceptance of the Chinese schoolboy's idealistic self-image of Chinese history, as taught among Western subjects in colonial Hong Kong. This left him without the slightest concern for the possibility of alternative interpretations of questionable historical points or problems, and also led to unabashed carelessness with respect to the accuracy of historical references.\n\nOnly in this way can one explain the surprising and numerous overly-facile historical generalizations and outright errors to be found even in the most cursory reading of Sun's writings. Perhaps the simple comment by Sun that Marco Polo “occupied an official post under Genghis-Khan, of the Yuan dynasty,” might be overlooked even though it contains a double error (since Marco Polo served under Kubilai Khan, and there was as yet no Yuan dynasty in the time of Genghis Khan), because it is of such little importance. But Sun's claim that Cheng Ho visited all the islands of the ocean (ostensibly the Pacific) \"and even reached San Francisco\" certainly merits some notice. Incidentally, Sun was amiss on the date for this supposed expedition as well. Sun was much taken with the pat concept of China's irresistible assimilatory capability, and on more than one occasion referred to it. He noted that China was never \"enslaved\" by foreign invaders but on the contrary the latter “were assimilated by the Chinese as easily as the moving of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205575, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "112\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\na table.\" In case one might raise the question of the Mongol experience, as perhaps a singular exception, Sun elsewhere explicitly affirmed that they too were absorbed by the Chinese, thanks to the fact that \"the character of the Chinese race was higher than that of other races.\" In making this point Sun incidentally raises a further historical question when he says that the Ming dynasty \"fell twice\" to the Manchus.*\n\nOf course, one might surmise that some of Sun's historical distortions are generalizations intended for forensic effect. The exaggerated assimilation concept may be in this category, as well as such claims as \"Everyone in China, beginning with emperors and kings, and ending with the common people, even robbers and pirates, all have been able to value and delight in literature as an art.\"5\n\n6\n\nBut such observations by Sun, as well as the stress on China's erstwhile moral power for absorption, are also part of a more general idealized appreciation of the past in which history and mythology blend indistinguishably together. As a matter of fact, history seems to be, for Sun, an almost dimensionless pastiche to which reference might be made indiscriminately. Thus the manifold allusions to the legendary emperors and to other historical personalities and folk heroes, without the slightest demonstrated concern for accuracy or authenticity. The \"Emperor Fu-Shi\" wrote the \"Eight Diagrams,\" thus initiating the Chinese written language. Of all the emperors throughout Chinese history only “Yao, Shun, Yu, T'ang, Wen Wang and Wu Wang\" were the ones \"who shouldered the responsibility of government for the welfare and happiness of the people.\" The statement \"you have all read a good deal of Chinese history; I am sure almost everyone here has read particularly The Story of the Three Kingdoms,\" with striking ingenuousness prefaces a brief story illustrating Chu-kuo Liang's \"splendid character,\" but neglects to suggest the difference between evidence provided by historical documentation and the imaginative renditions of fictional literature. Recounting the contributions of the legendary figures of Sui Jen Shih, Shen Nung, Hsien Yuan and Yu Ch'ao Shih, respectively the alleged inventors of cooking, medicine, clothing and housing. Sun declared: \"So in Chinese history we find not only those could fight becoming king; anyone with marked ability, who had made new discoveries or who had achieved great things for mankind, could become king and organize the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205579, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "116\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nspeaks of its use by the secret societies. He said that since the secret societies saw \"the impossibility of overthrowing the Tai-Tsings, they seized then on the idea of nationalism and began preaching it, handing it down from generation to generation. Their main object in organizing the Hung-Men societies was the overthrow of the Tai-Tsing dynasty and the restoration of the Ming dynasty. The idea of nationalism was for them auxiliary.\"16 Perhaps this is but a reflection of the obvious fact that his own nationalistic spirit along racial lines had been artificially wrought. Sun, after all, had not initially been anti-Manchu. His memorial of 1894 to Li Hung-chang, suggesting reforms, contained no such references. Yet, characteristically, Sun would bury this fact in the recounting of his own personal history, for ignoring the memorial to Li Hung-chang altogether, he said in his Memoirs that his anti-Manchu revolutionary course had begun in 1885, nine years earlier.17\n\nAnd so, Sun's use of history, when it is an effect of nationalism or is influenced by it, must necessarily reflect his unusual and uncertain appreciation of nationalism itself. Sun the iconoclastic revolutionary was not as Liang Ch'i-Ch'ao, for example, alienated from a tradition he had personally and deeply known.18 He did not, therefore, feel as intensely the lingering emotional tie to it. He was consequently less disposed to an indulgence in too heavy a dose of cultural nationalism, in trying to preserve a semblance of identity for China in the face of extensive borrowing from the modern West.\n\nBut of course, Sun did feel the need to make some prideful assertions regarding what he believed to be superior features of China's past. We see in this a certain amount of cultural nationalism, but Sun's purpose as often as not had a practical political purpose in mind. He asserted, for example, the superiority of China's ancient virtues. “Loyalty, Filial Devotion, Kindness, Love, Faithfulness, and such are in their very nature superior to foreign virtues, but in the moral quality of Peace we will further surpass the people of other lands.\"19 Such is the source of the old moral power by means of which China could absorb the barbarians of the past. Likewise in politics, Sun declared that China had “a specimen of political philosophy so systematic and so clear that nothing has been discovered or spoken by foreign statesmen to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "SUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY\n\n117\n\nequal it.\"20 However this might be, Sun also conceded that it had not been implemented. Sun noted too that in the halcyon days of the Chou dynasty, which he saw as the period of maturity or the Golden Age of Chinese civilization, \"the political, economic, and educational systems, literature and the arts, attained in China the same development roughly, as they have today in the modern Western countries.\"21 This period \"of great and unlimited liberty,\" was succeeded by 2,000 years of decline. But because of reforms during the Golden Age, China's despotism was reduced sufficiently so that it was never as severe as it was in the West, or so Sun claimed.22 Whatever pride or identity serving purposes such remarks may have had, they were also among those which made for Sun more practical points as well. Such a view of history served to illustrate Sun's philosophical dictum that knowledge was difficult and action easy. Thus China's historical decline had been caused by too much intellectual reflection in the centuries following the Golden Age. Therefore, it was a revolutionary call to the Chinese people for more practical action, a necessary revolutionary ingredient which was Sun's main purpose and concern.23 Such a view of history was also designed to support the not entirely unreasonable contention that China need not seek to borrow all of its modern political forms from the West, because China had certain distinctive needs for which suitable political forms should be created.24 Whether or not the political forms Sun went on to suggest were suitable or not is something else. The point here is that the nationalistic implications of Sun's use of history were strongly action-orientated, designed to mobilize people behind his revolutionary program. The identity-serving side is there, but it is a blurred image of China's past. While containing elements of the traditional self-image, it represents as many pragmatically-necessitated departures from it, and a number of misunderstandings of it as well.\n\nIn summary then, while it is certainly legitimate to presume the influence of nationalism on Sun Yat-sen's use of history, it is a factor requiring careful qualification. Nationalistic influences there were, but there are also problems of Sun's personal identity and his shifting appreciation of the meaning of nationalism. Beyond this was his tendency to use history as seemed required or desirable for what he considered practical political programming. Finally, and most fundamental of all, was a basic lack of interest in his-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205593, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "130 \n\nJ. NACKEN \n\nCongee. As they pass your door you have your choice. Here comes the first, crying Mai 'chü 'hüt 'chuk:* the next, Mai' yü *shang 'chuck,† etc. You may have pigs' blood congee, fish congee, mulberry-root flavoured congee, or barley, or kidney or pork and a variety of other congees. \n\nI may be allowed to here remark that all street cries are also heard on the water. When you see a man paddling his own canoe among the Chinese shipping, you may know that the articles he has for sale are the same as these sold on shore. As these hawkers do not come within the regulation which is in force on shore, I cannot say how many there may be. They simply have a small boat license; their lungs are so good that I hear their cries pretty distinctly in my house up the hill, and they assist their cousins on shore to swell the number of cries considerably. Some of these are of bad character; they will paddle out to the foreign shipping, having concealed bottles of samshoo under their heaps of sugar-cane or pine-apples. They bargain with the sailors and will steal if opportunity offers. \n\nThe second batch of hawkers who have articles of food for sale go out in the hours that precede the two principal Chinese meals at 9 a.m. and 5 p.m. There are firstly the sellers of vegetables. In spring they sell celery, coarse greens, water cresses, salad, spinage, and bean sprouts. In summer; pumpkins, squash, cucumbers, egg plant, popaga‡, lotus root§, bamboo sprouts, many kinds of beans, etc. In autumn: caraway plant, pepper, potatoes, taro, various cabbages etc.; and in winter: mustard plants, white greens, colewort, parsley, onions, garlic, scallion, etc. \n\nMai tau' fu' is a cry heard very frequently. This bean curd is often the only \"sung\" on the table. It is made of bean flour, prepared with salt, gypsum, and water, then pressed between two boards, and sold in little square pieces at one cash each. \n\n* ⭑## [The diacritical marks in the text are difficult to read from \n\nthe microfilm, Ed.] \n\n广费魚生粥 \n\n+ *** \n\n$ # This is a very good vegetable, which is not yet found, as far as \n\nI know, on European tables. This root, after being dried and powdered, forms the well-known arrow-root, \n\n|| 費荳腐 \n\n, ie, whatever is on the table besides the rice. \n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205597, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "134 \n\nJ. NACKEN \n\nanswer the purpose. The diamond gimlet especially is a treasure which is not known in Europe. Besides glass and China this simple looking spectacled old man will repair foreign umbrellas, clasps, and hinges, and mark China-ware. Another carries women's toilet boxes with him, which he exchanges for old ones if they are past mending. A third sharpens razors and whets scissors; then come the travelling smith, the cobbler, the tinker; one who hoops tubs and basins, and finally the repairer of mats.\n\nIn passing we may notice the familiar warning cry of our chairbearers 'Mái 'pin* “step aside,” and of the coolies in carrying loads 'T'ai keuk† or 'Hoi lot “look to your footing,” \"clear the road!” and then pass on to hear a few cries in connection with idolatry. Here is the hawker of joss paper, of incense sticks and of candles; there is a table, a chair and a picture of a man's head; a shrewd looking Chinaman has a crowd of eager listeners gathered around him, whilst with his persuasive tongue he tells his fortune to the one who for a few cash has engaged his services. He is a sort of phrenologist. His brother fortune-teller who has his stand at the next corner pretends to read a future happy fate by the lines of his customer's hand. Sometimes you may see an elderly woman with an open umbrella pacing along the sidewalk. Sün meng§ she calls out into the houses. Her prophesying apparatus consists of two tortoise shells. A happy day for a family festival or a felicitous name for a child she is sure to find. And if a child be sick she knows that the little one's spirit has been frightened away by a cat or a dog or something else. She will bargain for some twenty cash, take the child's jacket, light a fire in the street and call the frightened spirit back. After the jacket has been put on the child, the spirit is supposed to have taken up again its former abode within;\n\nand our last street crier walks on.\n\n**\n\n埋邊\n\n千睇脚\n\nL\n\nI BALAS\n\n§ to calculate destinies.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205600, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n137\n\nof the kind in which members of the actual family participate: members attend each other's birthdays, anniversaries of death, and so on, and visit back and forth among the various vegetarian halls in the \"family\" group on such occasions. Membership, then, provides real social satisfactions as well as security.\n\nBut a further attraction of vegetarian halls, which is offered by the sect only, is rank. The inmates of halls of Hsien-t'ien Tao differ in one important sense from those of the Buddhist faith. Buddhist halls are a fairly late development in the religion and were built to house lay-members of the faith: individuals not wishing to take the full vows of the clergy but wishing to live a life of abstinence. Halls of Hsien-t'ien Tao, however, exist not only for lay-members, although many of the inmates hold no office or rank in the religion; they exist also, and more importantly, for those who have taken religious degrees and hold rank. It is for such rank that special religious tasks are necessary and they include Ch'an Buddhist type meditationary activities and Taoist exercises for breath circulation and control. It is reckoned that such persons need special living facilities for their purpose and the majority of the sect's rank-holders live in vegetarian halls at least on an occasional basis: men as well as women.\n\nRank in the sect is undoubtedly an attraction to many of the unattached women residents of the halls of Hsien-t'ien Tao. Rank-holders do not shave their heads as do the Buddhist clergy, or wear special robes, except for certain ceremonials, and like the lower members of the sect they refer to themselves as \"laymen\". They do, however, distinguish non-rank-holders, using the term hu-tao: \"helpers of the way (sect),\" for them. Rank-holders may have a good deal of responsibility for teaching and spreading the religion. You may be surprised to know that there are amahs, occupying a humble position in secular society, who are, in their religious life, rank-holders enjoying not only the respect, but also the obedience of many other women, to whom they might be religious \"masters\". This brings us to the question of the religious beliefs of Hsien-t'ien Tao and what, more precisely, it is a sect of.\n\n[1.\n\nAFFILIATIONS AND BELIEFS OF Hsien-T'ien Tao\n\nHsien-t'ien Tao is one of a large group of sects tracing themselves either to a common pair of founders, a monk and layman", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205617, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "154\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nRESEARCH ON FAMILY VALUES AND CULTURE CHANGE IN HONGKONG'S MODERN CHINESE NOVELS\n\n130 novels, parts of novels and short stories (simply called \"novels\" below) in Chinese language of the years 1960-67 have been analyzed. Only novels were included which have their setting in present-day Hongkong. They are printed as books, in periodicals and daily newspapers. The following data have so far been assembled. From them some preliminary observations can be made.\n\n1. Material\n\n1.1 List of authors according to origin from North or South China, occupation, income.\n\n1.2 List of newspapers and periodicals according to circulation, class of readers.\n\n1.3 Notes on readers according to sex and class.\n\n1.4 Summaries of the contents of each novel.\n\n1.5 List of the values and attitudes of the main characters of each novel according to class (upper, middle, lower) and age (young, old). Both distinctions have proved useful.\n\n1.6 Tabulation (as 1.5) of these values and attitudes, specifically arranged under the following topics:\n\nindividual versus family and group,\n\nachievement orientation versus non-achievement orientation,\n\nattitude for or against Western culture,\n\nattitude to law and morals.\n\n2. Method\n\n2.1 From some of the most widely-read publications those 130 novels etc. were selected which deal with relevant social topics as listed in 1.6.\n\n2.2 Some balance between books, periodicals and newspapers was attempted.\n\nThe sample of novels in books was balanced according to the main two price groups.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205618, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "164\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nhusband's family were Hakkas from near Tam Shui and they had then been in Ngau Tau Kok for three generations.\n\nThese accounts are selected from others known to the writer, and are intended to illustrate a feature of old village life in the Hong Kong region at the end of the last century and, no doubt, for centuries before.\n\nBy way of a postscript it appears that travelling Hakka craftsmen were not only to be found in South China. Agnes Smedley's book The Great Road: The Life and Times of Chu Teh (Monthly Review Press, New York, 1956) mentions regular visits from such persons at his home when he was young. He was born in a village near the market town of Ma An Chang in I Lung (四川) district in Szechuan in 1886. The following extracts are of interest:\n\nFrom time to time during the year, itinerant artisans left the big towns and cities and came along the Big Road, wandering from village to village to work for such families as needed their special skills. Carpenters, metalsmiths, mat weavers, cloth weavers and others, all were skilled artisans who owned and carried their own tools of trade... An old weaver, whom General Chu referred to simply as \"the Old Weaver\", came each winter to weave cloth from the cotton thread spun by the women of the Chu family. The coarse woven cloth was then dyed an indigo blue, hung on long bamboo poles to dry, after which the women cut and sewed it into garments for the family, into quilt coverings or other uses of the household... These itinerant artisans were a part of the peasant economy. Coming from the big towns or cities, they were much more advanced and independent than the peasants, to whom they brought new ideas. They were even folk historians and some of them could read and write. They lived in the homes where they worked, and each evening the family gathered about to listen to their talk... The Old Weaver who wove cloth for the Chu family each winter seems to have been a Hakka also. He was a grim old fellow with a scalding tongue who would set up his long narrow loom in the courtyard or, if it was too cold, in the kitchen, and begin his weaving... the old man's long brown hands worked as swift as light. He could weave twenty chih, some twenty to thirty feet of cloth, a day, for which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205623, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "160\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nnot built a palace, pays the rent of one for his own accommodation out of the public purse.\" The Government accounts for the period reveal that the rent was paid to Johnston for its hire by Government. But it is quite clear from Davis's letter to Stanley that, in August 1844, he could only have been living in Johnston's House if it were then known as the 'Record Office.' That is not beyond possibility for, if the early buildings on the site in the present Botanical Gardens were known as the 'Record Office' when Johnston lived there, his later residence may have attracted the same name to distinguish it from 'Government House.' But that conclusion cannot disturb the main argument.\n\nAs a postscript, it is worth commenting on the suggestion that Sir Samuel Bonham, third Governor, lived at Spring Gardens (Spring Garden Lane in the present Wanchai). Sayer quotes a reference from Robert Fortune's Tea Districts of China (1852) and comments that it is the first and only evidence that a Governor of Hong Kong lived at Spring Gardens. Sayer should have read his Friend of China where he would have discovered advertised, after Bonham's departure from Hong Kong, the sale of a house, doubtless one of those depicted on Murdoch Bruce's sketch of Spring Gardens, which was stated to have been lately in the occupation of Bonham. Fortune was right; or, as Sayer would have put it, he was a veracious witness,12\n\nHong Kong, 1968,\n\nDAFYDD EMRYS Evans\n\nNOTES\n\n1G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence and Coming of Age, 1937, Oxford University Press.\n\n2ibid, p. 211.\n\n3Johnston to Pottinger, 12 November 1841; CO129/10, f. 51 (Colonial Office Records).\n\n4c.g. Pottinger to General Burrell, 7 March 1842; CO129/10, f. 114.\n\n5Pottinger to Johnston, 26 May 1842; CO129/10, f. 204.\n\n6Davis to Lord Stanley, 16 August 1844; CO129/7, f. 20.\n\n7Friend of China, Overland Summary, 23 December 1843.\n\n8Woosnam to Gordon, 18 April 1843; CO129/10, f. 360.\n\n9Gordon to Pottinger, 10 February 1844; CO129/5, f. 141.\n\n10Pottinger to Johnston, 21 October 1843; CO129/10, f. 522.\n\n11Friend of China, 18 April 1846.\n\n12See also Friend of China, 26 December 1849. The house was erected by Messrs. Blenkin, Rawson & Co. on Marine Lot 42 and rented to Government for £500 p.a.\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205637, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "174\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\na factory or in petty trade, or some form of out-work, for example making plastic flowers, extremely popular since about 1960. It also affects the future of young members of the boat community since children, once living on the land, can attend school regularly.\n\nLand people have long regarded the boat people as near barbarians and have myths about their \"un-Chinese\" activities, but Miss Ward argues movement ashore will change their status generally, and in the long run the cumulative effects of all the developments connected with economic change will be to integrate the fishing folk completely into the rest of the Chinese population. Miss Ward's main work has been with the Cantonese speaking fishing folk. One might wonder, however, whether the rate of integration will be the same for the \"Hoklo,\" speaking a different dialect. Land-dwelling speakers of this dialect have still a long way to go to full integration in Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong, 1968.\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nTHE AWAKENING OF CHINA 1793 - 1949: Roger Pelissier (edited and translated by Martin Kieffer) London, Secker and Warburg, 1967, pp 532. 63/-\n\nThis book, part of a series entitled \"History in the Making\", is really a collection of short extracts, few of them more than several pages culled from numerous Western works. English, American and, usefully, (the compiler being of that nationality) French sources form the bulk of the publications from which the selection is made. The extracts are linked by a connecting narrative to form a continuous sequence of historical experience extending from the Macartney Embassy in 1793-94 to the débâcle of 1948 - 49 when the Chinese Communists took over control of all China.\n\nWhilst the narrative is, in places, open to question, this publication deserves to be widely known and read. This is partly because the books from which the extracts are taken are, in most cases, long out of print and sometimes difficult to obtain; but mainly because it provides a superb sweep of modern Chinese history, carefully assembled. The richness of the material is remarkable and the authors are compelling partly, one suspects, because of the vital nature of what lay before their eyes. The writers are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "176\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nTHE SENIOR JOHN SAMUEL SWIRE 1825 - 98: MANAGEMENT IN FAR EASTERN SHIPPING TRADES, Sheila Marriner & F. E. Hyde; (Liverpool, Liverpool University Press, 1967) pp. xiv, 206, appendices, illus. 42/-\n\nThis book is the latest product of the Liverpool School of Business History which, under Professor Hyde's direction, has published a number of converging and complementary studies of the Liverpool merchant and ship-owner. Although it is claimed for these studies that \"they are collectively an expression of ideas and techniques in the progression towards more sophisticated types of analysis in the handling (sic) of business records\", a common feature of all of them is the endorsement of Charles Wilson's credo: in the history of business, biography is a powerful element.\n\nWe come to this book, then, with the previous knowledge from these other Liverpool Studies that 'The Senior' was a tenacious, aggressive character, described by a business rival as \"a person who lived by and for business alone\"; with, as well, a considerable understanding of the part played by Messrs. Butterfield and Swire in the Far Eastern shipping trades and, in particular, of J. S. Swire's role as architect and protagonist of the Eastern Shipping Conferences. The commercial history of Butterfield and Swire, and to a lesser extent of Holt's Blue Funnel Line,* has already been examined from several angles which means that the reviewer of this present study has had to read three books instead of one! (The third one is K. C. Liu's study of the Anglo-American Steamship Rivalry in China (Harvard, 1962) and which drew, if indirectly, on the Butterfield and Swire records.) This effectively strikes the note of competition arising from the establishment and operation of the China Navigation Company.\n\nWhat we have new in this latest piece of research, principally, is the story of the 'Great and Ancient' (Taikoo) Sugar Refinery and, later, of the Taikoo Dockyard in Hong Kong. This project stemmed, as the authors make quite clear, as much from the conflict between Swire's and Jardine's - Swire swore to oppose the Princely House at all points—as from a calculation that it might further the shipping interests of the firm. Indeed, one of the most valuable sections for the historian of the China Coast trade is the\n\n* Blue Funnel: A History of Alfred Holt and Co. of Liverpool from 1865 to 1914, F. E. Hyde and J. R. Harris, Liverpool University Press, 1957.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205710, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "10\n\nT. C. CHENG\n\nWhile he was Legislative Councillor in Hong Kong, Ng Choy was known to oppose the office of the Registrar-General (established 1844), also known as Protector of Chinese and later renamed in 1913 Secretary for Chinese Affairs, on the ground that it was race discrimination to force Chinese and Europeans to deal with the Government through different departments.8 During his term of office, he was a member of a very important Education Commission, appointed by the Governor Sir John Hennessy in August 1880, to study the question of raising the Government Central School into a collegiate institution, giving a higher education in English and Science. What Sir John had in mind was that Hong Kong would render a great service to China by starting a collegiate institution so that young Chinese boys could come to Hong Kong for a higher western education instead of going to distant countries like America and England. However, the Commission as a whole disagreed with the Governor. It dismissed the idea of a Collegiate Institution on the ground of cost, and pointed out that the great need of the majority of the local population was a sound elementary education. Thus it was not the province of the Government to establish, at the cost of the ratepayers, an institution that would be mainly for the advantage of a small number of wealthy members of the community.\n\nNg Choy's achievements as a Legislative Councillor in Hong Kong were by no means great as compared with some of his successors, as he held office for less than three years; but he had the distinction of being the first Chinese to serve on that Council, and since his time both the Colonial Office and the Governors of Hong Kong have agreed on the principle of Chinese membership of the Legislative Council.\n\nWhen Sir George Bowen arrived in April 1883 as Governor, he was in favour of having a Chinese member on the Legislative Council but realized that it would not be easy to find a successor to Ng Choy from \"among those qualified as British subjects, a native gentleman combining in his own person the proper social position, independent means and education\". In conjunction with the question of a permanent Chinese member on the Legislative Council, Sir George Bowen also took the opportunity of re-constituting the Council. The main differences between the old and the new Council were that a Chinese member was appointed and that the Chamber of Commerce was invited to elect a member.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "14\n\nT. C. CHENG\n\nAnother advance was made in 1904 when several prominent Chinese, led by Dr. Ho Kai and Mr. Chau Siu-ki (the late father of Sir Tsun-nin Chau), collected the necessary funds, and, also with a land grant from the London Missionary Society, started the Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital, the first maternity hospital in Hong Kong.\n\nIn 1907 when the Chinese started another hospital, along the lines of the Tung Wah Hospital, in Kowloon the Kwong Wah Hospital Dr. Ho Kai was the motivating force and he became the Chairman of the first Board of Directors of the new hospital. In this important venture, he had the staunch support of the Honourable Wei Yuk, his Chinese colleague in the Legislative Council, and Lau Chu-pak, both of whom served as directors of the first Board.\n\nHaving received a western education himself, Dr. Ho Kai was very keen to spread such education among the Chinese youth. Apart from being an active member of the governing body of Queen's College, he and other Chinese leaders, including Tso Seen-wan, founded St. Stephen's Boys College in 1902. In 1901 a number of leading Chinese, including Dr. Ho Kai and Mr. Tso Seen-wan, had submitted a petition to the Governor setting forth their view that a need had arisen for a Chinese High School run on western lines. The fees were to be sufficient to keep the school without cost to the Colony. In such a school the sons of influential Chinese parents could be trained for public service and be instructed in all that was best in both British and Chinese cultures. The scheme was approved in principle and the Church Missionary Society stepped in to help and established St. Stephen's Boys College on Bonham Road. In 1928 it moved to its present site in Stanley with extensive playing fields. It has catered to Chinese children from wealthy homes and has tried to establish something of the tradition of the English public school. It has since occupied a unique and important place in Hong Kong as an exempted and independent school.\n\nIn addition, Dr. Ho Kai was a very far-sighted land developer. Just before he died, he and Au Tak,13 a prominent merchant who was a director of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1908, formed the Kai Tak Land Development Company to plan the development of the area in the neighbourhood of the present Kai Tak Airport,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205727, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n27\n\nDr. Li and Hong Kong should read this very interesting book.29 Dr. Li died on 24th November 1966.\n\nThe last Chinese to hold a substantive appointment on the Legislative Council before 1941 is Mr. Thomas Tam who received his legal training in England and practised as a barrister in Hong Kong. He was appointed a J.P. in 1933 and was a member of the Legislative Council from 1939 to 1941. After the war he served as a magistrate and was awarded the O.B.E. in 1951. He has been in retirement since 1958.\n\nBesides the above, there were three persons who served at one time or another for short periods on the Legislative Council. They were Chan Kai-ming30 who acted as a Legislative Councillor in 1918, Chau Siu-ki who acted as a Legislative Councillor in 1921, 1923 and 1924 and finally Li Tse-fong32 who acted as a Legislative Councillor in 1939.\n\nA list showing the names of the Chinese Unofficials and the years in which they served in the Legislative/Executive Council is appended after the Notes which begin on the following page.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n59\n\npart of further studies of militia, both within Kwangtung Province and elsewhere in China. It is possible that the approach to militia used in this article could be applied to other, more significant, military organizations as they existed in nineteenth century China. For example, recent studies of the regional armies of Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang indicate that they were, initially, amalgamations of local militia forces.78 A more detailed analysis of these militia could contribute to a greater understanding of the particularistic relationships which appear to have been important in maintaining regional armies as viable organizations over relatively long periods of time.\n\nNOTES\n\nThis article is based upon research in Hong Kong between 1963 and 1965. I am grateful for the financial support provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies. A number of colleagues have commented upon the subject matter of the article during its various stages of preparation. I would particularly like to thank the following for their advice: Dr. Christopher Turner, Dr. George C. Bond, Mr. James Hayes, Professor Maurice Freedman, and Professor Göran Aijmer. A draft of the paper was read to the Sociology Seminar, School of Social Studies, University of East Anglia. I am grateful to my colleagues in this context for their comments. Place names will be rendered according to A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hong Kong Government Printer, Hong Kong, n.d., but published 1960.\n\n2 Brine, Lindesay. The Taeping Rebellion in China: A Narrative of its Rise and Progress. London, 1862, pp. 11-12.\n\n3 Krone, [R]. “A Notice of the Sanon District\", Article V, Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, pt. VI, Hong Kong, 1859, p. 71.\n\n4 Freedman, Maurice. Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. London, 1966, p. 115.\n\n5 The Governor of Hong Kong, commenting upon robbery and piracy during the year 1903, said: \"they are the most common offences in the Southern provinces ... the Provincial Authorities do not attempt to deal with such cases until some village is reported as being specially notorious as harbouring robbers, when, if the authorities do not consider them too strong, a force is sent out and as many as possible arrested or the village destroyed.\" Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1903, Hong Kong, 1904, pp. 348 ff.\n\nFreedman, op. cit., p. 112, quotes an account of such an expedition which took place in \"about 1870\" and resulted in the beheading of more than a thousand people.\n\n6 Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960, p. 503.\n\n7 For a detailed account of these events, see: Wakeman, Jr., Frederic, Strangers at the Gate: Social Disorder in South China, 1839-1861. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205783, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "KING MONGKUT AND THE KINGDOM OF SIAM\n\n83\n\nopened the Treaty Ports and a second British conflict with China had proved the superiority of Western arms, the Chinese court refused to reform. The Japanese were quicker to read the signs. Only Siam, unlike her weak neighbours in the tropical south, was able to adapt herself to the new world without war or its threat and without loss of sovereignty.\n\nWhy was this? Was it because Britain and France had agreed to the Thai kingdom being a buffer between their Indian and Indo-Chinese empires? Or was it that the King of Siam who received Sir John Bowring had more vision than most of his Asian contemporaries and was succeeded by an equally gifted son? Whatever the reasons, the Treaty of 1855 was a major factor in determining the future of the Thai kingdom. It provided for the opening of diplomatic relations with Britain and, as a natural consequence, with other western nations. It introduced extra-territorial rights to British subjects living in Siam and allowed them to own or rent property. In commerce the Treaty abolished the strangling system of monopolies owned by the King and 'farmed' to Chinese merchants - replacing it by a free market with low duties on imports and exports. The year after the conclusion of the British treaty the Americans and the French secured similar agreements and these in turn were hastily followed by treaties with various European nations. These treaties marked a turning-point in the modern history of Siam.\n\nIn the century and a half which followed Louis XIV's mission to Ayuthia in 1689 Siam had little or no contact with the West. In the mid-eighteenth century her main preoccupation was the constant war with the Burmese who finally sacked their ancient and splendid capital in 1767. By the time the new house of Chakri had established the capital at Bangkok in 1782 the British East India Company had consolidated its dominion over India. The tea trade with China was growing rapidly and ports of call on the eastern run were obvious advantages. Francis Light obtained Penang island for the Company from the Sultan of Kedah in 1786 for the annual payment of $6,000 and the vague understanding of British protection. Kedah was an acknowledged feudatory of Siam, but at that time King Rama I was far too busy with the building of Bangkok to concern himself with the incident and the British were not then interested in Siam. Raffles had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "KING MONGKUT AND THE KINGDOM OF SIAM\n\n87\n\nPursuing this conciliatory line Brooke came to Bangkok determined to win the confidence of the Siamese and to allay their fears. He wrote to a friend:\n\n\"I shall not seek to make a treaty in a hurry. I shall try to remove apprehensions and obstacles and pave the way for the future. The King is old and a usurper; he has two legitimate brothers, clever and enlightened, who ought to be raised to the throne.... A treaty extorted by force would be but a wasted bit of parchment... The Prince Chow-fa Mongkut is an educated man, reads and writes English and knows something of our literature and science\".2\n\nWith such admirable sentiments Rajah Brooke arrived at the mouth of the Menam. Everything went wrong. The Sphinx ran aground attempting to cross the bar at Paknam. When he met the Praklang (the Foreign Minister), every point he raised was opposed. Was there any need for a treaty? What was wrong with the Burney treaty of 1826? When Brooke asked for more freedom of trade the Praklang replied that trade was already free. As for the British having a Consul at Bangkok and being exempt from Siamese law, both proposals were unnecessary and improper. Later talks with the Siamese Ministers made no more progress. They asked Brooke to put his points in writing but letters between the two sides made no more progress than conversations. It was clear that the Siamese did not want a treaty or any improvement in trade or diplomacy with Britain.\n\nThe Brooke mission was obviously failing. And as frustration grew Sir James's conciliatory attitude changed. Finally he advised force. In a dispatch to the Foreign Minister he wrote:\n\n“Should these just demands firmly urged be refused, a force should be present immediately to enforce them by a rapid destruction of the defences of the river which would place us in possession of the capital and by restoring us to our proper position of command, retrieve the past and ensure peace for the future, with all its advantages of a growing and most important commerce.\"3\n\nBrooke alleged, with some justice, that the Burney Treaty had been broken by the Siamese. Monopolies had been restored, trade was no longer free and taxes on British vessels had increased. In", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "KING MONGKUT AND THE KINGDOM OF SIAM\n\n93\n\nThe new King imported printing presses, mainly for the publication of Buddhist writings. He encouraged monks to teach in the monasteries. He continued his own studies, particularly of astronomy and acquired telescopes and other scientific equipment. Some ten years after he became King he took the unprecedented step of employing a foreign woman, the celebrated Anna Leonowens, to act as governess and tutor to his numerous children.\n\nKing Mongkut built roads, canals and bridges. New Wats and new palaces were constructed at his command. He encouraged ship-building and personally supervised the building of the first steam-boat on the Menam, importing an engine from England. He abolished the corvée forced labour required for land or other privileges and replaced it by taxation. There was no limit to his energy or his delight in innovation, but in one respect King Mongkut saw no need for change.\n\nHe kept an enormous harem in his Palace. Having been celibate for twenty-seven years he now set about building the biggest Royal Family of the Chakri Dynasty. In the \"Inside\" of the Palace there was a veritable city of women - reports say three thousand or more. They were mostly servants, 'Amazons' for guards, officials, maids and so on, but Mongkut acquired thirty-two wives and by the time he died, aged sixty-four, he had eighty-two children. Some accounts put the number of wives and concubines much higher. Townshend Harris, the American envoy who concluded a treaty with Siam in 1856 - following the British success in 1855 - commented in his dispatches to Washington: \"After some twenty years spent in the rigid celibacy of the priesthood the King gives up a large portion of his time to voluptuous pleasures....\n\nhe is indulging himself in a manner equally repugnant to decency and the laws of his religion of which he was a stern supporter while in the priesthood.\" It was, of course, a custom and one required especially of the monarch, but it is a little surprising that the reforming zeal of the King did not extend to his prodigious practice of polygamy.\n\nOf all his reforms the most significant was in his relations with the West. As soon as he became King a new attitude was revealed. He indicated willingness to have a return visit from the disappointed Brooke of Sarawak. Could Sir James come, he said, a little later to allow for the prolonged cremation ceremonies", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205801, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "101\n\nTHE LINGUISTIC AND LITERARY VALUE OF THE MING DYNASTY ‘MOUNTAIN SONGS'\n\nJOHN MCCOY*\n\nPoetry, and the rhyming dictionaries compiled to aid the poet, have presented the linguist with the bulk of his material pertinent to the problem of reconstructing earlier forms of the Chinese language. Of course other aids have been used, such as the evidence of the fan-ch'ieh system of describing character pronunciations by dividing them into initial and final sound segments, the help provided by foreign language data, and the clues from the phonetic elements in the characters. However, the major breakthrough was made with early rhyming dictionaries. Karlgren's great contribution to the history of the Chinese language, his reconstruction of Ancient Chinese, was principally an analysis of the system set up in the Ch'ieh Yün, the Kuang Yün, and other early rhyme books. To this system he assigned phonetic values by positing forms generally consistent with modern dialect pronunciations.\n\nThe value of Karlgren's tremendous scholarship cannot be overemphasized, but note should be made that it does not tell us all we will ever want to know about antecedent forms of the present-day dialects of Chinese. Two aspects of his approach lead us to continue our search for corroborating and supplementary materials with which to increase our knowledge about early Chinese.\n\nFirst, Karlgren's Ancient Chinese must be thought of as a textual reconstruction rather than a linguistic reconstruction, and we ideally want both to fill out our picture. Secondly, for a number of reasons we can assume that the phonology expressed in the formal rhyming dictionaries diverged to some degree from the actual spoken forms of the time.\n\nThe difference between a textual reconstruction and a linguistic reconstruction is the difference between the interpretation and\n\n* Dr. McCoy's article \"The Dialects of Hong Kong Boat People: Kau Sai\" appeared in Volume 5 of the Journal. He is Associate Professor, Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University. This paper is a revised version of one read before the Association of Asian Studies at Philadelphia in March 1968.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205806, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "106\n\nJOHN MCCOY\n\nCatullus or Boccaccio, and sometimes approaches Robert Burns' Merry Muses of Caledonia without a similar need to expunge words from the Chinese text.\n\nFrom the literary point of view, one of the problems of handling the Mountain Songs, and especially any attempt to translate them, is just the question of how to handle the double meanings which are so much the key to these verses and their enjoyment. Too many footnotes would kill a translation and too little by way of explanation would probably leave a lot of the allusions lost to modern readers. Some of this is of course already lost forever because we have no way to recover all of the secondary references so familiar to the original singers of these songs. Even some of the primary references are difficult and it will take considerable research to dig all of the meaning out of some of the obscure vocabulary. But the problems of handling the grammatical markers and functors of this dialect are solvable. In spite of the fact that some of these items are written with characters not to be found in most dictionaries and obviously made up to handle the unusual Wu dialect pronunciations of the time, we are still able to reconstruct probable phonetic approximations and to propose probable meanings on the basis of our knowledge of modern dialects. It is in this special area that the linguist is in a unique position to help the student of literature.\n\nIf this sort of popular poetry attracts interest, we will necessarily need the services of the dialect specialist to solve some of the problems of interpretation. The linguist will gain a great deal from the information the Mountain Songs give him on Ming Dynasty dialects. Then the linguist will in turn enrich Chinese literature studies by opening up a neglected field.\n\nAlthough their reasons are quite different, Western scholars are beginning to agree with Peking that we have neglected popular literature too long. It seems reasonable to predict that more departments will give some room to folk songs and poetry in Chinese literature courses if the genre can be made accessible to the average reader.\n\nFrom the linguist's point of view, an analysis of the rhyme patterns of the Mountain Songs, done much on the same plan as Karlgren's Ancient Chinese, would be very useful when we are ready to work out a reconstruction of proto-Wu. I have carded", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205810, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "110\n\nJOHN MCCOY\n\n4) The character (S) nü. I interpret this to be (M) nü 'woman' read in a slightly different way, probably equivalent to the 'changed tone' phenomenon in Cantonese. Compare here the Shanghai usage yang-nü-nü- ‘doll' contrasting with (S) nü-ning 'woman' showing two pronunciations for the element nü. Morohashi records this form in his great dictionary, Dai Kan Wa Jiten, and glosses it as a Wu dialect variant meaning simply 'woman',\n\n5) (M) shã chiao ling erh I found in the dictionaries as 'water caltrop'. Here I exercised a little poetic license on the assumption that the English name for this plant is rather obscure.\n\n約約到月上時,\n\n邦了月上子山頭弗見渠,\n\n咦沸知奴處山低月上得早\n\n咦弗知郎處山高月上得遲。\n\n'I agreed with my sweetheart to meet when the moon came up.\n\nWhy is it that the moon is on the mountain tops but I still don't see him?\n\nI wonder if it could be because in my place the hills are low and the moon rises early,\n\nOr is it because at his place the hills are high and the moon rises late?'\n\nNote in this poem:\n\n1) The character, at the beginning of the second line, which I have reconstructed as na-, I find this form in Morohashi where it is described as an alternate for the character (M) nà meaning 'that, those'. It seems to have a slightly different connotation in the Mountain Songs, more like the interrogative form of the same character in Mandarin, nă. From an analysis of the various contexts in which it appears in my texts I translate it as 'why' or 'how is it that'. 2) Note the use of the character (M) ch'u meaning 'he'. The only significant point here is that in this dialect I would expect (S) yi-, although forms related to ch'ü are found in a number of Wu dialect areas.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "113\n\nTHE CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM AND THE OCCUPANCY LEVEL OF VILLAGE HOUSES\n\nH. G. H. NELSON*\n\nDr. Göran Aijmer, in an article in the last issue of this Journal, touches on the problem of the occupancy level of Chinese village houses at the time when the British took over the New Territories. Discussing the relative wealth of two neighbouring communities in 1905, he assumes (footnote 10) that \"at one time all house-units were inhabited by one household each ....”, and expresses surprise that his calculations reveal an average of only 1.7 and 2.2 persons per house instead of the five or so that he would have expected (footnote 7). He suggests that there must have been a drastic reduction in the population to produce such a low level of occupancy. I believe, however, that his figures reveal a perfectly normal situation, which does not need to be explained in terms of large-scale out-migration. The purpose of this article is to point out certain features of Chinese social structure, and of the physical nature of New Territories villages, which make inevitable such low ratios of people to houses.\n\nAt the same time, Aijmer has indirectly raised the much more fundamental issue of the relation between the kinship structure of the Chinese and their domestic architecture. I shall touch briefly on the problem of understanding what is meant by the term 'village house' in the context of Hong Kong, and hope to give further consideration elsewhere to the light thrown on the Chinese understanding of family development by the way they build and distribute their house-property. It should be pointed out here, however, that the local pattern of building single domestic units in terraced rows finds few, if any, parallels in other parts of China. In Taiwan, for example, the dominant pattern in rural domestic architecture is that of the L or U shaped homestead.\n\nVillage Houses: The Problem of Definition\n\nWhat, then, is a village house? I myself recently came up against the problem of deciding just what is meant by the term\n\n* Mr. Howard Nelson of the London School of Economics was engaged on social research in the New Territories in 1967-68. His review article of Jack Potter's recent book Capitalism and the Chinese Peasant; Social and Economic Change in a Chinese Village (University of California Press, 1968) appeared at pp. 119-127 of last year's Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205819, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM\n\n119\n\nthere appears to be a good chance that each resulting branch is sturdy enough to survive: even after a man marries, he may die before he has produced a son (and the frequency with which young widows have left their dead husbands' homes to remarry indicates that this was not at all uncommon: the position of a widow without a son was well-nigh impossible), or his own sons may die in infancy. That the failure of branches to develop, even after they had been provided with a suitable soil of bricks and mortar, was common, is borne out by the frequency with which two (or more) married men of the same generation appear on one domestic ancestral tablet; when a man dies after his marriage but before he has had a son and the family is divided, his name is installed on the tablet of a surviving brother, who thus gains possession of two houses. If this man produces two sons, then he may kwoh-kai one of them to his dead brother, and establish him, on his marriage, in that house;18 but in the very probable event of his own producing a single son, he is under no obligation to provide his dead brother with an heir. (If however the widow chooses to remain, and adopts a son for her dead husband, she and her adopted son have all the rights that they would normally have had.).\n\nThe institution of kwoh-kai is designed to provide an heir in cases where a man is son-less after a division has taken place; but with single sons even more common than no sons at all, this may not occur until several generations have elapsed since the division. Ideally, it should be a means whereby a son can be transferred from an over-supplied branch to one in need of an heir, and it no doubt commonly functions this way in large localised descent groups: in small groups, however, such as the people of Aijmer's two villages, it may be extremely difficult for a sonless man to find a kinsman able and willing to part with one of his sons.19 In this situation a man may indeed die son-less: only when the obligation to support a parent in old age is safely removed, a man from another branch may obtain the consent of senior kin, and any potential rivals for the inheritance, to transfer himself to the dead man's line. This will only happen, however, if the deceased has left more property than the kwoh-kai son has received, or can hope to receive, from his own father. My informants in Sheung Tsuen were very clear that unless a son-less man's property was worth having, none would be willing to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205834, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "134\n\nJ. T. COOPER\n\nAs the machine-plots were field-checked and completed they were flown back to the United Kingdom to be fair-drawn. This was not the end of the production process, however; the fair-drawn sheets were flown to the Colony where all names and ornament were added by the drawing office staff of Survey Branch. After this the sheets were again air-freighted to England for final printing.\n\nDespite the complicated arrangements production has been steady. The last of the 1/600 scale sheets of the urban areas were received in early 1968 and the final sheets of the New Territories at 1/1200 scale are now being plotted and should be checked, drawn and printed by the end of 1969*. \n\nThese very large-scale plans can, of course, be used to produce smaller or medium-scale plans by photographic reduction combined with re-drawing at the reduced scale, when much of the smaller detail is omitted or \"generalised\". The 1/600 scale plans of the urban areas are being used to produce a series at 1/2400 (200 ft. to 1 inch), which will be used by many Government departments, the Police etc. Some 60 sheets will cover the whole of Hong Kong Island, Kowloon and New Kowloon. These will be similar to the well-known \"25 inch\" (1/2500 scale) plans of Great Britain produced by the Ordinance Survey. In Hong Kong, however, the 200 ft. series will be available with contours at 20 ft. vertical interval if required.\n\nIn the New Territories the need for medium-scale plans for town-planning purposes was urgent. It was evident that the 1/1200 scale series would not be available before 1966-1967 for many of the developing areas, and to produce smaller scale plans from these would entail further delay. The Colony had been photographed again in December 1964 from 12,500 ft. and air photographs at 1/25,000 scale were available which were intended to be used to revise the old military 1/25,000 scale topographic maps, (of which more later).\n\nIt was then arranged that from the high-level photography Messrs. Hunting's should produce plans at 1/4800 scale (400 ft. to 1 inch), with contours at 50 ft. vertical interval, for all areas of the New Territories where development was planned. These\n\n* See plates 11 and 12 for specimen extracts.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205835, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "THE MAPPING OF HONG KONG\n\n135\n\nsheets would be part of an overall series at 1/4800 scale which will eventually cover the whole of the New Territories in about 100 sheets. From these sheets another special series of 9 sheets at 1/9600 scale (800 ft. to 1 inch) was produced for certain areas for town-planning purposes.\n\nIn addition to the plans produced from the 1964 high-level photography, air-photo mosaics have been produced at 1/25,000 scale which cover the whole Colony. These are in 12 sheets and together form a mosaic about 6 feet square.\n\nTOPOGRAPHIC Maps\n\nThe need for an up-to-date series of topographic maps of the Colony was realised soon after the war. Whereas the large-scale plans produced by the Crown Lands and Survey Office are essential for detailed planning, land administration, etc., they are of little interest to the average person who needs a coloured map to find his way around the Colony by road or for walking in the countryside.\n\nA series of maps at a scale of 8 inches to one mile, with 50 ft. contours, had been produced in 1904, surveyed by the Royal Engineers in 1902-03 and printed in England by the Ordnance Survey. These had been revised, partially at least, in 1924 and re-printed by the War Office (GSGS, No. 3749) but it is not known whether in fact this series covered the whole Colony. The index diagram on the sheets remaining in the Crown Lands and Survey Office indicates that 21 sheets covered Kowloon and the eastern part of the New Territories.\n\nIn the post-war years the only topographic maps available until recently were the military series (GSGS, No. L8811) at 1/25,000 scale and (L681) at 1/100,000 scale. These were based on the pre-war 1/20,000 and 1/80,000 series respectively. The former was produced in 1929-31 and was one of the first military maps to be plotted from air photographs; in this case taken by the R.A.F. in 1925. Although a certain amount of spasmodic revision had been undertaken since the war, the sheets were generally very much out of date.\n\nUntil 1962 these maps had not been available to the public but in that year their security restriction was lifted and they were put on sale by Messrs. Kelly & Walsh Ltd. in Hong Kong, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "146\n\nRONALD C. Y. NG\n\nthe immediate vicinity of the well recognized market towns. The other important factor is probably related to the state of law and order in some of the outlying areas during this period of China's internal upheaval. The complacent mandarin in San On Un would most likely have left Lantau and its adjacent islands to the unlawful elements and concentrated instead on the places with overland contact. In view of the notorious history of piracy on these islands, which were ideally situated in relation to the trade routes focusing on and weaving between the flourishing ports of Portuguese Macau, British Victoria and Chinese Canton, the officials in Nam-tau-shing, the administrative seat of San On district, would have been unable to render the priest much protection had he ventured to these parts. Volonteri, however, was not wanting in courage and in spirit of adventure, but the pirates of the Pearl River estuary were very different men from those he encountered in Swabue, on whom he had written, 'the pirates seem to fear the humble priest and not the priest the pirates; they make some rare appearances but the presence of the padre impels them to retreat at once'. How far this can account for the comparatively poor outline and incorrect location of the off-shore islands as well as for the lack of information on the settlements there must await fresh materials on Volonteri's work in San On, but the villagers on Lantau vouchsafed to me that in the time of their forefathers, piracy, preying on ships and peasants alike, was a greater hazard to the population than the vagrant weather conditions.\n\nFinally, the bilingual feature of the map must be noted. It is apparent that the document was intended primarily for English-speaking users. As there are several current systems of transliteration, in the present case the one based on Williams' Dictionary, the inclusion of the original Chinese names adds to the work that rare, but highly desirable, quality of precision and refinement. In a way, the document is simultaneously a map and a gazetteer of the District. The degree of cooperation between Volonteri and Liang was remarkable and out of the hundreds of villages cited bilingually there was not a single occasion where the name in one language did not correspond to the other. This is probably due to Fr. Volonteri's ability to read, perhaps not so much as to write presentably, the Chinese script which enabled him to check every detail. Credit should also go to his colleague for juxtaposing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205876, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "176\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nthe modification of the position and attitudes of the British Mandarinate. This is a most valuable piece of research; it is to be hoped that Mr. Lethbridge will eventually be able to give us a fuller publication on the events and the effects of this period.\n\nOther contributions which explore the dynamics of Hong Kong society, rather than one of its disparate elements, are those of J. S. Cansdale and E. Kvan; both treat of students at Hong Kong University, a group whose significance as a focal point of East-West contact is out of all proportion to its numbers. One would like to see these enquiries, cultural and psychological, followed up in, for example, a study of Chinese government servants in Hong Kong; those, in other words, for whom the crisis of contact is subtly different. Having grasped the fruits of their education, traumatic though it may have been, they are now at the focus of political and administrative contact between East and West. What conflicts do they experience, and how are these resolved?\n\nConcerning a third paper which attempts to deal with the specific problem of East-West contact, that of the co-editors themselves -- I have considerable misgivings. I feel that they might have taken heed of the fact that few have dared to tread this ground, and thus been more wary of venturing into so intricate a subject as that of \"face\". They contend that Chinese concern for \"face\" is not only a barrier to trivial moments of daily interaction, but to the more vital (in their estimation) process of westernisation; they go so far as to ask how any society so burdened could have functioned in the past. I would emphasise the value of a more positive approach: if the traditional Chinese concept of status relations had been so unwieldy, the society would surely have failed to function at all. It would have been better to investigate, with the fullest reliance on Chinese sources, the role of \"face\" in the total social system of traditional China: was it in fact a barrier to, or a method of communication? The subject of \"face\" is at once sufficiently important to deserve a better informed and more sympathetic treatment than this, and is yet at the same time possibly less important than the authors lead us to suppose.\n\nThere is little need to stress the value of Dr. Marjorie Topley's essay, here reprinted, on Chinese attitudes to wealth. Scholars in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205928, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "2\n\nto extend the same co-operation to the officers of the Society here in Hong Kong, as has happily been the case throughout the past decade.\n\nI would like here to add a final word of thanks to the Curator of the City Museum who has helped with the production of photographs for the Journal at various times since I became Hon. Editor in 1966. The interest shown by Mr. Warner and his senior staff in our work has been continuous and, need I say, very much appreciated.\n\nDr. Marjorie Topley has very kindly assisted with the book review section of this year's Journal.\n\nHong Kong, 1970.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205937, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1969\n\nThis year's accounts now before you have been kindly audited by Messrs. Wong, Tan & Co.\n\nThe Income and Expenditure Account shows a surplus of $5,691 compared with $6,970 in the previous year. However, this seemingly satisfactory position should be treated with reserve. Firstly, as in previous years, the annual membership fees ($10,559) do not cover the total expenditure on Journal expenses, purchase of library books, and sundry expenses, the shortfall being covered by bank interest, income from investments, and the sale of publications. Secondly, there is a drop in the annual membership fees for the first time for many years. Thirdly, the surplus would have been considerably less if the Society had to meet the expenses of re-printing Volume I of the Journal as forecasted last year. The drop in the Sale of Publications from $6,118 to $3,728 was forecasted in my report last year since the 1968 figure reflected the sales of two Journals (1967 and 1968).\n\nAt the beginning of the year, the Society re-invested the proceeds of sale of the 125 shares in the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation (London Register) in 400 Hong Kong Electric and 400 Lane Crawford; these continue to show a gratifying increase in market value, with the former recently issuing a one for one and the latter a rights issue of 50 shares in April 1969.\n\nUnless there is an increase in numbers, thereby producing more annual membership fees, the Society is very unlikely to continue to show a surplus in the current year. Besides the cost of re-printing Volume I ($4,000), now expected by the end of June, the Society will need to meet expenditure on printing this year's Journal and off-prints ($9,000), and the proceedings of the week-end symposium \"The Changing Face of Hong Kong\" ($3,800); in addition, the Society has recently sponsored a lecture and performance of Peking Opera costing $2,400. It is anticipated, therefore, the Society will show a deficit for the current year, and members are urged to encourage their friends to become members in order to increase annual fees and help to offset the deficit.\n\n13 May 1970.\n\nD. A. GILKES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205955, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "30 \n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR. \n\nThe English neglect is of special interest and not without significance, for although the document was written by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, and was translated by Wade, yet it did not occasion even a minimal formal acknowledgment of receipt, either from Elgin, to whom it was addressed, or verbally from Wade during his visit in Nanking. \n\nThis document reveals significant information which should not have been so lightly dismissed by the English diplomats. Most importantly it was addressed to Elgin in polite Chinese fashion (though Ch'ing or traditional officialdom could never have been so polite) as 'Imperial Commissioner of a Superior Nation' shang-kuo ch’in-ch'ai ta-ch'en,30 Thus it signified a marked tendency of the Taipings in this period to emphasize the equality of other nations with Taiping China. The tone of writing is throughout conciliatory, and refers to foreigners as brethren in distinctly friendly terms. Taiping ministers, in it, were enjoined to entertain foreigners with ceremony. And while the adjective \"younger\" was also used with the term \"brethren\" this need not have implied inequality in an international sense. This is because Hung was giving in this document a religious lecture to foreigners as individuals. His special role as religious leader permitted him, by his reckoning, to use this mode of address in speaking to others. There were no pretensions to universal supremacy, nor was there any mention of foreigners bringing tribute. The document really marked a new and significant stage in Taiping foreign relations. However, as the English neglected even a courteous acknowledgment of the document, so they never bothered distinguishing important and necessary distinctions in it. Instead, subsequent writers have rested content with prejudicial interpretations of its \"fanatical\" religious content. Wade could not forebear remarking upon its \"very small literary pretension and indifferent handwriting.\"31 \n\nAt every point of personal contact between the English and Taipings on this trip, the latter never failed to exhibit a spirit of cooperative accommodation and outright friendliness to the English. No place in the record is there a word to contradict this, even from the obviously prejudiced Wade himself. And Elgin was sensitive to such things. Earlier he had written that he always made a point to ask persons who had penetrated the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205956, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS\n\n31\n\nChinese interior of the treatment they had experienced. He admitted that \"almost invariably\" the answer was \"that at points remote from those to which foreigners have access, there was no diminution, but on the contrary, rather an enhancement of the courtesy exhibited towards them by the natives.\"32 While these visitors all need not have been referring to Taiping areas, it is a fact that the only exception to this apparent rule during Elgin's own trip on the Yangtze was at Hankow, which was under Ch'ing control. Elgin noted that in this city \"we thought we detected symptoms of the old disease of antipathy to foreigners, though of a very mitigated type.\"33 The English encountered objections to their entering the walled city of Wu-ch'ang,34 and when they walked about Hankow, were treated to the spectacle of having their Chinese official companions \"severely bamboo\" anyone who came near the foreigners, even if only to gratify understandable curiosity.35 Effort was made to prevent the mission from making purchases of local products of any kind.36\n\nElgin's general conclusions as the result of this trip were that there was \"little or nothing of popular sympathy\" for the Taipings, and that the majority of the population was desirous of peace and commerce. The first conclusion is obviously based upon the flimsiest and most suspect evidence, while the latter is merely a gratuitous observation. Our evaluation is harsh, but is based squarely upon a consideration of the motives and circumstances of the expedition, and on reflection upon the composition of the mission itself, with its heavy anti-Taiping bias (there was even a Ch'ing official accompanying the mission). With this background understood, it is a wonder indeed that Elgin himself would not have been more critical of the testimony garnered along the way, for Elgin had pondered the problem of the credibility of such information. His reflection on one aspect of the subject, some present-day interviewers on the China scene might agree, has a certain timeless applicability:\n\nChinamen of the humbler class are not much addicted to reflection, and when subjected to cross-examination by persons greedy of information, they are apt to consider the proceeding a strange one, and to suspect that it must be prompted by some exceedingly bad motive. Moreover, having been civilized for many generations, they carry politeness so far, that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205957, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "32\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nin answering a question it is always their chief endeavour to say what they suppose their questioner will be best pleased to hear. If therefore the knowledge of a fact is to be arrived at, it is, above all things, necessary that the inquiry bear a tint so neutral that the person to whom it is addressed shall find it impossible to reflect its colour in his reply. He will then sometimes, in his confusion, blunder into a truthful answer, but he does so generally with a bashful air, indicative of the painful consciousness that he has been reluctantly violating the rules of good breeding. A search after accurate statistics, under such conditions, is not unattended with difficulty,38\n\nElgin, however, never seemed to think equally critically of the information brought for his consideration about the Taipings. While it is of utmost importance what opinions such high-ranking English decision-makers were forming of the Taipings, it need not be supposed that the foreign community in general at this time was similarly influenced. We have the account of a relatively high ranking English naval officer which stated quite explicitly: \"When Lord Elgin returned from his expedition up the Yang-tze-kiang in 1858, his high-handed policy toward them at Nankin, Ngan-king, and elsewhere, was much disapproved of by a large section of the community, and it was thought that he had hardly done justice to them.\"39\n\nOne might legitimately raise the question again as to the purpose of the mission. We have already given the ostensible reason: to investigate suitable trading ports and trade conditions along the river. But this seems implausible. With a full-scale war taking place along the greater part of the lower Yangtze Valley, it was unlikely that such an investigation would prove of much value. The mission was premature in another respect as well, for it took place before the treaty was ratified, an observation that is especially to the point since the Ch'ing government did not, in fact, ratify the treaty. Actually, Elgin had two underlying purposes. First, he believed that the trip would confirm that the Emperor had in principle conceded the opening of the river, thus inducing the Chinese to take steps to put the treaty into effect. Second, Elgin reportedly believed that the trip would aid the Imperial cause against the Taipings since the \"opening", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205960, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS\n\n31 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, Inclosure No. 3, p. 449.\n\n32 Elgin to Clarendon, No. 139, Shanghai, April 9, 1858, BB, IX, 260.\n\n33 Elgin to Malmesbury, No. 228, p. 445.\n\n34 Ibid.\n\n35 Ibid.\n\n36 Ibid.\n\n37 Ibid., pp. 442-443.\n\n38 Ibid., p. 442.\n\n39 Brine, p. 268.\n\n40 Hsü, China's Entrance, p. 78, citing Reed to Cass, November 5, 1858, China: Dispatches, Vol. 17, Doc. 35. It should be noted, however, that this is indirect evidence, but given by a contemporary who was generally co-operative with Elgin.\n\n41 See John S. Gregory, \"British Intervention Against the Taiping Rebellion,\" Journal of Asian Studies, XIX, No. 1 (November 1959), 12-13.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205962, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941\n\n37\n\nand those on leave, in order to discover, at any moment in time, the actual number of cadets administering the affairs of the colony. However, they formed an administrative corps d'élite: a minuscule band of officials with the same values and from the same social background. They were always in short supply: but in time they changed the style of government in 19th century Hong Kong and routinised its operations. The object of this paper is to examine some changes brought about by the introduction of Sir Hercules Robinson's cadet scheme in 1861,3 and to explore the lives of a few expatriate officials, those who formed the apex of a colonial society with its complicated gradations of race, caste, class, occupation and office.\n\nSuch a research task is not a supererogatory one: Sir Ralph Furse, Director of Recruitment, Colonial Service 1931 - 48, affirms that 'in most colonies the Civil Servant is the Government, and not the servant of Government'24 Sir Ralph's obiter dictum is particularly applicable to Hong Kong in the late nineteenth century. At that time it was a small territory with a population squeezed into a few urban enclaves, where everyone lived cheek by jowl and officials were highly visible and often met in the street. In such a constricted society the quirks of an official, given the system of government, often influenced important administrative decisions, over which the general public could exercise little control. The inclusion of the New Territories in 1899 within the administrative framework of Hong Kong did not substantially alter these facts of life; for a long time, certainly until the re-establishment of British rule in 1945, the New Territories remained curiously peripheral to the older, established areas of Hong Kong Island and the Kowloon peninsula.\n\nThe cadet scheme instituted by Sir Hercules Robinson, Governor of Hong Kong from 1859 - 1865, grew out of a pressing need for correct interpretation and translation in government, especially in the courts. For the first twenty years of its existence, the Colony had very few officials apart from the notorious and devious D. R. Caldwell (at one time General Interpreter to the Government and Registrar-General) who had adequate command of Cantonese and were able to communicate with the mass of the immigrant Chinese population, most of whom were Punti and Hakka. The actions of government were stultified by the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205964, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941\n\n39\n\nwhere the need was pressing; for often the courts could not sit at all for want of interpreters and as frequently had to adjourn owing to incorrect interpretation. Sir Hercules' plan was that 'the cadets should be under 20 years of age; that they should be chosen from any of the Colleges, and not from King's College alone, as at present in the consular service.........on arriving in China, they would have teachers provided for them; when competent, as they might be in three years.........they should be considered preferable (after a further two years of experience in administration) to any office in the Civil Service that did not involve a professional training.\" The Council liked the scheme and the Secretary of State gave his approval. Regulations governing the cadetships were then published in the Government Gazette on 12 October 1861. The Regulations stipulated that 'at the end of two years' study or as soon afterwards as they shall be declared qualified by a Board of Competent Examiners, the first three Cadets shall be appointed Government Interpreters, and be employed in such of the departments as may require their services (and that) after three years' service they will be considered eligible by the Secretary of State for promotion to the higher offices in the Civil Service of Hong Kong. As it turned out, the first three cadets never held the position of interpreter. They were in such demand and were promoted so swiftly to substantive posts that their promotion was a de facto violation of the published regulations.\n\nThe first three cadets were appointed in 1862 and arrived in Hong Kong late that year. They were M. S. Tonnochy,12 W. M. Deane13 and Cecil Clementi Smith.14 There were further appointments in 1865 — Alfred Lister,15 James Russell,16 and R. G. Starkey, but the last resigned within a year and joined the North China Insurance Company. H. E. Wodehouse17 was appointed in 1867 and J. H. Stewart Lockhart18 in 1879, after an interregnum of 12 years during which the scheme was in abeyance. Only 14 cadets were appointed during the rest of the century, among them Francis Henry May19 (1881), Reginald Fleming Johnston20 (1898), and Cecil Clementi (1899), all of whom were to distinguish themselves at a later date.\n\nThe early cadets had meteoric careers. They all received acting posts before their period of study was up. Smith became", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205968, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941\n\n43\n\nin academic performance, and a significant number excelled at sport. The fathers of the cadets were in most cases members of the older professions — law, medicine, and especially the church, although two, for example, were M.P.s.29 Few, if any, of the fathers were businessmen or shopkeepers, and none could be regarded as aristocratic. In sum, the typical cadet came from a solid, though not rich, upper middle-class family, went to a public school, but not to the most prestigious, and then went up to one of the older universities, where he read classics or history and was noted for his application to study and interest in healthy recreation. The bounder, the aesthete, the hearty, and the rake, were not represented in the ranks of the cadets. The origins of the Scots were humbler; many had schoolmasters for fathers, whereas the Irish tended to come from the smaller landed families, from the parochial gentry rather than the squirearchy.\n\nTwo things should be noted about the curriculum vitae of the typical cadet. Firstly, it fitted him for the type of job he was expected to carry out as a colonial civil servant in Hong Kong – the need to apply himself with diligence and intelligence to a series of prosaic tasks, and to sustain interest in the minutiae of bureaucratic life; and secondly, the common social background and education of the cadets helped to create an esprit de corps, a class and caste feeling, and an intuitive understanding of other cadets, which helped maintain morale and discipline within a hierarchical service. Cadets, it may be surmised, understood one another without the need for excessive interpretation of motive.\n\nGiven this common background, training, and the fraternity of class, cadets came to the field with many shared assumptions about, and attitudes towards, the people they governed in the colonial territories. Robert Huessler, for example, argues that the attitude of British Colonial officials 'was not unlike that which they maintained from childhood towards the lesser orders at home. One ruled the people and protected them from local and foreign injustice. Otherwise one lived apart'.30 Perhaps a better analogy would be the model prefect at an English public school. The model prefect is expected to be fair, just, upright, dignified, and withal concerned about his charges. However, he is not likely to support ideas of equality and permissiveness; he must exercise authority.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205970, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "J\n\nHONG KONG CADETS, 1862 - 1941\n\n45\n\nThe recruitment of cadets changed the nature of administration in early colonial Hong Kong. The cadets were professionals, unlike the earlier officials who were a mixed lot from variegated backgrounds. They spent their working lives—20 to 30 years on average—in one or other of the Eastern colonies, for some of course transferred from, or to, Hong Kong. Since their profession was administration, and the government of Hong Kong was mainly a matter in those days of running a municipality—between 1886 and 1939 only four new departments were established, the District Office New Territories after 1899, the Kowloon-Canton Railway in 1906, and air services and broadcasting in 1929—they soon introduced routines and procedures, organised the files, and set the administrative machine into grooves, along which it ran, on the whole, smoothly and uneventfully for many years. Several governors evinced surprise at the little work they were called upon to do, for ways of doing things had soon become fixed and immutable, and colonial officials were reluctant to change well-tried methods. Sir George Bowen, Governor 1883-1885, declared that the routine and absolutely necessary work of Hong Kong administration \"seemed to me from the first to be much lighter than that of any Crown Colony which I had previously governed\";40 and Sir Frederick Lugard, Governor 1907-1912, of the same opinion, was amused by the bland efficiency and meticulousness of his able Colonial Secretary, Francis May. In Lugard's day, as Margery Perham writes, the officials \"were certainly efficient; the place was small and administration was conducted according to a system which had been seventy years in the making\". Of course, before 1941, most of the problems dealt with by administrators in Hong Kong tended to be workaday ones, and dramatic solutions were hardly called for until the post-1945 period, when massive immigration changed the face of things.\n\nWith regard to administration, then, Sir Hercules Robinson's scheme had worked. It also produced results in another respect, interpretation. Eitel wrote in 1878: \"There are now very few departments where there is not someone who can read a Chinese petition for himself and efficiently check the oral interpretation of the native clerks acting as interpreter. The Coroner's Courts, the Registration Office, and Chinese Protectorate, even the Colonial Secretary's Office, are well provided with a sufficient check on...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "46\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nany interpretation that may be going on'.42 On the other hand, the scarcity of cadets in government caused serious problems at the end of the century. No scheme of localisation, except at the clerical level, had been promoted in Hong Kong; and although Government had been forced, as a result of Sir William Robinson's Retrenchment Committee of 1894, to abolish the post of Clerk of the Councils, one Magistrate and the Superintendent of the Jail, and amalgamate the posts of the Colonial Secretary and the Registrar-General, the number of cadets was still far too small for the efficient administration of even a municipality. Alleyne Ireland, after a visit to Hong Kong at the turn of the century, argued that there was a need for more cadets, and reported that 'no one who has spent four months, as I recently did, in the Colony could fail to be impressed, as I was, with the fact that in the service as well as in the junior ranks of the service there are a few men of the highest ability and usefulness, nor could he fail to notice that such men were few and not many'.43 The reports of the Finance Committee for 1901 showed, moreover, that the attendance included an Acting Attorney-General, an Acting Colonial Treasurer, and an Acting Director of Works. The service of the colony, Ireland adduced, 'has suffered greatly from the evil of acting appointments, and a system should be introduced under which it would not be necessary to transfer so many officials from one department to another whenever a senior official goes on leave'.44 He also pointed out the inadequate size of the Government offices, and 'the employment of a large number of junior clerks, Chinese and Portuguese, at salaries little better than those paid to day labourers'. Ireland, however, did not mention that the incorporation of the New Territories had led to a drain of officials from Hong Kong.\n\nA concatenation of these processes of retrenchment, scarcity of cadets, acting appointments, and ill-paid clerical staff led to a major government scandal which brought to an end in 1895 the career of one cadet, N.G. Mitchell-Innes,45 who had joined the service in 1881, and this scandal led not only to a commission of inquiry but a rebuke from the Secretary of State.\n\nMitchell-Innes' troubles began when Alfred Lister was appointed Treasurer in 1888. Lister, who was also Postmaster General, served for the first six months of the year, but was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205979, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "54 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nSt. Andrews 2, Aberdeen 2, Glasgow 1). Sir Joseph Kemp attended Cape University, South Africa and Edward Wynne-Jones the University of Wales. \n\nThese university-educated gentlemen represent a social stratum lying somewhere between Mathew Arnold's Barbarians and the Philistines. A large number of them had been educated in schools animated by the ideas and ideals of Arnold's father, Thomas Arnold, the headmaster of Rugby. \n\n28 Alexander Macdonald Thomson (1863-1924), Educated at Aberdeen University. Lecturer in Mathematics, Naini Tal College, India, 1884-5; Assistant Professor of Mathematics, Aberdeen, 1887; entered the Hong Kong Civil Service, and attached for one year to the Colonial Office, 1887; Treasurer 1898-1918. Retired in 1918. He is the only cadet who retired to live in the United States (San Mateo, California); most cadets, including the Scots, settled in the Home Counties on retirement. \n\n29 Norman Lockhart Smith (1887-1968) was the son of Hugh Crawford Smith, M.P., Newcastle-on-Tyne, and Lewis Audley Marsh Johnston (1865-1908) the son of William Johnston, M.P., Ballykilbeg, Ireland. \n\n30 Robert Huessler Yesterday's Rulers, Syracuse, New York, 1963, p. 98. \n\n31 In H. R. Wells and Lam Tong Chinese Documents and Petitions, Hong Kong, 1931, some examples are given in Chinese, with English translations. There are also some interesting specimens of petitions received by the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs from Chinese in Hong Kong. In the section on the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs in the General Orders of the Hong Kong Government, 1924, we read: \"Before taking action affecting bodies or classes of people, the Chinese Government is in the habit of issuing proclamations explaining the action to be taken and the reason for it and the Chinese in Hong Kong expect the same notice to be given. It is desirable that whenever the Head of a Department finds it necessary to take notice of any slackness in complying with the law, or to put a stop to gradual encroachments on the part of individuals, or to bring some new regulation into force, he should first consult the Secretary for Chinese Affairs and ask him to notify the people affected in the same way\". \n\n32 Margery Perham Lugard, vol. 2, London 1960, p. 302. \n\n33 Ibid., p. 367. \n\n34 Geoffrey Robley Sayer (1887-1962), Educated at Highgate School, London, and Queen's College, Oxford. Hong Kong Civil Service 1910; Director of Education 1934-6; retired 1938. \n\n35 Stephen Francis Balfour (1905-1945). Educated at King's College, Cambridge. Hong Kong Civil Service 1929; died in internment during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong. \n\n36 Walter Schofield (1888-1968). Educated at the University of Liverpool. Hong Kong Civil Service 1911. First Police Magistrate 1934-1937; retired 1938. Schofield was noted for his work pre-war on the geology and archaeology of Hong Kong, in which fields he was a pioneer scholar. \n\n37 Roger Soame Jenyns (born 1904). Educated at Eton and Magdalene College, Cambridge. Hong Kong Civil Service 1926; resigned in 1931 to join the British Museum. He is a noted expert on the arts of the Far East and has written extensively in that field. \n\n38 Robert Andrew Dermod Forrest (born 1893). Educated at Aberdeen University. Hong Kong Civil Service 1919; Inspector of Vernacular Schools; Immigration Officer 1940. Lecturer in Tibeto-Burman Linguistics at the School of Oriental and African Studies at London University.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205984, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "ASPECTS OF HONG KONG MARINE FAUNA\n\n59\n\narrow worm is found in it. Light is another important factor, for only the blue end of the spectrum penetrates much beneath the surface of the water. This means that at only a few feet below the water's surface, blues and greens are the predominant colors, and lend an ethereal background to submarine photographs, unless artificial light is employed. Other factors, such as pressure, depending on depth; available nutrients, or food sources; and the type of bottom on which the organisms living in a particular habitat are found, are also important factors.\n\nThe focus of tropical marine fauna in the Pacific Ocean centers around Indonesia, and spreads widely to include the Indian Ocean, Red Sea, the South Pacific, and north to Hawaii, and is thus called the Indo-Pacific marine faunal realm. Variety is great in this realm, but representatives of most marine groups can be found in areas anywhere in the region. The fauna of Guam, in the Marianas Islands, is thus similar to that of the Great Barrier Reef of Australia, or that of the Seychelles Islands in the Indian Ocean.\n\nMany marine organisms associate with one another, often in most peculiar ways. In some areas of the world, pearlfishes, which are my own specialty, live inside the body of sea cucumbers*. Some species of pearlfish are parasites, while others only use the body of the sea cucumber as a house, coming out into the open sea at night to feed. Clownfishes are another example. They often live in the folds of sea anemones. Although the clownfish is not harmed, other fishes approaching the anemone are stung by poison-filled threads, quickly die, and the clownfish and anemone share the meal.\n\nMarine biology is thus a fascinating field of study in which great advances are constantly emerging. Its importance, with over 2/3 of the world covered by oceans, is becoming quite evident.\n\nMarine Conditions in Hong Kong\n\nLet us turn our attention back to Hong Kong. Having seen the importance of temperature to marine creatures, perhaps a look at the temperature ranges found throughout the year in Hong Kong would be beneficial. A graph plotting the average\n\n* Trott, 1970.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205986, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "ASPECTS OF HONG KONG MARINE FAUNA\n\n61\n\nThe University will have a functional Marine Science Laboratory to be completed during the summer of 1970. This establishment will greatly aid and encourage development of marine sciences in the Colony.\n\nTwo aspects of our studies may be of immediate interest to the Colony. First, we are relating bottom fauna with the fishes that feed on such organisms. This approach has been used in other places for the past few decades as an effort to aid fishermen in finding more suitable fishing grounds. We have noted 146 species of fishes in and associated with Tolo Harbour. As some of our information comes from the Taipo office of the Agriculture and Fisheries Department, there is a likelihood that fishes from Mirs Bay and adjacent areas are also included. Another important study is pollution. By investigating the physico-chemical and biological factors important in Tolo Harbour, we intend to aid Government in guiding the development of communities like Shatin and Taipo, which are located on the shores of the Harbour. A sewage treatment plant will be established at the Chinese University site at Ma Liu Shui, and pollution studies will be correlated with the activities of this plant.\n\nThe Future of Marine Resources in Hong Kong\n\nOf great importance for the future of the colony is the conservation of resources available, whether terrestrial or marine. During the spring of 1969, the University of Hong Kong sponsored the Conference on the Development and Conservation of the Countryside. The essence of the outcome of this meeting was that Hong Kong is in a critical state of planning. We must know what we are conserving, and do our best to plan all development with an eye toward future utilization and needs. Every weekend and holiday, thousands of city dwellers flock to the countryside to commune with nature. Just as a receding tide leaves layers of seaweed, these weekend tourists leave their residue. There is a tendency for everyone in Hong Kong to throw away their trash without thought of where it might land. This is true of the city, the countryside, and the beaches—extending into the water by boating enthusiasts and fishermen. This is on an enlarged scale when considering local industries, sanitary conditions, and indeed, land removal and filling processes. The Conservancy Society of Hong Kong has recently been formed. This organization will", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206020, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "A NEW LOOK AT CANTONESE EXPLETIVES\n\n95\n\none witness as \"two other people, besides myself — and seven coolies\" and by a second witness as \"seven people — and three GWAEZIRLOO””.\n\nNor with the extraordinary reluctance to say the other's names right, which turns the easily pronounced BAY JING3 (or BUCK GING) into PEA KING, HAHN CO (or HAWN HOW) into HANG COW, and GWONG JOW3 into CANTON; or, the other way about, transformed Sir Winston Churchill into Mr. YAU, President John F. Kennedy into GUMMY DICK, or President Lyndon B. Johnson into JIMSON® Refusal to communicate is a separate subject, and a very disquieting one.\n\nI would help those who wish to be helped.\n\nFor the Western end of my comparisons most of my examples will be from English, because I think my audience will be most familiar with that language; although I shall emphasize to my Chinese friends the need to approach English by way of Greek and Latin, and to my English friends the need to approach modern Chinese by an equally devious route. And for the Eastern end I have confined myself to Cantonese examples, but have somewhat soft-pedalled the elements, very numerous elements, in the syntax and vocabulary of Cantonese which set it apart from other kinds of modern Chinese and make it both scientifically and for practical considerations a separate language, whatever we would like to think for other reasons.\n\nBut I have denied myself the pleasure of an exhaustive look at the \"classifiers\" which would alone give matter for a whole course of lectures. Although \"classifiers\" or congruence-classes are a feature not only of Chinese but of Thai, Japanese and many other languages, Cantonese with its hundred or more classes ever increasing, too, it would seem occupies a somewhat extreme position and I have therefore referred to this feature in more general terms, to leave room for other matters.\n\nTo come back to the two sentences which may have startled you at the opening.\n\n2 A7, a vulgar term for non-Chinese.\n\n3\n\n4 漢口\n\nthese, of course, are not SOAS romanizations.\n\n廣州6 st\n\n7+EN\n\n› AE", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206023, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "98\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\nin the light of Latin and Greek. Like Latin and Greek, all languages had to have clearly identifiable nouns, pronouns, adjectives, verbs, adverbs, prepositions, conjunctions and interjections; nouns, pronouns and adjectives had to be declined, with genders, numbers and cases; verbs had to be conjugated, with person, number, voice, mood and tense; even prepositions had to dance to the grammarians' tune, even though in Greek many of them were post-positions and even in Latin some of them were really suffixes, like the cum in TECUM.\n\nAll this had its utility, and I will suggest later that Cantonese too may with some advantage be studied in this way. But the grammarians' framework of an agglutinative hypotactical language with certain \"parts of speech\" and no others must first be loosened. We need, might I say, less a strait-jacket than a body-stocking, with considerable S-T-R-E-T-C-H.\n\nThe trouble, you see, with the classical grammarians' approach was that they left out so much. Having set up, for nouns, pronouns and adjectives, the landmarks of gender, number and case they were inhibited from even noticing that \"gender\" (which means only \"kind\", \"description\") need not be confined to masculine, feminine, neuter. \"Number\" need not be merely singular, dual, plural. And similarly with verbs.\n\nThe original basis of the Indo-European verb was voice (active, passive or reflexive) mood (infinitive, imperative, indicative, subjunctive, optative and various kinds of gerunds and participles) and aspect (perfective, imperfective, iterative, unique, inceptive). Tense, the indication of time, was a later development.\n\nThese forms were built up by prefixes, suffixes and infixes stuck on to the base or root; and the root itself could be modified (but not to the extent found in the Semitic family of languages) by reduplication, transposition, augment and vowel-changes.\n\nThere was probably also a structure of tones and stresses, but this is so inadequately covered by the various alphabets used in transcribing this family of languages that we know very little about how the patterns of words and sentences developed. But all these languages share the idea of syllables not separated in writing, of words written with a separating space, phrases and sentences,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206025, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "100\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\nFor a Chinese in particular, and in still more particular a Chinese brought up in Hong Kong, I am going to make myself unpopular and say it would be a miracle if any of them really did obtain a thorough grasp of English without first learning Latin, quite a lot of Latin, and some Greek. He needs the Greek because English has (perhaps unconsciously) borrowed a lot of its flexibility from Greek. Then, building on that foundation, he needs to read and read: some Shakespeare and Milton, of course, for they are two cornerstones of the English language, but still more he should read, whatever his religion, large chunks of the Authorized (King James) Version of the Bible, both Old and New Testament. Just as any student of Greek must read Plato, regardless of whether he approves of Plato's philosophy, so any student of English who keeps away from the Bible because he is neither a Christian nor a Jew is throwing away the most fruitful source book: for every English person, even the modern pagans, even those who for Scripture teaching use some other version (e.g., the Revised), still falls back in his ordinary speech on the diction and rhythms of the Authorized Version.\n\nLAT\n\nHaving read and learned by heart the basic speech patterns of the language, it is then safe for him to jump to such modern exponents as G. Bernard Shaw; yes, I would advise jumping all that way, leaping over the 18th and early 19th century writers; you can always go back for them afterwards. But in making this big leap you need an inquiring mind and a patient teacher. Why does Shaw always write ARN'T I? when you have been taught AM I NOT and so forth. At this point I could bewail the lack of an efficient method of writing either (or any) language. Cadmus' alphabet is as unsuitable for any modern language as LI HSIH's: though both were miracles in their day. G. B. Shaw must be grinning wryly at the damp squib his legacy turned out. But although it would be a fine thing if someone would bequeath a few millions to our universities to put a good team working on something of lasting value—a way to record, faithfully, the 15 or so local languages—don't forget that we have a way. The tape recorder makes it possible for the prose or poetry writer of today, in any language whether or not it has a writing, to compose exactly as he wishes it to go. So another piece of advice to the student: ask for a library of recorded radio scripts. But avoid\n\n94\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206029, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "104\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\nNow what, in Cantonese, are the things considered essential (and included); inessential (to be excluded unless there is positive reason to put them in). And which are the accepted models?\n\nHere I'm going to make myself unpopular again. One of the principal models followed by Cantonese speakers, whether they have read him or not, is Mencius. Yes, I know: Mencius wrote in what is called Late Archaic Chinese which is very different from modern Cantonese. True. But the differences (apart from pronunciation, and no one really knows how Mencius was pronounced) the differences are quite small; of vocabulary, not of structure. Where a word has gone out of use, replace it by a current word, maybe a pair of words. The structure, the order of the words, seldom needs changing.\n\nWhen drafting the notes for this talk I did have it in mind to inflict on you some readings from Mencius, in amplification of my point. But besides being too time-consuming, that is not necessary. It is all of ten years since a grammatical analysis of Late Archaic Chinese was published by W. A. C. H. Dobson of Toronto, and I invite your attention to his book19. Besides, Mencius is not the only model. Ssŭma Chien is another. For those who seriously want to find out what makes Cantonese tick, I suggest read aloud with a Cantonese teacher the first two books of Mencius, making him paraphrase them in modern Cantonese (you'll be able to do the rest of the books without him); then the same with the SIR-GE120.\n\nNow I'm not suggesting you read the whole of the SIR-GEI with a teacher. You'll be in too much of a hurry. And the learning of a language is something that won't be hurried. So pick, for your reading, a few chapters: fortunately this enormous history is in self-contained chapters or \"books\". I'd say skip the first 5 BUURN-GEE2 and read CREONN-CIRWRONQ22 and his son JRI-SAI, XRONG JRYR24 (Vol. 7) and XON GHOWZOO25 (Vol. 8). Then leave the BUURN-GEE2 and take two of the SAI-GHAAH26 I suggest CRAY TAAI-GHUNQ?27 (Vol. 32) and XURNG-ZIR28 (Vol. 47). Then as many of the\n\n19 Late Archaic Chinese, University of Toronto Press, 1959.\n\n23 二世(皇帝)\n\n20 史記 25 漢高祖\n\n21 本紀 22 秦始皇(本)\n\n28 孔子\n\n26 世家\n\n27 齊太公\n\n24 項羽", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206030, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "A NEW LOOK AT CANTONESE EXPLETIVES\n\n105\n\nLRIT-ZRYNV (biographies) as you can, for they are in my judgment the essence of SHIHMRAAR. The longest is that of SHOW CREONN3 (Vol. 69) but don't miss the important LREE-SHIH\" (Vol. 87).\n\nThen, just as I advised my Chinese friends to jump from Milton to Shaw, going back afterwards to Scott and Thackeray, so I advise my English friends seeking the essence of Cantonese to jump (a far longer jump) from SHIHMRAAR-CHINN30 to LREONO KAECHIW32 and, using the same method (reading the original aloud with a Cantonese teacher, sentence by sentence, and making him paraphrase it) tackle at least three chapters of his JARM-BHENO-SHAT essays. And observe, please, how much more he has to alter in his paraphrase of BRAAKWRAAV-MRANN34, even though LREONQ12 himself was a Cantonese, than he had to either with the late ZHAW philosopher or the late XON historian,\n\nAfter this you will be able, perhaps even without a teacher, to read the SEOE-WUUR-ZRYN3 and the SHAAMM-GWOK-ZI JIRNJRI3, after which if you still haven't got it there is no hope for you.\n\nWhat, then will you have “got”? And can I in a few sentences of analysis save you a little pain and trouble?\n\nWell, I think you will have found for yourselves that although modern Cantonese, like late Archaic Chinese, Historical Chinese and LREONQ's32 BRAAKWRAAV-MRANN34, does not possess parts of speech distinctively labelled as they are in Latin & Greek, it does have them in the more fluid sense that English has. Not usually by their form, but by their position, and the way they combine with certain particles and not with others, we may identify words as (if we like to call them so) nouns, pronouns, adjectives, verbs, adverbs and the rest. Except that a new class of words, often described as “particles\" but which I prefer to call \"expletives\"\n\n29 3014 30\n\n7\n\n31A 32 梁啟超 33 飲冰室\n\n34 #X. It is a great pity that journalists, and even scholars, will persist in calling this “Mandarin\", a totally different dialect for which the\n\nChinese is\n\n35周\n\n✯.\n\n16**\n\n37水浒傅 38 三陆志演義", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206047, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "122\n\nSerial\n\nAnalysis\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\nSOAS\n\n14 AEM S V CEARNG-MRH (XO0)\n\nZROU\n\n15 A FJO U ZROU-DHAK\n\n16 AJFO U MRH-ZROU-DHAK\n\nApproximate English equivalent\n\nplease do not.\n\nyes! I will (can) do it, it will (can) be done.\n\nno! I will not (cannot) do it, you may not do it, it will (can, may) not be done.\n\n17 AF JO U ZROU-MRH-ZROU-DHAK will (can) you do it? May I do it? Will (can, may) it be done?\n\n18 A FJQ V MREI ZROU-DHAK-DOO one has not been (but perhaps will be) able to do it.\n\n19 A FJQ V ZROU-DHAK-DOO-MREI has one been able (will one be able) to do it?\n\n20 A FJR Ụ ZROU-GARN what is being done prevents something else from being done (e.g. \"he is busy doing...\")\n\n+\n\n21 A FJRU ZROU-MRH-ZROU-GARN is something being done\n\n22 A FJR V ZROU-DHAK-DOO\n\n23 AFJR V ZROU-MRH-ZROU·\n\n24 A FJ SU\n\n25 A FLQ V\n\n26 A FM Q V\n\n27 AFM RV\n\nDHAK-DO0\n\nZRAU-ZROU\n\nMREI-ZROU-ZRY\n\nMAE-ZROU-ZRY\n\nMAE-ZROU\n\n28 AGJ PU MREI-ZROU\n\n29 BEJO U ZROU-MRH-DOO\n\n30 BEJ P U ZROU-DOO\n\n31 BEJ P U\n\nZROU-MRH-ZROU-DOO\n\n32 BEM SU JIU-ZROU\n\n33 BEM SU MRH-SAE-ZROU\n\nwhich prevents, etc.?\n\nI (you, he, one) can do (the negative is ambiguous, see serial 29).\n\ncan I (you, he, one) do?\n\nabout to do or be done.\n\ndefer doing, do later but not now.\n\ndon't do now.\n\ndon't do it! Stop doing it!\n\nhas not (been) done but may do (be done).\n\naction did not, or cannot, achieve its result (used as negative both to 22 and 30).\n\naction achieved its result.\n\ndid action achieve its result?\n\nI intend (if you, etc., intend) to do, this must be done.\n\nI (you) need not do, this need not be done (contrast serial 39).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206048, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "A NEW LOOK AT CANTONESE EXPLETIVES\n\n123\n\nSerial Analysis SOAS\n\n34 BEM SU SAE-MRHSAE-ZROU\n\n35 B FJQ U MREI-ZROU-DO0\n\n36 B FJQ U ZROU-DOO-MREI\n\n37 B FJ SU ZRAULRAY-ZROU\n\n38 B FJ S U ZRAULRAY-MRHZROU\n\n39 BFMR V MRHJIU-ZROU\n\n40 B G JP U ZROUZOR-MREI\n\n41 B G JP U ZROU-LOK\n\n42 B G J PU ZROU-XOO\n\n43 B G JP U ZROU-XOO-MREI\n\n44 BG JPU MREI-ZROU-XOO\n\n45 BG JS U ZRAULRAY-ZROU-X00\n\n46 BGL OU ZROU-ZOR\n\nApproximate English equivalent\n\n \n need I do, need this be done?\n action has not achieved its result but is still possible.\n \n \n has result been, or may it still be, achieved?\n will do (be done) at once.\n \n \n will stop doing (being done) at once.\n I do not intend (if you, etc. do not intend) to do. (Contrast serial 32).\n \n \n have you done, did you do, has it been done? (See serial 46).\n did, has done, has been done.\n \n \n successfully done, finished.\n finished?\n \n \n not finished but may still be.\n just on finished.\n \n \n (Imp.) do it! (Indic) done it.\n Note It may seem surprising to mark this as \"tense unspecified, mood anything but subjunctive\" but the common use as an imperative with monosyllabic verbs makes this necessary: e.g. MTIE! Open it!\n \n\n47 CEIQ V ZROU-MRHZROU\n\n48 CEJ PU JHAT-ZROU-ZRAU\n\n49 CE JPU JHAT-MRHZROU-ZRAU\n\n50 CE JQ V MRH-ZROU\n\n51 CEJS U ZHEONQGRAN-ZROU\n\n52 CEJ S U ZHEONQGRAN-MRHZROU\n\n53 CEJS U ZHEONQLROY-ZROU\n\n54 CEJ SU ZHEONQLROY-MRHZROU\n\n55 CEJS W MREILROY-ZROU\n\n \n will you do? Shall I do?\n Is he doing?\n \n \n as soon as it has (had) been done\n as soon as it stops being done.\n \n \n I am not doing, will not do.\n will soon do or be done.\n \n \n will soon stop doing or being done.\n will do or be done (but not soon).\n \n \n will stop doing or being done (but not soon).\n will be done.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206053, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "A BRITISH MARITIME CHART OF 1780 SHOWING HONG KONG\n\nHENRY D. Talbot*\n\nA recent acquisition by the Map Library of the Department of Geography and Geology of the University of Hong Kong is of some interest as it appears to be the earliest known British map or chart depicting the island of Hong Kong.\n\nThe title is \"A Chart of the China Sea from the Island of Sancian to Pedra Branca with the course of the River Tigris from Canton to Macao from a Portuguese draught communicated by Captain Hayter and compared with the Chinese Chart of the Macao Pilots\".\n\nThe places mentioned need little explanation as they are names still used today. Sancian is also called St. John's Island and is to the west of Macao, while Pedra Branca is today called Pedro Blanco and is an isolated rock, used as a navigational landmark, to the east of Hong Kong. The River Tigris is the name given to the river up to Canton, derived from the name of the narrows called \"Bocca Tigris\" (Tiger's Mouth) in Portuguese, a translation of the Chinese name.\n\nThe Captain Hayter is evidently Captain George Hayter of the East India Company Ship York. This ship was in Chinese waters frequently from 1741 up to 1786 and Hayter was compiler of another chart dated 1787.\n\nThe chart was \"... Printed for R. Sayer and J. Bennett Map and Chart-sellers No. 53 Fleet Street, as the Act directs, 29 Nov. 1780\" Robert Sayer (1725-1794) and John Bennett were well known as map-sellers at the end of the eighteenth century. It is recorded that Robert Sayer retired in 1794 after almost half a century in the map chart trade.\n\nThe size of the chart is 950 × 640 mm., while the size of the map itself is 781 × 596 mm. The latter is the length along the neatlines, the inner border of the map.\n\n* Mr. Talbot is Lecturer in the Department of Geography and Geology in the University of Hong Kong. He was Hon. Editor of this Journal in 1964.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206063, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "138 \n\nS. F. BALFOUR \n\ninto two parts: the one, Tanka and Hoklo, and the other, Punti and Hakka. \n\nThe Tanka live for the most part in boats. They support themselves almost entirely by fishing. Their only industries are net and rope-making, and dyeing with betel nut. They are rarely shopkeepers and never agriculturalists. In certain centres they form vast congregations of craft of all sizes but the nearest thing they achieve towards living on the shore is a kind of dwelling formed from what was originally an old boat too leaky to stay afloat which has been placed on struts. The very curious town of Tai O on Lantao Island is an example of this peculiar culture-dwelling. Whole streets of house-boats line the creeks, their front doors giving onto the water which is reached by a ladder. Every household has a boat moored beneath it and the traffic of boats to and fro is comparable to that of a town. Except that sometimes the struts of these dwellings are formed of granite slabs, probably borrowed elsewhere, there is a complete absence of stone or even of any notion of construction. The houses are constructed of old planks nailed together without system, their roofs are very poorly thatched with dried grass, there are no rooms beyond a covered verandah on which the cooking is done and an interior bedroom with one raised corner which forms a bed for the whole family.* \n\nOn the other hand, their boats are extremely well made. The biggest junks are constructed either for trawling or line fishing in deep water. They are made of teak or pine wood and have high sterns with accommodation for several generations of families. A feature which has apparently only been recently adopted in Europe is their water-tight compartments, so that if a leak is sprung, only one part of the ship need be baled out. Another feature which is more efficient than our European sailing craft is the rudder full of holes that can be easily turned without impairing its breaking value. The ships are cared for most regularly. Careening is done once a fortnight for pine wood craft and once a month in the case of teak. It is rather typical of their makeshift methods of house-building that they use the grass most suitable for careening in thatching their house-boats, \n\nThe Hoklo are also boat dwellers and are found in most of the main anchorages but their numbers are more frequent towards the east of the region, and in parts of Mirs Bay they predominate over \n\n* See also pp. 197-200 of this Journal. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206066, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n141\n\nof sand can be deduced from finds of more recent dating such as pottery and ornaments of Chinese peasants, but, given the proximity of the sites to the sea and the number of storms and typhoons which must have affected them, it is not likely that the sand has accumulated at a constant rate. The date of the settlements can only be inferred from a comparison of the objects found in them.\n\nThe objects are of three categories: stone, pottery and metal. These three categories are found so constantly together at the same level that they must have been used simultaneously by the same people.\n\nStone was used for tools and for ornaments. Of the stone tools there are two kinds: unpolished and polished. The former are rude hammers, bevels and knives of the neolithic type. They often bear traces of use. These might have been picked up and chosen for their sharpness or solidity or convenience and thrown away when a better was found, and they are the crudest tools that man could use. It is true, however, that they are not found in very large numbers compared with the other implements.\n\nThe polished stone tools, on the other hand, show a high stage of workmanship. The most remarkable are the adzes, a tool which at first sight looks like a large chisel with a slightly rounded cutting edge. The opposite end has a \"shoulder\" or socket which it is believed was fastened into a cleft piece of wood and bound firmly with hemp or reed. This piece of wood was affixed to a handle at right angles and the tool was used, as we would a hoe, to cut downward and inward.\n\nThe adzes are of all sizes. The author, in excavating the site on Lantau Island, has found seventeen. One is only two centimetres long; four others less than five centimetres; they look like miniature tools and it is not possible to guess what they were for. The majority are from 6 to 12 centimetres long, some of them made of stone probably chosen for its beauty. There are two of 19 centimetres length, solid tools with which it would be possible to hew planks or even, with much labour, to cut down a small tree.\n\nThe adzes are of granite or basaltic rock. Other types of stone implement are made of shale, a kind of soft slate. The polished stone weapons are all of this material. They are blades and arrow heads, very sharp and pointed, without thickness and grooved in the centre of the blade. Most of them were probably made for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206079, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "154\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\npopulation who took on Chinese surnames and customs. The town of Canton itself, although parts were surrounded by walls, continued to be inhabited by a large matshed population. It was full of Arabs, Indians and Persians who were allowed to have their own administration and laws and to settle in the place without hindrance. Here is a quotation from the famous Arab book known as the Chain of Chronicles which is an account of the trade with China in the ninth century compiled by the Zaid Hassan of Siraf in Arabia. The merchant Soleyman states:\n\n\"The reason why Chinese merchandise in Baghdad is at present rare is because fires are so common in Khanfu (Canton). This town is the principal port for ships and is the entrepôt for all trade between Arabia and China. The fires which consume the merchandise break out because the houses are built of bamboo and reed. Another cause of the paucity of merchandise (in Baghdad) is the large number of shipwrecks and the fact that the ships are so often raided by pirates or are forced to remain in port for long periods during their journeys.\"\n\nAnother merchant states in the same book: \"In 878 the rebel Ban Shua (Huang Chao) besieged Khanfu (Canton). After many days the town was taken. On this occasion 120,000 Mussulmans, Jews and Christians who were established in the city perished by the sword.\"\n\nSince this event preceded a decline in the trade with the west from Canton it is as well to try and form a picture of it up to this period.\n\nThe boats used were larger than any of the native craft that are now seen on the Chinese coast. As early as 413 Fa Hsien the Buddhist pilgrim returned from Java on a boat which carried over 200 people. It drifted, he says, at the mercy of the wind without taking any particular course and \"only by observing the sun, moon and stars was it possible to go forward.\" Fa Hsien's ship was set for Canton but was blown out of its course as far as Shantung where they landed without knowing in the least where they were. In spite of the difficulty of steering without a compass the trade route was very much helped, as it has always been, by the monsoons which blow from the north in winter and from the south in summer. There is some evidence that tacking was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "176\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\nis not an effective way of fighting pirates to give up territory, such useless tactics have never been heard of before in history.”\n\nThe hypocrisy of the official excuse is also pointed out by the scholar Ch'ü Ta-chün, author of a book on Kwangtung province30 which contains many satirical comments on the Manchus. He writes:\n\n“A Manchu self-styled official arrived who proclaimed himself greatly concerned with the protection of the people from marauders. The fact of the matter was of course that Formosa remained unconquered.”\n\nThe evacuation was announced by a proclamation giving the people three days in which to remove behind a boundary which had been set up roughly 50 li from the coast. This was disregarded and soldiers had to be marched in to drive the people away. At the same time the coastal defences were organised into a line of fortifications only a few miles from each other. Many of these mounds of earth and stone must still be visible on the hills. The people evacuated had no food or lodging provided for them. The fishing boats were prevented from entering or leaving the rivers by a line of stakes set across them. There appears to have been no attempt at organising relief. Some local magistrates tried to assign places for the refugees to live but there was too little land available for such a vast number. As a result, large numbers died, others trekked inland; whilst a good many managed to avoid the boundary guards and returned to their villages.\n\nA second and more stringent evacuation then took place. The boundary was placed even further inland and everyone was made to leave their homes. Twenty-four villages whose population remained were severely punished and the people were threatened with death if they returned. A large number died from ignorance of the official decrees since they were not adequately circulated and not all could read them. The soldiers after removing the population had instructions to pull down the houses and build forts and towers with the bricks. Ch'ü Ta-chün describes the distress over the boundary as follows:\n\n30 廣東新語 - 屈大鈞著", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206111, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "186\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nthe small pre-war Yuk Wong (or Jade King) Temple, recently reconstructed, and to some open ground now occupied by a theatrical matshed erected for the Tam Kung festival where Wai Chau and Cantonese opera will be performed for the traditional five nights and four days. This is organised by the people of Ah Kung Ngam, and a small booth on the left-hand side of the road (going in) is plastered with large sheets of orange paper on which the names of all subscribers to this free opera have been written. Up to the war of 1941 and again after the Liberation, up to 13 years ago, my local informants say that puppet plays were held here, but the greater resources of a larger population have now enabled the local people to have opera troupes instead. Both Wai Chau and Cantonese opera are performed, and I was promised the former for the day of our visit.* Among the principal organisers are an old Hoklo fisherman of 75 who has lived at Ah Kung Ngam for nearly sixty years and two middle-aged Hakka men whose families have been settled there for 3-4 generations.\n\nAccording to the old Hoklo fisherman who first came to Ah Kung Ngam about 1911-1912, the Yuk Wong Temple was then 'a broken house with an incense burner'. He goes on to say that it was restored pre-war by a big subscriber.\n\nWalking back from Ah Kung Ngam (and later on, in passing by bus through Shau Kei Wan) the visitor will notice the abandoned quarry sites on the hillsides. The official yearly reports of the Hong Kong Government in the later 19th century (styled Blue Books) show that the Shau Kei Wan quarries were then much more important than any elsewhere on the Island and rivalled those in Old British Kowloon. We note, for instance, that there were 72 quarries operating there in 1872, 49 in 1881, and 51 in 1891.\n\n*The subject of the Wai Chau opera was taken from the San Kuo or Romance of the Three Kingdoms, one of the most famous novels in Chinese literary history. The episode which was the subject for this particular play, entitled \"An Expedition for Revenge\", can be read in English between pages 597-607 of volume 1 of C. H. Brewitt-Taylor's translation of the novel in two volumes published by Kelly & Walsh, Limited, Shanghai: Hong Kong: Singapore, 1925.\n\n†The old man is right in thinking it was before his time. A list of temples in CSO No. 296/95, an old Secretariat file now kept in the Registrar General's Department, lists three trustees, all named Cheung, for the Yuk Wong temple at \"A Kung Ngam\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206125, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nknown geologist and archaeologist. A few notes and articles from his pen on Hong Kong subjects appeared in Vols. 8 and 9 (1968 and 1969) of this Journal.\n\nThese pile houses are the habitation of Tanka,(4) the boat people of South China, and Tai O has long been a considerable fishing port and market town, indeed the principal and only one of any size on Lantau Island. At the 1911 census of the Colony the land population was 2248 persons and was probably outnumbered by the floating population which stood at 5413 for the whole of Lantau. The pile huts were probably there long before the British took over the New Territories in 1899 following the Convention of Peking, 9th June, 1898. One of the early administrative reports of the District Officer, South (1911) mentions taking over responsibility from the Harbour Office for issuing licences to pile dwellers at Tai O Creek, when 221 new matshed permits were issued at $1 p.a., and in 1916 it was stated that there were still as many as 350 matsheds there.\n\nFires were always a hazard to these dwellings of wood and palm leaves. A big fire was noted in the 1916 report and it is no surprise to read in a later report of a really big one in 1926 when 300 matsheds were destroyed. Fortunately there was no loss of life, due, it was related, to it being high tide at the time of the fire.\n\nTyphoons, too, were a constant menace to these frail structures and in 1927, the year after the big fire, the District Officer notes that a typhoon caused great damage to the matsheds.\n\nThe photographs at plates 26 to 29 are by Mr. Schofield, and the plans at Figs. 1 and 2 are re-drawn from his notebook. I am greatly indebted to Mrs. Katherine M. Schofield for permission to reproduce her husband's valuable notes. The italicised sentences are my additions. The aerial view of Tai O Creek at plate 25 is by courtesy of the Hong Kong Government.\n\nMr. Schofield's Text\n\nThe accompanying plan (Fig. 1) is of a typical shed at Yee Chung (二涌) Second Creek, Tai O. It measures 9′ in width and 29′ 2′′ in depth (32′ 5′′ including the 1 metre deep veranda) and is 7′ high. It is 8′ above the waters of the creek at mid", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206138, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n211\n\nto a local princess. Fifteen years later he hears that his mother and several members of his family are guarding the Chinese border very close to where he is. When the play starts, he is longing to see his own people again, and his wife, the princess, makes him admit the reason for his sadness to her and also his identity. She agrees to help him to get out of the barbarian camp on condition that he comes back the next day. The most dramatic moment of the play is the brief encounter between Ssu Lang and his mother and his first Chinese wife. However, he keeps his word and returns.\n\nThe second play is a farce. The philosopher Chuang Tzu tests his wife. He pretends to be dead and reappears under the form of a young handsome scholar. He seduces his wife and even persuades her to break open the coffin in which her husband lies to remove his heart to make a medicine for him. However, when the wife opens the coffin, the philosopher reappears and confounds her. She commits suicide from shame.\n\nBesides the translations, the book also includes a general introduction to Chinese opera, some photographs of scenes from the two plays, detailed explanations of extracts from Ssu Lang visits his mother (the latter have been recorded on tape and are available from the publisher), a glossary of Chinese theatre terms and an index.\n\nBy choosing these two plays, the author has presented nearly all the different kinds of Chinese opera characters (only the painted faces are not represented). Both plays are very well known and often played; for example here in Hong Kong, by the Chun Chau Peking Opera School in Lai Chi Kok Amusement Park. Ssu Lang visits his mother was, moreover, played two months ago in the City Hall by a group of amateurs; and famous airs from this opera are as well known to the Chinese as are the famous airs of Verdi to Italians. The background explanation is an excellent summing-up of what must be known in order to enjoy a Chinese opera; and if one wants to know more, one can read the Chinese Classical Theatre by the same author. This earlier book speaks in generalities, but here A. C. Scott gives two precise examples and shows how the principles of Chinese operas work in a given play.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206140, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n213\n\nacademic subject. Indeed, Scott has tried this with American actors: the Butterfly Dream was played at the Institute for Advanced Studies in the Theatre Arts of New York. This approach to theatre breaks a new path in research. Generally speaking, academics store culture in books as if they were canning it — but tinned food loses its flavour. Here Scott treats Chinese plays as a living part of culture, made to be played, not to be kept in libraries.\n\nBut if the author, by trying not to cut culture off from life, shows that universities need not necessarily be funeral parlours of art, his publisher is singularly backward. It is very difficult to visualise movements from written descriptions alone. It would have been much better if we could have had photos and drawings of each movement in the margin and colour photos for the costumes; and if, as well as providing the tapes, the publisher could supply a little film. Books continue to be published on the same old pattern. In this instance, a little case with a tape, a film, an album of photos and the text itself would have suited the aims of A. C. Scott far better. A documentary film might have been even better than a book; but from my own experience here in Hong Kong, where I have tried to persuade companies and so-called “cultural” organisations to make a purely explanatory film on Chinese opera, I have learnt that films are the monopoly of a mafia and the scholar is condemned to be book-bound.\n\nHong Kong, 1970.\n\nANON\n\nGOLDEN GUIDE TO HONGKONG AND MACAO. P.H.M. Jones, Hong Kong, Far Eastern Economic Review Ltd., 1969, pp. 453, with colour and black and white illustrations and maps. HK$10. (Paperback)\n\nThe preface to this work states that the Far Eastern Economic Review had long planned a companion volume to its Golden Guide to South and East Asia in the form of a detailed guide to Hongkong. This has now materialized in the present Guide ‘which is designed primarily to help tourists and travellers on their way and to sharpen their interest in the modern scene'. The compiler", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206141, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "214\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nhopes 'that it will also serve as a reference book for permanent residents, not only those whose interest in local history will be satisfied with what they read in its pages, but those desirous of going back to its sources and judging their value' which they are enabled to do through the bibliography and frequent allusions to other works in the text.\n\nThere can be no doubt that the author has succeeded in his purpose. This is a book that can be recommended with complete confidence to old residents, new arrivals, and casual visitors alike as being far in advance of anything else of its kind, in or out of print. So much rubbish has been written about Hong Kong that it is a delight to pick up a reference work which is as full and as accurate as wide reading and careful work can make it, and one too which is lively, intelligent, sane, and stimulating. Besides the usual run of information essential to the tourist and useful to the resident, and the descriptive material on the various districts and places of interest, there are interesting general historical sketches of the development and character of Hong Kong and Macau, and brief summaries of the relations of each place with China. Mr. Jones is to be congratulated on such a worthwhile addition to the literature.\n\nMembers of the Branch will feel gratified that the author has made extensive use of the contents of the Journal since its first number was published in 1961 and that in the bibliography he has commented that the articles on local subjects 'collectively represent an outstanding contribution to knowledge of the history, natural history, ethnology, etc. of the region'. If our efforts assist towards the appearance of guides like this, they represent time well spent in Hong Kong's interests.\n\nHong Kong, 1970.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTHE CHINESE FESTIVE BOARD Corinne Lamb, 153 pp. illus. Hong Kong, Vetch & Lee, 1970.\n\nThis reprint of The Chinese Festive Board by Corinne Lamb is readable and informative. She gives a short insight into those pre-war days when living was more leisurely for all classes and food was one of the important things in life.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206197, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "At a later meeting the committee further decided that our active support should begin by informing you officially of our views on this important subject, but in doing so, I must not give you the impression that it represents the considered opinion of the Society as a whole. That may be forwarded later.\n\nI would however like to take this opportunity of making the point which I personally believe cannot be too strongly stressed at this stage of Hong Kong's development, where one so frequently still hears the question asked: \"Why do we need a public museum?\" Those who still ask that question obviously know nothing of modern museums or modern education. We need an up-to-date museum, not because all other cities in the world worthy of the name have at least one museum and that therefore we must follow suit, but because a museum in these days is something more than a mere repository of things relating to the past; it is as much an active, integral and essential part of any system of public education as a school, a college or a university is.\n\nAny modern museum worthy of the name provides opportunities for study which are complementary to the routine courses provided by institutions of learning at all levels of education - primary, secondary or tertiary - and the real value of these complementary opportunities lies in the fact that they are of a more informal nature, and consequently allow (and indeed encourage) the development of initiative and specialization among pupils.\n\nFor this reason, expenditure on a museum project is not to be regarded as favouring the intelligentsia or a minority group; it is essential for its part in the balanced development of the young minds in the colony of all classes.\n\nThis makes it of all the more importance in Hong Kong where our youth forms over 50% of our population, because the financial provision for these educational facilities is every bit as important as the provision of recreational facilities for our young people which so much more readily captures the imagination of social workers and the readers of the headlines in our press.\n\nYours faithfully,\n\nL. T. RIDE\n\nPresident,\n\nHong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206212, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE TAIPINGS AT NINGPO\n\n23\n\nas a creed, or ethics, that the world ever witnessed.\" Warming to his task, Harvey declared: \"The first impression of a sensible and reasoning Englishman, on coming into contact with Taepingdom is one of horror, then of amazement, with contempt and disgust following each other in succession. Taepingdom is a huge mass of 'nothingness'... It is a gigantic bubble, that collapses on being touched, but leaves a mark of blood on the finger.” In such light, Harvey's advice was simple: \"Your Excellency may rest assured that we shall only arrive at a correct appreciation of this movement, and do it thorough justice, when it is treated by us as land piracy on an extensive scale — piracy odious in the eyes of all men — and, as such, to be swept off the face of the earth by every means within the power of the Christian and civilized nations trading with this vast Empire.\"\n\nIn his dispatch to London of April 10, 1862, British Minister Frederick Bruce enclosed Harvey's \"very able report” and added: \"No commerce can co-exist with their presence, and no specific relations are possible with a horde of pirates and brigands, who are allowed to commit every excess, while professing a nominal allegiance to an ignorant and ferocious fanatic.\" In another dispatch eight days later Bruce emphasized this theme saying that the presence of the Taipings in any district is \"accompanied by the utter destruction of the materials of trade.\"19 Thus all evidence to the contrary from Ningpo and elsewhere of Taiping efforts to encourage trade were totally ignored, to be drowned out as a matter of fact, by such sustained propaganda, so that the impression has remained ever since that the Taipings were somehow anathema to commerce.\n\nThus the stage was carefully being set for the climax. The British, with the French, awaited the opportune moment, or more precisely, an opportune pretext. This came on April 22, 1862. The occasion was the triumphant return to Ningpo of General Fan who had been away at Nanking. During a cannon salute, unfortunately aimed in the direction of the foreign settlement, some shots reportedly killed one or two Chinese within the settlement, although the report itself seems questionable. On the same day, some Taiping soldiers fired musket shots toward the H.M.S. Ringdove. The ship's Captain immediately protested, and the very responsive Taiping General Huang replied apologetically, on the very same day, promising punishment for the offenders.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206220, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE TAIPINGS AT NINGPO\n\n31\n\nof the entire Taiping Revolution from 1853 to 1864 as it related to foreign powers. At the least, it suggests once again a need for renewed consideration both of the Taiping period in itself and of the historical tradition which transmitted our understanding of it.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Romaine to Hammond, No. 34, Admiralty, February 17, 1862, Inclosure 1, Hope to Admiralty, Shanghai, December 22, 1861, Blue Books, pp. 90-91.\n\n2 Harvey to Hammond, No. 32, Ningpo, December 7, 1861, Inclosure 1, Ibid., p. 85.\n\n3 The letters to both Taiping generals are translated as Inclosures 3 and 4 in Harvey to Hammond, No. 32, Ibid., pp. 86-88.\n\n4 Harvey to Hammond, No. 33, December 18, 1861, Ibid., p. 89.\n\n5 Romaine to Hammond, Admiralty, February 17, 1862, Inclosure 3, Ibid., p. 95.\n\n6 Ibid.\n\n7 Frederick Wells Williams, The Life and Letters of Samuel Wells Williams, LL.D., New York, 1889, p. 336.\n\n8 W. H. Sykes, The Taiping Rebellion in China, London, 1863, p. 34.\n\n9 The China Mail, Hong Kong, May 8, 1862, reprinted from the Shanghae Commercial News, May 2, 1862.\n\n10 Sykes, p. 19.\n\n11 Ibid.\n\n12 Ibid., pp. 49-53.\n\n13 G. E..., \"Rebels in the Ningpo District,\" North China Herald, No. 615, May 10, 1862.\n\n14 Harvey to Hammond, No. 36, January 3, 1862, Inclosure 1, \"Correspondence respecting....\" Blue Books, p. 107.\n\n15 Romaine to Hammond, No. 34, Inclosure 5, Corbett to Hope, Ningpo, December 20, 1861, Blue Books, p. 97.\n\n16 This seems evident, for example, in the writings of A. E. Moule obtainable at the Church Missionary Society archives in London, and in his undated Personal Reminiscences at the Essex Institute Library.\n\n17 Harvey to Hammond, No. 3, Ningpo, March 20, 1862, Inclosure 4, \"Further Papers....\" pp. 12-16.\n\n18 In this dispatch, Bruce makes another unwarranted generalization about foreign views of the Taipings: \"The experience of several years and the testimony of all foreigners who have been among them, show that they are unable to govern.\" Bruce to Russell, No. 14, Peking, April 10, 1862, Ibid., pp. 18-20.\n\n19 Bruce to Russell, No. 15, Peking, April 8, 1862, Ibid., p. 21.\n\n20 Admiralty to Hammond, No. 32, July 28, 1862, Inclosure 4, \"Further Papers relating to....\" Blue Books, p. 44.\n\n21 Inclosure 9 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 48.\n\n22 Inclosure 6 in No. 32, Ibid., p. 45.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206227, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "38\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\npower. However, she lacks a capable general to command this gigantic military force. To rely upon a tremendous number of soldiers without a brilliant commander is, in fact, unreliable...\n\n+\n\nThe most authoritative comment on Tseng's article was from Sir Rutherford Alcock, the former British Minister to China. He gave his opinion in the April issue of the Asiatic Quarterly Review, that China was not already awake, as Tseng had described in his work. He emphasized that the army and navy built up by Li Hung-chang could hardly be the equal of those of European powers. Alcock suggested that China must launch immediate political and financial reforms before she could quickly build up a strong and efficient army or navy.\n\nAfter the publication of Tseng's article, Charles Denby, United States' Minister to China, in his dispatch to the State Secretary, Thomas F. Bayard, included a copy of Tseng's article together with his personal comments. Denby thought all the points listed in Tseng's article had to wait for quite a long time before they could be smoothly carried out. Denby believed that China had to work very hard for centuries before she could win a decisive battle against any of the European powers. As long as China could not build her own railways, it was beyond her ability to do anything further; for Denby thought that railways were the most important thing, if China wanted to carry out political, economical and military reforms.\n\nOf all the comments and criticisms, none were as constructive and concrete as Ho Kai's. After Ho Kai read Tseng's work, which appeared in the China Mail in Hong Kong on 8 February 1887, he immediately wrote a lengthy article and had it published in the same paper on 16 February 1887. In his letter addressed to the editor, he said:\n\nI read with great interest in your issue of the 8th instant, a remarkable article on ‘China — the Sleep and Awakening' purporting to have been written by the Marquis Tseng, which will (as was there stated) 'appear in the forthcoming number of the Asiatic Quarterly Review.' I do not intend to write exactly a critical review of this truly 'remarkable' article, but I am resolved to take this early opportunity to offer a few humble words in season to the noble Marquis", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206228, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION \n\n39 \n\nand those who think with him. I have watched over the condition of China with much hope and anxiety. I have long looked forward to her awakening from her lethargic slumber of centuries with eager earnestness. Consequently the remarks I am about to make are the result of years of study, and with sincerity they are now offered. What heed will be paid to them by those most concerned I know not much I do not even dare to hope for; but surely the time had come for someone, however insignificant, to attempt the rousing of the all-but-eternal dreamer into activity and to wean her from her chronic state of drowsy oblivion. The task I have set myself is a gigantic one. My poor efforts will prove but drops into the ocean. That may be, none the less I wish to raise my voice with no uncertain sound, and, when opportunity occurs, put my shoulder to the wheel along with those who are more highly gifted than I am. \n\nHo Kai then questioned whether the sleeper was really awake. He reviewed Tseng's opinion on preparations for building a strong and efficient navy and army, procedures for political and financial reforms and the general line of China's foreign policy. Ho Kai was of the opinion that China could not be deemed wide-awake even if she had achieved the goal Tseng predicted. What Tseng advocated, Ho Kai stressed, was but a dream. What China needed was basic political, educational and economic reforms. If Tseng's plan were to be carried out, it would be to put the cart before the horse. The result would certainly not be progressive but retrogressive. He said: \n\nNone will dispute the vast resources of the Chinese Empire, nor is there anyone who doubts the unceasing industry and latent strength of her teeming millions. All the materials essential to the building up of a mighty nation are there and in abundance. At the commencement, however, she requires some wise articles and the laying of a firm and lasting foundation. What that foundation is or ought to be one has not to go far to seek. It has been, is, and ever shall be the true foundation of every truly great nation. It may be summed up in a sentence, viz, equitable rule and right government. China can never \n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206232, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION \n\n43 \n\nway. Money played an important part and so did favouritism. Ho Kai pointed out that some candidates even provided themselves with substitutes who wrote the examination papers for them for a substantial consideration; others took large collections of old essays into the examination hall to copy; while others again ensured their success by valuable presents. Ho Kai strongly believed that officials selected in this way were bound to jeopardize the governmental administration. \n\nHo Kai challenged Tseng on this point by referring to the Foochow fleet.13 He asked: \n\nHas not the Foochow naval engagement which the Marquis alludes to distinctly proved that it is not? Was not the commander-in-chief of the Foochow fleet a literate of the first water, and was not his knowledge of the Chinese classics intimate, and was he not a scholar who had passed his third literary examination with flying colours and finally been admitted a member of the Imperial College? But the defeat was not his fault. He could no more help it than, to use a common phrase, could the man in the moon. Where had he been trained in naval warfare, and where had he got his knowledge of naval engagements? \n\nHo Kai lamented that no one could tell what would be the consequence of this illiberal policy, but he was certain that China had deprived herself in this way of many good and faithful servants who otherwise would have served her with loyalty and distinction. \n\nTseng had expressed his confidence that under the leadership and guidance of (Sir) Sherrard Osborn, the British officer who had been seconded to China, a strong and really efficient Navy could be created. Ho Kai, however, strongly criticised Tseng's lack of insight. He wrote: \n\nThere is scarcely a civilized country in the world which needs a really efficient and strong fortification along her coast more than China. But there is something which she is in greater need of, that is, competent hands to man her forts and attend to and fight her ships. Big guns and forts are all very well in their way, but they are utterly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "48\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nThe opinion of Tseng Chi-tse expressed in his article was thoroughly criticized by Ho Kai, as shown above, on the basis of his personal judgment and also his knowledge of the Western world acquired during his residence in Hong Kong and stay in England. Ho Kai's article was, indeed, an important proclamation on China's reforms, and his criticism was very logical and sincere. In his conclusion he said that every word in his article had been uttered with sincerity and without the slightest malice or ill-feeling. Ho Kai also reminded Tseng Chi-tse that it was no use to hide China's defects and to defer the remedy. He hoped Tseng would realize that if a man wore a sword and put on a coat of armour it did not prove that he was a knight. In conclusion, Ho Kai urged Tseng Chi-tse to read a passage which he extracted from the work of Mencius and Analects as a guide of his policy.\n\n「王如施仁政於民,省刑罰,薄稅斂,可使制梃,以撻秦楚之堅甲利兵。」...... 「上下交征利,而國危矣。」...... 「苟為後義而先利,不奪不餍。」... 「保民而王,莫之能禦也。」...... 「足食足兵,民信之矣。自古皆有死,民無信不立。」...... 「羿善射,奡盪舟,俱不得其死然禹稷躬稼而有天下。」\n\nThese passages may be rendered as follows; after Legge's translation:\n\n \n If your Majesty will indeed dispense a benevolent government to the people, being sparing in the use of punishments and fines, and making the taxes and levies light, you will then have a people who can be employed, with sticks which they have prepared, to oppose the strong mail and sharp weapons of the troops of Ts'in (#) and Ch’ü (#).\n \n \n Superiors and inferiors will try to snatch the profit one from the other, and the kingdom will be endangered.\n \n \n If righteousness be put last, and profit be put first, they will not be satisfied without snatching all.\n \n \n The love and protection of the people; with this there is no power which can prevent a ruler from attaining it.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206258, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND KAIFONGS\n\n69\n\nalmost invariably status-seekers, as contrasted with the ordinary, passive members whose chief aim in joining the associations is in many cases to obtain assistance in time of need. In Hong Kong, the avenues to political power are closed to the ordinary citizen, since there is no democratic government. Thus, participation in traditional social institutions has come to be the most effective means of gaining social status. When an individual has achieved sufficient prestige as a benefactor in his association, most likely he would be invited to become an office-holder in its management committees. And the more offices a person holds, through multiple holding of offices in different associations, the more likely he is to be recognized as a community leader. In fact, the number of offices held by an individual is often the index of his importance in community life. The Kaifongs are one of the many social institutions in which the traditional status-seeker desires office and prominence. They enjoy a prestige comparable to the district and dialect associations in the overseas Chinese communities.\n\nUnlike the chambers of commerce, or the district and dialect associations in overseas Chinese communities, the Kaifongs in Hong Kong do not embrace any particular economic interests, although the Kaifong members come from a wide range of commercial activities and may reap business benefits from their increasing social contacts within the associations.\n\nUnlike the community leaders among the overseas Chinese, the Kaifong leaders are in no sense \"marginal\" to the Chinese society or the European society in Hong Kong. On the contrary, the Kaifong leaders are almost completely traditional Chinese people, both in their family background, their education, their outlook and even in their personal business alliances. Unlike their overseas counterparts, few Kaifong leaders speak the official English language or are conversant with Western culture. Their leadership status is purely within the Chinese community per se, and their influence with the Hong Kong government must be traced back to the official policy of recognition and encouragement of the Kaifong movement.\n\nTo sum up, the significance of the Kaifong associations to local community life lies in their threefold functioning as welfare, political, and status agencies. However, the emphasis in Kaifong functions has been shifting in the past twenty years in response to\n\nPage 70\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206261, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "72\n\nALINE K. WONG\n\n1967 Riots, the Kaifongs have increasingly made recommendations to the Government either as individual bodies or through the Research Council and the new Federation. They have increasingly helped to form public opinion with regard to policy issues. However, the new role of the Kaifongs must be attributed partly to the changed policy of the Government in paying more heed to public expression on policy issues since the early 1960s. The Kaifongs have taken advantage of the new situation to present their views on various economic and social measures. Recently, the Government has solicited their opinions in particular, since the Kaifongs came to play a very important role in rallying popular support for the Government during the Communist-inspired 1967 riots,\n\nTo conclude, the work of the Kaifongs is not only dictated by their own financial needs, but is also influenced to a significant degree by the welfare and social policies of the Government. The case of the Kaifongs serves as an illustration of the need of traditional institutions to adapt to the demands of rapidly changing urban conditions. Although the Chinese community in Hong Kong is not a close ethnic community like the Chinese communities overseas, yet the Chinese culture predominates over the social life of the local population. And even though the Kaifongs are by no means the main prop to the traditional culture, yet they represent the cultural forces still working for a great majority of the people. But similar to the Chinese institutions overseas, they are not immune from the processes of social change in such a dynamic society as Hong Kong. However, they are not well equipped to cope with them. Change is not easy, given the traditional structure of the Kaifongs, their traditional leadership and traditional policy outlook, they can no longer meet the modern demands for professional and specialized social services. In spite of the fact that they are making efforts along the direction of community development, lacking the professionally-qualified staff, they are unlikely to make great successes. Thus, as the Government is taking over more and more responsibility for social welfare, the Kaifongs' traditional welfare functions are decreasing in importance. However, so long as the political makeup of the Colony stays relatively unchanged, the status-conferring function of the Kaifong associations is likely to remain, since wealth is likely to continue being converted into status rather than power.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206275, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "86\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nof substantial Chinese merchants was not realized.\n\nThe Blue Book reports for both 1845 and 1846 noted some signs of a growing stability in the Chinese population. In 1845 it was stated that \"both in numbers and respectability the Chinese are improving, being accompanied in a greater number of instances by their families\", and in 1846, \"the proportion of females increases as a feeling of security induced Chinese settlers to bring over their families\". The settling of families was welcomed because it indicated that the Chinese who did so were willing to consider Hong Kong as a place of permanent residence. Although there had been noted some progress in this area, the report for 1848 indicated that it was not sustained. \"There exists no local attachment, which may be ascribed to the absence of respectable families born on the island, with which the adventurers could contract marriages. The rent of houses and shops is at present low enough to enable any man who has a middling trade to lodge his family, yet very few decent married females reside here. In this respect there has been very little improvement during the past year\". The paucity of Chinese families in Hong Kong is reflected in the annual census of shops and buildings. In 1845 there were as many brothels as families, twenty-five families and twenty-six brothels. Within five years the families had increased to 141, but there were only six more brothels than in 1845. The 1850s saw a substantial influx of Chinese families escaping from the turbulent conditions in Kwang Tung Province created by the Taiping Rebellion.\n\nThis influx changed somewhat the characteristics of Hong Kong's Chinese population. It acquired more stability, responsibility and economic strength. Examination of an emerging élite in this period shows that its members can be divided into five occupational groups: contractors, merchants, compradores, government servants and Christian employees of missionary groups. The biographies of the individuals in each of these groups found on our lists for determining élite status provide the background for élite emergence in the 1850s and 1860s.\n\nTHE CONTRACTORS GROUP\n\nWhen Hong Kong was settled the immediate need of buildings brought many connected with the building trade to Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206288, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n99\n\nOn the 1859 contribution list for Chinese textbooks he appears under his usual name, Leong On.\n\nIn 1876 the London Missionary Society wished to raise funds for a proposed school in Wanchai. The Rev. Mr. Eitel called a meeting of the leading Chinese compradores to present his Society's plans and enlist their financial support. However, he encountered the opposition of Leung On at the meeting. Eitel wrote to Mission Directors in London,\n\nI explained the whole subject, especially dwelling on the point that as soon as our native church is able to provide for all the expenses connected with the chapel it shall be handed over to the native church, and that I intended to insert the same stipulation in the deed for the school building. Unfortunately there\n\na very loquacious compradore present, who lately at an interview with the Governor made himself notorious by his narrow self-conceit, a Mr. Leung On, compradore to Gibb, Livingston and Company. He proposed that we should teach the boys no religion but confine ourselves to exclusively secular teachings. When I positively declined doing any such thing, he coolly proposed that I should hand over the piece of ground to him, saying he would build the school himself and keep it going if the Bible and Christian books were excluded. Of course, I declined this proposal, and stuck to my own plans.35\n\nIt is not surprising that Rev. Mr. Eitel does not mention Leung On as one of the contributors to the school fund, though he quickly raised $585 from other compradores and felt confident that the amount could be increased to $2,500 with more extensive solicitations.\n\nIn 1883 Leung On encountered business reverses and the court appointed Trustees to administer his bankrupt estate. He died in 1890 at Canton, leaving an estimated estate in Hong Kong of $20,000. His son and his grandson succeeded to his position as compradore for Gibb, Livingston and Company, the latter dying in 1962; thus the Leung family served the company for well over a century.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n+\n\n105\n\nHe was not only perhaps a good preacher but a remarkably good man of business. He undoubtedly made a good use of his time, money and opportunities. He was a man who, from comparatively small beginnings, invested small sums of money in lots of land which he held on to, undoubtedly became in course of some years a man of considerable means and property. As a man in this position he took a very sensible view of the character and disposition of the gentleman under whom he was working in his special services as a preacher. He came to the conclusion that Dr. Chalmers, the head of the Mission by whom he was employed, would not like a man engaged in such services to have too great an interest in money. It was not wise for him to pose as a man possessing very much property, and if it were known that he did possess so much, more assistance might be looked for from him on behalf of the mission, than he cared to give.40\n\nBe that as it may, his wealth did enable his sons to acquire a good education and thus qualify themselves for leadership in the Chinese community.\n\nIn 1873 his son Ho Kai (f) went to study in England. He returned with degrees in medicine and law and an English bride. His wife soon died and her bereaved husband endowed Alice Memorial Hospital to her memory. Ho Kai was said to have been the first Chinese in Hong Kong to wear western style clothes. He was a recognized leader of the Chinese. He was a member of the Legislative Council from 1890 to 1914 and was knighted in 1912.41\n\nAnother son of the Rev. Ho Fuk Tong, Ho Wyson alias Ho Shan Po (1) also studied law in England. He did not have the gifts of leadership of his father and brother. An account of him written in 1891 states that although he \"is a thoroughly well read lawyer,... (he) is handicapped in court practice by a bashful modesty and a deficiency in what is known as 'the gift of gab'. He is also handicapped in general business by his phenomenally limited office hours. It is a joke in legal circles that Wyson's hours are from twelve to three, with an interval of one hour for tiffin\".42 He died in 1891.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206311, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "122\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nManagement and the Registrar General's Department, the more influence the former would have within the Chinese community. The Committee would be in a far stronger position to moderate government policies - or at least to influence the Registrar General by a flow of opinion and advice about the wishes of the Chinese than any committee which was remote from government. It seems likely that Wei Yuk, a shrewd man of affairs, understood that once the Registrar General brought the Committee within the colonial system of government, the latter would be forced not only to give the members of the Committee much 'face' but would have to engage in an intimate and prolonged dialogue with it: benefits would need to pass in both directions. Each, the Registrar General and the Committee would need to feel it gained from the special relationship25.\n\nBasically, the system created by Lockhart and Wei Yuk remained unchanged - there were a few slight modifications until 1941, the year of the Japanese occupation. The members of the Committee were nominated to their office by the Governor in Council, on the advice of the Registrar General (after 1913 renamed the Secretary for Chinese Affairs); and the Registrar General, before he put forward the name of a Chinese to the Governor, canvassed the opinions of prominent Chinese: nominees needed the support and approbation of both Chinese notables and the Registrar General.\n\nIn 1917 the Committee was enlarged from 12 to 14, exclusive of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, the ex officio chairman, by the addition of two members selected from the retiring annual committees of the Tung Wah Hospital and Po Leung Kuk but holding their appointments for the term of one year only. Usually these special nominees were the retiring chief directors of the two associations26. They were probationers in a sense. But usually such 'short-term' members of the District Watch Committee were made full members at a later date; or, in some cases, after their year of office was up. This special device allowed the Secretary for Chinese Affairs to include on the Committee any promising, emergent leader in these two lesser associations; at the same time, it helped inflate the status of the committees of the Tung Wah Hospital and Po Leung Kuk by making possible a speedier transition for some to the key advisory board, the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The District Watch Committee \n\n131 \n\ntoo sharply between them all. High government officials, such as the Secretary for Chinese Affairs and the Colonial Secretary, were likely to meet this cluster of Chinese constantly, if not at formal meetings, then socially, ceremonially, ritually. It follows that before the war Hong Kong had an oligarchical political structure in that a small number of entrenched and established Chinese shared political control over a largely immigrant and migratory population together with a small number of officials and taipans.\n\nThe pre-war European community in Hong Kong had no official committees of its own, although Europeans tended to predominate on certain committees such as the Labour Advisory Board and the Licensing Board60. Thus Europeans lacked the equivalent of the eleven officially recognised all-Chinese committees, the names of which were enshrined annually in the Civil Service List. The government felt no need either to sponsor or promote a system of counter-balancing European committees because of course the administration was controlled at the top by European colonial civil servants and only a few thousand Europeans were resident in Hong Kong.\n\nBut it is of some significance that in the face of growing Chinese working-class intransigence in the 1920s, illustrated by the spate of strikes, beginning with the mechanics' strike of 1920 (the first major industrial strike in Hong Kong) and culminating with the great strike and boycott of 1925-26, Europeans set up their own 'district' associations. The Kowloon Residents' Association was formed in 1922 and the Peak dwellers, the leading European residents, formed theirs a little later in the same year like the European residents on Cheung Chau, a favourite summer station with missionaries; and in 1925 the Mid Levels residents also formed an association. None, understandably, was given statutory or official recognition by government. Such associations were unnecessary for the District Watch Committee was hyper-active during these turbulent years and as keen to protect the European minority and thus help sustain the economy as were Europeans themselves. The Committee worked hard to bring the general strike and boycott to an end by mediation with strike leaders and holding talks with interested parties in Hong Kong and Canton, the strikers' base; and the District Watchmen were active in preventing intimidation of shopkeepers, fokis, artisans", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206322, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n133\n\nAffairs, and so recruitment for the force was suspended and vacancies caused by death or retirement were not filled.\n\nIn 1948 the Secretary for Chinese Affairs wrote that 'even before the outbreak of the Pacific War it was becoming evident that this system of raising money (i.e., by voluntary subscriptions) would have to be abandoned. Plans for the reorganisation of the Force were under consideration at the time when the Japanese invaded the Colony'. By the District Watch Ordinance, No. 15 of 1949, the force became the direct responsibility of government and the pay and terms of service were brought into line, rank for rank, with those of the Police Force. The Committee was not mentioned in the new Ordinance, and the names of its surviving members were no longer given in the Civil Service Lists.\n\nThe reasons for this change were never made clear by the Secretary for Chinese Affairs. But it seems reasonable to conclude that the utility of the force declined once the regular police became more professionalised. There was probably some resistance within government and the community to the idea of a few prominent Chinese controlling a private police force and, on occasions, putting it to their own use. It could also be argued that since the returned Governor, Sir Mark Young, had promised a far greater participation of the many rather than the few in public life, the need for a small body of rich Chinese to act as a key advisory body was seen as not quite 'democratic' in the new Hong Kong; moreover, a few prominent Chinese, members of the Committee, had been a little too prominent in the organisations set up by the Japanese. For these and other reasons, then, the District Watch Force and its Committee after eighty-three years of life and service to the public came to an end in 1949.\n\n—\n\nAn analysis of the District Watch Committee terminates in a number of broader sociological enquiries: the role of associations in Overseas Chinese communities and the nature of leadership in such societies. It is not my intention to pursue such comparative questions in this short and mainly descriptive paper; but of course some comparisons should be suggested. The system that evolved in Hong Kong was not imposed on the Chinese by a colonial government; there were no Congrégations or Kapitan Chinas in Hong Kong63 nor, for that matter, did secret societies supply leaders as they did in Malaya at one stage.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206354, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "# HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K.\n\n155\n\nequipment borrowed from the military had to be returned. Numbers fell, and by 1881 it practically ceased to exist. After Hennessy left, an appeal was made for government assistance, and Marsh, the administrator, agreed. The Volunteer Corps was disbanded, and a new Volunteer Corps consisting of two companies of Artillery was formed in November 1882, on a new basis which gave the volunteers more official standing.9\n\nThe Volunteer Ordinance No. 18 of 1882 regulated the reorganised body.\n\nThe second and third Hong Kong Volunteer Corps spanned the period in which a renewed interest was taken in the volunteer movement in Britain. There had always been volunteer forces in Britain, especially during the Great War with France 1793-1814, but these then fell almost entirely into abeyance until 1859 when, because of a national panic arising from the hostile tone of the French Army and Government, and what was considered by many to be the defenceless state of the country, they were revived chiefly as rifle volunteers but partly as light horse, artillery and engineers.10 The large Volunteer Force that was formed at that time continued in being, gave valuable help to\n\n9 Endacott, p. 179.\n\n10 Sir J. W. Fortescue's County Lieutenancies and the Army gives a full account of the various forces raised at this period. More recently, an excellent account of one county's volunteer units is given in C. T. Atkinson's The Royal Hampshire Regiment, Volume 1, up to 1914, (the University Press, Glasgow, 1950, at pp. 375-377 and 430-435). Mr. Atkinson's account provides interesting background and comparison for the present article. He states that \"like the original Volunteers of 1793-1814 the new corps provided their own arms and equipment and served at their own cost, except if called out for actual service. Volunteers were therefore normally of some substance, well-paid artisans, shopkeepers, clerks or even small professional men or manufacturers; people who normally stood aloof from national defence, they did not join the Militia and were equally unlikely to enlist in the Regulars or to aspire to a commission.\" Originally formed in many independent single-company corps, the volunteers were gradually converted into definite battalions and, later (1888) into volunteer infantry brigades. As with volunteer corps everywhere, opinions differed as to their need and usefulness, particularly in time of peace and, as Atkinson says, \"it wanted enthusiasm, determination and devotion to carry on with the volunteer movement in those discouraging days, (in the 1870s and 1880s) and the country owes much to the officers and men who persevered.\" In Britain, the volunteers were converted into the Territorial Force on 1st April, 1908 and organised on the pattern of the Regulars into divisions and yeomanry brigades. Like the volunteers, the Territorial Force was specifically designed for home defence.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206356, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K.\n\n157\n\nstatue now in Victoria Park at Causeway Bay which, up to 1941, stood in Statue Square, beside the Hong Kong Club in the centre of the city.\n\nContinuing with our survey, the period from 1893 up to the outbreak of war with Germany in 1914 was one of great activity for the Hong Kong Volunteers. It was one in which a great many important persons in the local community joined the Corps and when, reading between the lines, it was not only the 'done thing' to join the Volunteers but might be remarked upon if one did not. Pressure came from the Governor himself. When the Volunteer Reserve Ordinance of 1910 was in passage, Sir Frederick Lugard ended his statement by saying \"I think that every young Englishman in this Colony ought to join the Volunteers, and every Englishman who is no longer young ought to join the force which I hope will at once be enrolled when this bill has been read a third time.\"14\n\nThe Volunteer Corps' annual inspection reports for the period are available in Hong Kong. They were printed for tabling at Legislative Council, itself an indication of an important activity. They make interesting reading and show the vitality of the Corps and its impact on Hong Kong European polite society and on the Establishment.15 As stated, the Governors of the time took a keen interest in the Corps and it was Sir Mathew Nathan himself (Governor 1902-07 and formerly an officer of the Royal Engineers) who is credited with inspiring the formation in 1906 of the Mounted Troop—known irreverently as \"Mathew's Mounted Mugs\"16—and the institution of the Volunteer Reserve Association which was eventually embodied by Ordinance in 1910. Another, more temporary, inspiration in 1899 had been the calling out of the Volunteers to assist the Regulars in repelling an expected attack on Kowloon by New Territories' villagers in arms against the British take-over, and their part in the occupation of the Kowloon Walled City later in the same year.17\n\nMuch of this resurgence in the popularity of the military—a phenomenon which is usually held to be un-British—\n\n14 Han., 1910, p. 91.\n\n15 See S.P., 1894-1908.\n\n16 Vol, 1954, p. 50.\n\nwas\n\n17 See S.P., 1900, pp. 637-638, Y.B., 1940, p. 23, and Vol, 1954, p. 43.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206357, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "158\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nundoubtedly due to the Volunteer Movement and to the succession of small imperial wars in the last 25 years of the 19th century which popularised the Army, and fed the emotional needs of imperial Britain in the Victorian age. Between 1902 and 1914 it was due to the sobering effect of the Boer War and the growing realisation by many of the need to reform and rearm against a possible European enemy. Soldiers, in short, were in the public eye, and Hong Kong was no exception to the general rule.\n\nHere, and in the treaty ports, another factor in the popularity of, and support given to, the volunteer corps was the pool of potential recruits provided by the employees of the major European firms, many of whom had attended public schools in Britain and were well suited by their education and sentiment to play a leading part in the volunteer movement.\n\n(b) 1914-41\n\nThe 1914-18 War saw many Volunteers go off to the War in Europe, and led to increased duties for the Corps due to the need to employ regular forces on active service elsewhere. Numbers dropped and compulsory service was introduced in 1917.18\n\nIn 1920, shortly after the War, a new Volunteer Ordinance was introduced to replace those of 1893 and 1910 which regulated the existing Volunteer Corps and Volunteer Reserve. When introduced into the Legislative Council, it was stated to closely follow the old Ordinance, but with a few changes to meet altered times. The Volunteer Force was now \"considered desirable for two reasons for defence against foreign enemies, and also in order to assist the Police and regular forces in case of any serious local disturbances'19 (my italics). We are coming nearer our own times in which the present Regiment was called upon in 1966 and again in 1967 to assist with “duties in aid of the civil power” i.e., internal security. The obligation to serve was also to become more serious. Every Volunteer was to be deemed to have engaged himself to serve for a period of three years and if he left before this without showing good cause he would henceforth have to\n\n18 For the war period see Vol, 1954, pp. 58-67 and Endacott, pp. 284-285. See also the Military Service Ordinance, No. 19 of 1917,\n\n19 Han., 1920, p. 15.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206364, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K.\n\n165\n\nkam Lo (1893-1959) as a private.40 He was Oxford-educated and a prominent barrister, related through marriage to the Ho Tung family, and thus could fit in. He was no doubt persuaded to join because of the emergency created by the General Strike of 1925-26; that is, if he had not joined earlier. It would be interesting to know whether he was the first, or among the first, Hong Kong Chinese to join the Corps.41\n\nBecause of the empire-wide Volunteer Movement and because of or perhaps despite two World Wars, the British volunteers have often been ex-Regulars, ex-Militia or, mostly, ex-Volunteers either at home or in other places. A few examples will show this general tendency over the years. H. H. Read, who sent a letter and photograph of the 1882 Volunteers for the 1937 Year-book, mentions that he had come out from England in 1882 “and having served in the 2nd Norfolk Rifle Volunteers (Windsor Review 1881) I joined the Hong Kong Volunteer Artillery which was commanded by Col. Crawford, R. A.”.42 Sir John Carrington, Chief Justice of Hong Kong, who was Commandant of the Corps 1896-1901, had served with the British Guiana Militia before coming to Hong Kong.43 Arthur Chapman, Commandant from 1907, had come to Hong Kong in 1889 as Assessor of Rates and had served in his native Yorkshire for some years as a member of the 1st East Riding of Yorkshire Royal Garrison Artillery (Volunteers).44 Many other examples could be quoted, including His Excellency Sir Thomas Southorn, Colonial Secretary and Officer Administering the Government in 1935 who, in his address to the Corps printed in the 1935-36 Year Book, was described as \"a Volunteer in Ceylon for many years\".45\n\nIn the later period, because of two world wars, the amount of previous military experience met with in the Volunteers has been considerable, particularly in the period between the wars when there were many persons in the Colony who had seen much service in 1914-18. When the Volunteers got going in earnest\n\n40 Vol, 1954, p. 240.\n\n41 But see note 28 above.\n\n42 Y.B., 1937, p. 28.\n\n43 J. W. Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 2 Vols, 1898): see index.\n\n44 Twentieth Century Impressions, p. 277.\n\n45 Y.B., 1935-36, p. 4.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206365, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "166\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nfour or five years after the end of the war, after a period of not unexpected lack of interest in any kind of soldiering, it is recorded by Colonel H. Owen Hughes that an evening spent in the Cricket Club brought forward a whole platoon (No. 1 Platoon of No. 1 Company) \"many of whom had held a Commission in the War\"46 Many of the Volunteers of this time had also served pre-war in Volunteer units elsewhere, and their records of service make interesting reading. As time went on, too, several generations of families, Portuguese, Eurasians, Chinese and also some Europeans with either a home or family continuity in the Colony through business or professional interests, provided several generations of volunteers. This is particularly true of the last 40 years, and many of the present generation of volunteers can give the names of fathers, uncles and cousins who have been volunteers, not just during the period of conscription, but stretching back into the inter-war and even to the pre-1914 period.\n\nAn interesting study could be made of the social composition of the officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the Hong Kong Volunteers, at different periods in their history, to relate recruitment to the various racial groups and classes of persons available and to establish, what, if any, barriers were raised to the entry of any of these at any time.\n\nDRESS AND EQUIPMENT\n\n(a) Dress.\n\nFew photographs have survived from the earlier days of volunteering in Hong Kong. Of two that are mentioned in our records, one is of Volunteers in the 1860s and was shown at the centenary exhibition in 1954.47 Another dates from the 1880s and was sent by H. H. Read, mentioned above, with his letter to the Commandant for the Year Book for 1937. Some light on dress at this period is shed by the Rules and Regulations of 1882 (but not, unfortunately, by those promulgated in 1862). Section 27 of the 1882 Rules and Regulations state that \"the uniform of the Corps will consist of a blue cloth Tunic with\n\n* Plates 11-20 illustrate this article. They relate to the middle period of Volunteer history, 1895-1932.\n\n46 Vol, 1964, p. 42.\n\n47 Vol, 1954, p. 239.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206369, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "170\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nsupplied as Commandant.56 This trend intensified in the period after 1893. Indeed, in general terms, the 1893 Ordinance marks the transition from a private army to a public body subject to full military discipline and supervision and official financial scrutiny. This did not mean that public funds were to be spent lavishly on the Volunteer Corps. In the 1930s the Year Books speak rather wistfully of the fact that the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps was not treated so generously by its Government as were the Volunteers of the Colonial Governments of the Straits Settlements and the Federated Malay States, and did not have 'a fairy godmother' such as the Shanghai Volunteer Corps possessed in their Municipal Council57 (though in fairness it should be stated that their economies were more prosperous than Hong Kong's at this time). For instance, the need for a new Headquarters was pressing at this period and negotiations with Government were slow but had by February 1936 reached the stage when, as R. S. M. Parkinson observed sardonically at the Sergeants' Mess Annual Dinner 'they could confidently expect the building up within the next decade'.58 Like other departments of the public service, the Volunteers had to present their case for funds and take their turn in the queue.\n\nThis account is no more than an introduction to the subject, which is large and important enough to deserve a full-length study similar to those of regular regiments of the British Army by professional military historians such as C. T. Atkinson, S. H. F. Johnston, and Marcus Cunliffe. However, even a short article demonstrates that Hong Kong Volunteers have a long and interesting history which in its military, community and social aspects is so much interwoven with the development of the Colony at large.\n\nFinally, Volunteering is required to generate its own momentum. In the pages of the pre-war Year Books, the post-war Volunteer Magazine and the letters and reminiscences of former Volunteers, there is abundant evidence of the spirit which has\n\n56 Endacott, p. 209.\n\n57 Y.B., 1935-36, p. 7 and 1938, p. 8.\n\n58 Y.B., 1938, p. 35.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206380, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K.\n\n171\n\nkept the Force alive at all periods of need and, in quieter times, has kept the few going to whom volunteering is a way of life and worth doing for its own sake. One illustration of this may serve for the rest. When the Chief of the Imperial General Staff, General (later Lord) Harding inspected the Hong Kong contingent of the Coronation Parade that went to London in 1952 he said to C. S. M. Walker “You're a P. S. I., of course.\" Walker's chest swelled about three inches. \"No, sir,\" he replied “a Volunteer with thirty years service\" 59\n\n59 Vol, 1953, p. 27. P.S.I, is Permanent Staff Instructor, seconded from the Regular Army.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206388, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n179\n\npremises which they had marked. There was a rumour of a scheme to re-enact the gunpowder plot by means of a tunnel under the cathedral, when the governor, the bishop, and the congregation were to be blown up. The facts of this case, however, if there were any, I could never satisfactorily ascertain. The most successful exploit of this kind was perpetrated so late as January 1865, by a gang who tunneled by the hard labour of several weeks right under the treasury of the Central Bank of India, and carried off upwards of $100,000 in gold bullion and notes. In 1863 twenty-two prisoners made their escape from the gaol by tunneling under it into a drain; and not long after, I did the service to the Government of disconcerting a scheme on a larger scale, by which within a few hours, eighty-nine men would have got away. Time will not permit me to go into the details of the affair. The secrecy, skill, and perseverance with which the mining operations had been conducted were astonishing, and made me think it was a pity the ability of the scoundrels could not have been utilized in Cornwall and other parts of Great Britain.\n\nAt the subject of piracy I can only glance. That it was for many years a terrible evil I need not say. There is no doubt, I think, that the bands who attempted the violent burglaries of which I have spoken were mainly composed of pirates, and that when the land was no longer safe for them, they confined their operations to the sea. Notwithstanding many successful expeditions of men-of-war and gun-boats against their boats, fleets, and strongholds, the thing continued. Not only were native craft the object of their prey, but foreign vessels of small size, brigs and barques, trading along the coast, repeatedly fell victims to them. The gallows found constant employment, and the most wretched experience of my life in Hong Kong was that of visiting pirates and other murderers under sentence of death in the gaol. With the exception of a few who were caught red-handed in the act, I knew only one case in which the criminal made confession of his guilt. Things are now much better in this respect. Burglaries of a milder type occasionally occur on the island, and we hear also of piracies on the waters; but as compared with former years they are both rare. Piracy received a heavy blow from the vigorous measures of Sir Richard MacDonnell at the beginning of his incumbency as Governor, and still more effective against it have been, I conceive, the organization of the armed cruisers in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206390, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n181\n\nfreely with all the men under his command; cultivating, moreover, the confidence of them all, and seeing that distinguished fidelity and efficiency are liberally rewarded; who shall be proud of his position, and feel that his own happiness and honour are identified with his success;-give me such a superintendent and such a force, and I will undertake that in a few years crime shall be as rare as in any city at home, while the expense of the department will be very considerably reduced.\n\n—\n\nIt is thought, I know, by many that my views on this subject are visionary and Utopian derived from my acquaintance with Chinese literature more than from acquaintance with the Chinese people. I will only say that during many years of my long residence here, my intercourse was quite as much with the people as with their books. Several hours of every day were spent in visiting them from house to house, and shop to shop, conversing with them on all subjects, and trying to get them to converse with me on one subject. When I went home in 1867, I could say that, excepting the brothels, there was hardly a house in Victoria and the villages in which I had not repeatedly been, and where I was not known as a friend. I am confident of this, that, keep away the calamity of another war with China, my views as to the constitution of the police force will be the prevailing views of the Colony, and acted on by its Government.\n\nHaving said thus much about the police force, let me say further that I think that that department is at present, in 1872, in a better and more efficient state than it ever was. Let me give expression also to a protest against the doctrine which I have sometimes heard and read, that our laws are too lenient for the Chinese population which we try to govern by them. By all means let the treatment of crime be deterrent; but that we must institute a new code of penalties taken from Chinese or other barbarous practice is an outrageous suggestion, the birth of reckless thoughtlessness, or of minds soured from their own distemperature. But the laws of the Colony should be fully made known to the Chinese population. This is a work that yet remains to be done, the preparation of a clear, distinct, intelligible translation of most of our statutes, purchasable by the inhabitants at a small price.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206394, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n185\n\nI hurry on to the month of October, 1856, when there occurred the affair of the lorcha Arrow at Canton, which grew out of the practice of granting sailing letters to native craft, adopted, I think in the previous year, by Sir John Bowring, and which was rendered necessary to save the holders of them from capture by the insurgent fleets in the neighbourhood of Whampoa. A more unfortunate occasion of hostilities could not have presented itself; it was almost as bad as the opium complications which brought on our former war. It was felt to be so by Sir Michael Seymour, into whose hands the management of the thing soon passed from those of the Governor, and he tried to shift the quarrel to the old question of throwing open the gates of the city. The sense of many at home was sufficiently declared by the decision of Parliament against going to war about the matter, and under any other prime minister than Lord Palmerston the adverse vote would have been final. He appealed from it, however, to the country, which supported his policy, and Lord Elgin was called to proceed to China, and square up all the accounts between it and Great Britain.\n\nBefore that, however, on the morning of the 15th January, 1857, occurred the diabolical attempt to poison a large number of the inhabitants of the Colony by means of bread supplied from the bakery of A-lum. I was one of those who partook of the poison. I did so twice; early in the morning, and again at breakfast time; soon getting rid, however, of all the noxious matter through violent paroxysms of sickness. Never was such a day of excitement in the Colony; and had A-lum been caught at once, he would have been lynched beyond a doubt; but he had gone off with all his family by the early steamer to Macao. Being pursued thither, and brought back, he was subsequently brought to trial and acquitted, the guilt of the deed being thrown by him on his foreman and another man, who had made their escape. He was subsequently kept in gaol at large for some time, and there I made his acquaintance. He was a tall, imposing-looking man for a Chinese, and had been well educated. The respect and deference shown to him by all the prisoners were wonderful. On the Sundays, when I went to conduct a religious service with them, he quite took me under his patronage, had the books ready, and maintained perfect order among all who attended.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206395, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "186\n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nOn the 2nd July of that year, I was walking out on Caine's Road in the afternoon with a friend, when we saw a steamer coming through Sulphur Channel. At first we thought it must be the mail, but it proved to be the Shannon, with Lord Elgin on board. As she steamed into the harbour, and she and the Admiral saluted each other, and the thunder of their guns reverberated along the sides of the mountain, which were then all fringed with mist, I said to my companion, \"There is the knell of the past of China. It can do nothing against these leviathans.\" And so it was. I need not try to tell you how Lord Elgin's measures were delayed in a manner that contributed much, through his prompt and magnanimous decision, to the preservation of our Indian empire. All this and his subsequent proceedings in China may be seen in brief in the memoir of his Life published during the present year. It is only when he is gone that the public at large have the means of knowing what a good and great man Lord Elgin was,—bold, prudent, far-seeing, conscientious. I hope all my hearers, if they have not already read, will soon take the opportunity to read, that memoir, and especially the chapters relating to his two missions to China.\n\nThe Government at home was equal to the exigencies of the occasion as well as Lord Elgin. Fresh troops were sent out. He went to Calcutta, but was back from it in September. The war at Canton was brought to an end by the capture of the city on the 29th of that month, and Yeh was taken prisoner a few days after. The surprise and disgust of the Chinese in general were great, because he did not seal his loyalty to the dragon throne by at once committing suicide.\n\nIn January, 1858, I made a visit to Canton, and had the satisfaction of walking all over it, and on a Sunday opened the first house, that was set apart in it to that purpose, for the preaching of the gospel. My sermon was followed by one from a relative of the T'ae-ping king, who came subsequently to be well known himself at Nanking as the Shield King. Poor man! He had been connected with the London Mission here for several years, and was the most genial and versatile Chinese I have ever known, and of whom I can never think but with esteem and regret. Had he taken my advice, he would have remained quietly in Hongkong as a preacher, and might have been living with his head on him to the present day.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n189\n\ngood effects. It would have been more fruitful, however, if it had been better carried out, first by Sir Hercules Robinson, and then by Sir Richard MacDonnell. The materials supplied to them from home, in one relay of students and another, were excellent; but there should have been no diverting them away from their proper business of study, until they had given proof of their proficiency by actual interpretation in the Supreme Court; after which, every other office in the Colony, under that of the Governor himself, should have been open to them according to their aptitudes.\n\nTo Sir Hercules also we are indebted for the beginning of our Water Works; and if they were not constructed at first on a sufficiently large scale, where are we still, after so many years, and so continued an expenditure? With all their deficiency, they are a great boon; and when I have read the lucubrations of grumbling complainers, I have laughed in recollecting the scenes of early years, when, every night in the dry season, hundreds, of a small population comparatively, might be seen streaming on the hills with pitchers and buckets, searching for the precious element.\n\nIn Sir Hercules' time also it was that the present Gaol was built, to take charge of which there came out in November 1863, its model governor, Mr. Douglas. Then came gas to illuminate our streets and houses, and a commencement of the Public Gardens was made. The conception of the Mint always appeared to me admirable, and I thought there would be in it an institution that would greatly contribute to the prosperity and influence of the Colony. It has not turned out so. The refining of sugar is a good thing, but I had much rather that the buildings had continued to be employed for coining money.\n\nIn two only of his undertakings did Sir Hercules fail,--the building the prison on Stonecutters' Island, and his management of the newly-acquired territory on the Kowloon side of the harbour. I have heard that he could not get his way with that through the clashing of his views and those of the naval and military Authorities. However that was, the delay in offering the ground for sale to the public, which was done at last at upset prices absurdly high, allowed the ebbing of the tide of factitious prosperity to set in. Perhaps it was well. The impulse from abroad once removed, there was nothing in the Colony itself to sustain", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nEARLY MING WARES OF CHINGTECHEN. A. D. Brankston. 106 pp. 45 plates (1 coloured), 18 text-illus. Re-issue 1970. Vetch and Lee, Hong Kong $60; Lund Humphries, London, £5.\n\nThe appearance of a reissue of A. D. Brankston's book Early Ming Wares of Chingtechen will be welcomed by the collector, connoisseur and dealer alike and will fill a long-awaited need to possess this classic in the field of Chinese ceramics. The original edition, published by Mr. Henri Vetch in Peking in 1938 was limited to 650 copies and has been, until now, virtually unobtainable to the layman, despite the fact that it is frequently referred to by writers on Chinese Porcelain and freely quoted from in sales catalogues. The present edition has been faithfully reproduced on the off-set press and Mr. Vetch is to be congratulated for turning out a most pleasing volume which retains much of the charm of the original.\n\nArchibald Brankston was born in Shanghai in 1909. He followed his father's profession as a civil engineer and, after schooling in England, came to Hong Kong to work on the Shing Mun Valley Water Scheme. Being obliged to return to England due to ill health, he was fortunate to be employed in the setting-up of the International Exhibition of Chinese Art in London in 1935. This led to his appointment as a travelling student by the Universities China Committee in London and he was thereby enabled to journey into the interior of China and visited the kiln sites around Chingtechen from which he recovered a variety of samples which now form part of the British Museum study collection. He was also fortunate in being acquainted with well-known Chinese collectors of that time, including Mr. Wu Lai-hsi and others. Back in England, he was employed in the Department of Oriental Antiquities of the British Museum for two years until he had to return to the Far East on behalf of the Ministry of Information. He died in Hong Kong in 1941 at the early age of 31.\n\nThe book deals mainly with blue and white wares of the 15th Century covering the reigns of Yung Lo, Hsüan-Tê, Ch'êng Hua and Hung Chih and also includes some information on the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n211\n\nenamelled and monochrome wares of the same period. In commenting on the rise and fall of artistic merit in porcelain production during the 15th Century, Mr. Brankston aptly observes that \"In Yung-lo the lotus has budded; in Hsuan-te the flower has opened in all its freshness but, by Ch'eng-hua, the leaves begin to tremble in the breeze\" — a quotation which is affectionately remembered by students and writers on the subject. The chapters on the kiln sites of Fou-liang and on the methods of porcelain production provide material not usually given in books of this nature and the photographs and woodcuts of the potters at work are of particular interest. Diagrams illustrating the shapes and sizes of typical forms and also the sectional drawings of foot rims make a most valuable contribution to the work.\n\nThe aspiring connoisseur would do well to heed the advice given with regard to acquiring good eyes for judging ceramics when the author suggests that he drink tea each day from cups of different periods. If, after two weeks, no particular piece has asserted itself, he may be assured that the interest in porcelain was formed only in order to create a diversion and to occupy time and space, so a change over to stamps or coins would be recommended.\n\nOf slight build and quietly spoken, Brankston was possessed with unusual gifts of mind and eye in relation to Chinese porcelain and he writes about his favourite pieces in a most charming and sensitive manner. The dedication \"To the Lotus, who knows why\" provides an aperitif to the subtleties and delicate appreciation of the subject in store for the reader.\n\nHong Kong, 1971\n\nF. WARRINGTON-STRONG\n\nCHINESE FAMILY AND COMMERCIAL LAW, G. Jamieson, M.A., C.M.G., Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh Ltd, 1921. Now reprinted in Hong Kong: Vetch and Lee Ltd, 1970.\n\nWhen George Jamieson wrote the preface to his work, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, he considered it a \"pioneer treatise on the Civil Law\" as it then prevailed and regarded it as a work which would assist the \"future pleaders and judges in the Courts", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206425, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "216\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ncusp of the crescent\" (of the Praya Grande), deserves the derision of every collector.\n\nTheir description of \"the ambroidered (sic) phoenix plastron” conclusively proves the authors know nothing of the eight privileged classes in China. With this lack of knowledge they are in no position to comment on any portrait of a mandarin or hong merchant. To suggest that Gou Qua, a hong merchant, would take to the street as a fortune teller is quite impossible as he would lose face by such an act and never would paint himself in this situation.\n\nThe authors really know very little about Chinnery. They state \"Chinnery's forte was for portraits and these comprise the greater part of his oeuvre\". Pages later they quote him \"I have about 6,000 sketches of Eastern Scenery already - an invaluable collection, I assure you; but you see I am constantly accumulating”. They produce the completely unproven slur that one of the portraits he painted was of “a man of great wealth, an important qualification in the artist's philosophy as he was at his best when a generous fee had been agreed\". They also attempt, again with no proof, to attribute to him “occasional bouts of opium smoking”.\n\nIt is an error to say \"Russell & Co..... in turn came under control of Low Brothers of Salem\". W. H. Low, Senior was a partner 1830-1833. His nephew, A. A. Low, was a clerk 1833-1837, partner 1837-1840. W. H. Low 2nd worked as a clerk but never was a partner. The famous firm of A. A. Low and Bros. of New York, please, not Salem - was founded in 1841 by A. A. Low after he had retired from Russell & Co. It is a solecism to call the firm \"Russells\". It makes a good story only to the authors that \"W. C. Hunter\", later a partner in Russell & Co., “grasped sufficient of the local dialect to act as interpreter\". It is common knowledge that he specifically was sent to Singapore and Malacca to study Chinese.\n\nIt is inaccurate to state that Harriet Low, in her Diary, mentions seeing the double portrait of Dr. & Mrs. Colledge, plate 79, in London at Daniells' on 19 July 1834. She \"saw pictures of Mr. & Mrs. Colledge, not a single picture. Let us read further in the Diary: \"Ayok\" (the Low Chinese servant) \"burst into quite an hysterical laugh when he saw his father's face in Mr. Colledge's picture\". This is an obvious reference to the Chinnery portrait", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206428, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n219\n\ntestify, long ago revealed the theoretical relevance of much of the earlier literature on China: it is pleasing to note, therefore, that some of the contributors to this volume are now combining field research with an extensive use of the available documentation on China. This has led to a much more sophisticated treatment of theoretical problems and has, I feel, made such works much more interesting to read and more intellectually attractive for people in other disciplines.\n\nThe essays in this volume, apart from one by Professor Arthur P. Wolf, were in their original form papers written for, and discussed at, a conference on Kinship in Chinese society, held in New York in 1966 and sponsored by the American Council of Learned Societies and the Social Science Research Council (New York). As it is not possible for a workaday sociologist to discuss every paper meaningfully and in detail in a short review, I shall comment on only a few of the papers, not because they are necessarily the best or the more significant but simply because I have some comments on them.\n\nThe first essay is by Professor Myron L. Cohen, who discusses a key problem: the structure of the Chinese family. Professor Cohen argues that the relevant components of the chia (family) can be reduced to three: the chia estate, the chia group, and the chia economy, and that the connection between the three components can assume a variety of forms or types. As he writes, 'the Chinese family has by and large been described in terms involving or assuming the existence of a chia in which the estate is concentrated, the group is concentrated, and the economy is inclusive'. Much of his essay is taken up by a rigorous discussion of chia variations, such as that an inclusive economy can be found in association with a dispersed estate and, of necessity, a dispersed group. Professor Cohen concludes that 'the possibility arises that a good deal of the movement of persons in Chinese society, movement connected with \"horizontal\" or \"vertical\" social and economic mobility, or with efforts to achieve such mobility, in fact occurred within a chia framework'. The points he makes are important and crucial: they illuminate basic concepts used to understand Chinese society; and I am persuaded by his claim 'that there may be more to domestic units than meets the demographer's eye'. There is certainly some evidence from nineteenth century Hong Kong to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206429, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "220\n\n \nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n \nsupport his thesis about variations in the three components of the chia. But ideally of course — and one is asking too much — we would like to know, if only by some crude measure, the statistical frequency of these variations. Were some variations so rare that they were clearly aberrations evolved by a few families? Thus in Western societies typically most husbands and wives live together; there are however some few cases — they do exist — in which eccentric husbands or wives live in separate households but continue to meet at need. How much attention should one pay to this rare family form? How many cases would make a variation significant in terms of social structure? The question is a worrying one.\n\n \nThe essay by Mrs. Margery Wolf on child training and the Chinese family is brilliantly written: sensitive, perceptive, acute. She shows how the way in which Chinese children are raised — the elder brother having to defer to the younger for some years — helps to develop tensions between them when they become adult. She also traces the process of fen-chia (partition of chia) to the competition that develops between the wives of married brothers; for wives come from stranger families and, unlike brothers, their loyalty lies primarily with their own little tribe of husband and children. Professor Freedman has been accused in a review of cutting the Chinese father down to size: Mrs. Wolf pursues this theme. She argues that the Chinese father, but not necessarily the mother, becomes a lonely and pathetic figure in old age, an authority in decay, with the power to make family decisions gradually eroded as the son or sons reach the plenitude of their vigour and manhood. Mrs. Wolf discusses not only the 'typical' family but variations — the sim-pua (hsin-pao) (little daughter-in-law), the practice of providing sons with wives by adopting an infant girl, and the custom of uxorilocal marriage. The treatment of these variations forms an important segment of her paper and throws much light on the developmental cycle of the family. Reading her paper, I was immediately reminded of the picture presented by Arensberg and Kimball in their classic study of the Irish small farmer and of his destiny when old.* Mrs. Wolf's paper is full of subtleties and insights, as one would expect from the author of The House of Lim.\n\n \n* Family and Community in Ireland (Harvard University Press, 1940).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206432, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n223\n\nJohn Pelzel compares Japanese and Chinese Kinship. As Professor Freedman sums up in his introduction to the volume, 'it seems that the perduring units of kinship structure are in Japan the ie and in China the lineage, the “lineage” in Japan and the chia in China are passing phenomena.'\n\nThis volume of essays does not form a textbook on Chinese kinship and family; rather it summarises contemporary thinking on and research about family and kinship in China and discloses, I feel, some likely future developments. More attention needs to be given to the study of matrilateral relationships, a topic hardly explored in any major research project or study. There is also a need to explore relationships that do not depend on kinship. Chinese, after all, do become members of guilds and trade unions and other associations; and some of the non-kin relationships they enter into are as meaningful and sociologically significant as those connected with family and kinship; and, after reading Professor Cohen's essay, it seems clear that somebody should take a very close look at the Chinese firm or business, at the Chinese business-man in his economic habitat. Lastly, there is a need for a more comparative approach. Professor Freedman states, 'China, we are discovering more and more, can be profitably studied within the context of the group of societies with which it shares a classical tradition.' He refers to Japan, Korea and Vietnam. Most scholars would concur: sinologues tend to be obsessively preoccupied with China.\n\nAlthough there are some ideas in this volume which would be obscure for the non-sinologue or non-anthropologist, there is precious little obscurity of expression. This is an important book, elegantly written, and should interest historians, students of comparative institutions, and the educated common reader.\n\nHong Kong, June 1971.\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nTAIKOO: Charles Drage, London, Constable, 1970, pp. 298, appendices, illus, £2.25.\n\nThis book is a tapestry woven around the office and private lives of the Eastern Staff of Butterfield & Swire. It is set against", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206473, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "CHINESE MEDICINE\n\n15\n\nweakness, etc., may be too far fetched, but the basic idea of endocrinology exists. In recent years a great variety of glandular substance has been used in medicine. Of these the thyroid, pituitary, suprarenals, pancreas, liver and the placenta, have been found to be of therapeutic value. It is remarkable that many of them have been used and incorporated in Chinese pharmacopoeia for ages past.\n\nThe Ming dynasty is the most glorious in the history of the pharmacopoeia of China. The most important contribution is the Pen Tsao Kang Mu (†1), the National Pharmacopoeia of China, compiled by Li Shi-chen. This is one of the most popular works on Chinese medicine, and is considered a great classic. It consists of some 52 comprehensive volumes divided into the vegetable kingdom, the animal kingdom, the mineral kingdom and others, with a description of 1,892 kinds of different substances.\n\nIt contains many drugs which are common in both the East and the West. It took Li Shi-chen, the city magistrate, almost thirty years of hard work to complete this commendable piece of good work. This book is extremely rich in remedies, especially those of the vegetable origin, and offers a rich field for scientific research. Considerable attention has been directed to it by foreign writers, notably Du Halde who translated part of it into French in 1735 and Porter Smith in 1871.\n\nIn 1911, Stuart extensively revised Smith's work and published the Chinese Materia Medica, the vegetable kingdom. Works on the mineral kingdom and the avian kingdom were published by Bernard Read in recent years. An attempt was started by the Chinese Government to carry out scientific research on the drugs contained in the Chinese Materia Medica, but the war with Japan aborted the work.\n\nPerhaps, the earliest Chinese drug that has won its way abroad is China root, the so-called Chinese sarsaparilla, once reputed as a remedy for syphilis. Its fame spread as far as to India, Persia and Turkestan in the 16th century, and in Indian literature it was mentioned that syphilis came from Europe but China root could cure it. Eumenol, a liquid extract of tang kuei (†14), was introduced into Europe by the Germans in 1899, and is said to be effective in menstrual disorders.\n\nMacanin, a preparation from a Chinese seaweed, has been put on the market by the Japanese and vigorously advertised as a sub-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206490, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "32\n\nLEIGH R. WRIGHT\n\nSeptember 1841, I was declared Rajah and Governor of Sarawak amidst the roar of cannon, and a general display of flags and banners from the shore and boats on the river. Some observers in Singapore pronounced Brooke's new position a sentence rather than a reward. Nevertheless the new Raja set about vigorously organizing the state and establishing a rule of law, roughly based upon the Bengal code and local adat or customary law. In 1842 he visited the sultan in his ramshackle wooden palace in Brunei Town, an unattractive clutter of Malay huts built on stilts over a sluggish tidal stream. From the sultan he obtained confirmation of his appointment. The following year it was made hereditary, in perpetuity, and in 1846 the sultan executed a deed of cession of Sarawak to Brooke and his heirs. In subsequent years Brunei ceded additional portions of territory to the Brooke dynasty of white rajas, until by 1890 the state of Sarawak reached approximately its present size.\n\nThis, in a somewhat sketchy way, is how Raja James Brooke acquired control of an oriental state almost as large as England and sparsely inhabited by a conglomeration of frequently fierce pagan peoples, a few Malays and some Chinese. In the remaining part of the paper I want to consider ways in which, to my mind, Sarawak under Brooke rule stood out as an anomaly in the British colonial experience.\n\nII\n\nFirst, let me consider Raja Brooke's position in his own state of Sarawak. Brooke considered that he had been prevailed upon by the Malay chiefs to become their raja, that they chose him. He described, in his journals, the scene upon the occasion in 1842 when the Sultan's confirmation of his appointment was proclaimed in Sarawak.4\n\nWhen we returned from Borneo the Sultan's letter giving me the country was read in public, and when finished we had a scene. Muda Hassim, who was standing, asked aloud, whether anyone dissented; for if they did they were now to make it known.\n\n3 For a study of the growth of British influence in Borneo see L. R. Wright, The Origins of British Borneo (Hong Kong University Press, 1970).\n\n4 R. Munday, op. cit., pp. 323-24.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206506, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "48\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\ntendent of Trade for the Northern Ports and Superintendent of Trade for the Southern Ports would find some material of use in this section of the six-point memorandum. For instance, it states that at Newchwang, the staple trade commodity is soya-bean cakes, but that this trade is not open to foreign ships. Details of the suggested method of collecting and reporting the customs revenues of this port are then given. At Tengchow, the memorialists state, an illicit foreign trade has been going on for a number of years, unbeknown to the Court. Now that it has officially become a treaty port, officials must be appointed to administer foreign trade there. As regards the five original treaty ports of Canton, Foochow, Amoy, Ningpo, and Shanghai, no changes in the regulations need be made. As regards the newly opened ports of Ch'iungchow, Swatow, Taiwan, and Tamsui, as well as Chenkiang, Kiukiang, and Hankow on the Yangtze, the governors-general and governors in whose jurisdiction these ports lie should jointly memorialize with the imperial commissioner at Shanghai concerning officials to be appointed to take charge of these places. Monthly reports on the volume of foreign trade at these ports are to be sent to the Tsungli Yamen and the Board of Revenue.\n\nSuggestions are also made for arrangements to be made for trade with Russia at the newly opened trading places of Urga, Kashgar, and Kalgan.\n\nAccording to the treaties, twenty percent of the duties on foreign trade are to be held for the payment of the indemnity. A counterfoil will be provided so that the total amount of revenue collected can be checked against the amount withheld.\n\nThe memorialists then return to the point they were making near the beginning of point 3 [as translated above].\n\nThus, the amount of foreign duty collected each year being clearly shown, the officials through whose hands it passes will be unable to enrich themselves through peculation. Not only will they be deprived of the means of living, they will secretly resort to other malpractices. It is further feared that wily clerks, when they see there is no money to be made, may provoke trouble, thus endangering the public interest. If we do not clearly lay down regulations providing them with expenses for transacting official business, we very much fear that unforeseen malpractices will arise. It is therefore proposed to request that an order be given to the superintendent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206514, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "56\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\nIn 1878, after success in the competitive examination held by the Civil Service Commissioners in London, he was appointed a Hong Kong cadet by the Secretary of State for the Colonies. He had wished to join, like his friend E.D.H. Fraser,3 the Indian Civil Service but his address to the Civil Service Commissioners for service in India had been turned down. Lockhart was the eighth cadet officer appointed to Hong Kong after the introduction of Hong Kong cadetships by Sir Richard MacDonnell in 1861. Sir Richard had been concerned to recruit young men from Britain who would train to become interpreters, for there was a great need for such persons in the Hong Kong public service at that time. But Sir Richard's scheme was not, properly speaking, an innovation since it was closely modelled on the system devised in 1854 for supplying interpreters to the Consular Service in China. The practice in Hong Kong was for a successful cadet, who had to be between the age of 20 and 23 on the first day of his examination, to remain in Britain for one year after appointment, during which time he was required to begin learning Chinese and to attend a class for students at King's College, London, held by the Professor of Chinese at that institution. The cadet was also employed for some hours daily at the Colonial Office in the work of the Department. At the end of his year's study the cadet was examined in Chinese, and the confirmation of his appointment depended upon both his passing a satisfactory examination and on the performance of his duties in the Office. Lockhart appears to have had no difficulties in meeting these requirements.\n\nIt seems likely that the European public in Hong Kong first knew of Lockhart when they saw a notification from the Colonial Secretary, W.H. Marsh, in the Government Gazette of 1879 which simply stated: 'It is hereby notified that James Haldane Stewart Lockhart, Esq., has been appointed by Her Majesty's Secretary of State for the Colonies, to be a Cadet in the Hong Kong Civil Service, and that he reported his arrival in the Colony on Tuesday, the 18th November, 1879.' Lockhart had set out from England by P. and O. steamer some time in September 1879; and, as was the form, immediately reported his arrival in Hong Kong to the Colonial Secretary. At that date it was the custom for a newly arrived cadet from Britain to spend a few weeks in the Colony before proceeding to Canton. During his brief stay in the Colony, the cadet was quizzed by senior officials, instructed as to his future", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206521, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n63\n\nOn 16 April Lockhart returned to Taipo and in the presence of the General Officer Commanding, Major-General W. J. Gascoigne, and about 500 men, he hoisted the British flag and then read the Order-in-Council and Convention. The territory was now formally occupied. There had been some resistance from the people and from those living in the Sham Chun area. Lockhart had been asked to return to Hong Kong to attend a meeting of the Legislative Council but in a minute to the Governor he stated: 'I have consulted the General Officer Commanding, who thinks it very desirable for many reasons that I should remain here. I am of the same opinion, so propose to remain.'22 Since the situation was still unsettled, the Governor concurred with Lockhart's proposal and Lockhart stayed behind with the troops, accompanying them on a long sweep through the New Territories to make the British presence known.\n\nLockhart and the troops led by Lieutenant-Colonel The O'Gorman pushed on from Taipo on 18 April to Shek Kong; from that village they passed through Kam Tin, Yuen Long, Ping Shan, Sheung Shui, Fanling, and arrived back in Taipo on 27 April. The O'Gorman reported: \"To the Honourable J.H. Stewart Lockhart, C.M.G., Colonial Secretary, is due the admirable results that have been attained in the Civil Administration of this Territory during this brief state of turmoil; his measures have been taken with great energy and ability and in a manner that, long experience has shown him, were suitable to the occasion. The result has been a most complete success. Only those on the spot can realise the amount of labour and care he has devoted from early morning to late at night to the discharge of these trying duties. A most hearty co-operation has existed throughout between us and no difference of opinion on any one point has arisen.'23 The Secretary of State, Joseph Chamberlain, in a despatch to the Governor, commented: 'without wishing to undervalue in any way the services rendered by others, it is evident to me that much has been due to the energy of Mr. Lockhart, and to his local knowledge.\"24 Lockhart remained in the New Territories until July 1899 in order to start the civil administration. The headquarters of the new administration were fixed at Taipo. He was assisted in his task by C.M. Messer, a cadet officer, Ts'oi Yeuk-shan, First Chinese Clerk, and two Chinese assistants. The problems he had to face were at first formidable.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206532, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "74\n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n\n1883 and the second in 1922. Gems of Chinese Literature was in its time 'probably the most comprehensive selection of translations from the Chinese that has appeared in any European language.'52 Lockhart's Manual of Chinese Quotations, which gave so much offence to Giles, was re-issued in 1903 in a second, enlarged edition of 1,000 copies; and a reviewer in the Chinese Recorder spoke of it now as 'a splendid book'.53\n\nIn 1930 the Oxford University Press published the Index to the Tso Chuan, compiled by Sir Everard Duncan Home Fraser and revised and prepared for the press by Lockhart. The text, with its many Chinese characters, was printed by the Commercial Press of Shanghai. The Tso Chuan is the famous commentary upon the Spring and Autumn Annals of Confucius; it is also a narrative of events in China from 722 to 462 B.C. Dr. Legge, in Lockhart's words: 'had appended to each of his translations of the Chinese Classics a valuable Index, (but) he had made an exception in the case of the Tso Chuan because, as he stated, the time and labour necessary for such an undertaking were more than he could command. He, therefore, had to satisfy himself by giving a list under the different Radicals of such characters as are found in the Tso Chuan, in addition to those given in his Index to the Chinese Characters and Phrases in the Ch'un Ch'iu. This list, though useful to a certain extent, does not meet the need of a complete Index, and it is that want that the Index now published is intended to supply'.54\n\nE.D.H. Fraser, who compiled the Index, was appointed Student Interpreter in China in 1880, a year after Lockhart was appointed a Hong Kong cadet; Fraser became Consul-General at Shanghai in 1911 and died there in 1922. He was, like Lockhart, a Scot, educated at Aberdeen University; and the two scholars were very close friends. Fraser, according to Lockhart, was 'one of the best scholars of Chinese in H.M. Consular Service which has produced such eminent scholars as Watters, Parker and Giles.'55 The Index had been completed for many years before Fraser died but for some reason, presumably financial, it was left unpublished at his death. A reviewer in the T'oung Pao praised Lockhart for 'la révision minutieuse à laquelle M. J.H. Stewart Lockhart l'a soumis, le travail est fait et bien fait.'56\n\nIn the second half of the nineteenth century the study of folklore57 became, like the study of botany, geology and zoology through-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206547, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "A HISTORICAL REVIEW OF\n\nHOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nIntroduction\n\nThe pattern of residential development in Hong Kong today is the cumulative result of historical forces which began to exert their influence almost from the time when the colony came under British jurisdiction in 1842. It is therefore towards an appreciation of the current housing situation that this study outlines Hong Kong's efforts to provide homes for its people over the past 130 years. In tracing the course of history in this particular field it will be found that the dreadful living conditions which persisted in many districts in the last century, and even in more recent years, have been the combined result of an overwhelming demand for and critical shortage of accommodation; the general poverty of the population; the inadequacy of utility services; the exploitation of families desperate for a roof over their heads; and the difficulty of enforcing (and sometimes the lack of) suitable regulations governing standards of building construction, the provision of household facilities and overcrowding. However, on the basis of recent achievements the future seems much brighter.\n\nFounding of the Colony\n\nThe sea routes between Europe and China, first established by the Arabs in the 7th Century A.D., were reopened in the sixteenth century by the Portuguese who settled in Macau in 1557. Spanish, Dutch, English and French traders soon followed but during the eighteenth century the British merchants captured most of the China trade which comprised mainly exports of tea and silk. The East India Company initially held the monopoly of trade and Canton became the centre of business for the British merchants.\n\n*Dr. E. G. Pryor is Senior Planning Officer in the New Territories Planning Section, Crown Lands & Survey Office, Hong Kong. This monograph has been extracted largely from his Ph.D thesis, \"An Assessment of the Need and Scope for Urban Renewal in Hong Kong.\" The views expressed are entirely those of the author and do not necessarily coincide with those of the Government of Hong Kong. Author's copyright.\n\nPlates 8-12 illustrate this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206549, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n91\n\nvinces of China in search of better fortunes under an administration which offered law and order. Thus, by May 1841 there were already over 7,400 Chinese resident on the island, of whom some 2,000 were boat dwellers. The increase of population was rapid and by October 1841 there were an estimated 9,000 persons in the Colony. This trend continued in subsequent years, so that by 1847 the population stood at nearly 23,900 persons, excluding the troops of the garrison. The Tai Ping rebellion which began in 1850 brought an influx of Chinese into the Colony, with the consequence that the population had increased to over 39,000 by 1853.\n\nThe dramatic increases of population could not be anticipated by the administration and, as there was no planned provision of accommodation for the newcomers, living conditions soon became exceedingly congested. The colonial government, however, was mindful of the need for compliance with certain regulations in the interests of public health and safety. The Summary Offences Ordinance of 1845, for example, made it an offence for the owner or occupier of any house or building to neglect its repair or to permit it to remain in a ruinous or dangerous state. For such a misdemeanour a fine of up to $50 could be imposed. The need to set minimum standards in the construction of houses was also recognised by the Buildings Ordinance of 1856 which required, among other things, that dwellings should be provided with an adequate and safe place for the lighting of fires and the cooking of food. The same ordinance also required the provision of a privy and ash pit and specified a fine not exceeding $50 for the contravention of the regulations.\n\nThe Buildings Ordinance, however, made no provision for the reservation of rear yards, the width of streets, height of buildings and adequate means of lighting and ventilation. Even if these matters had been included in the Ordinance, it is doubtful whether property developers would have given them much heed, for the law was seldom enforced. Houses were thus erected with the object of providing as much living space as possible, as cheaply as possible and at the expense of space normally provided for a toilet, bathroom and storage. Houses were built back-to-back to achieve the greatest economy in the use of land, and little or no thought was given to the provision of adequate roads or drains. It is perhaps understandable that in a community where the pressure of population was rapidly overwhelming the limited housing resources there was little inclination on the part of the administration to ensure compliance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206572, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "E. G. PRYOR\n\nfor households with monthly incomes of less than HK$300 per month. In 1970, the monthly family income limit was increased to HK$600. Over the period 1965-1971 some 187,000 persons benefited from government low-cost housing schemes.\n\nFrom the above, it will be seen that government and government-aided housing provided accommodation for 1.5 million persons in 1971 (Figure 7). It is thus evident that the administration is taking seriously its responsibilities towards providing homes for lower-income families. Indeed, Table 1 shows that between 1965 and 1970 government and the other two main housing agencies built more domestic units than private developers, so that by the end of that period the total amount of subsidised accommodation was greater than the total in the private sector (Table 2). The significance of this achievement is brought into sharper perspective when it is considered that the provision of housing by government, the Housing Authority, and the Housing Society on such a vast scale has been accomplished only since 1951.\n\nHowever, whilst in quantitative terms these efforts have been impressive by any measure, there is scope for qualitative improvements. In this context, many of the older resettlement estates are now in need of modernisation, and this is a future task which the government has plans to undertake. There is also an increasing awareness of the need to ensure that large housing estates, especially in the new towns of Tsuen Wan, Castle Peak, and Shatin, need to be designed and built on a comprehensive basis with a view to the creation of a wholesome environment that provides for the many diverse forms of human activity. Unfortunately, this approach could not be followed in the development of many of the earlier estates, which had to be built on an emergency basis. The needs of the rural population for decent housing have also had to be held in abeyance, but this matter is now receiving closer attention.\n\nWhilst the government can be expected to continue to play a significant role in the provision of housing, the achievement of private developers over the immediate past years indicates that a substantial contribution from this sector can be expected in future, given stable economic and political conditions (Table 1). However, some concern must be expressed over the distribution of government and private housing, for whereas the bulk of private residential accommodation is located in the old congested districts of Hong Kong Island North\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206587, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n12. Hong Kong Government\n\n13. Hong Kong Government\n\n14. Lowson J. A.,\n\n15. Maunder W. F. & Szczepanik E. F.,\n\n16. Pryor E. G.\n\n17. Wellington A. R.,\n\n129\n\nReport of the Housing Commission, Hong Kong 1923.\n\nReport of the Housing Commission 1935, Hong Kong 1938.\n\n\"The Epidemic of Bubonic Plague in Hong Kong 1894\", Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1895, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, Hong Kong 1895.\n\nHong Kong Housing Survey 1957, University of Hong Kong in the Final Report of the Special Committees on Housing 1956-1958, Hong Kong, 1958.\n\n“An Assessment of the Need and Scope for Urban Renewal in Hong Kong\", Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1971.\n\nPublic Health in Hong Kong, Hong Kong 1930.\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206597, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "TRADITIONAL CHINESE REGIONAL ARCHITECTURE\n\n139\n\nIn Chekiang there is a peasant home of recent date which has a courtyard leading up to the entrance.15 A visitor, however, must make a few turns before coming opposite the front door. The animal pens, built onto part of the house front, also add a measure of privacy to the living areas. There is another small courtyard which extends into the living quarters. This open area has two inside doors from which one can either go into a living room with a kitchen, or into the bedroom. The outside walls are windowless and have been constructed of pounded or rammed earth. The roof is thatched with bamboo rafters which are supported by timber posts.\n\nAnother house in Chekiang province near the city of Hangchow is more complex, yet extremely compact. The entrance is through a small passageway on one side of which is a garden and on the other a terrace. In the living area, there is a small courtyard. The open space is surrounded on three sides by a low (3') wall which has a wide counter surface which can be used as a work space. Half of the house is two storeys while the rest is only one storey. Upstairs there are high windows on the north side of the house which permit good ventilation. In a space less than five square meters, there are four bedrooms. This family realizes the need to economize their living space in order to maximize the size of their fields and gardens.\n\nThese houses in Chekiang illustrate that although in a tightly compact situation, the Chinese try to have as much privacy and open space as is possible within their homes. They carefully avoid using any more of the scarce arable lands than is absolutely necessary.\n\nFrom the mountainous regions of Chekiang province one travels southward into the provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung and finds the homes of a particular group of people, the Hakka, besides those of other dialect groups. According to the chroniclers, the Hakka or \"guest people\" lived on the Central Plain in modern Honan and Shantung provinces during the Ch'in dynasty (221-206 B.C.) and the period of the Three Kingdoms (220-265 A.D.). During the Tartar invasions of the fourth and ninth centuries, they migrated South to escape alien oppression. During the successive mass migrations of the Chinese people, the Hakka sought refuge in the mountains of South China. The Hakka people are farmers who have been forced to struggle for subsistence on the poor soil of the highlands.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206600, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "142\n\nLINDA F. SULLIVAN\n\nmale agnatic descendants of a single ancestor together with their unmarried sisters and their wives.\"22 Hence, it is not uncommon for a village to have only one surname, as often is the case in the New Territories of Hong Kong. These patrilineal groups or family lineages play an important role in the life of the community. If there is more than one lineage existing in a settlement, there may be a struggle for power and control of the area. The more powerful clans may force the small clans to leave or assimilate, thus maintaining a single lineage. In those areas where two or more lineages do co-exist, they sometimes have their own areas within the village, separated from the other group. Hence, a need for protection developed from social conflict.\n\nWhen the Hakkas moved into these areas, they no doubt did not try to assimilate. They were a proud and independent people who sought freedom for their way of life. They built their fortified dwellings to maintain themselves in a countryside already divided into small units. Since these provinces are also near the sea, pirates were a problem, not to mention bands of robbers on land. Defense, therefore, was a necessary part of community life. Perhaps this stimulated the growth of relatively independent and closely settled local lineages. The Hakkas settled by themselves in their own tightly organized, independent complexes. The circular house was simply a more effective way to protect themselves against any enemy. A circle does not provide the enemy with any obvious point of internal weakness. The Hakka lineages have also been very small. Why this is so remains an unanswered question. It is not known whether it is because of the general poverty or because of some social more which prevents the growth of powerful, large groupings. Another factor might be that the Hakkas have always been moving on to new areas of settlement seeking freedom and independence. Hence, the younger generation travels away from home and fails to continue the patrilineal line.\n\nThe walled towns in the New Territories represent another form of communal housing. Here the settlers are Punti (Cantonese), not Hakka. Their walled villages are located on the richer farming plains of the mainland New Territories amidst smaller and later unwalled settlements of other Punti and Hakka arrivals. These villages are enclosed on all four sides by a very high wall. Within these walls, the life of a \"common descent\" family unfolds.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206610, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "152\n\nDAFYDD EMRYS EVANS\n\nNovember 1846, he assigned the lot to Foong Achi (otherwise Attai) for an unspecified amount. The transaction was recorded as an absolute assignment and this led Tarrant, then Clerk of Deeds in the Land Office and to whom we shall shortly return, to add a note on the lease register to the effect that the leaseholder's name could not be altered in the Lease Register until the mortgage encumbrances were cleared. Though Foong later claimed that the transaction was an absolute assignment, with $1,000 as the consideration, Tarrant rejected this on the ground that the document of assignment was a forgery.10 But in 1848 Foong re-assigned the property to Hwei's administrator, stating that all sums owing were satisfied. This is sufficient to show that, when the market passed to Hwei's brother Afoon on his death in 1847, the picture was already complicated. It was to become more so.\n\nHwei Afoon seems to have felt the need for more cash for reasons which will soon become apparent and he entered into a transaction which is very difficult to understand, though he may have done so under duress. On 28 June 1847, he assigned his interest (as administrator) to two others on trust for various purposes. These two named persons were, first, Chow Aoan who, at the time was compradore to the Government Treasury and, as such, a powerful man. He already had extensive property interests in the Chinese parts of the town and was to extend them in the years to come. The other person was Le Quong-cheong about whom less is known. He described himself on one occasion as a 'bookseller' but certainly also lent money.\n\nThe purpose of the transaction must have been to secure the repayment of monies borrowed by Hwei Afoon. Ying Wing-kee had transferred to Le on 19 June 1847 his interest in the property, the transaction being memorialised as a mortgage to secure the repayment of $2,400 owing to Le by Ying, but it may have in fact been a transfer to Le of Ying's interest under the mortgage of 12 October 1845. As shall be seen, however, Ying retained some interest in the market. The deed of assignment of 28 June 1847 required the trustees (Chow and Le) to pay the Crown Rent twice a month. Then they were to permit Ying Wing-kee to receive the rents of the nine shops fronting on the Queen's Road, showing that Ying retained some interest though precisely what it was is not clear. Hwei Afoon himself was to be paid $100 per month and the trustees were to pay", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206613, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "H.K.'S CENTRAL MARKET AND THE TARRANT AFFAIR\n\n155\n\nwhich went into his own pocket. The accusations had, of course, been withdrawn because they were impossible to substantiate but doubts still existed on the expenditure of the money which had undoubtedly been collected—Caine's version was that it had been used to run a voluntary hospital for the women but the Hong Kong Register alleged that a sum of about $500 per month was still being collected. To make matters absolutely plain, the Register reported that Afoon had told them that the Compradore's 'squeeze' was known to the Chinese as \"Caine's rent\" or \"tax.\"20\n\nThe finger was pointing at Caine though it is fair to say that Tarrant, whatever his motives, merely recounted the alleged facts. It was the two newspapers which implicated Caine in the dealings of the two compradores, but it was only Tarrant who found himself arraigned, with Afoon, for conspiring to damage the reputation of Caine. He was committed to trial before the Supreme Court by a bench of Justices. As it happened, the three justices were all Government servants (Campbell, Hillier and C. G. Holdforth) and two of them held to be Caine's protégés. It is probably true that the public was taken aback at this and Tarrant had their sympathy. When his case eventually came before the Supreme Court in October, Tarrant being suspended from duty during this period, the Attorney General moved that the trial be postponed because of the absence of a material witness. Lo Een-teen, Caine's Compradore, had disappeared from the Colony. Tarrant was willing for the trial to proceed but the Chief Justice Hulme ruled that it should be postponed and when it came up again, the Attorney General (now Parker, acting) moved before Campbell, now Acting Chief Justice, that there was no case to answer and did not offer any evidence.21 But, although Tarrant was now a free man, he found himself without a job—during his suspension the Government had combined his post with another. He proceeded to petition the Secretary of State, Earl Grey but he was hampered by lack of evidence.22\n\nIt is at this point that we return to the account of transactions in the Central Market. On 23 November 1847, Hwei's interest in the Central Market ceased when it was sold by the Sheriff to Le Kip-tye, an interpreter in the Government's employ, in execution of a writ of fi. fa.23 in the suit McSwyney v. Hwei Afoon.24 His interest was said to amount to 5/13 of the whole and this must have been his interest under the deed of 28 June of the same year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206671, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nCHINESE CONNOISSEURSHIP: THE KO KU YAO LUN. The Essential Criteria of Antiquities. A translation made and edited by Sir Percival David. Introduction, etc., 62pp., translation text 292pp., reproduction of original Chinese text 50pp.: 32 plates; indices of names, subjects and books referred to. Faber, 1971, £15.00.\n\nThe Ko-Ku Yao-Lun (referred to here as KKYL) is not such a difficult book, provided one is conversant with the peculiarities of Ming \"authorship\" and publishing practices and provided one can find one's way through the vast labyrinth of pre-Ming literature. The first and most prominent characteristic of Ming writing is that the material is hardly ever original. Most Ming authors, writing on any subject, tend to plagiarise with more or less skill from earlier writers, adding interjections which may or may not serve as connecting passages between long unacknowledged quotations. Ming publishers, especially those of the sixteenth and early 17th centuries, have no qualms about freely \"editing\" a well-known title on grounds of commercial expediency, or changing the title or \"author\" of a well-established work and calling it a \"new\" publication. When Ming authors actually write, they adopt a style that is grammatically straightforward enough but the writing is usually choked with erudite references to classical or pre-Ming literature. The Chinese \"scholarly\" practice of referring to a historical person by one of his many names or, worse, by one of his several official positions which he might have held however briefly at some stage of his career, is one of the most vexing inconveniences faced by the uninitiated. This practice is carried to its extreme in the Ming period.\n\nSir Percival David came across the KKYL while doing research for his famous study of Ju wares of the Sung period. He then developed great interest in the book, so much so that he wanted to translate it and, in association with other specialists, make a detailed study of the book and subjects connected with it. To the great misfortune of students of Chinese art, he was not given time to finish his task before he died in 1964 after having, on and off, worked on the project for nearly ten years. Any criticism of the book as it stands must be made and read with this important fact in mind.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206673, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n215\n\npassages in TTCLT dealing with two separate aspects of ancient bronzes into one short paragraph. This is only one example of the jumbled passages which are scattered throughout the book. Such passages can only serve to confuse the translator who in the present case has succumbed unquestioningly to the apparent difficulty and made literal readings of the \"O\" text.\n\nThere is yet another source of confusion in the \"O\" text. These are the misprints—which are obvious to those acquainted with the texts from which the KKYL is derived. In the passage just referred to there is a misprint in “O” which substitutes a non-existent character for \"grain\". What should read as \"not a grain of grit” is translated as \"not a trace of grit\" through intelligent interpretation. A more serious error arises in another passage which describes the brush strokes representing water as \"grain\" (ku, i.e., comma-like shaped) strokes rather than “crêpe de Chine” (hu ✯, i.e., undulating surface) strokes. This again is literally translated.\n\nThere are other types of errors caused by other types of difficulties (some of them mentioned already at the beginning of this review), but enough has been said to show that the securing of original and early texts is only one of the many aspects of the preliminary work which needs to be done before a satisfactory translation can be made. There is also the question of the very worth of the KKYL as a work of scholarship. For surely it is not \"a pioneer work of epochal importance, for it was the earliest comprehensive and systematic treatise on Chinese art and archaeology\". This honour should be accorded the TTCLT which predates the KKYL by more than a century, if it is to be accorded to any one book of this kind which is extant. To be fair to Sir Percival David, it must be said that he was well aware of the existence of TTCLT and other similar early books, but this knowledge did not shake his faith in the KKYL. The most recent Chinese study of the KKYL, by Chang T'ieh-hsüan, also accepts without question the general importance and great value of the book.\n\nBut why was the KKYL so widely received and taken seriously for the entire Ming period and into the Ching, and even until now? The answer must be that it was published at a time when printed literature was for the first time available to a much wider public, whereas the TTCLT just missed the period of the great flourishing of the printing industry and was little known to most scholars and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n219\n\nthe reader as he gets to grip with it: who, apart from the authors' patron, cares at all how great will be Hong Kong's imports of cotton, rice, wheat and other foodstuffs in the years ahead? This intelligence is of no conceivable commercial use, nor does it serve the policy-maker. The Hong Kong Government is unlikely to set long-term plans in motion to provide export capacity designed to generate the foreign currency sufficient to meet these import requirements, nor indeed will it need to do so. The reader is left to ponder the point of the study. Apart from the fact that it answers a research director's need for work to occupy research assistants, the study could form part of a larger study geared to determining the world pattern of commodity trade flows in the future — a useful basis for UNCTAD discussions and U.S. agricultural policy. It is only within a context such as this that the study makes any sense: alone, it looks like a missing piece of a jigsaw puzzle.\n\nGranted that the study has some point, how do the authors set about forecasting in Hong Kong and how well do they do it? The authors calculate imports as the difference between predicted demand and predicted domestic production, where such exists. The main body of the work is taken up by demand predictions which are made on the basis of the standard econometric model which expresses per capita consumption as a function of per capita income and the price of the commodity concerned relative to the general price index. Having estimated these demand relationships on the basis of past data, the authors predict per capita incomes and relative prices for the years 1970, 1975 and 1980 and calculate consumption with the use of the estimated regression coefficients: sound, routine stuff so far. In the course of this exercise, several difficulties emerge which show up the authors' strengths and weaknesses. The Hong Kong economy is wretchedly documented and the authors have worked commendably to build a few bricks without much straw. At all times the discussion and handling of data problems is honest, professional and interesting. This approach is illustrated very well in the reconstruction of a price index which overcomes the problems of unrepresentative weights applied in the construction of the 1947 base.\n\nWhen these statistics are actually used econometrically the study seems to flounder. The reconstructed price index performs very badly in all the regressions: it is statistically insignificant in all nine\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206689, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n231\n\nGore's acquaintance with Western sources, I suspect that little of relevance has been missed. But as an example of space wasted where it was at a premium, I quote in full the status given for the Pied Kingfisher; \"Rare winter visitor. There are a number of old records between November-February, but none since February 1917. It seems that it has decreased in numbers in recent years”. I would need the pen of A. E. Housman to do justice to that last sentence.\n\nBooks of this type stand or fall on the quality and comprehensiveness of the coloured plates, provided the author has been fortunate enough to be able to raise the funds for these. In this book these are generally disappointing, partly because the colouring is inaccurate, as it is in every species on Plate XXV (this could be the fault of the printer rather than the artist), and partly because the pictures just do not look like the birds they are supposed to represent. Plate XXXIII, of admittedly difficult species, would have helped as much if it had been omitted altogether, and the plates of hawks, besides being inaccurate in colouring, are of little use for identification because they do not show the birds in flight, when they are far more likely to be seen, and far easier to identify. Captions are not always correct; on Plate XXXIV, a picture of the Grey-spotted Flycatcher is captioned \"Broad-billed Flycatcher\", a particularly sad error as the species are similar, and the inclusion of this particular species on the plate was presumably intended to point out the distinctions between them. Some care has been taken to maintain the correct scale, although it is a little disturbing on Plate XIV to find the Hazel Grouse looking larger than a female Ring-necked Pheasant.\n\nIn spite of these faults, this book compares favourably with almost all other books available on the birds of Eastern Asia, though Kobayashi's Birds of Japan has better plates (but an inadequate text in Japanese only), and Smythies' Birds of Borneo is better on both counts. However, the fact that two individual books can be mentioned in this way, as the only books at all adequate for any part of this vast region, is an indication of the magnitude of the task which the authors set themselves, and in general the satisfactory way in which they have fulfilled it. I know that Professor Won would like to improve his Korean text, and would like to get better pictures done, and it is to be hoped that this book will be sufficiently successful to enable him and Mr. Gore to produce a revised and improved edition.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206692, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "234\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nin the US to spot-light Hongkong's \"blighted\" areas is a useful experiment in pinpointing the areas of greatest need in the Hongkong conurbation. Though not the first exercise of its kind in the colony, Pryor makes imaginative use of the data hitherto locked away in official files.\n\nSimilarly, Bishop's description of the squatter background to the resettlement programme mounted by the Administration and the social implications of resettlement -- are very valuable indicators of the approach taken by civil servants directly involved in Hongkong's housing programme. Although both essays have their defects (Bishop's approach is too narrowly factual, for instance), these two chapters are evidence of how much information the Government has at its disposal in framing policy and of the merits of encouraging officials to release larger amounts of the data which their departments gather so assiduously.\n\nThe editor presents yet another contribution to the study of the place of small enterprises in the local economy. This topic is one on which opinions differ sharply among the specialists. It is unfair perhaps to draw attention to the limited amount of comparative data from other parts of Asia which the editor has employed in his study, since his chapter suffers from severe limitations of space.\n\nBut a wider survey of the studies produced on small industry in the region might have altered his conclusions.\n\nLeung's two pieces on public transport are rather mixed in quality. The historical background he presents of the colony's transport system is useful but the section on mass transport is badly out of date (despite the footnote from the editor). In addition, Leung is out of touch with the way in which decisions on mass public transport systems for Hongkong have to be made.\n\nHe rightly points out that the data used in the original reports drawn up for the Hongkong Administration on a mass transit scheme were out of date even before the reports were completed. He might have pondered why the overseas consultants employed for this job were not encouraged to use other sources of data from the beginning. He should have asked how far any proposals framed originally on inadequate statistical information can remain convincing even when the proposals have been revised to take account of the latest census of the population and its key social and economic characteristics.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206693, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n235\n\nThe volume as a whole marks the beginning of an effort started some four years ago to bring the local university into greater contact with key problems of life in Hongkong. Academic commitment to Hongkong inevitably fluctuates. This volume is proof that the effort to get \"town and gown\" working together is worthwhile.\n\nHong Kong, 1972.\n\nLEO GOODSTADT\n\nThis review first appeared in the Far East Economic Review for 18 March 1972, and is reprinted here with the kind permission of the author and the F.E.E.R. Ed.\n\nPREMODERN CHINA, A BIBLIOGRAPHICAL INTRODUCTION, Chu-shu Chang, Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies, No. 11, 1971, pp. iii, 183.\n\nDr. Chang provides an introductory bibliography of Western-language works on premodern China from prehistoric times to the early nineteenth century,\n\nIn the preface he describes his purposes as follows:\n\nIt is designed primarily to introduce graduate students of premodern Chinese studies to all basic research tools and the current state of research in their field. It is hoped that the use of this bibliography will familiarize students with the major achievements and the most significant issues raised in Western-language sources (primarily English) before they undertake their research into Chinese and Japanese materials. A few standard references to and bibliographies of Chinese and Japanese sources, mostly with excellent comments in English, have also been included as a guide for advanced students who have acquired some reading knowledge of Chinese and/or Japanese and who desire to read works in these languages.\n\nVarious limiting considerations are listed in the rest of the preface. However, Dr. Chang need not have too many misgivings about his work which is a most useful basic guide and, within the limits of a relatively short book, provides much valuable bibliographical assistance over a wide field. The book is well-produced and carefully edited, is convenient to carry about and handle, and reasonably priced. This makes it thoroughly practical: not every", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206694, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n236\n\nstudent can afford, or indeed wishes, to carry Cordier and his successors around, and yet needs a handy reference.\n\nHong Kong, September, 1972\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nMANDARIN PRONUNCIATION EXPLAINED WITH DIAGRAMS. Raymond Huang. Hong Kong. Hong Kong University Press.\n\nIt is truly unfortunate that the book under review fails to do what it was intended to do. The expressed goals are important, and students and teachers of Chinese do indeed need a pronunciation guide of the type proposed in the present volume. However, the book is marred by some basic mistakes which effectively destroy its credibility and negate its value as a guide for beginners.\n\nFrom the text and references one can deduce that the author is a trained phonetician and that his knowledge of English phonetics is very good. But it is also obvious that he did not give the same attention to Chinese. As a result his articulatory description of Chinese is full of errors, the Chinese-English contrasts are unreliable, and the overall product is more harmful than helpful.\n\nAs a minor example, in discussing Mandarin tones the author has confused the 5th tone as marked in Mathews' Dictionary (all of which are reflexes of entering tone forms in final -p, -t, and -k, still distinctive in some Mandarin dialects) with his own 5th tone which is the modern Mandarin unstressed, atonic form. Thus (p. xxvi) he marks the question particle ma as 5th tone in his system because it is often toneless, but he notes that the 5th tone does not occur in modern Peking Mandarin and seems to imply that this is why Mathews' Dictionary marks this character with 4th tone. Historically this particular form was not in the entering tone category and would never be marked 5th tone in Mathews. Huang's comments simply compound confusion on the matter.\n\nBut a much more flagrant error is his attempt to describe Mandarin initial stops and affricates as contrasting on a voiced-voiceless axis. Thus, the author tells us that the Wade-Giles initial consonant pairs p p', t t', k k', ch ch', ts ts' contrast in the same way as English p b, t d, k g, ch j and ts dz. If this were actually true, one of the major stumbling blocks would be removed from", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206696, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "238\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nwith Mandarin /-u/ which Huang incorrectly compares to English /-u/ as in fool. Again this is phonetically misleading since the English vowel has an offglide [-uw] and the Chinese vowel [-u] does not.\n\nIn several places Huang compares Chinese r- to English r-. This may work in syllable initial position for many speakers, but Chinese speakers differ and English dialects are so divergent in treatment of this consonant that guidance based on cross-language comparisons must be used with great care. Explanations on pages xxix, 10, 11 and elsewhere should certainly distinguish English »r-« in syllable initial position as contrasted with other positions. Page 54 could well have included the information that the pronunciation of /r-/ varies in North China from something like English r- to something with much more friction approaching a French j- (hence the Wade-Giles j-).\n\nIt is not enough to argue as some authors do that these phonetic differences are slight and unimportant. The whole purpose behind a book like this is to give someone all the useable information about the fine points of Mandarin pronunciation. Misinformation, especially erroneous comparisons to English sounds, leave the student exactly where he would be with no help at all, that is, substituting the closest available English sound for the correct Mandarin sound. We do not need special instruction for that type of language learning, but we do need specific guidance in avoiding such problems. This book fails us here so we are still waiting for someone to publish the guide to Mandarin pronunciation. As of this date the best help continues to be found in the brief introductions to texts like Beginning Chinese by John DeFrancis, Speak Mandarin by Henry C. Fenn and M. Gardner Tewksbury, and Mandarin Primer by Y. R. Chao. All these texts give articulatory comparisons in terms of American English pronunciation but add corrective instructions.\n\nCornell University, 1972.\n\nJOHN MCCOY", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206734, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "5\n\nour application for acceptance as a constituent Society was agreed by the Arts Centre, and we will have a nominated member of our Council on its Management Committee on all future occasions it meets to discuss plans for facilities.\n\nThe two tours held during the year were organised by two of your officers. One, to the Chinese University, was arranged by Mr. D. A. Gilkes, Honorary Treasurer. The other, to places of historical interest in the Pokfulum area, was arranged by Mr. James Hayes, Vice-President and Honorary Editor. Both events appear to have been very successful.\n\nIn November we had our 5th symposium which took place as usual at The Hong Kong Club--one of the few moderately priced places appropriate for this kind of event in Hong Kong. The subject was \"Hong Kong: Chinese Tradition and the Development of a Town\" and papers were read by people either actively involved in original research, or in the practical aspects of their subjects. It was accompanied by an exhibition of photographs arranged with the kind help of the City Hall staff, and an exhibition of ritual paraphernalia connected with Triad Societies, provided by the Royal Hong Kong Police Force in conjunction with a paper read by one of its officers. The very useful material emerging at this symposium will be published in our brochure series. The material from our previous symposium on the botany of Hong Kong is in process of publication, and this coming week-end we will have our 6th symposium, on Hong Kong Fauna, organised by Professor B. Lofts of the Department of Zoology, University of Hong Kong.\n\nSince the end of the last calendar year several other events have already taken place and might be mentioned here. The first meeting of this year, at which Mr. James Watt of your Council spoke on recent archeological discoveries in China, was attended by our Patron, Sir Murray Maclehose and Lady Maclehose. A very successful tour to Thailand was organised by Mr. Smithies, who has been our Honorary Secretary for the past financial year. It was preceded by a panel presentation on Thailand in which Mr. Smithies participated, together with Mr. James Watt, and the Royal Thai Consul General. Nineteen members and their guests attended the tour itself, which took place over the Chinese New Year in February. I am pleased to report that the event was a great social success, those taking part organising a party on their return.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206749, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "20\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nother pests took their toll, the collection of the Medico-Chirurgical Society gradually became unwanted and unusable.\n\nSome remarks should be made on the incorporation of the Society into \"the Asiatic Society of China\" which soon became the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (21). First, why was such a step necessary, and second, to what extent did members of the former Society opt for membership of the new?\n\nIn the account of the origin of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (1) it is stated that the Medico-Chirurgical Society \"in accord with the contemporary spirit of inquiry and the enthusiasm for better knowledge of Asia in general and China in particular, had contemplated setting up a Philosophical Society.\" Part of this story is recorded in the Transactions, p. 62-63. Dr. McGowan of Ningpo wrote a letter which was read at a meeting of the Society on 6th January 1846, \"suggesting the addition of a scientific branch of this Society; or the formation of a Philosophical Society having a Medical Section. The matter having been briefly discussed it was the unanimous opinion of the members present... that the discussion of other scientific subjects should be left to other Bodies, of which members could avail themselves.\n\n**\n\nHowever, this resolve to go it alone was not to be achieved. It is stated in the \"Journal of Proceedings\" regarding the setting up of the \"Philosophical Society of China\" (afterwards the China Branch of the R.A.S.) that \"the number of members of a scientific body called the 'China Medico-Chirurgical Society' had been gradually diminishing, so as to render it difficult to obtain any meetings except at irregular and frequently long intervals\" (22). At the preliminary meeting held on 5th January 1847 there were eight doctors present, namely Drs. Balfour, Young, Barton, Dill, Harland, Bankier, Grant and Fletcher. Only four of these can be positively identified on the membership list of the Medico-Chirurgical Society (Transactions, p. 78), which includes 38 names—though of course others may have joined in the intervening year—but it appears that these four and possibly others had formed a splinter group sympathetic to those who favoured the formation of a \"Philosophical Society\", in the older meaning of the phrase.\n\nThere seems little doubt that the activities of the Medico-Chirurgical Society were on the wane, probably due to the death or departure of some of the more active members. Drs. Tucker,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "22 \n\nH. A. RYDINGS \n\nWe began this review of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society with some account of those who were officers during the first year of its existence. It is therefore appropriate to finish with a look at the office-bearers of the 'Philosophical Society of China”, and to note how many of them had been associated with the former society. The original office-bearers (22) were:\n\nPresident \n\nMajor H. P. Burn \n\nVice-Presidents Dr. Kennedy \n\nCouncil \n\nDr. Balfour \n\nA. Shortrede \n\nJ. C. Bowring \n\nGeneral Secretary W. F. Bryan \n\nTreasurer \n\nCurator \n\nDr. Young \n\nC. T. Watkins \n\nDr. Harland \n\nDr. Barton \n\nThere are five doctors on this list, of whom three are known to have been members of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, namely Drs. Kennedy, Balfour and Barton. The Dr. Young was probably Peter Young, the Colonial Surgeon, and not J. H. Young, who had been Secretary of the Medico-Chirurgical Society but had resigned. Dr. W. A. Harland, who read a paper on \"The Chinese system of human anatomy and physiology\" (23) at the meetings in September and October 1847, was later to become the Society's \"devoted Secretary\" (24), but is not included in the membership list of the Medico-Chirurgical Society, though he may have joined it after the list was compiled. A new set of office-bearers was appointed with the first change of name of the Society (21) and adoption of a constitution on 19th January 1847, with His Excellency Sir John F. Davis, Bart., F.R.S. as President: but that is another story.\n\nNOTES \n\n1 [J. R. Jones] in JHKBRAS, v. 1, 1961, p. 1.\n\n2 There are three copies recorded in libraries in the U.S.A., i.e. the National Library of Medicine at Washington; the Boston Medical Library; and the Library of the New York Academy of Medicine.\n\n3 Trans. China Med. Chir. Soc., v. 1, 1845-46, p. 28.\n\n4 Memoirs of the life and labours of Robert Morrison, comp. by his widow, London, 1839, v. 2, p. 148.\n\n5 Chinese repository, v. 16, 1847, p. 187-9.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "30 \n\nA. J. S. LACK \n\nAt the first intimation of the storm all local craft sought shelter where they could, there was thus a shortage of craft in the harbour available for working ships, and he thought that if ample additional accommodation were provided, preferably on the west side of the harbour, the shipping of the port would be relieved of much of the inconvenience and loss which the present conditions give rise to at such times. \n\nThe official response to this resolution was given by the acting Colonial Secretary who said that the Government was fully aware of the need for new accommodation such as was indicated in the resolution, only lack of funds had been the difficulty hitherto, but steps had now been taken to obtain definite plans for the construction of a harbour of refuge at the west end of the harbour. This was greeted with applause, as was his further statement that the Government had no objection to passing the resolution. \n\nHowever, the subject was not mentioned again in the Legislative Council until the following September, when the Finance Committee was advised it was regretted it had not been possible to include any sum for the construction of a harbour of refuge in the Estimates of Expenditure for the coming year. The matter had received consideration but owing to the large requirements of other works it had not been found possible to include it. \n\nThus 1904 passed without action on the proposed shelter and most of 1905 also, but late in that year things did begin to move. Sir Mathew Nathan*, the Governor at that time, delivered a very long speech to the Legislative Council which gave an estimate of the Colony's probable financial position on 31st December, 1905, in which he listed a large number of projects intended to be embarked upon. Amongst these he referred to the provision of a typhoon shelter for the increasing number of junks which had now prematurely to leave their work to ensure not being shut out of the limited accommodation in Causeway Bay. That reference to the proposed shelter was welcomed by Honourable Members at a subsequent meeting. However, by the early part of 1906 it was clear that the proposed typhoon shelter was likely to remain among the projects to be embarked upon \"only when the financial situation of the Colony allowed it.\" \n\n*1862-1939, Governor of Hong Kong 1904-1907.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206760, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "YAUMATEI TYPHOON SHELTER, HONG KONG\n\n31\n\nOn 13th September, 1906 it again became time for His Excellency to speak on the Estimates of Revenue and Expenditure for the coming year. In the course of that speech he said—\n\nOne of the items which I wished to appear on the Estimates for this year but which does not appear is the typhoon shelter. So long as we have those waterworks on hand to which I have referred there is very little chance of doing anything in connection with the shelter; unless the Chamber of Commerce would suggest raising the light dues to provide funds for its construction, in which case such a reasonable suggestion might be adopted.\n\nEvents were then to take a tragic turn. A week later on 20th September, 1906, His Excellency returned to the Legislative Council and informed the members that (as they well knew)—\n\nHong Kong had just suffered from catastrophe as calamitous, if not more so, than any which had previously befallen the Colony, the loss of life and property between the hours at 9 and 11 on Tuesday morning were as far as can at present be judged greater than those incurred in the great typhoon of 1874.\n\nHe went on to say--\n\nNone of us are likely to forget the scenes of that morning, first of all we saw when the typhoon gun was fired about 9 o'clock crowds of helpless shipping drifting to the east before the wind, then the whole scene was wiped out by the blowing sheets of rain, and an hour later the atmosphere being again clear, we saw that the junks and small craft had disappeared and that many of the larger ships were aground or in distress. What had happened to the Chinese boats was evidenced by the appalling scenes of desolation along the prayas or the Kowloon shore. I need not, however, dwell on those scenes nor account the losses which were witnessed and known to all of you.\n\nHe went on to detail and pay tribute to various acts of heroism which had occurred during the course of the storm.\n\nThis typhoon had occurred just after the budget for 1907 had been presented and before the Council had had an opportunity to comment on the proposed expenditure at its next sitting. Now the Governor had suggested the construction of a typhoon shelter could not be started unless perhaps it were financed out of increased light dues. Despite the typhoon in which an estimated 10,000 people", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "34 \n\nA. J. S. LACK \n\nshall not to be so met), the question of whether additional taxation should be imposed by higher assessed taxes or light dues will have to be considered. \n\nHe went on, \n\nI hardly think the honourable member who represents the Chamber of Commerce can be allowed to have the last word on that subject. He stated the Colony depends entirely on its shipping, I know that is the usual way of putting the case, but is it really the correct way, does not the colony depend as much on its trade as it does on its shipping, would the shipping exist without its trade. I think not, the shipping makes profits and I imagine they are large ones from the Colony and it is not clear why those profits as well as the profits from trade should not be taxed. At any rate that is not a matter I need to settle at the present moment. \n\nTwo months later, in November, 1906 the Director of Public Works laid upon the table in Legislative Council the report of proceedings of a Committee, together with a chart of the harbour on which were shown possible sites for harbours of refuge and the various locations which the Committee had recommended and the probable cost of the construction of the harbour of refuge at any one of them. These included the possible shelters at, \n\nMong Kok Tsui - a detached breakwater extending from near Tai Kok Tsui to opposite the southern end of Yaumatei enclosing an area of 166 acres at a cost of $600,000. Cheung Sha Wan -- a detached breakwater extending from near Lai Chi Kok to near Shamshuipo enclosing an area of 168 acres, again at a cost of $600,000. \n\nStonecutters—a detached curved breakwater off the east end of \n\nthe island extending from near the northeast point to near the southeast point and enclosing area of 107 acres at a probable cost of $765,000. \n\nKellet Bank -- a breakwater extending northwards from Green Island, curving round and then extending southward to about opposite its point of commencement and enclosing an area of 136 acres, the total cost of $1.1 million. Kennedy Town—a curved breakwater projecting from Belchers Point enclosing alternatively an area of 32 or 75 acres according to the lengths to which it was to be extended. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "PERSIANS, ARABS IN T’ANG CHINA\n\n59\n\nManichaean whose doctrines were proposed to the court in A.D. 694.5 There were students from Japan, who, after enjoying a few years of study on Chinese classics, preferred to remain in China permanently. There were also aristocratic Tibetan youths sent by their parents for traditional Chinese scholarship. There were Khoten painters who later became great masters in Chinese artistic circles. There were Sogdians, who introduced polo to the Chinese. Above all, there were Persians and Arabs, whose activities and contributions had tremendous influence on T'ang political and social history.\n\nI\n\nMany Persians, Arabs and others lived in Tang China. The Turks, Uighurs, Tocharians, Sogdians, Koreans and Japanese for the most part lived in Ch'ang-an and the Chams, Khmers, Javanese and Singhalese in Canton. Persians and Arabs, however, were also to be found in these two places and in Yang-chou and Ch'üan-chou as well. All these foreigners in the early Tang period shared the same kind of life as the T'ang Chinese. In A.D. 714, the T'ang government had to establish a special office known as Shih-po-ssu (Superintendent of Customs) to look after the foreign affairs in Canton and in other cities along the coastal region.\n\nForeigners in T’ang China were not all law-abiding. Uighur nationals sought out Chinese businessmen and young Chinese wastrels and made shady deals with them in the capital. Persians and Arabs, on the other hand, would lure young beautiful Chinese girls to become part of their possessions and even engaged in the slave trade in Canton. Also, some of them would purposely encourage those Chinese who were in need of money to pledge their land, furniture and sacred relics for ready cash.\n\nThe Chinese pawn-shop came into being in late T’ang period and this kind of practice is believed to be the embryo of the modern pawn-shop. The moneylenders' business was regarded as a plague in the beginning of the ninth century and the emperor had to issue a decree in A.D. 822 prohibiting such practice or every Chinese in the Empire would be in debt.7 The Turks were as notorious as the others. A Turk stabbed a Chinese merchant to death in broad daylight and was rescued by his Fan-chang (Sheikh) without any...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206814, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES BY 19TH CENTURY KWANGTUNG ART COLLECTORS\n\nCHUANG SHEN*\n\nIntroduction: Chinese Paintings and the Compilation of Art Catalogues\n\nAlthough wall painting is the most historic form of Chinese painting, few of them survive today. With regard to other types of painting, Ku K'ai-chih's \"Admonition of Court Ladies\" (Nu-shih-chen t'u), a work executed in the fourth century Chin dynasty, is the earliest in date and exists in the form of a small handscroll. In the sixth century Sui dynasty, there appeared Chan Tzu-chien's \"Spring Outing\" (Yu-ch'un t'u), which is a large horizontal hanging scroll. During the seventh to ninth centuries T'ang dynasty, screens (both p'ing, unmovable; and chang, movable) were widely used.\n\nViewing these in terms of practicality, no matter whether the format is a horizontal handscroll, or a vertical hanging scroll, or even a folding screen, they are all paintings with a portable form. Due to this portability and their much smaller size in comparison with wall painting, there has appeared ever since the fourth century a large number of art collectors in China.\n\nAfter the T'ang and the Sung dynasties, collecting ancient paintings became very popular; and when their collections grew to be quite sizable, art collectors began to feel a need to compile catalogues. According to documentary materials that are now known to us, the earliest painting catalogue is Pei Hsiao-yuan's \"History of Imperial and Private Painting Collections in the Chen Kuan Era\" (Chên-kuan kung-ssu hua-shih). This title, apparently dating from early T'ang, indicates that there was no clear-cut distinction between imperial and private collections, both being considered together for cataloguing purposes. However, by the Sung dynasty, we find this is no longer the case.\n\n* Mr. Chuang Shen (S. C. Chuang) is BA (Taiwan) and MA (Princeton) and Lecturer in the Chinese Department of the University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206833, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "104\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nlogue seems to be smaller than that found in Pan's catalogue. All in all, the lack of record of paintings and calligraphies listed in the table of contents in the text of a catalogue is the second type of deficiency in compilation found in the art catalogues of the Kwang-tung collectors.\n\nB. Carelessness in Proof-reading\n\nThe deficiency in proof-reading is the second type of deficiency in the art catalogue of the Kwangtung collectors. We may begin by examining Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. The carelessness in the proof-reading of this catalogue can be seen in the two following examples. In the 51st year of the K'ang Hsi era (1712), Wu Shêng completed the 20 chüan of his famous catalogue Ta-kuan-lu. It is not known whether Wu Yung-kuang had read Wu Shêng's Ta-kuan-lu with care or not; however, after acquiring Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u, he had made use of the entry of this painting in Ta-kuan-lu to collate with the inscriptions attached to the painting. Moreover, he mentioned the name of Wu Tzu-min?\n+ in his own colophon. Therefore, having known the literary name of Wu Shêng as Tzũ-min, Wu Yung-kuang could hardly be ignorant of Wu Shêng. Yet in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he was so careless as to record Wu Shêng's name wrongly. In chüan 5 of his catalogue, after entering Ch'iu Ying's Yü-tung hsien-yüan-tu玉洞仙源 he added,\n\nWang Shêng's12 Ta-kuan-lu has also recorded Shih-fu'sTX Yu-tung hsien-yüan-t'u1\n\n12\n+\n\nIn chüan 4 of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, Wu Yung-kuang had already mentioned that the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu was Wu Tzŭ-min11, yet in chüan 5 of the same book, he recorded the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu as Wang Shêng12. It is thus apparent that the mistake of calling Wu Shêng as Wang Shêng could not be due to Wu Yung-kuang's ignorance. Rather, it resulted from a mistake in his own handwriting, or from a mistake made while cutting the blocks for painting. Moreover, according to Ku Fu's P'ing-sheng chuang-kuan13 there was a calligrapher by the name of Wang Shêng active in the Southern Sung period. Thus, if the reader of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi has complete faith in Wu Yung-kuang, would it not be very likely for the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu to be taken as a Sung figure of the mid 13th century instead of a Ch’ing figure of the mid 17th century?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206840, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS AND STORIES OF THE \n\nNEW TERRITORIES \n\nKAM T'IN 錦田 \n\nSUNG HOK-P'ANG \n\nKam T'in is one of the oldest villages in the New Territories. During the dynasty of Hau Chau (後周) A.D. 951-959 most of the villagers belonged to the family of Ch'an (陳) and the place was called Ch'an Tin (陳田) meaning Chan's field. In the 6th year of Hoi Po (開寶) A.D. 973 of Sung (宋) dynasty Tang Hon Fat (鄧漢黻) who is said to be the first Tang (鄧) ancestor to come to Kwangtung (廣東) settled in the village, and built the first house at the bottom of a hill called Kwai Kok Shaan (龜角山) about ¼ of a mile away from the present Kam T'in. It was at first called Sham Lei (岑里), but later on they cultivated the surrounding country and the name was changed to Sham Lei T'in (岑里田) which was soon shortened to Sham T'in (岑田) meaning fields surrounding a small hill. The present name of Kam T'in (錦田) or ornamental fields, was given to the village in the 15th year of Maan Lik (萬曆) A.D. 1587 of Ming dynasty (明朝), and it came about in this way. \n\nAt that time there was a very bad famine in the San On district (新安縣), and the district magistrate Yau T'ai K’în (游大乾) was obliged to open the government granaries and distribute the rice to relieve the people. But when it was finished they were still in need, and the magistrate then sent his officers to all the rich men in the district asking them for donations to help the poor. Most of them contributed a few piculs of rice, but none of them more than a hundred. Then Tang Yuen Fan (鄧元藩) of Sham T'in was visited. He was the richest man in San On district, and was noted for his generosity. He owned over 10,000 Chinese acres of cultivated \n\n*There are six sections to this long article, each printed in different numbers of The Hong Kong Naturalist. In this reissue the separate parts will be indicated by figures within square brackets. The first three sections, given here, appeared in the issues for December 1935 and April and June 1936. The rest will follow in the next issue of this Journal. \n\nThe romanizations used in the original included figures to indicate tone values. These are now excluded. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 119\n\ncrow their feathers all fell down on the earth. Nine suns were shot down, but one was too far away to be reached, and that is the sun that still remains to this day. Ngai was very afraid of dying, and he went to a fairy called Sai Wong Mo (1) who gave him some medicine for long life. Sheung Ngoh stole it, and took it in secret. She became lighter and lighter and eventually floated up to the moon where she became a toad. She had a palace to live in which was called the Shim Kung. Another story tells of a Kwai tree growing in the moon, 5,000 Chinese feet tall. A man called Ng Kong (吳剛), who had been sent to the moon as a punishment by the gods for having committed something wrong when learning to become an immortal, was always chopping it with a large chopper. He never managed to cut it down, because as soon as a cut was made in the trunk, it instantly grew together again. Thus the saying \"Shim Kung Chit Kwai\" which applied to those who passed the highest government examinations, gradually came into use since the T'ong (唐) dynasty, A.D. 618. There were many Kwai trees on the hillsides of Kwai Kok Shaan, either planted by Tang Foo or someone later, and the teachers are supposed to have sent their pupils out from the school to pluck the sprigs of flowers with the idea of encouraging them to further effort.\n\nAnother name for the hill is Ngo T'aam Shaan (鵝潭山), turtle pool hill. There is a pool still to be found on the hillside, which, according to one story, used to have turtles living in it. Another story says that it had a rock looking like the head of a large turtle. In olden times all the successful candidates who had passed the government examination, Tsun Sz (進士) went up to the emperor's palace to sit for a further examination named Tin Shi (殿試). Those who passed had their names put in order of merit on a list written on gold paper, and at a ceremony known as Ch'uen Lo (傳臚) the names were read out. The two candidates at the top of the list were led up the steps of the palace by the master of ceremonies, who then presented the first candidate, called the Chong Yuen (狀元) with the list. At the top of the stairs was a turtle carved in stone, and finally the Chong Yuen was caused to stand with his foot on its head. Thus he was known as \"Tuk chim ngo t'au\" (獨占鰲頭). The scholars at Kwai Kok Shaan when wandering on the hillsides would amuse themselves by standing on the turtle-head rock and shouting “I am the only man to put his foot on the head of the turtle!\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206852, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN\n\nthe Emperor Sung Kwong Tsung (***). After her death her eldest son Lam (†) took a letter that she left behind to Sung Kwong Tsung, who ordered that honours should be paid to the dead princess, the name of Wong Kwu bestowed on her, and a thousand Chinese acres of cultivated land given to Lam, the income from which to be spent on her grave for customary rites and worship. The To Shue Tsaap Shing which was written in the 4th year of Yung Ching (£) of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1726, mentions the fields as being still used for this purpose.\n\nThe princess was very famous for her humility. When she first came to Kam T'in she willingly helped to do the servants' work in the house, and showed no pride in her high birth. There are two sentences referring to her in a poem written by the poet Kan Sz Leung (MA) which run:—\n\n1. 金枝玉葉無人偶,\n\n2. 凄絕農家執箕帚。\n\nwhich roughly translated read:\n\n1. Gold branch jade leaves no one dare to make a pair with.\n\n2. Sad utmost farmer family hold dustpan and broom.\n\nWhen the princess became very old a site for her grave was chosen by a famous \"fung shui\" man named Lai Paak Shiu (16 #). He selected a hill called Sz Tsz Shaan (#) in Shek Tseng (#) near Shek Lung, which was supposed to resemble a lion, but he first asked her if she would prefer to be buried on the lion's head or its tail. She asked what difference it would make, and she was told that if her grave was on the head her descendants would be very great men; but if on the tail they would be more humble people, perhaps officers of low degree, and, although prosperous, none would succeed to high rank. The princess at once said, “I do not want my descendants to become great. They could never be as high as an Emperor's daughter, and yet even I was in danger of my life. I wish them to enjoy the red rice and the shiny scale fish (the unhusked rice and herrings, farmers' food). If they have that they should be content.\" So she was buried on the lion's tail, and two more sentences were written about her,\n\n1. 紅米之飯錦鰍魚,\n\n2. 田家風味甘有餘。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206854, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN\n\n125\n\nbeen repaired and colour-washed in red and white. For a long time this grave was lost, much to the sorrow of Tsz Ming's descendants. In the 33rd year of Hong Hei (R) of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1694, Tang Lui Taan (12) of Ha Ts'uen (†) happening to read the old history of Tung Kwun came across this passage. \"Tang Tsz Ming's grave is in Kau To (A) on Fat Au Leng Shaan. It is now called Ng To (£) of San On district.\" Lui Taan reported this to a relation, Tang Ng Shaang (£) who immediately collected a party of Kam T'in men to go out to the hill and find it. They found a grave there, but on it was a stone stating that it belonged to Tang Maan Lei (£) a cousin of Tsz Ming and the first ancestor of the Ping Shaan family of Tangs. The Kam T'in men were preparing to go away disappointed, when Ng Shaang discovered another and much older stone nearby with the characters almost obliterated. He took the tea he had brought to drink, carefully washed the stone with it and found the following on it ẞ and part of the two characters Kwan # and Ma which were in Tsz Ming's title. After consultation it was decided to dig up the grave and a sham tomb with bricks inside it of a very old style were found exactly the same as in the princess' grave. At last they found the real tomb itself and Tsz Ming's bone-pot could be seen through a hole in the top. So the Kam T'in men were very glad indeed, and to show their gratitude every year about the third month, at the Ts'ing Ming () festival of worshipping at the graves of their ancestors, the Kam T'in people always presented Ng Shaang with some roast pork taken from the offerings for the husband of the princess.\n\n[3]\n\nDuring the Sung dynasty the titles of She Yan (4A) or Siu She (J) were used to address young men of high rank. As the four sons of Tang Tsz Ming and the Princess were the nephews of the Emperor they received the title of Kwok She (4) which means \"Kingdom's young men.\" The eldest, Lam (*) was known as Taai Kwok She, the others Kei (2) Waai (†) and Tsz (†) were called Yee, Saam and Se Kwok She respectively. It is the custom in Kam Tin even now for the young people to address their fathers as \"She\" instead of “Ah Dae\" (E) the Cantonese equivalent to \"Daddy.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206903, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "174\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nof a mask, they painted the features of the masks right on the face. The mask cannot change its expression, it lacks the spirit of the eyes and is lifeless, it hinders the speech and even more the singing, as is the case in the stagnant Japanese Noh-play. Mr. Scott does not give any background at all, but names the 15th century as the beginning of painted faces and gives them as the origin of the Japanese Kabuki make-up. He also says that their design is according to the Chinese rules of physiognomy.\n\nThe subject of painted faces is very extensive: a book published in Tai-wan a few years ago contains a thousand varieties of painted faces*.\n\nTurning to other aspects, the Peking Opera stage is empty except for a table and 2 chairs. If a chair is placed on a table, it means a mountain, and can be used to indicate, for example, a general addressing his army. Rain, wind and storms are indicated by black or blue flags of thin silk, which are carried over the stage. Carrying a horsewhip means that this person is riding, a military order is indicated by a small triangular flag, 2 square flags with a wheel-design indicate a carriage and so on.\n\nBoth authors describe in more or less detail the system of the Peking Opera schools. It is surprising how few people know that we have such a school here in Hong Kong. 40 children are trained in this school, some as young as 6 years old. They get up early to train their voices, then comes the teacher for acrobatics, then opera parts are rehearsed. In the afternoon, they study general subjects, and in the evening they go to the Lai Chi Kok amusement park to give their daily performance.\n\nIf you want to take the chance, which is so easily available, to see this intriguing type of opera, you should also spend a few hours with Elizabeth Halson's short guide. This book really does fill the newcomer's need for a comprehensive, well-ordered, introduction enabling him to enjoy and appreciate what he sees in the opera; though not yet what he hears, like Chinese enthusiasts who go to the opera in order to hear it.\n\nHong Kong, 1973.\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nChang Pe-chin: Chinese Opera and Painted Face, Taiwan, Mei Ya Publications, Inc. 1969.\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206937, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "2\n\nday, five short papers were read on fish, fauna and flora of the sea-shore; insects; land vertebrates, and birds, and the talks were illustrated by an exhibition of both stuffed and live specimens. The field trips, held on the Sunday, were to Tai Tam Bay which supports fauna communities, some of them unique to Hong Kong Island, on its extensive sand and mud flats; and to the Mai Po Marshes, a wetland habitat dominated by deep ponds producing ducks, mullet and carp, and having a marginal zone of dwarf mangrove. This provides a unique eco-system of considerable scientific interest. Professor Lofts is currently engaged in editing the materials presented by his team for one of our symposia publications. The materials from our previous symposium, held the preceding year, should be ready for publication shortly.\n\nOur first local visit of the year was to the Sikh and Hindu temples in Happy Valley. This took place in April. Of the 10,000 Indians in Hong Kong, some 2,000 are Sikhs and the majority of the remainder, Hindus. The Hong Kong Khalsa Diwan, “Sacred Assembly”, as both the Sikh temple and its congregation are called, was founded in 1935 and the Hindu temple some time later. Led by Mr. Ian Watson of the Department of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, a group of members first attended a Sikh service (Sikhism is a revisionist movement within Hinduism, founded at the close of the seventeenth century) and then visited the Hindu temple and its library.\n\nOur second excursion was to Cape D'Aguilar, named after Major General G. C. D'Aguilar, first general officer commanding the Hong Kong Garrison in the 1840s. A group of members visited Hok Tsui village, founded in the eighteenth century, and providing the older name for the Cape D'Aguilar area. They looked at old houses and the village's granite watch-tower, together with its temple to the god Pak T'ai, probably of the nineteenth century.\n\nIn January, members visited the Lo Pan temple—Lo Pan is the god of carpenters and building constructors. The temple is situated in Kennedy Town, in an interesting old corner of Western District, still largely in its pre-war condition, and first built about 1884. The fourth and last local visit was to Tai Miu, Joss House Bay, one of the most historical sites of Hong Kong and well-known in Chinese historical and geographical works. The Tai Miu, or \"Great Temple\" is dedicated to T'in Hau, “Empress of Heaven”, a very popular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206954, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE PAPER CHASE\n\n19\n\nadministrative reasons, to be kept for specified periods of time or until the completion of certain actions.\n\nIn many departments of government records of this kind may represent as much as 50% of their total holdings at any one time, and where their volume is great, as it often is, the problem arises of how to keep them readily available at the same time as minimising the cost of their storage.\n\nComputerisation, microphotography and other techniques have been used increasingly over the last twenty or thirty years to help meet this problem, and with considerable success; but over quite a wide range of record classes the application of these bulk reduction and information storage and retrieval processes has been found to be uneconomical or impracticable due to the form or physical condition of the records themselves or because of the relatively short periods during which some intermediate records need to be retained.\n\nFor the time being, then, there is no escape from the need to store and control large bodies of records by conventional means.\n\nOne of the expedients employed increasingly in developed countries over the last few decades, as I have said, is that of centralised storage. Records reaching the \"intermediate\" stage of their existence are relinquished by their creating departments to a central repository which operates as a division of the government's Archive office. These central repositories, or \"intermediate record centres\" as they are termed, are usually located in low-cost areas and operate in some measure as extensions of the departments' own registries. The transferred records are maintained in very much the same manner as they are in the departments and are regularly culled and finally disposed of in accordance with schedules developed and administered by the archival authority in consultation with the departments concerned. Official reference to the records in the meantime is facilitated by a courier service.\n\nThe main advantages of the system are that it minimises storage costs, rids offices of seldom-used records and facilitates the regular and systematic destruction of valueless papers; and since records are kept in a more orderly condition in intermediate record centres than they generally are in departments it leads to more rapid retrieval of information. An efficient record centre should be able to produce any paper demanded of it within ten minutes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206955, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "20 \n\nA. 1. DIAMOND \n\nIn modern countries the development of intermediate records repositories has already come to be accepted as one of the normal functions of a government archive service and their management is becoming one of the specialised fields in archives administration. \n\nBefore leaving the subject of archives in general I should like to say something about what archivists do with archives once they are in their care. I am often asked about this, How do we organise them? Do we arrange them by subject or theme or what? How do we retrieve information from them?—and so on. \n\nWell the first thing to point out is that archivists do not arrange archives at all, in the sense of reorganising them to suit some pre-conceived or ideal pattern. On the contrary, one of the archivist's chief concerns is to maintain them precisely in accordance with the scheme of classification which was imposed upon them by the office which created them. When a body of records is passed to an archive office one of the first things an archivist does is to examine it in order to discover how the records were classified and controlled by the office of origin. And having come to understand the system thoroughly the only re-arranging he may do will take the form of returning papers which are out of order to their proper places, and this he will do only after noting carefully, for the information of future users, that these items were found misplaced in such and such locations and have been returned to their correct positions. \n\nWhy this emphasis on original order? Well, you will recall that one of the attributes of archives which lends them their special evidential quality is the fact that they accumulated naturally. A body of archives acquires a kind of organic unity as it accumulates, rather like a growth of coral, and the relationships of papers in it can have significance in themselves and actually add meaning to each individual paper. This can be illustrated by considering an ordinary correspondence file. In its undisturbed entirety it may record the whole or part of some administrative transaction. It chronicles what happened, when and why; who said what to whom and for what reasons. In places it may be wrong in matters of fact or mistaken in the views it records. It may not say all that could have been said, and if it is like some government files it may say a good deal more than need have been said. But for all that it is the record; it is what passed among administrators themselves as an account of that particular piece of business and it served both to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206958, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Paper Chase\n\n23\n\nThe main function of the P.R.O. is the conservation of all government records of permanent value for official reference and private research. More specifically, this means all documents which possess value for:\n\n(i) documenting the constitutional and legal basis of government;\n\n(ii) documenting the origin, development, organisation, functions, policies and substantive activities of government departments;\n\n(iii) protecting the rights and privileges of private citizens and organisations; and\n\n(iv) research into political, social and economic affairs and the history of the community.\n\nYou will notice from this, by the way, that archives are not preserved solely in the interests of historians. The scope of modern government is wide and there are few aspects of human activity and environment to which official records do not refer. A government's archives, therefore, are potentially of research value to every academic discipline.\n\nArchive institutions, like libraries, museums and art galleries, need to be located in places where they are easily accessible to the public. The trouble is that archives, and especially government archives, need a great deal of storage space; so that in cities like Hong Kong, where office accommodation is at a premium, the housing of archives has special problems. Stored archives are immensely heavy and this limits us to ground floor accommodation or to buildings especially constructed to withstand high floor-loadings. Again, if one provides at the outset for long-term space needs this means tying up large building areas which will remain under-utilised for a long period. The alternative, of providing only for short-term requirements, means constant removal to new premises. We have had to compromise. The P.R.O. is housed at present* in temporary premises in Garden Road with accommodation for 5,450 shelf-feet of records. In about April this year we shall be moving to the Murray Road Multi-storey Car Park Building where we shall have room to accommodate about 15,000 shelf-feet of records. The new premises will be equipped with, among other things, a document repair section and bindery, a photographic laboratory and, I\n\n* January 1974.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206975, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "40 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nMayréna's reputation was totally destroyed: \"The \"King of the Sedangs\", in truth, seems to have followed the example of a brother \"King\" of French origin, who after establishing a Kingdom in a district on the borders of French Guiana, ended an illustrious career in the inside of a French prison. Of course we do not say that the denouement will be the same in this case.' But it was clear to the readers of the Mail that the editor thought that Mayréna was jail material. \n\nBy the beginning of the year 1889 it became clear to Mayréna that nothing more was to be gained by staying in Hong Kong. His overtures to the German Consul in Hong Kong and to his colleague at Canton had borne no fruit. Although he offered to put his kingdom under the protection of the German Emperor, his offer was rejected. He decided—there was no other option—to return to Europe and seek support from financial circles there. On 20 January 1889 the King of the Sedangs left Hong Kong for Genoa by the German steamer Bayern, travelling as a second-class passenger and under the pseudonym of ‘le comte de Drey'.36 \n\nMayréna's exit from Hong Kong was in sharp contrast to his triumphal embarkation at Haiphong in November 1888. Then the royal standard of the King of the Sedangs fluttered above the Frejr and the deferential Captain Lund had greeted him as 'Votre Majesté' and all had been bowing and scraping by a perspiring crew. Nevertheless, Mayréna left Hong Kong in 1889 with some panache. Many friends and well-wishers were at the waterfront to see the popular King go, although no band played, no royal standard adorned the Bayern, and no representative of Sir William Des Voeux was present. Mayréna looked very much a king in exile; among the throng many, like Fraser-Smith and J.J. Francis, were truly sorry to see their old drinking companion go. \n\nMayréna's departure from Hong Kong was greeted by a jubilant article in the Mail, which began: 'Another King has gone into exile. M. de Mayréna, a Frenchman who arrived here about two months ago with a flourish of trumpets, telling a story of adventures worthy of ranking with 1001 in the Arabian Nights, quietly left Hong Kong, we believe, by the Bayern, for Genoa, on Sunday morning'. The writer continued: 'We need scarcely say that in publishing the revelations which put an end to his schemes in Hong Kong we were actuated solely by a desire for the public interest \n\nAs,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206985, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "H. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nEuropean expansion and domination that ended in 1914 provided a more richly fertile environment for this social type. Adventurers do not compose a social group held together by common beliefs or ideology like anarchists, bolsheviks or suffragettes; rather they are supreme individualists and their individualism and egomania asserts itself most brutally in periods of rapid social change, in periods of social dislocation, fluid social boundaries, disorder and political ambiguity. Adventurers surface in greater numbers, then, under particular social conditions; they can impose their will, in the short run at least, by force, bluff, imposture or sheer physical courage,56 either because their social audience is credulous or because their victims desire victimisation, as a martyr seeks martyrdom; for the need to be dominated is as strong sometimes as the urge to dominate. Domination means accepting constraints, and constraint may bring a measure of psychic security and peace.\n\nSouth-East Asia, Central and South America, the Wild West and the Pacific, all provided an ideal terrain for the adventurers' individual obsessions, whether it was the pursuit of power, wealth, status, excitement, luxury or sensuality. And these were areas, of course, where the white man increasingly exercised control, by means of his advanced technology and dominant culture. Mayréna in the land of the Moï and Morès in the Bad Lands of North Dakota, a frontier area only recently cleared of Sioux, lived outpost lives on the margin of civilisation—one became, briefly, the King of the Sedangs, the other, likewise, the Emperor of the Bad Lands. Conditions in these places were perfect for the seigneurial role they sought to play. Such conditions would not be found easily today.\n\nAt this time, two other factors favoured the adventurer class: respect for titles and poor communications. Mayréna succeeded in making dupes of several influential and wealthy persons because they were deeply impressed by his assumed rank—the 'King of the Sedangs' or 'le comte de Drey'. Morès was a nobleman and a grand seigneur by birth; the fact that his name and that of his noble house could be found enshrined in print in the Almanach de Gotha seduced people of lesser rank. The European bourgeoisie achieved economic and a larger degree of political power in the nineteenth century; this parvenu class, ostensibly resentful of social distinctions was, on the other hand, often mesmerised by titles of any kind. This was true even in democratic America: the shady thespians who", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206993, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA\n\nCAROLE MORGAN*\n\nAny mention of horses and dogs in connection with China immediately brings to mind noble steeds and miniature pugs. But horses and dogs had been known in China long before T'ang sculptors created their masterpieces and T'ang painters sent diminutive pets romping through their pictures. It is the aim of this paper to show what part these animals played in ancient Chinese society.\n\nOrigins\n\nIt is generally accepted that dogs are the oldest domestic animals known to man. Although it is difficult to determine what breed of dogs were actually known to the ancient Chinese (see hunting dogs) the bones of an animal very similar to the Australian wild dog or Dingo were found in some of the earliest prehistoric graves excavated in Northern China.1 As in other parts of the world it is assumed that dogs first attached themselves to prehistoric Chinese settlements and were then gradually accepted as part of the human household. Proof of the casual nature of the relationship between dog and man may be found in the fact that although classical Chinese literature refers to a creator of horses (Lu Pu-wei in Lu Shih Ch'un Ch'iu) no creator of dogs is ever mentioned.2\n\nBones of horses have also been found in prehistoric graves. To date, the earliest bones discovered were those of a large horse (Equus Sanmensis) unearthed at Chou Kou T'ien, in the same grave but in a later strata, as those of Peking man.3 This discovery led to the conclusion that the horse is indigenous to China and not imported from Central Asia as was previously supposed. It may even be possible that horses were exported from China to neighbouring countries. One author, Erkes, claims that the word for horse in such East Altaic languages as Korean and Mongolian was derived from the Chinese word for horse, ma.\n\nThere is a gap in our knowledge of China between the Paleolithic and approximately 4000 B.C. during which time Equus Sanmensis\n\nMrs. Morgan is a doctoral candidate at the Sorbonne, the subject of her thesis being animals in ancient China. The text is based on a talk given to the Hong Kong Branch, RAS, on 27th May 1974.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206995, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "60\n\nCAROLE MORGAN\n\nOther ceremonies involving dogs are mentioned in the Chou Li, the Chou Book of Rites (a utopian picture of Chou society compiled from late Chou, Chin and Han sources in the 1st Century B.C.). In the nu (（）) sacrifice to drive away pestilence, a dog was dismembered and his remains buried in front of the main gates of the capital.10\n\nThe ba (*) sacrifice to ward off evil required the participation of the Emperor himself. Riding in a jade chariot it was his duty to crush a dog under the wheels of his carriage. An analysis of the character ba clearly shows what took place in the ceremony. The term ba is written with the radical for cart and a phonetic element (（）) which originally meant an animal whose legs had been bound. It was the duty of a specially appointed official to supply a dog of one colour and without blemishes for the sacrifice.12\n\nAccording to one author, Schindler, the origin of using dogs as sacrificial animals dates back to a primitive cult in honour of a dog-shaped god of vegetation whose worship later became amalgamated with that of Shang Ti, god of agricultural production and reigning deity of the Shang pantheon.13 The fact that alone among domestic animals dogs and horses were buried (dogs being wrapped in reed mats and horses in sheets) gives some support to this theory.14\n\nIn Chou times, horses too were used as sacrificial victims. In the ma (（）) ceremony horses were used as chthonic sacrifices to the Earth Goddess;15 and Ssu Ma Ch'ien tells us that Duke Hsiang of Ch'in (776-766 B.C.) sacrificed a red colt to the White Emperor of the West.16 In such cases the horse to be sacrificed was first shot with an arrow and then buried.17\n\nBut as horses became more valuable the practice of using them as sacrificial victims gradually died out. By 103 B.C. Ssu-Ma Ch'ien informs us all live horses had been replaced by wooden statuettes except in cases such as the chiao (*) sacrifice, celebrated by the Emperor himself, during which he informed his ancestors that he was about to undertake a punitive expedition.18\n\nHorses, however, were not only used as sacrificial animals, they were also entitled to a cult of their own.\n\nAccording to the Chou Li it was the duty of an official, the Hsiao Jen, to sacrifice in Spring to the ma tsu (（马祖）), the ancestors of horses. It was the duty of the same official to honour the \"tamer", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206998, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA\n\n63\n\nconsidered very auspicious to eat one may have smacked of sacrilege.)\n\nAn elaborate set of rules governed the presentation of gifts and tribute. When offering a horse, the donor had first to tie a rope around the animal's neck and hold the other end in his right hand.39 Dogs, however, were to be held with the left hand to leave the right hand free to stop the animal from biting.40 Neither dogs nor horses were allowed into the audience chamber and they were not to be mentioned during an audience.41\n\nHorses and Warfare\n\nAs we have seen, the Chinese had been familiar with horses from very ancient times. Horse-drawn chariots were known at least as early as the reign of King Wu Ting of Shang (1327-1265 B.C.), yet it was not until the 4th century B.C. that we find a reference to a man on horseback in Chinese literature. (One expert claims that horses were already used for riding in Shang timesA, a statement seemingly contradicted by another authorityB.)\n\nAccording to the Shih Chi, the King of Chao is said to have learned the art of shooting from horseback from his nomadic neighbours in 307 B.C.42 This was a momentous step in the development of both warfare and weaponry. By the reign of Wu Ti (140-88 B.C.) of the Han dynasty, cavalry horses had become so important that the Emperor launched several campaigns in Central Asia to secure an adequate supply of them for his army.\n\nIt must be remembered that horses in ancient times were not shod except with straw or leather and thus rapidly wore out their hoofs on long journeys. The Chinese armies, therefore, required mountain-bred horses with firmer hoofs which could travel faster without the need to rest their feet. An adequate supply of such horses would not only be a great economy for the Imperial treasury but would also give a decided advantage to the Chinese cavalry.43\n\nHan Wu Ti also urged his general Li Kuang-li to provide him with the famous \"blood-sweating horses\" of Ferghana. The Emperor's interest in these animals was not so much military as supernatural. It was widely believed that \"blood-sweating horses\" were the semi-divine offspring of dragons and mares; their sweating of blood being proof of their divine origin.44 (Modern medicine has shown that \"blood-sweating\" was caused by a parasitical disease,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206999, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "64\n\nCAROLE MORGAN\n\nParafilaria Multipapillosa, in which the parasite buries itself under the skin causing blisters which ooze blood on bursting.45) After two unsuccessful campaigns Li Kuang-li finally sent a number of Ferghana horses back to the capital in 101 B.C.; the Emperor hoped that their arrival would coincide with the beginning of an auspicious Age of the Dragon for his people.46\n\nHunting Dogs\n\nThat dogs were associated with hunting from very early times may be deduced from the fact that most words for hunting such as lie (lie) the usual term for hunting, shou (*) a winter hunt and huo (*) a bird hunt were all written with the radical for dog.47\n\nThat a good hunting dog was expensive is illustrated by a story from the Lu Shih Ch'un Chiu (L.S.C.C. 24.6) An eager hunter, dissatisfied with the performance of his dog, could not afford to replace it because the cost of a new one would have ruined his family.\n\nIt is difficult to determine which breeds of dogs were actually known in ancient China. The greyhound, a very old kind of dog, is shown on some Han stone reliefs and a small statuette of a snub-nosed mastiff, its tail curled over its back was unearthed from a Han tomb.43 This dog is believed to be in the lineage of the Tibetan wolf (Canis Niger) which also bred the Roman molossus, the Saint Bernard, the Newfoundland, the bulldog and the miniature breeds of China such as the pug so popular in T'ang times.49\n\nThere is obviously very little graphic material available from pre-Han times. The earliest hunting scene known to date is found on a Chou bronze the so-called “100 animal “dou” (‡a)” showing a hunter and his dog surrounded by various wild animals. But because none of the animals are drawn to scale (the dog is the same size as a neighbouring rhinoceros) and the smallness of the drawing conditioned by the smallness of the vessel (24 cms) it is impossible to determine the dog's breed.50\n\nAnother, somewhat later Chou bronze, also depicts a hunting scene. Here we see four dogs, but again, for reasons stated above, they offer no conclusive proof as to breed.\n\nIf we turn now to linguistic evidence we see that the Shuo Wen gives a long list of names for different dogs but the definition of these names tells us almost nothing about the animals themselves.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207016, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "BRIDGEMAN'S LETTERS FROM CHINA AND HONG KONG\n\n81\n\npulled down and so there is an end to all amateur acting for the future.12\n\nShortly after the ignominious end of amateur dramatics in Hong Kong, Orlando found a pastime to his taste. Perhaps his interest originated with the visit to the Macao aviary, for he began to keep birds, but even this seemingly innocuous pastime had its hazards.\n\nMy only amusement here is in keeping birds. I have a great many canaries and remarkably fine one(s). They sing beautifully and in the daytime I sit in my balcony and read and listen to their beautiful singing. They are at times almost too much, for the moment one begins they all strike up and sing and try (to see) which can make the most variations.13\n\nEarly in the new year, he found another small amusement, the band, and a new problem, rats.\n\nMy chief amusement here is listening to the band at practising hours, so heavily does our time hang on our hands. I walk occasionally for a couple of hours in the afternoon, and the rest of the day I read and write. You talk of mice overrunning your house, our places are so full of rats that even whilst we are reading and writing in our rooms they come out and play in the middle of the floor. They eat up the legs of our tables and chairs which are made of camphor wood and of which they are very fond. Your description of one being found drowned in the milk is certainly very nasty, but even there you are better off than us, for we have not even the luxury of milk for them to drown themselves in. Although in China, I have not tasted one cup of tea half so good as I have in England.14\n\nWithin a few months, Bridgeman had acquired a taste for Chinese tea and was even admitting a fondness for it.15 He even went as far as to admit that some of the best tea he had ever tasted had been in Hong Kong. He became such a connoisseur of tea that he insisted on keeping his own teapot at mess as the other officers didn't brew it quite to his liking.\n\nBy his own admission Orlando had few close friends while stationed in China and Hong Kong.16 His letters give the impression he led a very isolated and solitary existence. Occasionally though, mention is made in his letters of individuals of interest to the present day student of nineteenth century China. Thomas Francis Wade,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207019, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "84\n\nROBIN MCLACHLAN\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Nottingham County Record Office, Bristowe Papers - DDBB 113, items 31-39. The dates and places of writing of the seven letters relevant to this paper are: No. 33, Hong Kong, February 12, 1843; No. 34, H.M.S. Melville on the Yangtze off Nanking, August 16(?), 1842; No. 35, Chusan, October 11, 1842; No. 36, Hong Kong, November 25, 1842; No. 37, Hong Kong, December 18, 1842; No. 38, Hong Kong, May 6, 1843; and No. 39, Hong Kong, October 29, 1843. (Further footnote reference will be by item number, i.e. 33-39).\n\n2 H. G. Hart, The New Annual Army Lists for 1842 to 1847 (London: John Murray, 1842-1847), p. 250 (98th Regiment) and p. 137 (11th Hussars); and, Sir Bernard Burke, A Genealogical and Heraldic Dictionary of the Peerage and Baronetage of the British Empire (London: Hurst & Blacket, 1857), p. 110 (Bradford).\n\nThe original Orlando Bridgeman lived in the seventeenth century and among other accomplishments was the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal. See the Concise Dictionary of National Biography, I (to 1900), p. 143.\n\n4 No. 34.\n\n5 No. 35.\n\n6 No. 34.\n\n7 No. 37.\n\n8 No. 35.\n\n9 No. 36.\n\n10 No. 36.\n\n11 No. 37.\n\n12 No. 37.\n\n13 No. 37, Postscript on inside of envelope, dated December 28, 1842.\n\n14 No. 33.\n\n15 No. 38.\n\n16 No. 37.\n\n17 No. 39.\n\n18 No. 39.\n\n19 No. 35.\n\n20 No. 34.\n\n21 No. 35.\n\n22 No. 38.\n\n23 No. 39.\n\n24 Hart, 1846, p. 137. Bridgeman now rated the distinction of a footnote detailing his experiences in war. It read \"Lt. Bridgeman served in the 98th with the Expedition to the North of China in 1842, and was present at the attack and capture of Chin Kiang Foo, and at the landing before Nankin.\"\n\n25 Ibid., 1847 and 1848, p. 137.\n\n26 Burke, 1914, p. 286 (Bradford). I have not been able to locate a newspaper obituary for Bridgeman. As he spent his last years in Shrewsbury (11 Berwick Road to be exact) there may be an obituary in the press of that district.\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "86\n\nG. J. BELL\n\nShanghai General Chamber of Commerce and most of them also contained an interesting essay on some scientific aspect of typhoons. His essays and papers were written in a personal, committed style which illustrated the emotional attachment he had to his theories. He frequently recorded occasions on which his prognostications or theories were proved to be correct to the dismay of other meteorologists who, allegedly, disagreed with them. This, of course, not only made lively reading but helped to build up his reputation amongst mariners and others upon whom he was dependent for support. Perhaps understandably, he seldom recorded occasions when his predictions were unsuccessful. In one of his later papers (1952) he extols the value of his ionospheric method of predicting the movement of tropical cyclones (1946, 1950) claiming that it succeeded where other methods and forecasters failed and he wrote 'We would beg the gentlemen of those Far East weather services to forgive us if anything in our statements should sound disagreeable to them. All wrong forecasts were copied ourselves from listening to their broadcasting stations'.\n\nPRACTICAL METEOROLOGY\n\nFr Gherzi was very practical and belonged to the fast disappearing breed of meteorologists who are adept in all divisions of the profession. He would make an observation, broadcast it in impeccable Morse code, then receive weather reports in Morse from other stations while simultaneously decoding and plotting them on a weather chart in both red and blue ink. He would then analyse the chart and issue weather forecasts and warnings. If necessary, he would repair or adjust the radio receiver or transmitter. He maintained a close liaison with mariners and aviators and frequently visited masters on their ships to collect their weather logs and discuss their experiences. This information he would use----often naming the master and his vessel----in his researches and in his climatological publications. He was thus observer, plotter, radio operator, radio technician, communications specialist, forecaster, port meteorological officer, climatologist, research meteorologist and undisputable PRO in the Observatory of which he became Director in 1930.\n\nThe early aviators who were opening up routes in the Far East used to consult Fr Gherzi and in their memoirs they usually acknowledged the help he gave them and, sometimes, they went further and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207024, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "Fr. ERNESTO GHERZI, S.J.\n\n89\n\nfirst meeting of the International Meteorological Organization's Regional Association II which was held at Hong Kong in January 1937.*\n\nIn May 1949 he attended the Conference on Storm Warning Procedures at Manila, which established relevant definitions, standards and procedures for the World Meteorological Organization. However, the revolution in China and its associated nationalism had overtaken Zikawei (1947) and he was refused permission to return to China. The then Director of the Royal Observatory Hong Kong, Mr Heywood, found a place for Fr Gherzi on the staff and he worked there until asked by the Portuguese authorities to help reorganise and equip the Macau Observatory.\n\nWhile in Hong Kong, he finished his two-volume work on the 'Meteorology of China'. Certain sections of the draft manuscript, particularly those on tropical cyclones, were hotly disputed by some staff members and led to much animated discussion. The volumes were eventually published in Macau in 1951 and whilst they suffer, in places, from being out of date and lacking in accuracy—Fr Gherzi's notes remained in China—the books were a good record of the climatology of the Far East and of the experiences of himself and others in typhoons.\n\nIt was during the years that Fr Gherzi spent in Hong Kong and Macau that I was fortunate enough to get to know him quite well. He was a competent organist and after work I would sometimes accompany him to the Rosary Church to listen to his playing—Bach was a favourite—or he would come to my quarters to hear records and take a considerable number of glasses of sherry—his preferred drink. He was game for most activities and his majestic figure often looked out of place in the rudimentary sports car or sailing junk that I used in those days. Over the years, Fr Gherzi developed a technique of using cocktail parties to good advantage; on joining them he would charge his glass with sherry and, whilst stroking his grandee's beard, look for the most senior naval person present. He would then disarmingly engage the poor fellow in typhoon talk and eventually succeed in getting him to donate a radar or other piece of electronic equipment of which the good Father was in need.\n\n*This paragraph records two 'firsts' for Hong Kong in the field of international meteorology. Hong Kong is a member of the World Meteorological Organization in its own right on account of these early developments.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207040, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE MONUMENTS OF VIENTIANE AND LUANG PRABANG\n\n105\n\non Tonkin and Laos; the Dutch merchant van Wusthoff also visited the capital of Souligna Vongsa from 1641-42 and left an interesting account of his travels. But neither Protestant merchants nor Jesuit priests could have made such a visual impression that more than two hundred years later their envoys should be recorded in a different city from that they visited. No known accounts, either written or visual, survive from the Lao side to record the visits of these gentlemen; however the visual tradition of Europeans, particularly the French, in 17th century Siam was strong during the reign of King Narai (as the lacquer pavilion in Suan Pakkard Palace in Bangkok bears witness), and was continued into the nineteenth century, and as the artists for the frescoes undoubtedly came from Siam one suspects that the inspiration for the unusual door and window carving comes from the same source. It is significant that the foundation date of the temple is also that of Mouhot's visit to Luang Prabang, one of the first recorded visits by Europeans. In the grounds of the temple a resourceful monk had utilised a plasma bottle and dripper to feed his roses.\n\nVat May, past the royal palace in the main street, was built in 1820 and has an unusually high roof; the portico is decorated with large gilded panels representing scenes from the life of the Buddha. It was for a time the shrine of the Pra Bang, the palladium of the Lao kingdom. This statue came from Cambodia in 1358 at the founding of the Kingdom of Lane Xang and was moved to Vientiane when the capital was transferred in the 16th century. It was taken in 1778 with the Pra Keo by the Siamese; the Pra Bang was returned in 1781 to Ong Boun. The Siamese again removed it in the sack of Vientiane in 1828 but King Mongkut restored the statue in 1867. Recently it has been moved from the temple for safekeeping in the Royal Palace. Between the temple and the palace is a small red lacquer post and dais; until recently, each year the royal elephants were preached at and requested to behave themselves before being sprinkled with lustral water.\n\nThe two other principal temples of the town are away from the main street. Vat Vixun was restored in 1867 and much changed in shape. It has a large nave and fat pillars and it is far more imposing than many temples in the town. A number of pieces of woodcarving have been collected in it to form the basis of a museum, but at present it is but a jumble of spirit houses and shrines. Here are to be found several flags, each with a number of small Buddhas", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207044, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG REGION\n\n109\n\nplexities of local settlement and the absorption of the aboriginal dwellers of the area in the past thousand years. For a general account, readers are referred to the works by Lo Hsiang-lin (1959, 1963), K.M.A. Barnett, (1957, 1967) and the earlier writings of Krone (1859), G.N. Orme (1912) and S.F. Balfour (1941) cited in the references to this article.\n\nIntroduction*\n\nFor present purposes the Hong Kong region is defined as the present British Crown Colony of Hong Kong (403.7 square miles)1 and the immediately adjoining parts of Kwangtung province with which there has been intermittent official concern following the establishment of Hong Kong 134 years ago. This takes in the districts round the market town of Sham Chun north of the present Sino-British frontier, occupied by British troops between 16th May and 13th September 18992, and the areas of Mirs and Bias Bays to the east of the Colony that were often visited by British naval forces in their suppression of piracy in local waters during much of the 19th century and well into the 20th3. (See map).\n\nAt the time the British occupied Hong Kong island in 1841, the whole of this area, less Bias Bay, formed part of the Hsin-an district of the Kuang-chou prefecture of Kwangtung province. The place names and geographical features of the region are shown in many contemporary and earlier Chinese sources, whilst the large scale European map produced in 1866 by Msgr. Volontieri, an Italian missionary of the Propaganda, provides rather more local detail4.\n\nIn time the British came to occupy a greater part of Hsin-an district. Their occupation of Hong Kong island in January 1841 was converted into possession by the Treaty of Nanking in August 1842. British territory was extended by the lease in perpetuity of Kowloon under a deed dated 20th March 1860 and the cession of the same area by article VI of the Convention of Peking 24th\n\n1 CR1971, p. 204; this figure includes recent reclamations.\n\n2 See Groves, pp. 52-55.\n\n3 For the early period see Fox and Dalrymple Hay. Two expeditions to Bias Bay in March and September 1927 were noted in AR1927, K16: and as late as 1947 piracy in Mirs Bay kept Hong Kong fishermen in port; CR1947, p. 46.\n\n4 The KTTS of 1865 provides more detailed maps of Hsin-an and its adjoining areas than are given in the district and prefectural histories (HNHC and KCFC); see the general chart at pp. 1-2 of the opening volume. For the Volontieri map, which includes Chinese characters, see Ronald C. Y. Ng (1969) pp. 141-148 and Hayes (1970) pp. 193-196.\n\n* For the place names of Hong Kong see A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, Hong Kong Government Printer, 1960: hereafter styled Gazetteer.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207047, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "112\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nThis recital tells its own story. Hsin-an hsien was not one of the glories of the prefecture. In that useful compendium on the Kwangtung province, the Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao of 1893, only the counties of Nan-hai, P'an-yu and Tung-kuan were singled out for mention in the section dealing with the customs and traditions of the Kuang-chou prefecture. These entries speak of the elegant dress and manners of Nan-hai, of its literary and cultured atmosphere, and of how every palace examination brought forth the names of successful local candidates; of the profusion of foreign and local products, and the native and foreign merchants, stationery and itinerant, and the immense shipping of the port.1 Tung-kuan found fame as the ancient examination centre for the province; but no other place is mentioned. In scholars' eyes, the two metropolitan districts of Nan-hai and P'an-yu completely eclipsed the country and coastal districts of the prefecture like Hsin-an and another late creation, Hsin-ning, established in 1498-1499.2 As late as 1745 the district magistrate of Hsin-an when composing an inscription for the repair of the Chau Wong memorial school at Kam Tin, styled it as a place where the Book of Poetry was read as early as sunrise; and culture had spread even to this remote place near the sea.\n\nThe Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao, a typical work of Chinese historiography, lovingly compiled, was the work of four Hunanese who had long been employed in the province as huan or officials and mu-fu or private secretaries to senior mandarins. It deals, in 46 chuan, with the wide variety of subjects usually found in district gazetteers and other works on administrative geography. Those chüan dealing with subjects on a geographical basis included material, arranged by prefecture and district. Hsin-an is included whenever, in the opinion of the compilers, there was anything in its records that warranted an entry.4\n\nAs in the chuan on customs and tradition the entries for Hsin-an in other chüan are much fewer than for the older hsien of the\n\n1 KTKKCY 4/1,\n\n2 KTKKCY 1/1 and KCFC 7/4.\n\n3 Tablet dated Ch'ien Lung 10th year, 1st moon, lucky day, inside the building.\n\n4 There is, of course, no shortage of books dealing with Kwangtung and its many localities under similar heads, and in providing their Hsin-an material the compilers did not set out to provide a compendium of all that had ever been included in the successive editions of the standard works on the Kuang-chou prefecture and the hsien of Tung-kuan and Hsin-an, but rather a selection of important material. The KTKKCY seldom provides material after the end of Ming (1644),", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Region\n\n123\n\nPirates continued to be a local nuisance, however, and there seems to have been no end to their depredations throughout the 19th century. An inscribed tablet dated 1834 outside the Tin Hau Temple at Peng Chau, off southeast Lantau, records a petition from fishermen against the local officials' practice of using their craft as decoys to catch pirates; and the Viceroy's instruction that the commandeering of craft for this purpose should stop and that boats should be built for the work. A few years later, in the early years of the Colony, the Hong Kong authorities and the British naval forces at their disposal were constantly having to take notice of piracies and attacks, great and small, that happened on their very doorstep. The pirates of the 1840s and 1850s were often in fleets, as in Cheung Po-tsai's time.2 The Royal Navy was frequently involved in their suppression, and some major expeditions were mounted against the leading pirate fleets. Grace Fox's British Admirals and Chinese Pirates gives an interesting account of the period from the establishment of the China station in 1834 up to 1869.3 It was not until controlling legislation on the registration of native craft was enacted and enforced in the late 1860s that it became more difficult for pirate craft to operate from Hong Kong's ports.4\n\nThe local population was the usual victims of these pests. In 1856 the captain of H.M.S. Sampson reported an action off Tsing Yi, close to Hong Kong, with a number of pirate junks wearing the flag of the Taipings. They were identified as pirates with stolen property by a local fisherman and others, whereupon they were pursued by the Sampson's boats and five of their number destroyed. The boat crews freed two market craft with several passengers who had been confined by the pirates for several days, and at least one fishing boat that they had taken from its owner. Wade, then Chinese Secretary to the Hong Kong government, records (1852) how persons returning to their homes for the lunar new year preferred to travel by steamer than by passage boat, for this reason.6\n\n1 Tablet dated Tao Kuang, 15th year, 7th month, 19th day. It was apparently one among many erected at this time in places along the Kwangtung coast.\n\n2 See the striking account given in Illustrated London News, 28th March 1857, p. 283.\n\n3 For local events see the chronological record for Hong Kong's early years in Mayers, Dennys and King, pp. 55-115.\n\n4 SP 1888, p. 258.\n\n5 Schofield papers.\n\n6 Fox, p. 120.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207060, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Region\n\n125\n\nthe inhabitants were less fortunate and had either to flee into the hills or stay to oppose or meet the pirates' demands. Walls were built or repaired, and a defence by desperate men of even these not very imposing defences might help to stave off an attack. Village refuges, into which cattle and livestock, valuables, women and children and old people were put, were also utilised. One of these places existed at Shek Pik, but was already in ruins by about 1900.1 Most villages kept arms and even cannon available for use up to 1899 and some of these remain to this day.2\n\nNonetheless, the villagers' position was pitiful in the event of attack, and their attitude towards pirates was probably too often similar to that recorded by Commander Vansittart of H.M.S. Bittern from the River Min in March, 1855:\n\n+ miserably poor boats followed the Brig begging assistance; one Village sent me a well drawn up petition; another a present of waste paper and Joss-stick; fishermen, and passage boats, small Traders, all telling the same pitiable story; landing on Hootow, I was quickly surrounded by Peasantry; desiring the Interpreter to ask them why so many fine looking fellows permitted strangers to molest them; they declared it was useless to resist Pirates, and so whenever Pirates came the villagers hid themselves and cried.\n\nThis extract, quoted from Miss Fox's book,3 shows how Chinese on land and sea suffered at the hands of their less scrupulous fellow countrymen.\n\nThings were no better on the sea at the end of the century. L. C. Arlington of the Chinese Maritime Customs, who spent six years 1893-1899 in charge of the Customs station at Cheung Chau, says;\n\n'as well as other numerous islands forming the Ladrones, [it] was the rendezvous of pirates, who kept all of us on the qui vive, foreigners and natives alike. Gangs of pirates would get together and attack the villages, even in broad daylight, and after looting and killing, escape either to Macau or Hong Kong, where they disposed of their booty. The Customs Officers had many tussles and narrow escapes from these pests of the sea.\n\n1 The elders told me about it after I had come across a reference to it as a place name in an old deed of sale of fields in the valley.\n\n2 R. L. Ozorio, personal communication on the village armoury of Kak Tin, Shatin Valley, 1973. These arms were, of course, sometimes used against other villages.\n\n3 Fox, p. 130.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207072, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "HONG KONG PLACE NAMES\n\n137\n\nTan Ka175, three kinds of Hakka137 and Hoklo138, Pun Yue Cantonese is widely understood but less widely spoken, particularly among the old men and women whom one consults for place-names. To this difficulty, combined with a simple misprint, is to be attributed the map name of the mountain north of the Lam Tsuen140 Valley. It is Tai To Yan1—Razor Cliff. The Nam Tau dialect pronounces this Tai Tau Yang, which became Tai Tan Yang by misreading the final letter of Tau.\n\nEven with field workers who are fluent in the local languages, it is not easy to keep the record straight. Country people the world over take a delight in mystifying strangers. Add to this the Chinese convention against direct question and answer, and it will be seen that the chances of a surveyor, working against time, getting a correct list of the names of topographical features, or even of the chief villages, are not good. The wonder is not that there are so many mistakes, but that any of the names are right.\n\nFinally, the best maps (such as they are) are not readily available even to many public servants, and the mountaineer and hiker, from whom corrections might come, often has to content himself with an old battered copy of an extinct edition.*\n\nFor all these reasons I welcome Mr. Tregear's gazetteer as I welcomed his map. As far as I can see from a careful check of the draft, all the important names are there, and they are down correctly. Such omissions as there are result from the fact that some features have an English name but no Chinese one—or if they have, nobody can be found who remembers it.\n\nOne thing which has not been included is a translation or explanation of each name. The reason will become clear to anybody who cares to read the second part of this paper, in which I have listed the principal elements of local place-names, for the understanding of some of which we have to extend our inquiries back to the days before the Chinese came to these parts.\n\nBefore the Chinese\n\nIn a talk to the Rotary Club130 of Hong Kong on 8th November, 1955, I said:\n\n'Under our very noses, and separated from our time by not more than 600 years, we have a linguistic problem which no one has\n\n* The position is now greatly improved as a result of new and extensive re-mapping of the Colony. See JHKBRAS 9, 1969: 131-140.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207074, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "HONG KONG PLACE NAMES\n\n139\n\nor husbandry, tools and household articles, and above all in place-names. Now we have no evidence of the languages spoken by the boat-people before they learnt Chinese; we know something of the Yao179 language; and nothing at all is known of the Shan-lao165. But some glossaries of the languages of the south were compiled in the T'ang174, Sung168 and Yüan12 dynasties and there is a fairly good list131 in the Man-shu150, which however lumps them all together as 'Man'1147 without saying which of the many kinds of Man. The chance of our being able to establish beyond doubt any identification of the local hill-tribes or their language is therefore slender.\n\nThe list which follows contains 125 words found in local place-names, or in the daily speech of the people, which are not found in Chinese dictionaries or are found only with other meanings. It is in these words that clues must be found, if they are to be found. It will be seen that the Man glossaries do help in a few cases—the slender chance comes off!\n\nAt the end of the list I have included, with some trepidation, a note on words which may enshrine the names by which some of the aborigines called themselves. When speaking to the Rotary Club I presented this as pure speculation. Since then, however, I have read Mr. Ch'en Hsü-ching's135 book Tan-min-ti yen-chiu1, which confirms some of my surmises concerning the boat-people, some of whom were indeed known as Ma-jen146. There is, however, a great deal of spade-work to be done before these surmises can be called a theory, and whether anybody can be found with both the qualifications and the time to undertake such work before the spread of education erases the oral traditions is a question I cannot answer with any confidence.\n\nLIST OF PECULIAR WORDS\n\nThe words contained in this list comprise (i) those current in the local farmers' and fishermen's speech but not standard Cantonese or Hakka13, (ii) those which occur in local place-names and cannot be explained by their ordinary meanings in Cantonese or Hakka, (iii) those which, though explainable after a fashion, present variations in pronunciation which makes it unlikely that they are really the words in Cantonese or Hakka137 which they pretend to be, (iv) other words of special interest or perplexity in local place names. The names are shown in the official spelling (O.S.) and in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207075, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "140\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\nromanization used by the School of Oriental and African Studies, London (S.S.),\n\n \n 1\n current among boat-people only\n \n \n 2\n current among hill-people only\n \n \n 3\n no longer current, but meaning given by inhabitants\n \n \n 4\n obsolete, but meaning supplied from Man147 glossaries\n \n \n 5\n meaning guessed from locality\n \n \n 6\n meaning still obscure\n \n\nO.S.\n\nS.S.\n\n \n 1\n a 亞Y\n *\n qaas qhaah\n \n \n 2\n au By u\n \n qaau\n \n \n 3\n chai 寨\n \n zraai\n \n\nMeaning or Remarks\n\nIn spite of the variety of characters, the meaning is still given as 'double' and this fits all cases where it occurs: usually of a twin peak, or an island with a low wasp waist and a knob at each end, like Cheung Chau. A pass or saddle: differs from keng (19) in that au need not have a path over it. The two occur in combination. See (14), (59).\n\nOwing to the Hakka pronunciation, au is in many names confused with kau (14) and o (59).\n\nThe meaning of fort or stockade is well-known, but in places where the memory of old fortifications is forgotten the word is often substituted by tsai (100), whose pronunciation in one of the Hakka dialects is similar, or by tez (103). Even where the original spelling and pronunciation are preserved,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207077, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "142 \n\nK. M. A. BARNETT \n\nO.S. \n\nS.S. \n\n6 chun 圳圳畎: zeon \n\n7 chung 涌 chunq1 \n\n8 fan 填 frann \n\n9 ha 下吓 xraa6 厦 xraar \n\n10 hang 坑 xhaanq \n\n11 hon 旱 xrorn \n\n12 kan 簡 gaarn \n\n13 kang \n\n14 kau 潑 gaau1 \n\nMeaning or Remarks An irrigation channel. \n\nA stream, especially one from which the boat-people get water or up which they take boats. \n\nA grave-mound (i.e. not one of the usual graves cut from the hillside). Also read in names wan, wrann (110) and wang, wrang (111). \n\nVery common in place names, in most of which it cannot possibly mean 'below'. Sometimes seems to stand for hang (10). \n\nThis is the usual word for a river in use by land dwellers. It includes the valley in which the river flows. See also lek (32). Land for dry cultivation is xrorndrei and hill-paddy xrornwroh but in names of villages and localities this word (like ghonn) is usually tabooed in some cases being replaced by the word tso (102) (early) which is written with one stroke less: 4. \n\nA bamboo water-pipe for irrigation. This is a Yao179 word. \n\nMis-spelling of keng (19) \n\nA channel. Sometimes confused with au (2).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207106, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n171\n\nTang Leung Sz passed Kung Shaang degree in the 38th year of Maan Lik♬ of Ming dynasty, A.D. 1610, and held the office of Fan-to.\n\nTang Yue Cheung took his Sau-t'soi✯✯ degree in the 2nd year of Yung Ching of Ts'ing dynasty A.D. 1724 and in the following year became a Lam Shang. In the first year of Kin-lung✯✯ A.D. 1736 he passed Kui Yan, second in the list of successful candidates, but just failed to pass the Wui Shi examination the following year. However, his name was put on the Ming T'ung Pong list and he was appointed as Hok-ching of Tak Hing Chau in Kwangtung province.\n\nTang Yue Cheung's name in the San On Record book is among the “Heung Yin\" or \"village worthies,\" and it is said there that:— Tang Yue Cheung was a scholar of a very kind and honest nature. He was very \"taan-chik”✯✯ (\"to wear the heart upon the sleeve for daws to peck at\") and his knowledge of learning was very wide. In all his dealings with his friends he was sincere and faithful, and as a Hok-ching he was very diligent. Once some of his students fell out with the authorities, and found themselves faced with a false accusation, but were too afraid to defend themselves. Tang, however, at once entered into the dispute, and through his clear-headedness kept his students out of trouble. In the 17th year of K'in Lung A.D. 1752 Tang was called to the capital to attend an examination, but he died there, and Fung Shing Sau (a Hon Lam graduate) wrote the epitaph \"for his name lives for ever,” to be carved on his grave.\n\nTang Man Wai was the only Tsun-sz come from the New Territories, and his name is recorded in the San On book under the column devoted to hang yee \"men of high repute.\" He was left fatherless at an early age, and had to work with the fishermen and wood-cutters in great poverty, to earn money to support himself and his mother. But all the while he was a scholar at heart and in his spare time he read his books and people said that he could be heard continually humming his lessons on the road, as he carried wood or worked with the fishermen. His uncle Tang Chan Ng, a Lam Shang, helped him, and his success in later years was greatly due to the old man's teaching. In the 14th year of Shun Chi A.D. 1657, Ts'ing dynasty, he passed his Kui Yan degree, but later failed for Tsun Sz and so returned to Kam T'in where he passed twenty years or more, living as a hermit.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207130, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n195 \n\nto protect the under-growth, such as citrus which cannot withstand typhoons occurring in the summer months. \n\nLiquid extracts of tobacco, derris root, and tea seed cake were sprayed by a simple syringe made of bamboo to control insect pests. The other means of control were light traps to catch June beetles and moths, and paper bagging to protect gourds and fruits from damage by wasps and fruit flies. Hand picking was employed to control insects on crops cultivated in smaller areas. Some farmers even used chicks of less than 10 days old to pick aphids and small larvae on young vegetables grown on the bed of the flood furrow irrigation system. Most varieties of rice showed some resistance to rice-stem-borer which was also controlled to some extent by natural parasites. Not much attention was given to the control of plant diseases. Crop rotation was necessary when insect pests and disease damage became serious. \n\nCattle and buffaloes were kept mainly for draught purpose. When the animals were not busy at the farm, they grazed on wild grasses on the hillsides and returned to the cattle sheds in the evening. Cattle manure and bedding materials, mostly straw were collected and piled up in a yard. Thus, the cattle not only helped the farmer in land preparation, but also collected plant nutrients in the form of grass from the hills to enrich the cultivated fields. \n\nPigs were kept for turning kitchen waste and crop refuses into edible meat. Sows and their litters were allowed to range freely in the village. Weaners were fattened in pens from which sunlight was excluded. They produced porkers with soft spareribs to meet the market preference. Some vegetable growers kept a small herd of pigs by utilizing the vegetable wastes as feed, and collected the manure for the crop. Sows were served by travelling boars. The local breed of pig is characterized by short body, fine bone and big belly which have been selected by using feed of low nutritional value such as sweet potato vine, rice bran, vegetable waste and swill. \n\nA farmer in early days could hardly keep a big flock of chickens with the limited surplus of grain produced from his farm. The chickens ran free to search for grass seeds, worms and other insects in the soil around the village. They were fed with some grains shortly before they returned to their nests in the evening. Thus, the growth rate of the chickens, in general, was very slow.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207131, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "196\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe farming techniques adopted in this locality are determined by its climate and soil, the inherited skills of the people, and the economic and social conditions of the community. Most of these factors, with the exception of the climate, have changed from time to time. Survival of the traditional techniques depends greatly on the extent of the change in the factors involved. In many cases, economic pressure upon the farmers has created the need for change.\n\nHong Kong, 1973.\n\nP. L. SIAK\n\nREFERENCES\n\n1 NTA Departmental Report, 1966-67.\n\n2 Davis, 1952.\n\n3 Finn, cited by Davis 1952.\n\n4 Wu, 1964; Lo (et al), 1959.\n\nDavis, S. G. 1952. The geology of Hong Kong. The Government Printer, Hong Kong.\n\nKa, C. H. (533-544 A.D.) Important techniques for the betterment of the people. Notice in English, Science Press, Peking 1959. (A recent Chinese reprint SMR › AKAD) −2£**** • • 華書局)\n\nLo, H. L., et al. 1959. Hong Kong and its external communications before 1842. (in Chinese) (羅香林等著,一八四二年以前之香港及其對外交通 中國學社,一九五九年初版)\n\nN.T.A. 1966-67. Annual departmental report of the New Territories Administration, Hong Kong.\n\nWatanabe, A. 1954. 'Nitrogen fixation by blue-green algae. News Letter, IRC, FAO No. 12, pp. 13-14.\n\nWu, N. O. 1964. The history of Chinese tribes. The Taiwan Commercial Press. (in Chinese) (胡耐安著,中國民族志,台灣商務印書館一九六四初)\n\nPROGRAMME NOTES FOR VISITS TO OLDER PARTS OF HONG KONG ISLAND (URBAN AREAS), AND TO KOWLOON, IN 1974\n\n[For the convenience of resident members and their friends these notes are reproduced here. Hon Editor.]\n\n(1) VISIT TO THE FIVE TERRACES AND THE LO PAN TEMPLE, KENNEDY TOWN, SATURDAY, 5TH JANUARY 1974", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207135, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 206, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "200\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n1885), records the establishment of the temple about that time. It consists mostly of the names of the many contributors to the building fund, spread over several tablets. The tablet shows that a large number of persons contributed to the building fund, many of them presumably connected with the construction industry in Hong Kong in one way or another. They are grouped according to their home districts and include persons from no less than 22 districts (hsien) of the Kwangtung province including many from the districts round Canton, adjoining Hong Kong. A group from what may be Mangalore in India (????) is also listed among the subscribers.\n\nBesides the inscriptions inside the temple, there are 2 outside the building. One commemorates the establishment of a school premises by the Kwong Yut Tong in the 38th year of the Chinese Republic (1949-50). Another, earlier, one dated in the year (1924-25) explains the ownership of the land on which both temple and school stand.\n\nIt appears that, as Carl Smith relates above, the temple had been built on the land bought by the Chinese consortium in 1883, but that no deed had been drawn up between it and the temple's managers, then or later known as the Kwong Yut Tong. After Li Po Lung (son of the leading member of the consortium) sold most of his local property interests in 1921, the Tong's managers discovered that the temple site had been included in the sale. After discussion with the new owners the latter agreed to make over the land to the temple; that is, to the Tong. This satisfactory outcome is recorded in the tablet. The only point of difference between the tablet and the official records consulted by Carl Smith is that the records state that the new owners sold to the Tong for $4,222.40 whereas the tablet indicates it to have been a gift with a then market value of about $40,000!\n\nLu Pan (in the Northern romanisation) (??)\n\nAs is usually the case in China, Lu Pan was a mortal man become a god; and as is equally common, there are different versions of his origin. E.T.C. Werner in his Dictionary of Chinese Mythology (1961 reprint with introduction by Hyman Kublin; pp 281-282) gives the following account which, in its essentials, may be taken as typical of the life stories and miracles attributed to many Chinese deities.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207167, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "232\n\nSam Tung Uk\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe Sam Tung Uk (village), is a small, square-walled lineage village dating back to the 18th century. It was settled by the Chan (陳) family.\n\nBefore the Ch'ien Lung period of the Ch'ing Dynasty (清朝), the Chan clan lived in Ning Fa District, Ting Chow prefecture in Fukien Province (福建省). One of the branches then moved to Lo Fong, of Po On District* in Kwangtung Province (廣東省). Later Chan Yam Shing (the 13th generation) came to Tsuen Wan (old name Chin Wan meaning shallow bay) with four sons. Guided by his uncle (ancestor of Kwan Mun Hau Village, Tsuen Wan), they took up farming. They worked very hard, put up sea walls, reclaiming much land, and were content. Straw huts were built firstly at Lo Uk Cheung (羅屋丈) (where Block 2 of Tai Wo Hau Estate, Tsuen Wan, is now located) in the 22nd year of Ch'ien Lung, (1757). The elder son, Kin Sheung (堅常) was a herbalist doctor, renowned in fung shui and possessed a wealthy home. The other sons, Ying Sheung (應常), Wai Sheung (維常) and Cheuk Sheung (卓常) were farmers, living moderately.\n\nKin Sheung, after settling down, searched around Tsuen Wan hoping to find a suitable site to establish a village. He found that a piece of land situated on the right side of Ngau Kwu Tun (牛牯墩) (present site of Tsuen Wan Government Secondary Technical School) would be the best, but it belonged to the Sun clan of San Tsuen at that time.† His brothers were told to contact the Sun family, hoping for a possibility to purchase it. One day a member of Sun clan turned up being, at that time, urgently in need of money. He offered to sell the much-desired land but no decision could be made as Kin Sheung was not at home. Mr Sun then said that he would go to Shing Mun to consult with other rich men who were likely purchasers. The brothers debated what should be done but in their elder brother's absence were unable to make any decision. When their elder brother returned home and heard of the Sun Clan's proposal, he was delighted and rushed to Wo Yee Hop (old name Woo Lee Hop meaning Fox's Valley), and the bargain was made.\n\n* Strictly speaking, San On (新安) at that time.\n\n†新村孫旗", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207246, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "mainly to have more permanent venue for lectures, council meetings and even possibly a library—we are inhibited from expanding our book collection mainly from lack of space. The raised subscription for Society membership to $50 was in response to the cost of our membership of the Centre. So far our membership has already brought tangible benefits in the form of increased publicity and joint presentations and it is expected this trend will continue. The Society has also had a representative (your Treasurer) on the Management Committee and he has been in a position to ensure that the Society's interests are taken into account in all decisions about functions and facilities. There have been several constitutional changes in the Hong Kong Arts Centre, details of which need not be elaborated here: suffice to say that the Hong Kong Arts Centre is now established under an Ordinance with a board of management, and that the Committee structure is now more clearly defined. The Hong Kong Arts Centre is now being built and is expected to be completed by early 1977 depending on the financial situation. Your Society hopes to be in a position to rent a small room in the Centre for members to use and to house our library. We are continuing to keep a watch on developments.\n\nTHE PHOTOGRAPHIC SURVEY\n\nOne of our newest ventures has been the photographic survey of old buildings and scenes representing the traditional cultural life of the Colony. A comprehensive report has been tabled at this meeting. Your Council, particularly your Hon. Secretary, Mr. Ian Diamond who provided the impetus for this project, initiated the survey to provide as coherent a pictorial record as possible of the main visual features of urban and rural Hong Kong. It is hoped it will be of value to research workers. The survey has been undertaken in close cooperation with members of the Photographic section of the South China Athletic Association which has not only given generous financial assistance but supplied many volunteers from among its members to undertake the photographic work involved. I would like to take the opportunity of expressing our thanks to them now. A small exhibition consisting of a selection from among the photographs taken during the year has been prepared for this meeting. We hope you will find it interesting and a worthwhile project for us to engage in.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207250, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "regularly it is important that the income from these two sources be preserved.\n\nSundry creditors for printing charges need to be explained. They cover the printing charges for the 1973 and 1974 journals together with two symposium brochures.\n\nLooking to the future I am grateful to those who have responded to the call to pay an additional $20 by way of increased subscription, agreed upon 2 years ago. Several of you have decided to become Life Members. Looking further ahead, however, there is no doubt that expenditure will increase because the Society has now undertaken to pay for secretarial assistance, and also there will be certain financial obligations towards the Hong Kong Arts Centre. Looking further ahead the Society hopes to rent premises in the Hong Kong Arts Centre but this will depend on the financial conditions. This, to my mind, will benefit the Society enormously and one cannot rule out the possibility of further subscription increases or alternatively an appeal to all current annual and life members for the initial capital outlay.\n\n24th March, 1975\n\nD. A. Gilkes\n\nHon. Treasurer", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207273, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA\n\n33\n\nbuffeted the Chinese state, the need for social services grew rapidly. In the urban areas, merchants organised themselves in new groups with the specific purpose of offering relief and good works. The new organisation was known as a shan-tang charitable hall or hospital. These charitable halls became popular first in the area around Shanghai, where a large number of them were founded during the 1850's and 1860's. From about 1870, they were imitated in Canton and Hong Kong.\n\nAccording to the nineteenth century scholar-official, Feng Kuei-fen, the concept of charitable halls as permanent establishments of private social welfare dated back to the Shang and Chou dynasties.13 Until the mid-nineteenth century, only Shanghai had a few in existence. One traced its origin to 1374 while another, a centre catering to orphaned children, dated back to 1710.14 In Canton there was no charitable hall until 1870, when the Ai-yü shan-t'ang was established by a group of merchants. Its prospectus specifically stated that it was modelled after P'u-yü of Shanghai.15 At about the same time, merchants in Hong Kong, with the local government support, initiated a hospital, the Tung Wah Hospital, to offer Chinese style medical treatment to the poor. Its services were later expanded into famine relief and it became the major centre receiving contributions from overseas Chinese.\n\nBy 1900, eight more charitable halls were built in Canton to form the \"Nine Great Charitable Halls\" of Canton (Chiu-ta shan-t'ang).16 In Hong Kong, one other major merchant charitable hall was opened in 1882. This was called the Po Leung Kuk (Pao-liang chu) or the \"Society for the Protection of Women and Girls.\"18 Other communities followed the pattern. The format of the two Hong Kong organisations was particularly favoured by the overseas Chinese who retained or changed slightly the names Tung Wah Hospital and Po Leung Kuk throughout Southeast Asia.20\n\nMerchants as Community Leaders\n\nThe rise of charitable halls in urban settings meant that merchants had assumed a leadership role which in other times had been held only by the scholar-gentry members. Down to 1949, the latter maintained their commanding position in the villages and small towns. But in the large commercial centres like Canton and Soochow, even though there were no lack of upper gentry members, the merchants took over the lead in providing social services. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207283, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CHINA'S ECONOMIC PLANNING AND CHANGING GEOGRAPHY\n\nCHIAO-MIN HSIEH*\n\nIn the past, every place in the world changed except China. But today there is nothing in China that does not change. In no other country has the past had so much effect on the country as in China, and now no other country has a regime so determined to obliterate that past. The most conservative nation in history has become the most radical one.\n\nDuring its 25 years' rule, the present regime has tried to change the agrarian society of China into an industrialized country and has exercised detailed economic planning. However, two major problems have to be solved before any economic planning can be put into practice. One is the water problem and the other is the problem of transportation. Both problems are closely related to China's geography.\n\nThe Water problem—For centuries, the Chinese have been busy in managing their rivers and have used all kinds of water control methods, including irrigation, drainage, diking, reclamation, and terracing. At the source of a river, the land is so arid that people need more water and irrigation is important. In the middle of its course, people must try to prevent flooding, so diking becomes their main job. In the lower part of the river, the principal task is to drain off the water. No other river in China has had more serious flood problem than the Yellow River.\n\nThe Yellow River is \"China's sorrow\". During the past 3000 years, dikes broke 1,500 times and the river course shifted 26 times. Both natural conditions and human failures were responsible. Among the natural factors were (1) lack of a straight course, (2) abrupt change of gradient where the river enters the North China plain, (3) loose texture of the loess and (4) concentration of rainfall\n\n* Dr. Chiao-min Hsieh is professor in the Department of Geography at the University of Pittsburgh. This year he is in receipt of the Senior Fellowship of the National Endowment for the Humanities in the United States, and is serving as Visiting Professor in the Department of Geography & Geology at the University of Hong Kong, 1974-75.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207289, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "INCIDENT: H.K. MERCHANTS & B.E.I. co.\n\n49\n\non the E.L.C.'s China trade. These documents he read in the India Office Library in London, in the early 1920s, at a time when there was no such thing as xeroxing or microfilming. Morse, therefore, had to read through this enormous mass of documents in the different original handwritings, and always within the confines of the old India Office Library. Morse used his own judgment on what to quote verbatim from the documents, and how much space, if any, to allot to each episode or problem. Often he simply made a brief summary in his own words. Thus what we read is Morse's version of the gist of the E.I.C. records. But this is a personal view, and whenever possible, it is useful to be able to compare his account of an incident with that of another eye witness. This is the justification for printing Lindsay's account in this article, and comparing it with the half page précis given by Morse.\n\nBefore beginning, however, it is necessary to sketch in the background to this incident. Lindsay states vaguely that \"the Hong merchants had some pecuniary demands which the supercargoes thought it their duty to resist....\" Morse devotes nine pages to the relations between the Hong merchants and the supercargoes in Canton, and to explaining the bankruptcy of two Hong merchants and the measures being taken by the other merchants, and also the senior Chinese officials in Canton, to get the E.I.C.'s representatives to pay their debts. This imbroglio was confused still further by the murder of a Chinese man in January 1810. Suspicion pointed to one or more seamen serving on the E.I.C.'s ships, but no positive proof was forthcoming so no one was arrested. According to Chinese legal principles someone must be arrested and punished in the case of a homicide, even if the guilt of the arrested man was only circumstantial. The magistrate in whose jurisdiction in Canton the E.I.C. supercargoes lived began to exhort them, in December 1810, to produce the culprit(s), and threatened that failure to comply would result in a stoppage of trade. This was a familiar threat which the supercargoes themselves were quite adept at using under the right circumstances since neither they, nor the Chinese officials, really wanted trade to stop; it was mutually lucrative. On the 23rd January, 1811 the Viceroy (Governor-general of Kwangtung-Kwangsi) left his post on transfer, and the Governor of Kwangtung and the Hoppo (Superintendent of Maritime Customs for Kwangtung) were left in charge.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207291, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "INCIDENT: H.K. MERCHANTS & B.E.I. CO.\n\n51\n\nI might have been able to have furnished you and my country with some lasting memorial of services rendered in that naval field where so much fame has so honourably been acquired; but you are aware that my career in that service was cut short by the entire stop to promotion which took place at the close of the American war in the year 1782; and the sea service of the East India Company, which I then adopted, gave but little scope for anything worth relating; however, on one occasion, in China, I was placed in a situation the account of which you may perhaps think worthy of a place in your collection.\n\nIn 1811 I was commodore of a large and valuable fleet belonging to the East India Company, then lying in the port of Canton.\n\nIn Canton all mercantile business is carried on by Chinese appointed by the Government and styled Hong or security merchants; they are selected from the richest and most respectable persons in Canton, and through them only can the supercargoes, our residents in China, have intercourse with the Hoppo, or Viceroy.1\n\nThese merchants have therefore the power of withholding all representations to the Government which may be against their private interest, or otherwise disagreeable to them by exposing the extortions and impositions they frequently attempt on the English.\n\nOn the occasion I am now going to relate the Hong merchants had some pecuniary demands which the supercargoes thought it their duty to resist.— the consequence of which was that misrepresentations were made by them to the Viceroy, and, when the fleet was ready to sail, the port-clearance was refused.\n\nAfter various ineffectual efforts to obtain our despatch, Mr. Brown, the chief supercargo, sent for me and expressed his anxiety at the unlooked-for detention of the very valuable fleet which was ready for sea. He informed me he had sent several petitions by the security merchants to the Hoppo, but he had reason to believe that\n\n1 Hoppo, or Viceroy. This mistake shows how dangerous it is to read the account of an eye witness of that time without making sure that his/her facts are correct. The Viceroy was the Westerners' name for the Governor-general of two provinces. Working in association with him was the Governor (Fu-yuan) of Kwangtung with his headquarters at Canton. Independent of these two great mandarins stood the Superintendent of Maritime Customs for Kwangtung who was the Emperor's direct financial representative at Canton, and was known to the English merchants as the Hoppo, this being a corruption of the Chinese name of the department of government at the capital under which he served, the hu-pu (Board of Revenue).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "54\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\ninto the city; I therefore resolved to keep him in view if possible, but the moment we came near him he set off at full speed, and in spite of all the efforts we could make we soon lost sight of him.\n\nWe had now proceeded about half a mile in a long narrow street, the end of which I was much annoyed at finding branched into two others rather wider, one turning short to the left, the other inclining to the right; here I called a halt, as it was evident, if we took the wrong direction, all chance of success was at an end. I therefore called to my aid the petition addressed (as I before mentioned) \"To the Hoppo\", in large characters; and seeing at a shop door a good-humoured-looking fellow staring at the unusual appearance of such a number of strangers in the city, I ran up to him and showed him the back of the petition, which he instantly read, laughed heartily, and pointed out the right road.\n\nWe proceeded on as fast we could go, and, after advancing a short distance, we again got sight of the soldier, whom we discovered, with several others, in the act of shutting two very large folding gates, which appeared to be the entrance to a spacious outer court, in which was visible the front of one of the most magnificent buildings I had ever seen. This was a very critical moment, for I instantly imagined it must be the Hoppo's palace, and, if the gates were once closed against us, all our labour was lost. I therefore loudly called out, \"Hurrah to the gate!\" We in a body sprang forward and luckily reached it at the instant the gates were shut, but before they had time to get them bolted; with one consent we put our shoulders to them, and the gates flew open before us, throwing all those inside to the right and left. Our whole body immediately rushed in, and it was our turn then to assist the soldiers in shutting and bolting the gates to keep out a mob of Chinese who had gathered in the city and followed in our rear.\n\nNow we had time to breathe, look about us, and consider where we were. Nothing could be more splendid than the building which stood in front of us; it was covered with Chinese characters in gold, beautifully ornamented with carved work in the Chinese style, and painted in the most brilliant and gaudy colours.\n\nMr. Perry at once assured me we must have reached the Viceroy's palace, as he discovered that particular banner which was carried before the Hoppo when he visited the Company's factory. The guard, whom we seemed to have caught en deshabille, had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207295, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "INCIDENT: H.K. MERCHANTS & B.E.L. CO.\n\n55\n\nretired, and shortly after made their appearance in magnificent uniforms, and drew up in a body opposite to us.\n\nThe palace gate now opened, and a Mandarin slowly advanced towards me; he addressed me in Chinese, to which I could only reply by shaking my head and showing him my petition. He put out his hand to receive it, but I drew back mine, and made a sign I wanted to go into the palace to deliver it. He shook his head, and seemed decidedly averse to such a proceeding.\n\nWe were soon relieved from this embarrassment by the arrival of the two senior security merchants, Mowqua and Howqua, the first a fine old man of upwards of eighty years of age, and it was supposed that to those two we principally owed our detention,- the rest of the Hong came soon after.\n\nMowqua was in great agitation when he arrived, and addressed me in his usual Chinese-English, “Ah! Mister Commodore, what for you come here? you want security merchants have cutty head? Hoppo truly much angry English come his house, he will cutty my poor old head.\"-My reply was, \"Mowqua! it is your own fault; why did you not present the Typan's (chief supercargo's) petition to the Hoppo? had you done so, I should not have come here.\"-\"Good Mister Commodore, me takey petition, and will truly get answer directly.\"--\"No, no, Mowqua! I will give it into the Hoppo's own hand myself”,--on which all the security merchants set up a cry as if I had uttered some treason against the Celestial Empire, What you come here? you wanty see Hoppo? That you no can do-Hoppo send you to prison as soon as he know you come him house—we takey petition before he know you come city-get out fast you can; truly he too much angry he know you here.”\n\nThere now appeared a Mandarin of high rank, to whom the merchants paid great respect; he came up to Captain Craig, Mr. Perry and myself, who were standing with the two senior security merchants in front of our party; he, with civility, enquired what we wanted? and was instantly replied to by Mowqua, but I was determined to be my own interpreter. I therefore held up the petition for him to read the address, and made signs as before that I wanted to go into the palace to present it. This compelled Mowqua to come to an explanation with the Mandarin, who left us, as I supposed, to inform the Hoppo of our being there; he soon returned,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207300, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "60\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nobtainable along the China coast. Also he was to find out what facilities, if any, would be available to British merchants along the coast of China for buying and lading teas, silks and other products of China. He took with him as interpreter the well-qualified explorer-missionary, the Rev. Charles Gutzlaff. Lindsay left Canton at the beginning of March, sailing to Amoy, Foochow, Ningpo and Shanghai as well as Korea and the Liuchiu islands, returning at the beginning of September 1832. (Morse, Chronicles, Vol. IV, pp. 332-3). For further details see Papers relating to the Ship Amherst, printed by order of the House of Commons, June 1833; Report of Proceedings on a Voyage to the Northern Ports of China in the Ship Lord Amherst, London, 1834.\n\nThese incidents involving the Lindsays, father and son, were by no means unique. Other supercargoes such as James Flint in 1759, Sir George Thomas Staunton on several occasions, and others, as well as several ship's commanders, went to protest to the Chinese authorities on behalf of their colleagues. In fact the chapter titles in the five volumes of Morse's Chronicles carry the words \"Dispute with Chinese Authorities\" or \"Dispute between Committee and Authorities\" more than any other chapter headings. The impression is of a continual struggle between the Chinese and East India Company officials carried out by orders, protests, threats and bluff. In the end it comes as a pleasant surprise to read a different chapter heading such as \"Improved Relations with Officials\" (1827) or \"Burning of the Foreign Factories, 1822\". It was a tedious business for the Chinese officials in Canton having to deal with the unpredictable barbarians from the Western Ocean, but it was also a lucrative one. The same can be said, mutatis mutandis, of the East India Company's representatives trading at Canton.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207306, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "66\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nSuch wild speculation may well have created a fatalistic attitude to the inevitability of the plague as a natural phenomenon and consequently limited an awareness of the need to search in other directions. However, the desperate need to find a solution prompted a considerable amount of inquiry and reflection by a number of independent observers and some of these researchers deserve a fuller mention.\n\nDr. Gomes da Silva, the Principal Medical Officer of Macau gave an account of the disease which affected the Portuguese colony in 1895. He records that during a visit to Canton he had observed a strange disease that attacked \"only Chinese ..... and rats\" and that the same disease spread from Hong Kong to Macau in 1895. In drawing attention to the association of the plague with rats Dr. da Silva also described the general sanitary condition of Canton which he concluded was a further causal factor. He records that house refuse was usually thrown into the streets where it accumulated until such time as the torrential summer rains and the overflow of the Pearl River cleared it away. However, between May and September 1894 it did not rain to any great extent with the consequence that large quantities of rubbish accumulated and reached an advanced state of putrefaction. These conditions were paralleled by outbreaks of plague. Conversely, Dr. da Silva observed that when the summer rains were early and abundant the disease seldom occurred.\n\nIt is now not difficult to establish the chain of events that must have occurred, namely that during prolonged dry spells when refuse piled up in the streets colonies of rats thrived on the nourishment so carelessly provided. As the rats multiplied, so did the fleas and from but one source of infection carried by the fleas the disease spread like a forest fire first through the population of rats and then to homo-sapiens.\n\nHowever, amidst the wild speculation of how the disease was communicated to man scientific researches undertaken by Alexandre Yersin in Hong Kong established in June 1894 that the bacillus, pasteurella pestis, was the direct cause of plague. This was subsequently confirmed by two Japanese doctors, Professors Kitasato and Aoyama, who were also pursuing researches in the colony. Conclusive evidence was obtained by injecting animals with a virus preparation. Notwithstanding, the means of transmission of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "70\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\noutbreaks occurred in 1912, 1914 and 1922, predominantly among the Chinese community. Over the period 1894-1929 the total number of cases numbered over 24000 and some 90% of these had a fatal outcome. The disease, however, did not confine itself to Hong Kong and it is somewhat alarming to note that as recently as 1950 it occurred in Pakhoi where from January to September 627 cases were recorded.\n\nOne final comment that needs to be made is that throughout the centuries plague has occurred in cycles commencing abruptly and finishing within a relatively short space of time. No satisfactory explanation has yet been found for this phenomenon and this gives emphasis to a continuing need for vigilance.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nEncyclopaedia Britannica, pp. 989-995.\n\nHong Kong Government, Medical and Sanitary Report for the Year 1929. Hong Kong Government, Blue Book Reports on Bubonic Plague, 1894-1907.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "78\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\npart, and even the music was streamlined by her. There are up to date eight plays in their repertoire: Pa-pao kung-chu† ± princess Pa-pao; T'ao-hua huo tu*; also called Su Liu-niang*; Shih yü-cho£; The Jade-bracelet; Ch'en San Wu-Niang: Tze Liang Chi : Tang Po-hu tien ch'iu-hsiang唐伯虎點秋香(三笑姻緣); Shou Shu-yüan搜書院; and Tze Lang-chu辭郎洲.\n\nHere is the content of two of these operas as they were performed by Hsiao Nan-ying in Hong Kong in 1975.\n\nSTABBING LIANG CHI (✯✯M✯)\n\nLiang Chi, a treacherous prefect, passes through the streets and his guards catch a man who roamed about instead of retiring at the approach of the prefect. When questioned, it turns out that he is a fortune-teller. The prefect dismisses his entourage and encourages the fortune-teller to look at his face and tell his fortune. After some hesitation he talks professional terminology about Liang's eyes and physiognomy and asks him about his age. 63 was the answer. Then he would be stabbed in the next 3 days; but if he could avoid it he would be very successful thereafter. If he wants to avoid it—and he asked the lord to go backwards 3 steps—then he should not go out of his house and not see anyone from outside for 3 days.\n\nThe fortune-teller, although afraid, was rather satisfied with the prospect to see this wretched lord killed.\n\nAfter this the fortune-teller wished to get out of the house as fast as possible, but the lord called his housekeeper and ordered him to feed the fortune-teller,\n\nThe gates were locked and orders given, and then the lord planned to enjoy these 3 days of unexpected leisure. As he had just got a new lady in his residence, he gave orders that she should serve him the wine that night.\n\nThe new lady (performed by Hsiao Nan-ying) was in fact the daughter of a fisherman whom the lord had killed with an arrow. The fisherman's daughter had come instead of another, in order to avenge her father. When she was summoned, she knew that this was her chance to fulfill her vows. She took a hair pin from her hair, and decided that she would stab him with it. The ladies-in-waiting brought a crown and gorgeous red garments to dress her for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207333, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n93\n\nclandestine (i.e., unlicensed and unregistered) brothels. For example, John Lee, an Inspector of Brothels in 1877, had joined the Hong Kong Police in 1864 and had been appointed Inspector of Brothels by the government in 1870. As a constable he had spent part of his service on dockyard duty; appointment as an Inspector of Brothels was a step up in the world; he improved both his status and finances. Such persons, too, had chances of obtaining, corruptly, substantial sums of money from Chinese, in this case from brothel keepers and their charges.5\n\nThe increase in demand for, what may be termed, low-level European man-power, was caused by the establishment of new government departments and an expansion in the activities of the old, as ordinance after ordinance was introduced into the colony. This was particularly true of the Surveyor General's Department, renamed the Public Works Department (P.W.D.) in 1891. The carrying out of large public works projects, such as the construction of public buildings, reservoirs and roads, meant that there was an increasing need for supervisors, overseers and inspectors. There were difficulties in finding suitable men. Departments had to take what they could find locally. Some specialists badly needed by the Hong Kong government were, however, recruited in London by the Crown Agents.\n\nMany P.W.D. overseers were former Royal Engineers, who had taken their discharge in Hong Kong, and as soldiers had had experience in the building of fortifications and other military works. They were, in modern army parlance, ‘tradesmen'. But an overseer admitted to a commission of enquiry in 1902 that it was always difficult to obtain responsible assistants:\n\n\"You can get beach-combers (sic) and old sailors, but they are no earthly use if you put them on a job and you have to depend on a Chinese foreman or contractor for a knowledge of the details of the work. They must be figure heads, but it is no use to put them on a Department like this.\"\n\nHe also confirmed that ‘any European here—it doesn't matter who he is or where he is picked up—can be put on a job and is termed an Overseer'. An architect concurred, stating that many overseers were picked from the beachcomber class. It appeared that in an attempt to rehabilitate beachcombers, clergymen and benevolent societies had been sending such persons along to the P.W.D. for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207345, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n105\n\nhad married, or lived with, Chinese, Eurasian or Portuguese women and for that reason stayed on.\n\nThe decision to remain in employment in Hong Kong was also related to the level of wages in Britain and to depressions and unemployment in the mother country. Most felt that they were better off, if only marginally, in Hong Kong. Lastly, many inspectors had served in the army, navy or merchant marine; the jobs they took in Hong Kong usually satisfied their instinct for hierarchy, order, and discipline. As Dr. Topley writes:\n\nIn Hong Kong, unlike in some British colonies and ex-colonies, two social classes of westerners are recognized. Chinese divide westerners into the taai-puân (bosses) and pong-paân (help-manage). The latter category includes most people who are in uniformed supervisory jobs. The former term has been romanised by westerners in Hong Kong as \"Taipan\" and is used commonly in conversation and in the English press to refer to wealthy westerners.28\n\nThose in uniformed supervisory jobs—members of what one may call the 'inspectorate'—were in nearly every case former servicemen. There was thus no radical break in their lives when they stayed to work in Hong Kong in the dockyards, Marine Department, Sanitary Department, P.W.D., police, or prisons.\n\nTAIPANS AND THE EUROPEAN LOWER CLASS\n\nVisitors to Hong Kong were always startled by the extent of conspicuous consumption found there. Typical are these comments by a seasoned traveller in the 1860s:\n\nEuropeans in Hongkong live in a very expensive style; much more expensively, one would think, than they need do, when we consider that many of the necessaries of life are to be had at prices very little in advance of our market rates at home. Nothing surprised me more in Hong Kong than the expensive way in which English assistants were housed, and the luxuries with which they were indulged. Indeed few more luxurious quarters were anywhere to be found than the 'junior messes' of the wealthy British firms. There the unfledged youth, coming out from the simplicity of some rural home, was apt to develop into a man of epicurean tastes, a connoisseur in wines, and to become lavish in expenditure...29", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207361, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n121\n\nallies, for example, occasionally directed their military efforts against, rather than for, the dynasty; and even the Uighurs sometimes became overbearing and troublesome.42 There were, moreover, tensions between barbarian and Chinese officers, as well as conflicts between various competing barbarian commanders. But perhaps the most vivid illustration of the dangers involved in utilizing foreigners was the famous rebellion of the \"mixed-breed\" barbarian, An Lu-shan, which the Uighur heir apparent had helped combat in its early stages. Contemporary observers saw this uprising not as a civil war between the central government and a local \"warlord,\" but rather as a conflict between the Chinese and a barbarian. Chinese historians went so far, in fact, as to maintain that the rebellion occurred \"because An Lu-shan and other barbarians were given important military and political offices.\"43 Whatever the merits of this view, we may safely assume that An did not rate a biography in Li Te-yü's I-yü kuei-chung chuan; and although foreign troops and individual barbarian commanders assisted in the restoration of imperial rule, and helped sustain the Tang dynasty for nearly a century and a half after the revolt, resentment and distrust of barbarians became increasingly evident as neo-Confucianism rose to prominence.\n\nThe Use of Foreigners in Post-T'ang Times\n\nChinese anti-foreignism, already on the rise in the later years of T'ang, received reinforcement from neo-Confucianism, with its emphasis on the superiority of Chinese culture and the closer identification of Confucianism with that culture. At the same time, the stress on civil virtues and the growing importance of the vaunted examination system as a channel for upward mobility led to a general decline in martial spirit.44 Yet even as China turned inward, her ever-present need for foreign military and administrative expertise assured that outsiders would continue to find their way into the Chinese service. This proved true in the Sung, when specially trained \"barbarian troops\" (fan-ping) operated against internal and external enemies, and barbarian commanders (fan-chiang) such as Kuo Yao-shih (a surrendered Liao officer) rendered similar service. Kuo is particularly noteworthy for having led a military force known as the Ever-Victorious Army (Ch'ang-sheng chün) which, in some respects, resembled the contingent with the same designation raised by Frederick Townsend Ward in the latter stages of the Taiping Rebellion (1850-1864).45", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207364, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "124\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nTo be sure, the Ch'ing dynasty was not blindly anti-foreign, having accepted both Russians and other Europeans (the Dutch) as allies, and having allowed a number of Russians to be \"naturalized\" (kuei-hua) and incorporated into the elite Banner forces.58 But the ever-tightening strait-jacket of neo-Confucian orthodoxy under the Manchus, and the rise of anti-foreign (particularly anti-Christian) propaganda, did not portend a friendly reception for Westerners when they attempted to \"open\" China by force in the nineteenth century.\n\nThe Nineteenth Century Context\n\nBy the mid-nineteenth century, the West had earned China's well-deserved distrust for its aggressiveness and intractability. Pronounced anti-foreignism (championed, ironically, by a scholar of Mongol extraction in the 1860's) blossomed after the Opium War of 1839-1842 and grew apace with further Western economic, military and religious activity in China. During the Opium War, the throne had countenanced, and even encouraged, limited and unobtrusive military assistance from Americans in the time-honored tradition of \"using barbarians against barbarians.\" In the area of Canton, for example, a few individuals \"dressed in Chinese costume\" assisted the Chinese in building fortresses and casting cannon.59 But by the Hsien-feng emperor's reign, China had adopted a belligerent anti-Western stance, and despite the panic precipitated by the Taiping outbreak in 1850-1851, the throne seemed totally indisposed to accept any kind of foreign assistance against the rebels. The situation did not change appreciably until 1860, when the British and French occupied Peking in an attempt to enforce the provisions of the Treaty of Tientsin (1858).60\n\nAfter the signing of the Peking Conventions in late 1860, which ushered in a new period of \"cooperation\" between China and the foreign powers, Western barbarians began playing a prominent role in Chinese military affairs. A number of diverse individuals became involved: Foreign military men and diplomatic officials, customs personnel, swashbuckling adventurers, and even missionaries.61 On the whole, the participation of these individuals fell within the bounds of China's long tradition of \"borrowing talent from foreign lands\" (chieh-ts'ai i-ti).62 But unlike alien employees in earlier periods of Chinese history, Westerners in the nineteenth century were a new breed of barbarian, confident of their own cultural and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207369, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n129\n\nloyal service to the dynasty, he had shown himself to be ungrateful, greedy, power-hungry and difficult to control. Given the privileged position such Westerners enjoyed in China, transgressions by them could not easily be punished--even if they were to become Chinese subjects.77\n\nWhat could not be expected of Ward could hardly be expected of other foreigners in the Chinese military service. Emphasizing that Westerners did not delight in Chinese clothes and customs, Hsüeh and Li argued that China “need not force them to do what they find difficult.\" In their view, nothing was to be gained by foreign military employees going through the motions of either changing to Chinese clothing or registering as Chinese subjects. The throne voiced substantial agreement.78 Allowing foreigners to follow their own customs was, after all, consistent with the traditional policy of \"keeping [barbarians] under loose rein [chi-mi],” which did not exclude the idea of cultural submission, but neither did it demand it. Meanwhile, local officials were expected to devise effective means for establishing control over barbarian employees until such time as their services could be dispensed with.\n\nWhen Charles G. Gordon received command of the Ever-Victorious Army after Burgevine's dismissal, the throne did not require that he register as a Chinese subject or change to Chinese ways.79 It did, however, demand that he be effectively controlled. Unmoved by the prospect of material gain, and comparatively aloof, Gordon was a difficult barbarian to ensnare. Yet through a combination of flattery, honors, shrewd diplomacy, and administrative pressures (including the presence of Li Hung-chang's growing Anhwei Army) the Chinese succeeded in winning and maintaining Gordon's devotion.80 Throughout his career in China Gordon carried the stigma of being an \"unsubmissive\" foreign commander,81 but he received unprecedented honors from the throne. Eventually, with Li Hung-chang as his sponsor, Gordon achieved the exalted rank of provincial commander-in-chief (ti-tu) and the coveted yellow riding-jacket (huang ma-kua). By the end of his tumultuous career as head of the Ever-Victorious Army in 1864, he and Li Hung-chang had become fast friends, and they remained so for many years to come.\n\n82\n\nDuring the T'ung-chih period, a considerable number of other foreigners entered the Chinese military service. Some, such as A. E. LeBrethon de Caligny, Prosper Giquel, and Paul d'Aiguebelle, led foreign-officered contingents patterned after the Ever-Victorious", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "PACIFIC OYSTER INDUSTRY IN HONG KONG\n\n147\n\nBromhall (1958) reported upon an experiment using raft culture (*) in Deep Bay and showed that the oysters reached marketable size in two and a half years instead of four. Furukawa (1968) in a review of Japanese oyster culture reports that the raft method of culture has now virtually replaced all other methods of shellfish culture in that country, and that by this method the annual production of oysters has increased enormously, for example in Hiroshima. According to Quayle (1969) in his study of Pacific oyster culture in British Columbia, this method of culture is the most efficient with regard to the intensity of spatfalls and the subsequent growth and survival of the oyster. By this method, the culture of oyster is no longer limited to the shore and can be extended to deeper waters, thereby increasing the area available for culture. Recently conducted experiments undertaken by the Agricultural and Fisheries Department of the Hong Kong Government designed to test the feasibility of extending the oyster industry to the north side of Lantao Island (*) (Fig. 1) have been successful (Mok, 1974). The oysters are able to breed naturally in these waters and the reported growth rate is even faster; the oysters requiring only two years to reach marketable size. Oysters suspended in the water can utilise the whole column of water thereby reducing intraspecific competition. Moreover bottom living predators cannot attack the suspended oysters. In addition the large number of spat collected by this method can be separated from the cultch after one year and cultivated on trays, thereby solving the problem of overcrowding.\n\nRaft culture involves a similar amount of labour as that used in bottom-laying but the more arduous and unpleasant aspects of the work (i.e. the laying of the cultch on the muddy sea bed) are avoided. The strings of cultch to be suspended from the rafts can be prepared on land beforehand. During harvesting the strings of oysters can be hauled up from the raft into a boat, which is much easier than diving or tonging as is practised in Deep Bay. The advantage to such a system are many and obvious and result in larger spatfalls, a faster rate of growth, better quality of the flesh, reduced mortality and easier management. Since the surface waters of Deep Bay are less polluted (Leung et al., 1975), the oysters too would be safer to eat.\n\nThe increased intensity of fouling upon the strings is a problem but has been solved, for Pearl oysters at least (Mawatari and Miyau-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207391, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n151\n\nBowen Road. This report was fortunately completed long before the Japanese on 9 June, 1945, burned the original case sheets, operation books and other records from which they were compiled. Also preserved were records of rations provided by the Japanese, of gifts from the British and other Red Cross Societies, of gifts from Local Red Cross sources and local well-wishers, and menus of our meals and special diets. I still have all this material and it provides the basis for the account I now write. I did not, unfortunately, preserve any copies of the propaganda leaflets dropped by the Japanese during hostilities or of the English language Hongkong News, published under Japanese auspices in Hong Kong during their occupation.\n\nThe delay of thirty years in writing this story needs explanation. When I first came home I shared the plight of thousands who returned after years when we were completely out of touch with the changes that had taken place in the world, ignorant of the details of war, of the changes in the country and in the services and of the way people lived. The vocabulary was new, the developments were enormous and we had much ground to make up physically. It was not too difficult to acquire a veneer; it was less easy to take our places with any assurance in the new world of 1945 and 1946. Much work was needed. When I resumed duty in the army, after my release, I was given a chance to play a part in the Royal Army Medical College, Millbank, in the postgraduate medical training of R.A.M.C. officers, and in expanding the training of specialists. I seized this opportunity eagerly for I was well aware of the defects in the training of myself and my contemporaries. My time became fully engaged in this work. Four years later a chance was offered to me to play a similar part in civil life on appointment as a Regional Postgraduate Dean, in the British Postgraduate Medical Federation, University of London. The need for improved training was quite as urgent in civil life as it was in the army, the field was bigger, and it was not until I retired from that appointment many years later that I found time to return to the task I had wanted to tackle for so long. It seemed to me that an account of events in Hong Kong, as known to me, might provide a useful contribution to the history of the Colony, and that the achievements of the staff and the fortitude of the patients deserved to be recorded. I thought also that here and there perhaps, those serving today might discern from the story something of value to themselves and their Corps.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207392, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "152\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nWhen I started to write this account I intended to concentrate upon the experiences of staff and patients, and to restrict reference to myself to trying to cast a little light on situations which otherwise might seem obscure. My diary notes, though voluminous, were for the most part phrased in what I thought then discreet language in case they were discovered by the Japanese. I had a healthy respect for the Japanese capacity for dealing out punishment to anyone who failed to obey their orders to the letter. This discretion, allied to a tendency to refer in cryptic terms to events which filled my mind at the time but which have now faded from my memory, has left me with masses of statistics and information of a kind which I have found difficult to weave into a coherent story which will do justice to patients and staff. I have lost touch with nearly all my colleagues and friends whose own memories might have stimulated me, and in this account I am therefore relying far more on personal recollections and experiences to round off the story than I ever intended originally. I hope that those who shared these years with me will, if they read the story, forgive the change in emphasis which these considerations have made necessary. Looking back over my diaries now I am glad that I never had to explain some of the entries to the Japanese. I learned enough then to understand now that a quite truthful explanation of a simple description of an event might not be accepted. Practised interrogators were known to use methods against which the truth finds it hard to prevail. Fortunately I never had to submit to such an ordeal.\n\nThis then is the story of the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong. I did not see any prisoner of war camps until I lived in Sham Shui Po for a few days in March 1945 when conditions had, as they had also in the hospital, become much more stable. I am in no position to write the stories of the camps, and any references I may make to conditions there are based on hearsay only. Their medical and administrative problems were different from those we met in the hospital.\n\nAfter considering in a prelude the general situation in Hong Kong as I saw it, I refer briefly to the period of hostilities and then to the early months of captivity up to August 1942. I then deal in more detail with events from that date onwards fortified by the notes in my own diaries.\n\nThe story of the Army Medical Services in Hong Kong is contained in Volume 11 of the Official Medical History of the Second", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207401, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n161\n\ntroops, in my opinion, put up an excellent resistance from the static strong points which were the mainstay of the defence plan. They were pitted against a numerically superior and much more mobile enemy and no blame should be placed on them for the fact that our resistance was broken in under three weeks, nowhere near the ninety days originally judged to be desirable. These views imply no criticism of the defence plan for the circumstances of the Colony decided the plan. The defence was further prejudiced by the huge population of non-combatants in Kowloon and Victoria. Given the conditions under which our troops had to fight, I believe that our defeat could never have been avoided except by avoiding hostilities altogether. I believe we could have accepted any loss of face which a pre-war withdrawal, leaving only internal security forces, would have entailed. Having said that, however, the troops thereby released from Hong Kong would probably have been used in Singapore and almost certainly would not have changed the outcome there. One can only sympathise with the Governor and the G.O.C. and their staffs in their task of defending a Colony whose fate was sealed long before the fighting and they and the troops did their jobs well. The story unfolded slowly but inexorably after the style of a Greek tragedy.\n\n26 DECEMBER 1941–7 AUGUST 1942\n\nThe Japanese were slow to move in to take control of the hospital though they did concentrate our fighting troops at once and moved them to prisoner of war camps. For years I wondered why the hospital and indeed the whole of Hong Kong was spared the large scale rape, murder and looting which seemed to be the reward for Japanese troops upon the capture of large cities in China. The case of Nanking in December 1937 was the best known of these, when the city was given over to the victorious Japanese troops and for some weeks suffered on a huge scale.\n\nIt was not until I read the Official History of the War Against Japan that the probable explanation appeared in Volume 1. The Japanese attack on Hong Kong was made by the 38 Division reinforced by additional troops. The division had three regiments, the 228, 229 and 230 Infantry Regiments. The 228 regiment was transferred from Hong Kong to Davao on 18 January 1942 and thence to Amboina and Timor. The 229 regiment and one battalion", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207406, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "166\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nletter to our commanding officer, Colonel Shackleton, which he at once passed to the Japanese. In the letter we said that the progress to recovery of our wounded and sick patients was being impeded by a diet low in protein, vitamin and total calorie value and also by the difficulty of overcoming chronic sepsis on a deficient diet. We quoted League of Nations standards, well aware of the fact that Japan had left the League after her Manchurian adventure in 1933. We suggested a diet more suited to our habits and needs. Looking at this letter today I believe that we put our requests on a very moderate level.\n\nSome time in 1942, well before August, the Japanese began to pay commissioned officers both staff and patients. Our nurses were not paid nor were any of our working staff. We were paid in “military” yen, which at first I think had the same value as the yen, and Shackleton set up a patients' Comforts Fund and an Extra Diets Fund to which officers made contributions on a scale which at first lacked regularity. On 3 August 1942 Harrison and I wrote again expressing our disquiet about the whole patients and staff situation and advised that all efforts to improve conditions should be financed through a Central Hospital Fund supported by all officers. We identified the needs under four heads; those of patients for special diets during and after dysentery, surgery etc., those of staff upon whom the work fell, the need of every person for improved food value in the rations and variation in the monotony of diet, and lastly the need of our whole community for electric bulbs, sewing cotton, soap etc. We quoted our basic average diet for the months of April, May and June and July 1942 (see Appendix “A”, Table 1). Perhaps a clearer idea of the position is conveyed by the fact that in the week 23 July to 1 August 1942 we had fish twice, meat once and a sweet rice pudding once, the last being the only dish for mid-day dinner, while all other dinners consisted of boiled rice and boiled vegetables only. Breakfast and suppers were rice or bread and sugar, syrup or vegetables, the whole diet being ill calculated to appeal to a sick man. Many so-called well men ate only as a duty to themselves and certainly not as a pleasurable activity.\n\nThe hospital had narrowly escaped a further disaster during hostilities for a large shell, a four-inch I think, had pitched at the junction of the road above the hospital leading to the sisters' mess and the lower wall of the reservoir. Had it exploded the reservoir", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207417, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n177\n\nOur food came from four sources; the Japanese rations, food sent in by our friends in Hong Kong, supplies received from the Red Cross Society and food purchased with funds contributed by officers mainly those in the hospital but also those in the camps from time to time. These contributions were made from pay received from the Japanese by these officers.\n\nJapanese Rations\n\nI have prepared tables (Appendix A) to show the kinds and the amounts of foods issued to us from Japanese sources and used on behalf of patients and staff who were on a full diet. Notes given in the tables give additional information and include details of certain additional Japanese food received and how it was used. The amounts in these cases were very small and while they must be recorded, especially the milk, it was rare for any to appear in the general diet and then only as a treat when supplies allowed. Since this is not a scientific treatise, I intend the tables to present a broad picture of our food situation. The daily quantities of food therefore are shown as averaged over five months in 1942, rather under three months in Bowen Road in 1945, rather over three months in Kowloon in 1945, and over the whole years of 1943 and 1944. These averages should be read in conjunction with specimen daily menus I set out in tables at Appendix B. There were many, many days on which our diet consisted of boiled rice and vegetables.\n\nIn these tables, I make no allowances for losses resulting from poor quality, preparation, and cooking in the case of vegetables and fish. These losses were usually high, and on occasions reached a level of 30% in the case of vegetables, which were sometimes rotten when received. We were not choosy when deciding when food was fit to cook and eat. The fresh vegetables, in addition to the more usual varieties, which practically never included Western-type potatoes, though we had sweet potatoes more often, did however include such unusual varieties as chrysanthemum leaves, Chinese lily root, tara root, and so on. The fish varied greatly; on 10 October 1942, I noted that we had received \"long thin fish, shark flesh, baby sharks, and heaven knows what, most of it a little old\". Sergeant Seino, of whom I shall have more to say later, warned the quartermaster that some fish was perhaps poisonous and advised us to be careful using it. I believe Seino's intention was to be helpful, though...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "180\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nchases made using funds voluntarily subscribed by officers of the staff and officer patients. A first charge upon all receipts was to provide what we called \"extras\" for patients in need and only the surplus after this prime need was met was issued for general use. The true value to the hospital of the gifts received is therefore much greater than appears in the records I am able to give here, which reflect only that portion used for general issue.\n\n(b) Supplies bought with money, contributed by Officers, Staff and Patients.\n\nI recorded earlier how sometime in 1942 before the departure of our nurses the Japanese began to pay commissioned officers, both staff and patients. In these days members of the Q.A.I.M.N.S., as it was then, were not commissioned and were not paid. I also recorded how Colonel Shackleton started funds from which to finance purchases for the general good. When I succeeded him the funds were reorganised and responsibility for administering them was spread more widely. A Hospital Central Fund was set up and managed by an executive committee of two officer patients and one medical officer with myself as chairman. This received money, still on a voluntary basis, from officers in the hospital and occasionally from those in P.O.W. camps in North Point and in Argyle Street, Kowloon. Disbursements were made to four sub-funds; one to provide extra diets for patients, one to supplement general messing, one to provide necessities and comforts e.g. electric bulbs, cigarettes etc. and lastly a small C.O.'s Fund. The first three were run by sub-committees and I was left to apply the minor resources of the C.O.'s Fund to support any enterprise for the general good.\n\nAs a side light on human nature it is interesting to recall that one or two British officers were reluctant for a time to support the Central Fund. They feared, from past experience no doubt, that the British army's accounting system would seek to recover from their pay at home the value of the military yen they were receiving from the Japanese. They knew that when they became prisoners, marriage and other allowances ceased and they foresaw that their wives and families might be able to draw only upon their basic pay. This view was ridiculed by the majority who held that we were faced with a situation in which immediate action was required and the reluctant ones soon abandoned their position and made their contributions valiantly. Readers in the 1970s will find it hard to believe", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207444, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "204\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nthan he need. The improvement in his attitude to us in 1945 as the war drew to a close was significant. I never felt safe with him. His management of drafts of patients coming to our hospital from P.O.W. camps showed gross negligence particularly in the early year or so and I found it scandalous that he allowed a patient with acute and easily remediable intestinal obstruction to reach death's door in 1942 before allowing him to be sent to the hospital. How far blame should be laid on Saito and how far his commander, Tokunaga, should bear responsibility I do not know. I was then, and still remain, glad that we did not have to have Saito as our master if we had been losing the war,\n\nI thought Sergeant Seino was the most intelligent of all the Japanese army administrators with whom we came in contact. It was he who was most closely concerned with our routine affairs. He retained his dignity and upheld his position, but he was a man who could be talked to though not easily swayed. He never let his army down, and he never slapped me though he did, I know administer a token slapping to one of our officer patients whom he had caught communicating on a family matter with the outside world through the medium of our parcels. I do not know what happened to him after the Japanese surrender, but so far as we were concerned he did his duty fairly and earned a degree of my respect.\n\nJapanese officers and N.C.O's nearly always wore swords and always on duty wore what used to be called field boots in the British army in the First War and between the wars when they were worn by cavalry and gunner officers and by field officers in other regiments and corps. The Japanese used to skiff (or \"skliff\" is likely an OCR error for \"scuff\" or \"skiff\") their feet along the ground thus making an important noise as they walked, well suited to the dignity of their wearers.\n\nAt first in 1942 the guards were drawn from Japanese units but later were Formosans (Taiwanese). The latter were of no great quality and were poorly clad and equipped, and some of their N.C.O's were pettily officious and often over ready to take offence. They wore ankle boots with canvas uppers and rubber soles and there was a separate compartment in the canvas for the big toe. It was often startling to meet them on a verandah in a blackout as they moved silently along with fixed bayonet and rifle at the trail. These guards interpreted their own orders in such matters as the amount of lighting allowed during blackouts and the time of our", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207450, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "210\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nwe knew that men were searched by guards on arrival in camps, drugs being confiscated. I do not remember however hearing of any serious punishment being inflicted on men discovered to be carrying drugs.\n\nOn 29 July 1945 Saito handed over five cases each marked case 111, of medical supplies from the American Red Cross. These contained cresol, dextrose in saline, saline, capsules of vitamins A and B, distilled water and dried human plasma. I don't know how he got these but they were sophisticated packs of a type quite new to us.\n\nENTERTAINMENTS\n\nSome entertainment in the form of sing-songs was provided in the seven months after our surrender on occasions when the recreation room was not flooded. At this time few of our patients were fit to go to the recreation room, but we were lucky in another direction. Corporal Carter of the Royal Signals had been wounded, and as he recovered a proposal was made that the wards might be wired and provided with loud speakers to receive a programme of gramophone music coming from a station within the hospital. I was fully occupied as a surgeon at this time and I do not know who conceived the idea. The necessary work was done, though, and the Japanese agreed to allow two periods of music each day. The operation room for this venture was a bunk occupied by Corporal Carter who soon extended his activities. These sessions were very valuable in distracting patients' attention in 1942 and 1943 from the grim realities of wounds, sickness and undernourishment. Carter, an enterprising extrovert, not overburdened with nerves soon contrived to listen to news broadcasts from British sources. He was joined by one or two others, equally bold but perhaps a little more careful, and soon we were having daily bulletins of the contents of British news broadcasts. When I took charge of the hospital these came to me and were made known by word of mouth to patients and staff. I do not now recall that any major news came by this route. The items related to the same events as we read or had deduced from the local newspaper, but of course were put out with the emphasis on our side. Carter was also asked by the Japanese to repair their wireless set on several occasions and did so. He thus had the pleasure of listening to British broadcasts inside Japanese quarters. In his own bunk where he received the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207452, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "212\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nwhich swept through the hospital from time to time. If any instrument did survive it was not taken to Kowloon when the hospital moved there in March 1945. Placed in a similar position in a hospital today I would never run such a risk again.\n\nThe foregoing account shows a remarkable naivete on my part. The guilelessness of some of our men was quite as remarkable. I recall examining the diary of a soldier who died in Bowen Road before handing his belongings over to someone authorised to receive them. The diary had many references to world events which had clearly been obtained by wireless. I thought it wise to destroy these references at once, for if discovered they would have led directly back to an illicit receiver as the source which I judged to have been sited in a P.O.W. camp.\n\nThe Japanese allowed us to receive and read copies of an English language paper called the Hongkong News, which was published in the Colony. My notes show that we began to receive three or four copies of this paper daily from October 1942. I circulated these copies to each ward in the hospital and to all staff, but I am sorry I did not preserve any in my own records. The news in the paper was, I recall, quite accurate in describing places where events of importance in the war were taking place. I cannot say whether all events were recorded in this fashion. The treatment of the stories in the paper was, of course, wholly from the Japanese angle, and the result was to create in us prisoners a mounting sense of the victories they were achieving. We could and did discount many of the stories, and we had in the hospital a number of school-type atlases which were never taken away from us, and from the place names we could at least trace where events were taking place in the war as they happened. At first, this local paper was issued to us free, and from time to time supplies were stopped when it was not difficult to deduce that the issues that had been withheld contained news unfavourable to the Japanese.\n\nAUGUST\n\nDECEMBER 1942\n\nThese five months were for the hospital the worst period of our imprisonment. On 1 August 1942 there were 245 patients attended by twelve officers on the staff, not all of whom were medical, sixty-five other ranks including six Royal Engineers plus one civil engineer, seventeen nursing sisters Q.A.I.N.M.S. and Canadian", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207459, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n219\n\non the same day. Our funerals remained dignified affairs and Mr. Squires usually carried out the appropriate services, though not infrequently a committal service was read by a co-religionist of the deceased. By January 1943, Mr. Campbell, our quartermaster, expressed anxiety about the number of blankets being lost as shrouds. His concern was justified, and thenceforward sacking was used for this purpose. All deaths were reported formally to the Japanese. I do know that on at least two occasions, deaths which occurred in the hospital had not been reported by them to relatives in Stanley or in Hong Kong itself for many months. I do not know whether notification of any of our deaths was made through the Red Cross and eventually reported to the relatives at home. Most men who died, indeed most patients, had few personal possessions. In the case of those who died, any useful article of clothing, boots, etc. was given by us to others in need. Usually, the dead man had a personal friend in the hospital to whom I usually entrusted such articles as photographs, an occasional ring, and so on.\n\nEarly in the year, our sappers, aided by some R.A.M.C. men, set to work to repair structural damage to the hospital, the result of enemy action during hostilities. Roofs were re-tiled, holes in walls were closed, the walls of the recreation room were colour-washed, and other walls whitewashed. The Hospital Fund paid for the whitewash. The Japanese encouraged us in these enterprises and even brought in some Chinese workmen to plaster the roof of the recreation room and paint the walls. The weather-proofing of wards and recreation room, the replacement of glass in broken windows, and some redecoration brought about a change for the better in our conditions. During May, we had 8.9 inches of rain, but the repairs had been well done, and we remained reasonably dry. By these improvements, the Japanese could provide more evidence to their inspecting officers and to the Red Cross of their efforts to provide suitable surroundings for sick and wounded prisoners of war. In our turn, we who profited directly by these works began to have a little more confidence in our future as a hospital, though I think many of us, like myself, retained an awareness of the Japanese capacity to change by a sudden decision what had seemed to be a firm policy.\n\nMail, in the form of cards in which the number of words allowed was limited to about 25, I think, came to us through Japanese sources at irregular intervals throughout 1943. A few, for example,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207461, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n221\n\nIn 1942 members of the hospital staff were given small, very small gifts of military yen from the Central Hospital Fund. In April 1943 the Japanese announced their intention to pay working staff and to do so from one year earlier. In the event by June, 7 of our engineers, 4 cooks, 2 bakers and 3 working patients received pay for April 1943 at rates of 20 sen daily for a warrant officer, 15 sen for a N.C.O. and 10 for a private. Receipts were authenticated by thumb prints. Every officer had had 60 yen deducted monthly by the Japanese from his pay to cover the cost of his messing, but by the end of September the deduction was reduced to 30 yen and for junior officers to 27 yen. By October the Central Fund was paying 5 yen a month to 6 N.C.O.'s in charge of wards and to the librarian as well as to other staff. In November a new deduction was made by the Japanese from officers' pay. The additional deductions were 60 yen from a Lieutenant Colonel, 40 from a Major and 20 from a Captain with the stated aim of accumulating savings for the future on behalf of the individuals concerned. I do not know when the British system of post-war credits was started, but the aims in both cases were obviously to reduce the amount of spending money available when goods were in short supply as well as to build up an individual's future bank balance. I tried hard to get permission to use money thus saved for the benefit of patients through our Central Hospital Fund but of course I failed. The Japanese told me that officers would be shown their savings accounts in January 1944. I have no note that this was done by that date but it could have been done without me making a note in my diary. It was certainly done at a later date. In any case, in my story of the events of 1945 I record that in August I was handed substantial sums in military yen by Saito which were said to represent savings thus accumulated by officers in the hospital. By then the military yen had for practical purposes lost all value and my diary does not record what happened to our savings. By then we had our minds set on much more important matters.\n\nDuring the year we also received through the Japanese a Red Cross issue of vests intended for all in hospital. These were very acceptable, but the numbers were 39 short and so we excluded senior officers from the distribution. We also had a gift of socks and we issued these only to staff and to patients in special need as we had not enough to go round.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207464, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "224\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nAir alerts were frequent and raids were common, though no attacks were directed near to us. During alerts we brought our patients down from the upper two floors and the arrangement worked well enough though I was always a little fearful of our excitable guards urging haste to our patients whose gait and balance were disturbed by disease. Blackouts occurred regularly and added greatly to the difficulties of our night duty staff. I used to lie in bed on many nights when the hospital was blacked out but not alerted and listen to the big American planes flying over Hong Kong, probably from airfields in China on bombing raids on Japanese held territories. Emergency checks on our numbers continued to be held at night time about once a month in addition to the regular morning and evening checks. The night checks got us up from bed for up to an hour. In May we could still use our portable X-ray machines but this was of little value because we had no films. About the same time mosquitoes were a pest and we had a number of cases of fever among staff and patients.\n\nDuring 1943 I find recurring references in my diary to shortages of fuel and we had parties out regularly on the hillside behind the hospital felling trees. The cooks had an unenviable task trying to make fires with green wood. Food supplies, too, came at intervals which were not regular, and in June for example the rice intakes were so irregular that we had to juggle a good deal with issues. Stocks of sugar both from the Red Cross and Japanese sources dwindled also and we had to cut issues in order not to run out of supplies. By September 1943 eggs cost 1.30 yen each and rising costs generally compelled us to re-examine the system of issuing extra food for patients in need. We established that first priority should be given to patients with suppurating wounds or who had pulmonary tuberculosis; next came patients with gross loss of weight; then came those with acute fevers and those who could not eat rice and with these were banded some of the patients with visual defects, the result of deficiency diseases. In July we had to reduce the flour ration to 104 grammes a day, though to offset this the daily rice ration was increased to 384 grammes. We experimented with combinations of atta, boiled rice and ground rice to make something we could call bread and we even produced some small buns using a little flour as well. We made and issued a soup made from fish heads but this was unpalatable to most and when we abandoned the experiment we thereafter issued fish complete with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207468, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "228\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nof electricity and water supplies and firewood, increasingly frequent air attacks and I suppose the general problems faced by the Japanese in retaining a small unit isolated from other P.O.W. camps which they had to supply and guard.\n\nThe fifteen months which remained to us in occupation of Bowen Road proved to be a long drawn-out test of our endurance. We knew from the local newspaper about the Normandy landing by the allies and thereafter we traced on our school atlases subsequent progress in Europe. We gauged progress on the Russian front from the place names, while the names that appeared in the accounts of the Pacific war betrayed the progress being made there against the Japanese even though they always emphasised the staggering losses claimed to have been inflicted on their enemy in all their encounters.\n\nProgress was more rapid than I for one had thought possible, but our own existence in Bowen Road became increasingly circumscribed as the boundary wire was brought even closer to the main hospital building. In January 1944 our staff were removed from their barrack block to occupy the fair-sized Ward 3 on the top floor of the hospital. Gates in the wire allowed our men to get to their own gardens for a few hours by day; by November the wire was brought even closer so that all buildings were excluded from us except for the cookhouse and the mortuary,\n\nDuring January 1944 we had to cut the rice ration from 383 to 354 in order to conserve stocks, and by now rice was being weighed out at the steward's store into the utensils of each ward and mess. All staff under commissioned rank began to receive Japanese pay, 25 sen for a warrant officer, 15 for a sergeant or corporals and 10 for a lance corporal or private, so it had taken three years before our captors allowed this trivial right. Pay for commissioned officers arrived pretty regularly and in June all received their Japanese banking accounts to check. All contributed fixed proportions of their pay to the Central Hospital Fund from which small monthly payments of five or six yen were made to staff and N.C.O.'s in charge of wards. Disbursements continued to be made from the fund to provide extras for patients in need, supplements to improve the general diet and cigarettes or cash instead to all except commissioned officers. Small purchases of various stores needed in the hospital were also made. In April 1944 the contributions to our fund which had been coming from our officers in P.O.W. camp in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207469, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n229\n\nKowloon were stopped by the Japanese, though I never found out why this was done. We did receive, however, lump sums which allowed all except commissioned officers to be given 30 yen in February from the British and Canadian Red Cross Societies, 15 yen in March from a Relief Society in England which I never identified, 17 yen in June from the British Red Cross and 25 yen in August from the same source. Even now I recall the pleasure with which this money was received. A small degree of independence was restored to men by their acquisition of money controlled by themselves.\n\nIn January 1944 all staff were required to wear identity numbers issued by the Japanese. In February Saito searched the hospital including stores and roof and the same month, following an air raid, all in hospital were ordered to have their hair cropped close. I have said that the practice of growing beards which set in directly after our surrender had long died out and everybody was shaved and wore his hair short so the new order created considerable resentment. I led the way with a close clipper crop for myself and we soon got used to our altered appearances. I can only suppose that Saito was getting out on us some irritation he had to endure from his own people or from the increasing air attacks. I nagged at him to get this order rescinded but it never was and it was 1945 before we began to return to our normal hair-cuts without his authority, a change which passed without comment by Saito.\n\nOn 11 March a Japanese supplies officer came with Saito and inspected men's kits, the linen store, the steward's store and the wards. Our staff were paraded to hear a speech from the supplies officer in which he said that the Japanese would do what they could to keep us supplied but we must be prepared for some shortages. He added that the prisoner camps in Kowloon, both for officers and for other ranks were worse off than we were but that the Japanese would not cut supplies for our hospital unless shortages compelled them to do so. I was required to read a short announcement prepared for me in English by the Japanese to the effect that we should be very grateful to them for what they were doing for us, and this theme was elaborated in language which was obviously constructed by someone who had learned English in Japan but had never heard it spoken among English-speaking people. I remember emphasising the incongruities of the construction of the note in my reading of it, but though we all took this incident as a warning of what was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207471, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n231\n\nmore than a casual call during an afternoon's stroll but I would never have expected such a call to have been made by chance and at the very least they probably wanted to see for themselves the conditions in which we were guarded. When they left the guards and ourselves resumed our normal behaviour, not unlike the chattering of birds, stilled while the hawk is overhead and resumed when the danger has passed.\n\nIt is not difficult now to attribute some at least of the searches which took place about this time to the prevailing mood of the Japanese in Hong Kong. Suspicion of foreigners had been fostered assiduously in Japan before the war and xenophobia flourished exceedingly when war began. The turn of the tide against the Axis powers I suppose did nothing to soften this feeling. In Hong Kong Dr. Selwyn-Clarke was arrested in May 1943 to face charges some of which sound grotesque, and I have given a short account of his subsequent experiences. In July 1943 the Japanese gendarmerie arrested a number of men in Sham Shui Po. Under torture the names of others who had sent and received messages from Waichow via Chinese drivers of ration lorries were extracted and Colonel L.A. Newnham late Middlesex Regiment, G.S.O.1 British Troops in Hong Kong, Captain D. Ford 2 Royal Scots and Flight-Lieutenant Gray, R.A.F., were implicated. These three officers were tried by Japanese Court martial in Stanley in December 1943 and shot the same month. They had endured interrogation, a word now thoroughly debased, for many months and their condition at the end was described as deplorable.\n\nAgainst the background of events outside which I have just described we were in a position of some privilege in Bowen Road, but it seems likely that there was some link between the two situations. It could easily be that the Japanese inspections of some of our medical and electrical equipment was carried out by men capable of detecting apparatus usable for radio communications. Some of the searches certainly seemed aimed at the detection of concealed radio apparatus. We were lucky that nothing on which suspicion could feed was discovered, but my scalp always crawled a little while the searches were in progress.\n\nWe had a number of visits from Japanese doctors who wanted to see our patients, principally at this time those partially blinded by the deficiency diseases. My diary records that we found one such doctor, a lieutenant-colonel, to be courteous to our patients.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "238\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nwas specially poor also about this time some of our rice was wet and a stock of bran became hot but we still used every scrap of food. We did have one splendid feast in August 1944 when we received one issue of unplucked pheasants and partridges packed in Manchuria in 1941. Our cooks prepared a stew which made a memorable addition to our rice and vegetables. The game had obviously been in cold store in Hong Kong and electricity cuts must have endangered the refrigeration and so we benefited. In August the Japanese were very active in storing rice and a total of 250 sacks were stacked partly in our hospital building where the Japanese held the keys and partly in the Japanese medical quarters. This was another of the very heavy fatigues which devolved upon staff. It was usually non-nursing staff who did work of this kind, though some of the nurses joined in which clearly meant that they welcomed even heavy labour if it involved a change in their routine.\n\nThe Red Cross local bulk supplies allowed us to make our basic diet of rice and vegetables much more palatable and, just as important, they showed our people that a valiant attempt to meet their needs was being made. Our morale, depressed by the third year of our captivity was lifted.\n\nMr. Zindel visited us in August and again in December 1944. In August after the usual formal and silent round of the wards I was summoned to the Japanese office where I found Tokunaga, Saito, Zindel and an interpreter. Zindel then asked me what food stuffs we needed, making the point no doubt for the benefit of the Japanese that he had asked similar questions of the officer placed in charge by the Japanese of the other ranks camp in Sham Shui Po. I asked for food containing protein and vitamins, saying that these were our main need though we also needed sugar to replenish our falling stock. He told me that fresh meat was not available which came as no surprise to me but most helpfully offered beans, which I welcomed. I followed up this very short talk with a list addressed to Zindel through the Japanese, again limiting our requests to items which we judged might be available. At Mr. Zindel's December inspection no conversation was allowed though the visit was marked by an air raid.\n\nIn August 1943 we had no mains water for 36 hours and had to carry what we needed from the reservoir where the water level was too low for our pumps to be effective. Thereafter we had no trouble for some months though we were reproached for using", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207479, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n239\n\ntoo much water, a complaint which I imagine rose from a need to save electricity which powered the water pumps in the mains system in the Island. In the first half of 1944 we drained our reservoir twice to repair leaks and on the first occasion we found quite a number of British rifles, pistols, grenades and a substantial quantity of ammunition which British troops had obviously jettisoned during their retreat. During hostilities R.A.M.C. personnel were armed to protect their patients if need be, but all such arms in Bowen Road together with those which had come in with patients had been withdrawn and returned to the Royal Army Ordnance Corps as the end of hostilities approached. I never heard that firearms were ever used by medical personnel. We were never asked to explain the presence of arms after they were discovered in the reservoir. Mains water was cut off intermittently from mid 1944 onwards and in November we read in the Hongkong News that water supplies would be cut off in a large part of the city of Victoria, while we in the hospital were warned that we might possibly get a mains supply on one day out of three. Our engineers thereupon laid a water pipe from the reservoir to the kitchen with tanks which were baths removed from the hospital, at the reservoir and on the kitchen roof. Provision was made for showers and special arrangements were made for gardeners. The sappers were required to extend our water supply to the Japanese guardhouse and they also dammed a nullah above the hospital to provide a supply for the Japanese administration. The pipes were taken from the handrails on the stairs in the hospital and elsewhere, and the work was timely for the mains supply ceased at the end of November 1944. We then chlorinated our drinking water in containers in the wards and hoisted water to the upper ward levels in buckets using a system of pulleys. Thereafter we relied on hill-water for our supplies though in our new quarters in Kowloon after March 1945 the mains supply system was operating.\n\nThe mains supply of electricity, interrupted for a time during hostilities, was restored after our surrender and this was extremely valuable to us in the long months of 1942 and 1943 when we had so many seriously ill men. Each ward had a small electric instrument sterilizer which we were allowed to retain and they proved of the greatest value in preparing drinks, small dishes of food and boiling eggs etc. for patients. Our skilful engineers kept them serviced and they were used as long as we had any current from the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n241\n\nin the operating theatre had about 15 hours in hand and all instruments except those in constant use were vaselined and stored in airy places. Typically, after all the fuss, mains electricity was restored on 10 September for two hours in the morning and one hour in the evening and we were again allowed to use our remaining generator. By 19 October our allowance of current for lighting was subjected to a further 40% cut and our power to an 80% cut. We now used the theatre on one day a week using our own generator, but the need for individual diets and surgical procedures had dropped very substantially. By 25 October all mains electricity was cut off and thence forward we used our small generator for short periods on Tuesdays and arranged our work to coincide with these periods.\n\nDuring 1943 we heard regularly the sounds of American bombers passing overhead but Hong Kong itself was rarely attacked. In February 1944 came the raid after which we had to crop our hair short, and by August raids and alerts were frequent and I noted eleven in my diary for that month. In the hospital our air raid precautions worked well enough and no accidents occurred as a result of patients being hustled downstairs by guards in the pitch dark. As I could not influence the guards myself I tried to get our administrators to send someone down during air raids to help to calm the guards. No one ever came, though eventually we got a telephone line between the hospital and the Japanese administrative quarters which I could use when I wanted, though it proved to be of little practical value. During September and October raids and alerts by day and by night were frequent and there was a particularly heavy raid on 16 October. In November and December the alerts and raids continued and on Christmas Eve we had three raids between noon and seven o'clock, four on Christmas Day and three on Boxing Day and the spate of alerts continued till the end of the year. One raid occurred, as I have noted earlier during a Red Cross inspection on 22 December and there had been raids also on each of the preceding three days.\n\nAt 31 December 1944 our total ration strength in the hospital was 200 and my sketch of the events of the year illustrates the increasing pressures being brought to bear on the Japanese by the allies, mainly of course the Americans. In the hospital the general feeling by the end of the year was one of buoyancy since the evidence of an approaching end to the war was clear. I shared", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207487, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n247\n\nrun by as entirely separate institution. After the Canadians moved from North Point we drew our patients only from Kowloon and I suppose that the prestige of adhering to the Geneva Convention outweighed in Japanese minds the administrative drawbacks of our site in Bowen Road.\n\nAs time went on the need to supply and guard a unit widely separated from the main body of prisoners must have become more onerous. Increasing shortages and difficulty in supplying electricity and water to Bowen Road were probably instrumental in finally bringing about our transfer to Kowloon.\n\n24 MARCH -- 9 SEPTEMBER 1945\n\nWe now moved into the last few months of our captivity. At first, staff and patients were accommodated in Sham Shui Po camp and from there working parties of our staff went out daily to prepare the hospital. It was on that day that I got my only view of the Heep Yunn School and I did not like what I saw, but the same day I learned that we were to have the Central British School for use. This looked and proved to be a suitable building and we began to move our gear there. A little later Saito told me that the staff would be reduced to 40 all ranks though previously he had said that there would be 40 other ranks. On 9 April 6 officers and 34 other ranks moved in to the Central British School. Besides myself there were Major G.F. Harrison, Major J.W. Anderson, Captain A. Coombs, Lieutenant (Q.M.) F.J. Campbell and the Rev. James Squires our padre. There were five Royal Engineers, M.S.M. Sims, Q.M.S. Tyas, and sappers Samways, Carvell and Climo, and there were 29 other ranks R.A.M.C. and R.A.D.C. headed by Sergeant-majors Muxlow and Bartley. On 10 April 62 patients of whom 58 had been in Bowen Road and four were newly arrived in the hospital. There were at first no non-medical workers though these had been promised. On 12 April a further 62 patients arrived, 31 of these being crippled but in fair general condition and a further 31 being what we then called old men (i.e., unfit for service by reason of age). Two army officers and some American and British merchant navy officers were included, but we had no special accommodation for officers. The Japanese ordered that all patients were to have white beds, another example of window dressing. The hospital provided for 34 beds for patients on the ground floor and 81 on the first floor which also housed the operating theatre, X-ray room and laboratory.\n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207492, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 260, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "252\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nMay 1942. Each page bore many signatures and Saito now wanted a similar undertaking to be given but with only one signature on each page. The original undertaking as presented to us in Bowen Road read \"I hereby swear that I shall not make any attempt to escape whilst I am a prisoner of the Imperial Japanese Army. Dated this day 17th year of Showa”. In 1942 we had had much debate with the Japanese over the text of this declaration and eventually the staff signed the following version, “I hereby swear that I shall not make any attempt to escape, and understand that I am on parole and may not leave the hospital precincts without permission from the Commandant\". In 1945 Saito insisted upon the first version given above. I had a long argument with him saying that we had signed the alternative version in 1942 since we did not regard ourselves as prisoners, to which Saito retorted that in fact we had been and were being treated differently from other prisoners. All members of the staff signed the new undertaking, but the old date of 26 May 1942 was used in the 1945 form.\n\nOn 31 May the guard sergeant told me at 4 p.m. that a working party of 40 men was coming from Sham Shui Po and were to be accommodated in the church. We put up beds with mattresses and two pillows each, the beds being so closely placed as to touch each other and shortly afterwards 40 Canadians arrived with a sergeant in charge. Next day the working party went off early to Kowloon Hospital to heap earth round air-raid shelters, but they were not pressed too hard there.\n\nOn 1 June the parcels that came from our visitors included 250 eggs which we set aside for patients only. From the working party the hospital got a rumour that Sham Shui Po was sending a concert party the next day, a Saturday, and sure enough on 2 June a band and concert party numbering 41 came from camp by lorry and by march route. My diary records that we had music, both classical and Japanese, as well as dance music and variety acts. Tokunaga was present and the concert was good, but I was not allowed to do any more than provide the performers with sweet tea. On June 2 and subsequently we had no newspapers and Saito told me that none were being received in the camps either. Though our church was being used as a barrack room, services continued to be held and at this time we were again having to use ingenuity to avoid having to serve boiled rice only at meals. For example,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207502, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 270, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "262\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nA R.A.F. sergeant got married on 28 August and Miss M. da Roza, a local lady offered her services as a masseuse for our patients.\n\nAt this time I had to deal with complaints arising from long standing antagonisms in P.O.W. camps now openly displayed after long repression. I am glad to say that this phase subsided eventually without overt official action becoming necessary. We also prepared a system of recording the medical condition of Hong Kong Volunteers before they were freed to their homes in the Colony. Doctor Newton, the deputy Chief Medical Officer in the civil medical service, took charge of the Internee Camp nearby and we were allotted a motor car which we shared with the Indian camp.\n\nIt was on 28 August that Saito came in with Hasegawa after 9 p.m. and told me formally that all our medical records had been burned about 15 August along with their own records which the Japanese were burning at that time. As I have reported earlier I got his written acknowledgement that these records had been destroyed and also that none of the plain clothes removed by him from us remained. My diary records that I spoke sternly on this matter, which must have given me some pleasure at the time.\n\nBy now a party was going each day from the hospital to visit relatives and friends in Stanley. The journey was made by ferry and took about two hours. On 29 August some planes came over just after 7 a.m. and some food and cigarettes were dropped later the same day in Sham Shui Po. Included in the drop were some medical boxes and my diary records that the contents of these came as a marvellous revelation to us. We were doing well about this time because the Japanese delivered about eleven thousand packets of cigarettes and jam to us and we heard that British warships and aircraft carriers had been seen off Stanley. On 30 August planes were flying over Hong Kong all morning and a B.B.C. radio report said that the fleet had come. Nomura asked for lists of our patients and I required him to come and get these himself. This action was possibly required of him by our relieving force.\n\nTrue enough a large fleet came into harbour on 30 August, which was 14 days after the Japanese surrender. This delay seemed a long time to us but the arrival of the fleet brought to an end a confused situation in which we were increasingly managing our own affairs. We sent our car for Admiral Harcourt to go to Sham Shui Po and he later went round our hospital with Mr. Gimson who\n\nPage 270\n\nPage 271", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "272\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\neasy for a job or an individual to become intolerable. Most disputes were smoothed out by the patients in charge of wards, the chief wardmaster, or the executive sergeant-major. I used to make regular visits informally to wards after the evening check parade, and here I could chat to patients in charge and to other patients. I thus came to hear of many of the disputes I refer to above and much gossip reached me from these and other sources though nothing in any way approaching an information service ever operated within the hospital to relay news to me. Some disputes reached me officially and on many nights I lay awake for a while pondering over problems which were really insoluble. I developed the ability to comfort myself with the thought that I could do no more and I went to sleep. It was remarkable how many unpleasant situations involving our relations with Japanese and relations within the hospital did in fact solve themselves, possibly not on the next day but within a few days. Solutions came about usually by a change of attitude on the part of someone who had previously seemed immovable. I was extremely fortunate in having a small converted lavatory in which I had my bed and so could occasionally shut my door though I remained available to anybody at any time. In Kowloon again I slept in my own office and so in both places I cannot be too grateful for this boon.\n\nI rested in the afternoon only on some Sundays. All the other days I occupied myself gardening, cutting grass in the grounds, chopping wood or in some way in which I was involved physically. Over months I analysed the war casualties in a great deal of detail and so was able at the end to produce for the editors of the Official History a report which was valuable to them. Otherwise I played a bit of bridge.\n\nSEX\n\nNo account of any human activities is complete nowadays without some reference to sex. In the present case I do not need to give much space to this subject. Earlier I referred to the fact that some soldiers before hostilities broke out, were so alarmed by the near certainty of venereal infection if they consorted casually with the local women that they turned to their own sex in the hope of avoiding this disease. The hope was a vain one and many contracted venereal infections from homosexual relationships.\n\nIn the seven months during which 50 women were living in the hospital in captivity with us, almost every nook and cranny was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207518, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 286, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "278\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nSaito. He acted without giving reasonable consideration to the cases of sick people put to him as needing hospital treatment, so that many for whom hospital treatment could have been life-saving were not sent in.\n\nWhen the hospital moved nearer to the camps in Kowloon in 1945 we began to see signs that it might be going to be used properly to receive the more serious cases in the camps as they occurred and so fulfil its proper function. If we had been moved near to our sources of patients at the beginning of our imprisonment we might have served our sick more extensively and would have been of greater value to the camp doctors. A move then, when we had a hospital full of seriously wounded, would have been dangerous for these men. By the time the move occurred the need was much less pressing though our availability did, I believe, do much to improve our service.\n\nI do not know what relations existed between Saito and his commander Colonel Tokunaga, but while I must, in justice, be careful in reaching judgments, I consider that as a medical man Saito failed to do much that lay within his power for our sick, particularly those in camps. In saying this I do not claim for our prisoners more than the standards of care allowed by international agreements. A coordinated plan to apply such resources as we commanded in camps and in hospital would have made a vast difference to the medical story of prisoners in Hong Kong.\n\nWhile therefore I can agree that we in the hospital fared better than many in Japanese hands I must also record my conviction that the possession and careful husbanding in the hospital of our own resources played a very large part in such successes as we achieved. Any success that attended the efforts of any of us would have been immensely diminished without the aid of Mr. Zindel and the Red Cross Society and our generous friends in Hong Kong.\n\nWithout the life-saving measures provided by the medical services in the P.O.W. camps, using makeshift resources, many patients would never have reached the hospital at all.\n\nTHE STAFF\n\nMy main purpose in writing this account is to record the history of the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong, from 1942 to 1945 and those who served on the staff or were patients there. The account fails to record some of the colourful personalities we had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207519, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 287, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n279\n\namong us. I have referred to only a few people by name and this has occurred when the story would be incomplete otherwise. In singling out individuals I do an injustice to those who are not named and this is clearly unfair. Some, like myself, had weaknesses, but all could be relied upon in difficult times; at the other extreme, some were magnificent throughout, courageous and dependable in the long months and years of the slogging, unexciting routine work needed to nurse and care for the personal needs of patients, to supply and feed them and keep their surroundings in a state of good order and cleanliness. In all these circumstances, I have felt it improper at this distance from events to single out more individuals by name. In an appendix (Appendix C) is provided a list of those who served in the hospital from August 1942 to our release in September 1945. This is a hospital staff Roll of Honour, which it is a privilege to publish.\n\nThough the period December 1941 to August 1942 is not covered by my diaries and I have touched on events during that period only lightly, I must refer specially to the lady nurses of the Q.A.I.N.M.S., the Royal Canadian Nursing Service, the Volunteer Nursing Service, and the Auxiliary Service. Miss E.M.B. Dyson, as matron, was responsible for the training of the additional staff before hostilities and for arranging the staffing of the additional hospitals set up in St. Albert's Convent, in Stanley, in Happy Valley, and in the Hong Kong Hotel. In St. Albert's, the matron, Miss Kathleen Thomson, was wounded, and one sister, Miss Brenda Morgan, was killed by shell fire, and elsewhere, a number of these ladies suffered badly at the hands of Japanese troops. The Royal Naval Hospital had its own nursing service under Miss Olga Franklin and found itself practically in the fighting line before moving to St. Albert's Convent Hospital. When this hospital was overrun, the matron and nursing staff were tied up with ropes for a time. In Stanley, medical officers and patients were murdered before the eyes of the nurses, and some of the latter were criminally assaulted, while nurses at Happy Valley suffered like fates. Our nurses at Bowen Road were spared these fates only, I consider, because the Colony had surrendered just as the hospital was about to be overrun. That these dangers were real is shown further by the advice given to us by a Japanese officer after our surrender that we should keep our nurses away from observation by Japanese troops. All this was known to these ladies, and their courage during", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207520, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "280\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nhostilities and in captivity was of the highest order and had an enormous effect in inspiring patients and male staff. I have recorded earlier the gloom that descended on Bowen Road when the army and navy nurses and all the women volunteers who backed them up were removed to civil internment in Stanley in August 1942; it was three years before we saw them again. Miss Dyson became deputy head of the Army Nursing Service in later years. Miss Franklin became head of the Naval Nursing Service and others reached high positions in the National Health Service. Others still assumed family responsibilities, so that the splendid qualities which showed so clearly in Hong Kong had not been extinguished by their dreadful experiences. I publish their names in an appendix but as I have no records I trust that any whose names are not included will forgive me.\n\nCONCLUSION\n\nThe future does come \"one day at a time\". I hope that the method I have chosen to present this story, involving the recording of much detail will allow readers to form for themselves a picture of the uncertainties and conflicting influences which constantly beset us. The story is not a smooth one, nor were the events it describes but the patients and staff in the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong, bore what happened to them in a manner in which their corps, services and the Colony can take pride.\n\nACKNOWLEDGEMENTS\n\nI have read widely in the history of the Second World War and in the personal stories by many who had experience in the Far East. I have had discussions with Sir Selwyn Selwyn-Clarke and Miss Gwendolene Colthorpe who was, till recently matron of St. Stephen's Hospital, Chelsea. The Misses Elaine and Helen Ho have been good enough to read the section dealing with the efforts of our friends in Hong Kong to help us. While none of those named has any responsibility for any of the opinions I express I am extremely grateful to them for their help. My wife typed the earlier drafts and without the spur that she applied and without her industry the story would never have been completed. I gladly acknowledge a deep debt to her. I am indebted to Miss Beryl Brown for much valuable advice and help on the production of this account, and to Miss Lorraine Robinson for the final typescript.\n\nLondon, W.8. March 1975.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207534, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 302, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "294\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe innkeeper of the German Inn was Christian Frederick William Petersen. He conducted a tavern and boarding house for sailors until his death in 1896, aged 64. The German Tavern was located on the south side of Queen's Road, not far west from the Gough Street steps. His wife was probably Chinese as baptisms of their children were recorded in the Chinese congregation of the London Missionary Society.\n\nThe Hong Kong Blue Books under 'Ecclesiastical Returns' lists as a place of worship for Europeans the chapel of the Berlin Mission House from 1871 through 1919, though services were probably not held during the war years. From this source we can draw up a list of pastors of this German (Lutheran) congregation:\n\nErnest Klitzke. The inscription on his tombstone in the Colonial Cemetery, Happy Valley reads, \"Pastor of the German Congregation in Hong Kong 1867-1881.\"\n\nChristian Wilhelm Louis. Pastor from the death of Klitzke in 1881 to his own death in July, 1883. He was the son-in-law of Rev. J. L. Ladendorff.\n\nF. E. W. Hartmann, 1883-1890\n\nRichard F. F. Gottschalk, 1891-1897\n\nTh. Kriele, 1898-1904\n\nJ. Müller, 1905-1911\n\nFr. von Probst, 1913\n\nThe attendance at the Chapel, as listed in the Blue Book returns, was never large, ranging between 20 and 40.\n\nThe congregation originally met in the chapel within the Berlin Foundling House, but in 1881 they occupied a small chapel built on the same premises. The China Mail, Nov. 24, 1880, reports the laying of the foundation stone:\n\nThe foundation stone of the new Lutheran Chapel in Bonham Road was laid yesterday afternoon by Pastor Klitzke, of the Berlin Ladies' Association. The Pastor read an appropriate address, and after the ceremonies usual upon such an occasion had been performed, the children of the Foundling Hospital sang a hymn in conclusion. The new Chapel, which is built on the top of the ground storey below the level of the road (made use of as a laundry and quarters for the servants connected with the institution), is to be a small edifice, only intended to seat a con-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207557, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 325, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n317 \n\nin Wai Yeung. In the original residence there was neither a garden nor peach trees inside, and it was only through Ching-san's development and renovation that more and more facilities and amenities were provided, including memorial halls, pavilions, private studies, terraces, walls, ditches, lily ponds, floating pleasure boats, winding paths planted with plums, bamboos, orchids and all sorts of flowers. Being a calligraphy collector, Cheung Ching-san kept a large collection of genuine and valuable works of famous calligraphists like Tung Chi-chiang (董其昌), Chan Pak-sa (陳伯士), Lai Er-chiu (賴爾晉) etc. In addition to these, a large number of portraits of his ancestors, as well as those of scholars and generals of different dynasties, were inscribed on pavilion walls. \n\nPOSTSCRIPT \n\nFortunately, there are more surviving works than these two accounts, from the Hong Kong Wai Chau Association's Bulletin indicate. The lintel of the main door of the Pak Tai temple in Wan Chai, Hong Kong island, is stated to be by his hand. A further search would, I think, be sure to uncover others. There is also the interesting scroll shown in Plate 25. This comes from the Hung Shing temple in Cheung Chau (長洲) and it has been taken out at the lantern festival in the first lunar month and placed in a street shrine in adjoining Tai San Street (大新街) beyond living memory. It bears Cheung Yuk-tong's name and seal and is dated. It appears to have been presented by a man called Sun Ying-suet (孫映雪) to a friend Sai-hung whose surname is unknown, on the occasion of his mother's birthday. \n\nFrancis Sham has also translated this inscription—which is difficult to read and is therefore reproduced below—and has given the following rendering: \n\n壽域南山,日升月恆。今日從天運,兆泰龜鍾, 青童白髮,松齡歲月,書田後輩,九如多祝。碧桃献瑞,北堂萱草,精神龍馬,華堂偏集,美高門第。 \n\n世熊世兄大人雅正 \n\n孫映雪書 \n\nTo Sai Hung Esquire:- \n\nGreat rejoicing befalls from Heaven today on your mother's birthday, as constant and regular as the Sun and the Moon, and as...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207571, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 339, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "330\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nChapter XIV: \"The Nineteenth century: Looking Backward and Forward\", is mainly a discussion of the landscape paintings of the 19th century, represented by Ch'ien Tu (1763-1844) and Tai Hsi (1801-1860).\n\nChapter XV: \"Bird-and-flower painting: The end of a tradition”, five artists of the Ming Dynasty; Lu Chih, Hsiang Yuan-pien (1525-1590), Chou Chieh-mien (act. 1580-1610), Chang Hung, and Sun K’o-hung (1532-1610), and two artists from the Ch'ing Dynasty; Hua Yen (1682-after 1755) and the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi (1835-1908) form key figures for discussion.\n\nThe merits of this book are shown, first of all, by a detailed chronology of the artists of the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties. This point can be clearly seen if the chronologies of the same group of artists as they appear in other writings on history of Chinese painting are compared with those in Prof. Li's new publication. In order to make this point clear, a concordance table about the chronology of many artists is provided below.*\n\nThe second merit of this book seems to be a new use of old editorial principles practised in Chinese historical writings. As stated, Volume I consists of 15 chapters. In every chapter, a detailed study of each picture is always preceded by an introductory essay. The origin for presenting such an essay in a descriptive catalogue, when old writings on Chinese painting are studied, can be traced back at least to the early 12th century work, Hsuan-ho hua-p'u *1#,\" a descriptive catalogue about paintings, in Emperor Sung Hui-tsung's imperial collection, the Ming Hua Lu ***;14 and also to \"Records of History of painting in the Ming Dynasty\", edited by Hsü Hsin in late 17th century, both edited according to this principle. In the former, the subject-matter of Chinese painting is classified by the anonymous editor into 10 categories; and in the latter, into 15 subdivisions. Using modern concepts to review Hsuan-ho hua-p'u and Ming hua-lu, each category in these two historical documents should evidently be read as an independent chapter. More significantly, introductory essays, no matter whether long or short, are always addressed to each chapter-like category.\n\np. 330.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207575, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 343, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "334\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\na literary figure of the Chin Dynasty. In his biography it has been recorded that whenever he travelled alone he always tied 100 coins on top of his stick, and wherever he found a wine shop he always drank with pleasure, as much as possible. He did not care what his wife prepared for her meals.19 Juan Hsiu is stated by the same source of information as a step-son20 of Juan Chi ✯ (210-263), one of the eccentric masters of a literary circle collectively known as \"the Seven Talents of the Bamboo Groves\".21 Juan Hsiu's alcoholical love, therefore, might have been a reflection of the deep spiritual influence of Juan Chi.\n\nBecause of this reference, it is clear that to tie 100 coins onto a stick, could certainly be interpreted as to have some private money, which can be taken one step further to mean wine money. Thus, the literary meaning of K'un-ts'an's last line, as far as the surface implication is concerned, should read as \"there is no need to take wine money to own mountains\". According to such an understanding, if this line is to be rendered into English, but still taking Prof. Li's same basis for using no explanation of the term \"Chang-tou\", then it suggests as \"I would rather take money to buy wine but not to consider a piece of land.”\n\nA second but more weighty problem is, once again, one of identification. In the Drenowaltz collection there is a 12-leaved album of landscape painting by Chin Nung. This album is dated 1736, the first year of the Ch'ien-lung era, by the artist's own inscription. According to Prof. Li's study of Chin Nung's life, the artist was in Peking in that year, and had attempted to pass the Po-hsueh-hung-tz'u22 degree examination but failed. In this album each leaf contains a landscape painting completed in an extra elaborate manner. This is quite noticeable since the normal subject-matter of this artist, as Prof. Li has rightly pointed out, happens to be either Buddhist figures, horses, bamboo, or plum blossoms, all in ink. Moreover, such stylistic continuity achieved by the careful but conscious use of the brush in these landscapes seems to be extraordinarily unusual for Chin Nung. In addition, in each of these 12 leaves, the un-used space in each composition is always completely filled up by a good number of small but regular characters written in Chin Nung's peculiar Ch'i-shu script. The contents of these inscriptions on each leaf of this album have been identified by Prof. Li. However, this brings up a second type of problem of identification.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207577, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 345, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "336\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nincluding Li E, accepted an invitation of the Ma brothers to go on a joint-tour to visit Chiao-shan, the famous island situated in the middle of the Yang-tze River near the present day Ch'en-chiang in Chiang-su province.24 For this trip, all members wrote some poems which were later put together, and titled as Chiao-shan Chi-yu Shih (hereafter to be abbreviated as Chiao-shan CYS), A Collection of poems Commemorating A Travel to the Chiao Island.25\n\nThose poems inscribed by Chin Nung on leaves 11 and 12 of the Drenowaltz album are, in fact, two poems written by two different poets of this joint-tour. The first poem, \"Watching the Moon on Chiao Island but being required in designing poem rhyme to use the word 'Sheng'\"26 is written by Li E. It is not only to be found in the Chiao-shan CYS but also in Li E's own collection of poems; Fan-hsieh Shan-fang-chi #### (hereafter to be abbreviated as Fan-hsien SFC), A Collection of Poems Composed in the Fan-hsien Mountain Studio.27 Similarly, the second poem which is entitled \"Watching the Moon in the Chiao Island but Required to have the word 'Yueh' in rhyme\"28 is composed by Ma Yueh-kuan. It is found in the Chiao Island Collection29 and also in Ma Yueh-kuan's own collection of poems, “A Small Collection of Poems by An Untrammelled and Elderly figure at A Sandy River\".30\n\nIn Vol. I, from p. 235 to the first line in p. 236, Prof. Li's English translation deals with Li E's poem; and, from line two onwards, the latter portion of the poem in English is Prof. Li's translation of the cited poem by Ma Yueh-kuan. To consider these poems by two identifiable poets as one is certainly incorrect.\n\nWith respect to the second inscription, treated by Prof. Li as a long poem of Chin-Nung, it is in fact, a collection of three different poems once again all written by Li E. In Vol. II Plate LXXXI-L which is a reproduction of the last leaf of the album, from line 1 up to the first four characters in line 8, the content is to be identified as the first poem by Li E and the title of the poem is read as \"Lodged in the Fo-jih Ching-hui Buddhist Temple\".31 In Vol. I, page 236, line 1 to line 12 of Prof. Li's English translation deals with this poem. Similarly, in Plate LXXXI-L, from the fifth character of line 8 up to the first five characters of line 17, this section of the inscription on leaf 12 is to be identified as Li E's second poem associated with the long title \"Getting up at dawn, monk Ch'e\n\nPage 345\n\nPage 346", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207584, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 352, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n343\n\nin this new publication, the subject being discussed by Ch'eng Wei is only one of many aspects of Chinese painting.\n\n44 Such as (A) in Chapter X whether Chiao Ping-chen should be regarded as an artist of the Yu-shan school, and (B) in Chapter IV, whether Mo Shih-lung's chronology is to be rendered as ca. 1540-1587. Undoubtedly the chronology which appears in Professor Li's book is far more reasonable than ca. 1567-1582, the impossible chronology suggested by C. C. Wang and Victoria Contag in their Seals of Chinese painters and collectors of the Ming and Ch'ing Periods (1966, Hong Kong), p. 134. Nevertheless, for many years Mo Shih-lung's chronology has always been a puzzle to students of Chinese art. No one so far, except Professor Li, has so explicitly pointed out the years of birth and death of this artist. For example, in Nan-ching po-mu-yüan tsang-hua-chi, Chinese paintings in the collection of the Nanking Museum (1966, Peking), Vol. I, p. 3, the editor was able only to find Mo Shih-lung's death was in 1587. In Professor Li's book, this artist's year of death agrees with what the Nanking specialists have found. About Mo's year of birth, Vol. I, p. 106 states, \"he must have been born around 1540, though the precise date is not known\", so it seems that 1540-1587 is a tentative calculation. However, students of Chinese art would feel grateful if Professor Li could give his original information and state that on what ground this chronology is obtained.\n\nTHE\n\nSANDALWOOD MOUNTAINS; READINGS AND STORIES OF THE EARLY CHINESE IN HAWAII: compiled and edited by Tin-Yuke Char, pp. xv, 359. Honolulu, University Press of Hawaii 1975.\n\n“Yum sai see yuen.” “When drinking water, think of the source.\" This ancient Chinese proverb came to mind as I read Mr. Char's compilation, The Sandalwood Mountains.\n\nThis is a monumental book—a monument to the Chinese who came to Hawaii in the early 1800s to start the first sugar plantations there and who later came in the tens of thousands in the latter third of the 19th century.\n\nMany of these early Chinese laborers were brought to Hawaii indentured for three to five years at a cost of $5 to $7 a month, including pay and support. Many of them later left to start their own rice plantations and other agricultural pursuits. Others left to go into retailing and service industries. Many lived to see their children and grandchildren become teachers, professional people, political leaders and thoroughly integrated into Hawaii's multi-racial life.\n\nThe book is also a monument to the compiler, Tin-Yuke Char, who has brought to his task an unusual background including studying and teaching in Hawaii, China and the mainland United", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207630, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "3\n\nwho is organising the trip, Drs. L. B. and S. Thrower, and Mr. Michael Webster.\n\nPublications\n\nThe 1974 Journal is now in process of distribution and many of you who were members also in that year, will have received your copies already. During the year our fifth symposium: Hong Kong: the Interaction of Traditions and Life in the Towns was published and I understand is selling quite well. Also published this year are the proceedings from the immediately preceding symposium organised by Professor L. B. Thrower on: The Vegetation of Hong Kong: its Structure and Change. The publication of Professor Loft's symposium on Fauna is I understand expected very shortly - it has all been proof read and returned to the printer. Part of the 1975 Journal has already gone to the printer and I understand that it should be ready for distribution at the end of the year.\n\nArts Centre\n\nAs a Constituent Society Member of the Hong Kong Arts Centre, your Society continues to be very ably represented on the Arts Centre Committee by Mr. David Gilkes, our Hon. Treasurer (who will also soon be explaining the Balance Sheet to you). The Arts Centre is due for completion in February 1977 and it should become a focal point for the Arts in Hong Kong. Your Society expects to play an increasing role in the Centre and already tangible benefits have been received through our Constituent Society Membership. Would you note, by the way, that if you are yourself an independent member of the Arts Centre you can save the Society money by informing the Centre of your R.A.S. membership. If you send your Centre membership card together with the Royal Asiatic Society membership card to the Centre for confirmation, we can claim $10 for each such member off the bill we must pay annually to the Centre for our Membership as a Society. You will appreciate the fact that since our payment is calculated on the basis of our membership figure the more members we have the more we have to pay.\n\nLibrary\n\nWith the closing of the British Council Library in the Gloucester Building, new arrangements had to be made for housing the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207640, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA & JAPAN\n\n13\n\niron factories and built many steamships. She has changed to the use of Western weapons. [...] Perhaps she is merely planning for self-protection. But if Japan seeks only self-protection, she is nevertheless oppressing and looking down on our China. Should not China plan for herself?\"5\n\n6\n\nThe outcome of the Sino-Japanese War perhaps causes us to cast the \"success\" of Japan and the \"failure\" of China in too sharp relief. But Cohen's protests to the contrary, modernization is a horserace. It involves the notion of catching up, or at least maintaining competitive presence. And nowhere is the race more evident than in military affairs. Yet curiously, very little attention has been given to the military as a perspective from which to view the comparative modernization of China and Japan. This is especially surprising in light of the importance attached to military reform by modernizers in both countries, the common threat posed to each by Western imperialism, and the same basic access to foreign military technology and assistance in the nineteenth century. This research note, based on my own preliminary investigations, suggests two tentative conclusions: First, that Japan's modernizing advantages in the military sphere on the eve of the Western encounter do not explain her military \"success\" in the Meiji period;7 and second, that the modernizing implications of Japan's successful military reforms, and the relative \"failure\" of China's, extend well beyond the sphere of military affairs.\n\nFour main stages have been identified with the responses of China and Japan to the Western \"impact”: (1) Recognition of Western military superiority; (2) recognition of Western scientific technology as the basis of military superiority; (3) recognition of the need to train native personnel in Western military technology; and (4) recognition that scientific technology in the military sphere is merely part of Western science and technology in general, and that in order to develop it, the pure science and general learning of the West also had to be introduced. These phases unfolded relatively slowly in China, while in Japan they occurred almost simultaneously.\n\nA common feature of the effort to achieve national strength and self-sufficiency in both China and Japan was the employment of foreigners in military affairs. This policy, which entailed certain obvious risks, brought substantial benefits to Japan in the Meiji period, as Ernst Presseisen has indicated. In China, however,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207643, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "16\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\npolicies, the Meiji government managed to avoid most of the difficulties that had plagued the Chinese effort to use foreign assistance efficiently.\n\nBuilding on the foundation of pre-Meiji experience, Western-trained and Western-oriented leadership,24 and strong central government direction and support, Japan made rapid strides in the modernization of her military after 1868. A leading figure in this effort was Yamagata Aritomo, who became Vice Minister of Military Affairs upon his return to Japan after a year-long tour of Europe in 1869-1870.25 With French advice and assistance, the Meiji government created an Imperial Guard in 1871, which not only made possible the abolition of the feudal han in the same year, but also set the stage for the introduction of conscription in 1872. By 1875, the Japanese had established a centralized military academy at Tokyo, with branch schools in veterinary medicine and other subjects.26 At the same time, numerous officers were sent abroad for further military education.27 By 1893, Japan had a total of sixteen military schools instructing over 2,600 students per year.28 Overseas-educated officers returned in a steady stream to assist in teaching these individuals.\n\nIn 1878, following the Satsuma Rebellion (1877), the Japanese established an independent General Staff on the German model. This marked the eclipse of the French in Japanese military affairs and the rise of Germany. Presseisen attaches profound significance to this development: \"So long as French influence prevailed, Japan's army remained under unified civilian control, her law code owed much to French legal opinions, and her government might have evolved toward a liberal, parliamentary system. After Germany's triumph the command structure, the constitution, and the Imperial Court followed the German ideological style.”\n\n19\n\nThe outstanding contributions of Jacob Meckel's German military mission to Japan in 1885 have been described in detail by Presseisen,30 The salient point is that by the early 1890's, Japan had built a modern, centralized army and had eliminated the need for further foreign military assistance. China, meanwhile, had done neither. The Sino-Japanese War underscored the stark contrast between the Chinese and Japanese reform efforts.31\n\nArmies, like individuals, can both reflect and effect change in society. Sir Lewis Namier has offered the opinion that \"the social", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n45\n\nHong Kong can now be considered rural or non-urban given current development and planning in the New Territories centering on three New Towns (Tsuen Wan, Tuen Mun and Sha Tin). This is not to say that there are no differences in scale or social organization between villages or small market towns in the New Territories and Mongkok, the area of highest population density in Hong Kong, but rather that these differences can no longer be usefully conceptualized as corresponding to urban and rural social systems. Some of these differences appear to be significant in influencing the nature of ethnicity, and in particular interethnic rivalry and competition.\n\nBlake's study of Sai Kung, a market town in the New Territories, indicates that the formation of ethnic categories is a process in which \"powerful men struggle for the land and status positions in the emerging organization of the market” [Blake, 1975:233]. Ethnic groups in Sai Kung are closely identified with particular ecological niches in the local area. For example, Tanka [Cantonese] fishermen do deep sea fishing while \"Hoklo\" Hoi Luk Fung fishermen are restricted to less lucrative shallow fishing. Blake found that inter-ethnic dynamics are largely centered upon these traditional niches and that immigrant Chinese have had to negotiate their ethnic identity with the traditionally dominant ethnic group in the local area, the Hakka.\n\nThe patterns of interethnic dynamics that Blake describes for Sai Kung are very different from those in the housing estates I studied. Apparently much of the dynamics of interethnic relationships in small market towns and villages in the New Territories are related to two factors: *\n\n(1) Competition over access and ownership of land and local markets between traditional lineage groups and the immigrant population, and between different ethnic groups.\n\n(2) Competition over control of formal political positions within the locality, such as village representative and membership of\n\n* These generalizations are based upon Blake's study and a paper read to the Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, by Michael Palmer in March 1977.\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207732, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A HAWAIIAN KING VISITS HONG KONG, 1881\n\n105\n\nservice the usual and indispensable work shall be done on such holidays also.\n\n3. A day's labor shall be 10 hours actual work in the fields, or 12 hours actual work in or about the sugar factory; the hours not being continuous, but allowing the necessary time for taking food and rest,\n\nAnd 26 day's actual work as aforesaid shall constitute a month's labor. 4. If, at any time, during the continuance of this agreement, the Laborer shall desire to return to China, he shall be released from this agreement upon his departure from the Hawaiian Islands, and upon conditions that the Laborer shall refund to his employer the following portion of the costs of his passage from China to Hawaii, to wit: $1.50 for each month remaining of the term of this agreement.\n\nFOR THE PROPER FULFILLMENT OF THIS AGREEMENT, the parties hereto bind themselves, one to the other, as witnessed by their hands and seals hereto affixed, at Honolulu,\n\nWITNESS:\n\n-\n\nLabor Import Declaration, 1890*\n\nISLAND OF OAHU,\n\nHAWAIIAN ISLANDS,\n\npersonally appeared before me\n\nEmployer, and\n\nOn\n\n$.\n\nsatisfactorily proved to me by the oath of\n\nLaborer,\n\nL\n\nto be the persons executing the foregoing agreement, and the same having been by me read, explained and interpreted to them, they severally acknowledged that they understood the same, and that they had executed the same voluntarily, and upon the terms and conditions therein set forth.\n\nAgent to take Acknowledgments to Contracts for Labor for the Island of Oahu.\n\n$54.00\n\nHONOLULU,\n\nOn demand for value received I promise to pay to the\n\nor order, the sum of Fifty-four Dollars\n\nPayable at the office of the\n\n* Hawaii Sugar Planters' Association Library.\n\nPage 120", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207741, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "114\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\n“And you liked the manners and customs of the women in the United States?”\n\n\"Oh, yes\".\n\n\"And having returned to China, how is it? Are you diligently seeking for a young lady with bound feet for a wife? one who must stay at home because she can't walk?”\n\n\"No, indeed\", Yung Wing said, adding with a touch of humour that he wished for a wife who would be able to run with him should ever the need arise.\n\nThe conversation had struck a sensitive issue for these Chinese who had been trained in values different from their contemporaries. With some feeling, Lai-sun's wife spoke out.\n\n\"How can this cruel custom be abolished, when Christian women, by binding their own and their children's feet, are handing it down to future generations?\"\n\n\"Aside from religion\", remarked Yung Wing, \"the practice is barbarous, cruel and atrocious.”\n\nTheir changed attitudes toward certain aspects of Chinese life were not only reflected in their conversation but also in the furnishing of their home. The missionary lady comments on the Chan's “nice parlor” fitted out with both foreign and Chinese furniture. \"Most conspicuous was a very nice organ, with which the good man accompanies himself in singing the songs of Zion.”\n\nChan Lai-sun died on 2 June 1895 in Tientsin. His obituary, published in the North China Daily News, on which his son Spencer was a reporter, was republished in the Hong Kong Daily Press (12 June 1895). In addition to the biographical data given by Mr. Char, there is an account of his early business connections in Shanghai. He first entered the firm of Messrs. Bower, Hanbury and Company, where he became a close friend of Mr. Thomas Hanbury, one of the partners. He then set up his own business in partnership with Mr. H. E. Clapp of the firm Clapp and Company, but the venture was not a success, so Lai-sun joined the staff of Viceroy Tso Tsung-tang at Foochow, where he was appointed instructor and subsequently superintendent of the Foochow Naval School. He left the school to become a member of the Chinese Educational Mission in 1872. Returning to China in 1874, he then joined the staff of Viceroy Li Hung-chang.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207775, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "148\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\ncoal burners. By cannibalising trucks it was possible to have 3 engines for every 2 trucks so that each engine would be stripped down and rebuilt every 2,000 km. This may appear excessive but the engines, due to the low power on gas, required bottom gear for gradients that on petrol would need third gear. The revolutions per kilometre were therefore high. Despite filtering of the charcoal gas, dust carried through to the engine and gave heavy cylinder and bearing wear.\n\nThe lack of replacement parts and lubricating oil was a major problem since neither could be purchased in China except at very high prices and of doubtful origin. Brake and clutch linings, hydraulic brake components and fluid, and electrical components could not be satisfactorily substituted. The problem, especially that of lubricating oil, was not solved until late 1944 when an allocation of 1 ton air freight per month from Calcutta to Kunming was obtained especially for the import of spare parts.\n\nCharcoal Gas Power for Road Transport\n\nThe gas engine was a common source of power for factory installation between 1880 and 1920 in Europe and America. The usual form was a single horizontal cylinder with sliding crosshead and connecting rod turning a large flywheel. Flame or spark ignition was used and the fuel was coal gas or producer gas. Because of the fuel characteristics a long stroke and a high compression ratio (of the order of 15:1) are required for maximum efficiency.\n\nDuring World War I town gas was used as a fuel for motor vehicles in the UK, and from 1931 onwards research in the subject was carried out at Birmingham in both the Mechanical Engineering Department of the University and the Industrial Research Laboratory of the City of Birmingham Gas Department. This is described by Clarke (Ref. 2). The use of town gas depends on containers, either high pressure cylinders or 'gas bags' which are refilled from the main supply.\n\nAn alternative system is to use producer gas, generated from a carbon-base fuel in an apparatus attached to the vehicle. This method received much attention in the 1930's and different systems are described by Goldman and Clarke Jones (Ref. 3). Producer gas is made by burning carbon in the form of peat, wood, anthracite,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207816, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "The Ancient Mon-Pagan, Peru & Nakorn Pathom 189\n\n(Rama VI) complete with Shakespearian house and a statue to his dog whom he suspected had been poisoned by jealous courtiers.\n\nThe Pagan theme of temple paintings, though of a different period, may also be taken up again in Dhonburi, across the river from Bangkok. Dhonburi was the capital between the fall of Ayuthaya in 1757 and the establishment of Bangkok in 1782 and boasts a number of old temples, many still having their original mural paintings. The little visited Wat Wai Thepnimit is lost amid sluggish canals and has paintings in good condition dating from the late 18th century. Like many of such temples, the scene above the main door inside represents the victory of the Buddha over the temptations of Mara; the scene behind the altar shows the division of the world into paradise, earth, and hell; and at the lower levels on the sides, between the windows, are the stories from the last ten Jataka tales, while above are serried rows of alternating orahan, or devotees, and yaksa or giants. In better condition, though in not so charmingly dilapidated a building, is the temple of Wat Chaiyathit, which can only be reached by a walk by narrow canals and a railway track. The well-known paintings at the fine Wat Suwannaram on Klong Bangkok Noi need little introduction. The small dual buildings of Wat Rumarin Ratchapaksi near Wat Dusit, bombed by accident in the last war, are now at last being repaired, though not before the weather has caused considerable damage to the quality of the paintings. One of the most impressive buildings to survive the passage of time and weather is the old library at Wat Rakhang, the Ho Trai. This has three rooms and was formerly part of a dwelling of General Chakri, the founder of the present dynasty, in the 18th century. He had it converted into a library for the temple after he became king. The carved entrance doors are magnificent, and the Ayuthia period lacquered library cupboards are in very good condition. The paintings, which had been much damaged by time and smoke from a fire at the temple, are now being restored. The scenes depict barely recognisable episodes from the Thai version of the Ramayana.\n\nBangkok does not lack evening entertainment, but there is not much that can rival the setting of Krisnavara House, with its collection of antiques beside the Chao Praya River, for a performance of the now rarely presented hoon krabawk, or stick puppet theatre. The figures are clothed in 19th-century court dresses and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207827, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "200\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nChinese rule, the remoteness, the danger and the expense of the central courts had left much authority to the local elders, and especially to those entrusted with powers of collecting local taxes: under British rule this authority naturally decayed, though they have continued sometimes to be the medium of dealings with the villagers. But their moral influence has often been of great assistance to the officials in the maintenance of the public peace, and their knowledge of the decisions of questions concerning local customs, disputed successions, fung shui and such like. (Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912, Papers laid before the Legislative Council no. 11 of 1912, p. 45).\n\n17. We shall need to consider who these elders were, but before doing so we must look at a wider context within which local leadership was to be seen. At the time the New Territories were created they were in large part covered by a network of village-groupings, many of them being known under the name of yeuk. A yeuk was a collection of neighbouring villages which had some means of expressing its unity (sometimes in the ownership of property common to the grouping) and which was often combined along with other such yeuk to form what I propose to call a yeuk-complex. This kind of organisation can conveniently be illustrated from material on the yeuk-complex to have survived most fully into our own day. I refer to the Ts'at Yeuk (i.e. the Seven Yeuk) of Tai Po.\n\n18. There for long stood a market town at Tai Po: Tai Po Kau Hui. It was (and physically remains) just by the Tang settlement of Tai Po Tau, but the market was under control of the Tang people further north in Lung Yeuk Tau. As Masters of the Market the Tang taxed sellers and, if the stories told about them now are to be believed as reflecting reality, and not mythical justifications of revolt, they harassed buyers by the exercise of the privilege of claiming choice produce. Their control of the market was from time to time challenged. In 1892, the matter having been brought to the county magistrate's court at Nam Tau, a ruling was given that only the Tang had the right to build shops in the market. This decision (which was inscribed on a stone slab and placed in the local Tin Hau Temple) appears to have been the culmination of a series of challenges to Tang power by the Man of Tai Hang. (Up to 1873, when it was destroyed by a typhoon, the Man had had a settlement next to the market, but by the 1890s their base was Tai Hang). In response to the unfavourable outcome of the lawsuit", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207835, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "208\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nown region. (See his History of Chinese Civilisation, in Chinese, Taiwan Chinese Book Company, 1956, pp. 57-60. Hsiao, op. cit., pp. 345ff., translates a large part of this section of Liang's book but fails to indicate that Liang makes modern rural independence rest historically on heung yeuk).\n\n29. Early British reports on the New Territories speak not only of yeuk but also of tung, ‘cave', a term which in some contexts may be translated as a valley. When the social history of the New Territories comes to be written the significance of the groupings going under the names of heung, yeuk, and tung will need to be carefully gone into. (See Hayes, op. cit., pp. 9-12, 14, 25 for statements based on Lockhart's material. I am myself sceptical about some of Lockhart's data on local organisation and local tribunals, but I have not yet marshalled enough historical material to be able to enter into a debate on these topics). For the moment, confining ourselves to the data, such as they are, on yeuk, let us consider the kinds of leadership which were implied in the old system of inter-village relationship. Rich and powerful clans, of which the Tang were a supreme example, were—the paradox is superficial—so tightly connected with officialdom that they could act independently of it and use their power to dominate their neighbours. (In one account I received of the founding of the Tai Po new market the ability of the Man to establish a rival to the Tang market was attributed to the 'pull' they were able to exercise, through a high Man official, at Canton. There was a limit to the influence which any one clan or clan grouping could exert on the state, for officialdom played off one local power centre against another). But dominance could be expressed in some contexts as leadership, for up to a point weaker communities were content to be guided and instructed by stronger, making use of their favours vis-à-vis officialdom, looking to them for protection against other strong communities, and submitting their disputes to them for mediation. (The Man of Tai Hang got themselves into this position of leadership; they had something to offer to the other six yeuk). Past a certain point, however, dominance became oppression, and then the weaker communities might band themselves together. The leaders of such unions (except when, as in the case of the Ts'at Yeuk, a relatively powerful clan took a hand) were not gentlemen but country people (farmers and small business men) whose claims to prominence rested on their economic substance and ability as organisers and spokesmen.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207839, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "212\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nbut more generally to suit his own view of what is desirable. On the other hand, precisely because he is a politician, and not a blank sheet of paper on which the opinions of others are written, he must manoeuvre within the limits of what he assesses village wishes and demands to be. So that there are occasions when, in order to retain his position, he must take a stand which is not the one he might himself have chosen. Fung shui disputes may illustrate this case. A Village Representative may consider that the claim made by his villagers is unwarranted or at least ill-advised, but if he is to maintain himself as a political figure he may need to support the claim and press it hard enough to assure his constituents that he is acting as their leader. Village politics are non-ideological; few questions of principle are involved; and a man who has made up his mind to be and stay a Village Representative may need to move very freely in the positions he takes, more especially if there are rivals for the post.\n\n37. Power comes to the Village Representative from the position he enjoys vis-a-vis the outside world. He confers with other Village Representatives and may be sought out by men who have conceived some economic interest in his village, from the humble immigrant who would like to establish himself there on a plot of land to grow vegetables (and whose chances of success in getting himself accepted may depend very directly on what the Village Representative is prepared to do for him) to the land speculator who may have to rely both on the Village Representative's detailed knowledge of the complex land tenure of the village—some Village Representatives appear to be considerable authorities on Land Office records—and on his good will and good offices in securing what he wants. The Village Representatives of many villages in the economically developed areas of the New Territories are oriented in their interests towards the local country town and beyond. Some of them live in the towns and are involved in urban economic activities; a few have residences in Kowloon. The higher they climb in New Territories politics the closer their relations seem to become with business men from the city, and since the New Territories grow as an area of interest to urban investors and industrialists the local politicians tend to increase their external contacts. I was struck by the evidence that the clan associations in the urban area are trying to draw New Territories leaders into their ranks, using the kinship tie which is implied in the possession of a common surname.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207840, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 213\n\nto create local contacts; and some of the politicians are certainly not unwilling to be drawn into this, for them, new organisational version of kinship. In the spring rites in the main ancestral hall of one big clan there was represented this year a Hong Kong association based on the surname of the clan but largely recruited from among townspeople with no original New Territories connexions. One of the politicians of this same clan is the sponsor of an occult religious group which is a branch of a widespread esoteric religion in Hong Kong, the members of which are chiefly immigrants. At the only meeting of this group that I was able to attend the great majority of the people present, including all the specialists, were immigrant business men from the urban areas. It is not easy to disentangle the politician's motives in agreeing to sponsor the group, but it is at least clear that his own economic interests, on some of which I am informed, are likely to be served by the ties he has in this way created or strengthened. Indeed, the penetration of New Territories leadership by urban interests and residents, and the orienting of New Territories leaders to the city are a significant index of the way in which in recent times the once partly isolated back garden of the Colony has become a part of the city's organisational life. Many aspects of this increasing loss of autonomy by the New Territories need to be looked into, for, apart from anything else, it suggests that in the planning of research we can no longer assume that town and country can be treated separately.\n\n38. Between the abandonment during the first decade of the century of the idea that there was a regular and readymade system of leaders and tribunals for the Administration to make use of and the development after the Second World War of the institution of the Village Representative (based, it seems, on innovations made by the occupying Japanese), the elders and leaders appear to have been anybody whom administrators might from time to time place trust in and care to consult. The accessibility of the administrators was so high and their prestige so great that they came to assume a chief role in the field of social control. It was not simply that they were magistrates and land officers; their courts were informal and they were prepared to help settle disputes on an even less formal basis. (Present-day administrators lament the disappearance during the war of the New Territories Administration papers, for they look back on them as a lost guide to Chinese custom and its application. The social historian and the anthropologist should join in the mourning...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "214\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\ning, for they are now cut off from the intensive study of a period in which British administration and Chinese law and society were mutually adjusting themselves). Many disputes must have been dealt with in the communities within which they arose, and the remoter villages may in fact have had little to do with the Administration directly; but over a large area of the New Territories it came to be accepted that the administrator was a sure and final arbiter of major differences. In his report on the Northern District for 1913 Ross wrote: 'Some years ago by tacit consent parties did not bring forward cases relating to the \"tso\" and the settlement of ancestral property. Now a large number of cases heard are applications for a declaration as to the parties entitled to share in the property of a common ancestor...\n\n39. The powerful role of the pre-war administrator in social control has left a legacy which weakens the effectiveness of modern attempts to divert the settlement of disputes to other channels. The Rural Committees are now expected to take over a large share of the burden of mediation. In fact, the tendency still seems to be that differences which cannot be composed within a village (where the Village Representative and the other elders are often incapable of exerting the authority to settle the matter) pass first to the District Officer whence they may be referred to the Rural Committee, sometimes returning to the District Officer when the Rural Committee finds itself unable to produce a settlement. And in some cases a settlement is never reached, because as matters have stood in the last couple of years, the District Officers no longer exercise many of the judicial functions with which they were formerly endowed. Land and small debts cases now fall within the competence of the new District Court.\n\n40. Two questions are raised about the operation of the new court. First, is it so court-like in comparison with the informality of the old system practised by administrators that it attracts to itself the unfavourable attitudes which Chinese traditionally displayed towards the yamen? As well enter the jaws of hell as pass through the gates of the yamen.\n\nSecond, are the subtleties of Chinese custom likely to be taken account of in the new court as they were in the days when justice was administered by officers trained to study and respect these niceties? It is of course too soon to say anything definite about the first question; the reactions of people to the court will need to be watched over a period of years; but as\n\n+ + + + +", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n217\n\nof the Village Representatives in their communities, and, taken together with other available information, would furnish a basis for assessing the kind of men who have come forward as leaders.\n\n44. But leadership cannot be studied simply by enumerating characteristics. The Village Representative operates within economic, legal, religious, political, and 'social' fields all of which need to be examined; and he is enmeshed in complex relationships with people both inside and outside his community. These are matters for detailed field studies and they can most conveniently be examined in the course of investigations concerned very broadly with the life of particular communities. And it is to be hoped that a large enough variety of communities will be studied for all major variations in leadership patterns to emerge.\n\n45. In the old days, as we have seen, there was much scope for the exercise of leadership in intervillage relations; the central government being remote, the responsibility for local affairs fell on gentry and elders. The field for the deployment of local governmental talents has now contracted, but it becomes all the more important to discover just what it is that extra-village politics entails. In the study of this theme the Rural Committees (and perhaps ultimately the Heung Yee Kuk) must take first place, but these are not the only wide associations to be looked into. Chambers of commerce, the associations for particular businesses, co-operative societies, sports clubs, and so on, are bodies within which certain men take the initiative, rally support, and—since we are dealing with a society in the full flood of change—direct group activities along new paths.\n\n46. I have touched on the role of the Village Representative in settling disputes. To understand the present legal situation in the New Territories it would be desirable to begin with an analysis of the relevant work of the District Officers and Rural Committees, and I suggest that it might be of interest to the District Officers to undertake a survey of the cases that have come before them in recent years, classifying them by their nature and describing the typical courses they have taken. This work could then be brought into relation with material on the cases heard in the various law courts to which New Territories people have recourse. Again, such field studies of communities as may be made by anthropologists would show how differences are settled at the local level or passed to outsiders for mediation or judgment. If a field study were made", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n219\n\nof disbelief is other than what might be called purely contextual. Let me illustrate. Early in my study I found myself, during a visit to a remote coastal village, a fellow guest at lunch with two building contractors engaged in some local works. The conversation between my hosts and me turned to fung shui. One of the contractors spoke fluent English, as I discovered when he addressed me across the table to lament the nuisance caused by geomantic beliefs. I concluded that he had had trouble at some time with geomantic obstructions, and I read into his final remark on the subject an envy for a world where people would not be allowed to raise fung shui against builders; the talk had turned to how the authorities across the border in China had cast out geomancy along with the rest of traditional religion, and the contractor cried: 'Yes, they have cancelled all that bloody nonsense'. (If the others at the table had understood what he had said they would have been very shocked, for they had been giving me an enthusiastic account of fung shui and its benefits). Some weeks later I came across the contractor again, this time in the area where he lives, and, since I was already on good terms with members of the circle within which he moves, I was able to discuss many aspects of Chinese religion with him. I discovered in him a passionate interest in and devotion to fung shui. It is not necessary to conclude that he had been deceiving me on the first occasion. He had perhaps been irritated by the consequences of the fung shui beliefs of others; his own beliefs, bound up with his own interests and those of his close associates, were another matter. Again, I am acquainted with a man in the New Territories whom I may fairly describe as a devotee of geomancy and a constant client of geomancers who, quite sincerely and without any sense of strain, condemns the foolishness of people who raise fung shui objections to government works designed to benefit them. What one believes and how and in what circumstances one chooses to express and implement one's beliefs are two different things.\n\n49. The Administration is often forced to pay for geomancy; it is not alone. People make real economic sacrifices for their fung shui beliefs. Graves and dwellings are moved and altered, often at great expense. How are we to define and account for the nature of this faith? Fung shui is in fact a complex of beliefs concerned with a central theme in Chinese metaphysics: man's place in nature and the universe. But the last few words are a Western way of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207847, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "220\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nputting the point. In the traditional Chinese view man stands in a relationship to Heaven and Earth which links him with both and causes him to stand with them as one of the three primary powers of the cosmos. The conception is as old as Chinese metaphysics and is basic to a classical work, the Book of Changes, which is cited as an authority by geomancers of the present day. True, much of what is to be heard and seen in the New Territories under the name of fung shui cannot be explained from the classical works; we are dealing here with popular religion, not an expression of canonical purity; but just as the Bible supplies conceptions to modern Christians who are not very familiar with it, so ancient Chinese thought lives on in some of the ideas of contemporary Chinese peasants.\n\n50. Again in a Western idiom, we may say that fung shui is the craft of adapting the abodes of men (graves and buildings) to the landscape. But while it may be perfectly true that geomancy has produced in the Chinese a sharpened aesthetic appreciation of their natural surroundings and led to a superb technique of landscaping, it is not in fact the physical landscape which is directly in question in fung shui. I have heard people in the New Territories commenting enthusiastically on the prospects from geomantically favourable sites; but their appreciation is grounded in their feeling for the virtues flowing from the harmony between the site, its owners, and the segment of the universe within which it is placed. Man is involved in his surroundings; in some places he feels at ease and at peace (shue fuk, he is content), the properties of the setting having an immediate effect on him and his fortunes. And it is for this reason that English-speaking Chinese will often say that fung shui is ‘psychological'. They do not mean, as one might superficially conclude, that geomancy is an illusion, a figment of the imagination; what they are asserting is that a man's mind is responding to a mysterious field of forces set up in a given place. He need not know very much about the details of fung shui as a craft or body of esoteric science; it is enough to be conscious of the few hints contained in the landscape—a stretch of still water, embracing hills—that he is being soothed and protected. 'You', living or dead, ‘are content'. That is the heart of the matter.\n\nL\n\n51. Fung shui: Winds and Waters. The Breaths (hei) which constitute the virtue of a site are blown about by the wind and held by the water. If the wind is high the Breaths will disperse; if the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207850, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 223\n\nscientists or technicians. From this view of fung shui there follow two consequences. One is that geomancers are held in an esteem not shared by other practitioners of Chinese religion. They are gentlemen, unlike priests (naam moh lo), spirit mediums, and Buddhists who perform ordinary rites for laymen, for these, whatever the need for their services, are looked down upon as being, in a sense, unclean. Some geomancers are in fact gentlemen in a very specific sense: they do not make their living by their craft, but practice it as a learned hobby (albeit a rewarded one on occasion). The Colony is the home of many weekend geomancers. It is highly respectable to be a fung shui sin shaang and it is a matter for pride to be known to seek their company and profit by their learning. The second consequence is that a Chinese may cease to believe in and practise his traditional religion without abandoning his faith in geomancy. Be he Christian or atheist, fung shui retains for him its meaning and its appeal. (I am not asserting, of course, that geomancy is in fact compatible with Christianity or atheism; my point is that many Chinese Christians think that their religion does not bar faith in fung shui; and I daresay, although I have not discussed the matter with one of them, that Chinese atheists would deny that geomancy is anything with which their lack of religion could conflict). Geomancy is 'science' for those who would have it so. The Administration, to my knowledge, has had to contend with fung shui objections by Christians and presumably also by atheists.\n\n55. Fung shui is primarily concerned with siting graves and houses. But not all graves and houses are geomantically placed. Fung shui is a preoccupation with success, and since an appetite for success must be stimulated by a taste of it, those who lack hope are not involved in geomantic striving. Fung shui is not for the very poor. It is when a man begins to think of the possibility of increased success for himself and his issue, a measure of prosperity already having been achieved, that he takes to a concern with geomancy. And those who are fully successful cannot afford to ignore the need to ensure their continuing prosperity by taking geomantic precautions. Underlying fung shui is a fundamental assumption of Chinese society: all men (that is, all Chinese who are fully accepted within society) are in principle equal and may legitimately strive to improve their station in life. The peasant in his cottage has as much right to hope for advancement as the mandarin in his yamen or, to take a more contemporary example.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207852, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n225\n\nany physical sense, for there is no mechanism for such a transfer. Filial children benefit from the virtue of their parents' graves; how is a mystery. If they live close enough they must tend the graves, but their separation from them by mere distance is no bar to their receiving the virtue.\n\n58. Few people seem to doubt that descendants are affected by fung shui. But there is also a popular belief, not shared by some geomancers, that the virtue stored up in a grave can be tapped by strangers. And from this idea stem the attempts at poaching on sites; attempts, that is to say, to bury one's dead in the immediate neighbourhood of a grave which has demonstrated its efficacy. Geomancers may say that the virtue is confined to one tiny spot in the grave, the site having been chosen to accord with the special characteristics of its occupant, and that the area round the grave will avail nobody. On the other hand, they will also certainly say that a new grave close by the old may well destroy its virtue by altering the conformation of the site. So that poaching is a serious offence and may be the cause of bitter disputes. I came across no such case myself, but there is evidence that quarrels of this sort have been known in the New Territories. (For early evidence see the Administrative Reports on the Northern District for 1909 and 1910; a system of grave registration was introduced in 1909 to overcome these difficulties). Generally people in the New Territories are able to protect their graves against encroachment and it is only in special cases that one can see the effect of the belief that the virtue of a site may be tapped. In a valley leading from Fei Ngo Shan and overlooking Hebe Haven there is a large official cemetery (Pak Fa Lam) which appears to have come into existence because it contains the tomb of Sun Yat-sen's mother. Sun's success is attributed by many people in Hong Kong to this grave; in consequence, it has attracted to it a host of other graves, despite the prohibition placed by the Administration on burial there. (Sun's failures as well as his successes can be read from the grave of his mother, as I shall show presently, but people who 'buy' plots in the cemetery are presumably not concerned with this qualification).\n\n59. Geomancy in the open countryside entails scattered burial. Each new omega-shaped grave involves the search for a new site. Burial grounds amounting to cemeteries are very rare, and when they are found they usually turn out to be used for people who were not old residents of the New Territories. A New Territories\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207855, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "228 \n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN \n\na stretch of water (the sea). The Green Dragon is satisfactory, but the White Tiger is imperfect; there is a break in the line of the hills through which too much wind can pass; so that the whole configuration, while being good, falls short of being a perfect embrace. For that reason Sun enjoyed power but not for long. A stream runs obliquely across the valley robbing the grave of its virtue in respect of money; Sun was poor. In the sea below there are several small islands which are to be taken as warships, some of them sailing out into the open sea, showing Sun's desertion by his armed forces. Finally, there appears in the distance just over the line of the White Tiger, the peak of another hill; such a feature means robbery-Sun was kidnapped. The site explains Sun's career (or some version of it) and justifies the geomancer who predicted that Mrs. Sun's son would be a king. \n\nThis simple case illustrates two systems of analysis being employed together; the system of metaphysical forces composing a site, and the system of resemblances, the latter being invoked to interpret the islands. But the chief interest of the case lies in the example it offers of retrospective interpretation. Geomancy is a self-reinforcing system of ideas. What is predicted must always come true, because what is foretold is vague, or inevitable, or subject to frustrations which deny a part of the system or the competence of a particular practitioner without damaging the system as a whole. Retrospectively it can be demonstrated to be valid because the material can be read in a number of different ways to justify any collection of events. Moreover, the existence of prosperity by itself presupposes that it has been produced by fung shui, and failure to detect the precise reasons why the fung shui has operated so well leaves it in the realm of knowledge which in principle can be obtained but for the moment, because of lack of expertise, remains inaccessible. (One geomancer told me that Mr. Mao Tse-tung's mother is buried in a good fung shui. And he added, perhaps for political symmetry, that General Chiang Kai-shek also enjoys geomantic benefits, the fall in his fortunes being due to the operation of the cycle which governs all affairs. Retrospective fung shui is illustrated also in the traditions of the Tang clan. When the Sung princess who married a Tang in the twelfth century became old a famous geomancer chose a fung shui for her which resembled a lion, asking her whether she preferred to be buried in the lion's head or tail. 'She asked what difference it would make, and she was told that if", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207856, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 229\n\nher grave was on the head her descendants would be very great men: but if on the tail they would be more humble people, perhaps officers of low degree, and, although prosperous, none would succeed to high rank.' The princess chose the tail because she preferred her descendants to stay humble, she herself having suffered so much. See Sung Hok-p’ang, ‘Legends and Stories of the New Territories”, IV. Kam T'in (continued)', The Hong Kong Naturalist, vol. VII, no. 1, April 1936, pp. 34f.)\n\n62. The term fung shui is often used to mean simply a grave, and there is no need to stress the point that burial lies at the heart of geomancy. But in fact fung shui covers all aspects of men's dwellings on earth. Every territorially defined unit of society has its fung shui, from the household up to the state. The residence of the head of the state affects the prosperity of the country. (For this reason great emphasis is often placed on the geomantic excellence of Government House). The fortunes of cities, towns, and villages depend on their physical arrangement and dominating buildings. Political units take their fate from government offices. (The fung shui of the new Fanling District Court has impressed many locals). The fung shui of an ancestral hall determines the fortunes of members of the clan. (For this reason it is hardly ever to be found inside a wai, a walled enclosure; it must have free access to its site). A house shapes the destiny of its master and those for whom he is responsible. Consequently, geomancers are often employed to advise on the siting, orientation, certain architectural features (especially height), and work—and opening-dates of domestic and other buildings. Indeed, there appears to be some specialisation among fung shui sin shaang in the New Territories, some of them putting themselves out to be experts on graves and others on buildings.\n\n63. Burial and the fung shui associated with it differ markedly in city and countryside. Only the rich among the people in the urban area can afford to escape the regimentation of their dead in cemeteries and seek geomantically favourable sites in private plots. (Some in fact acquire the right to bury their dead in land forming the traditional preserves of village communities. They may have to pay dearly for the privilege. Along one of the main roads in the New Territories there stands a pavilion, now many years old, which was put up as part of the compensation to the local people for the geomantic disturbance caused them by the burial in their area of a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "230\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nrich man from Hong Kong). Similarly, the fung shui of buildings plays a less important role in the city than the country. There are naturally severe limits to what can be done in the urban area to extract the best geomantic possibilities from a given site and to avoid places which have been labelled as bad fung shui risks. By and large, I think we may say that in the city fung shui is a retrospective explanation of fortune rather than a prediction of it, and that in urban conditions far more reliance is placed on the dominant geomantic effects of crucial sites (government offices and other public and semi-public buildings). City-dwellers conducting a stranger around their streets point out to him the residences of rich men which have brought them good fortune or the houses which, because of their unfavourable sites, have exerted a malignant influence on their inhabitants. (A new road, pointing like a deadly arrow to Mr. A's house, brought him disaster. Mr. B enjoys the protection of wind and excluded and static water). In the countryside, in contrast, the geomancy of buildings is both forward-and backward-looking. The height of a new village house must take into account the height and position of the ancestral halls and other houses, in order that the fortunes of other people may not be prejudiced by one's efforts to improve one's own. In a remarkably interesting case being argued out during my stay in the New Territories a disproportion in the two halves of the roofs of new houses was the cause of an agitation which cost the people responsible for the houses much money and frustration. It was held that, the front sections of the roofs being longer than the rear, the future of the inhabitants would be cut short. As for retrospective geomancy, misfortune - disease, death, lack of male children, poor harvests, and so on - may come to be attributed to faults in fung shui which are then put right. The entrance to a wall round the village (wai) may need to be protected by new 'arms' or skewed to alter the orientation of the whole village. A building thought to be too high may be lowered. Again, good or bad fortune may be attributed to earlier fung shui actions for which in fact there is no evidence. It is a common feature of New Territories village organisation that communities which are now solidly or predominantly composed of one clan were in time past made up of several. The disappearance of the weaker ones, through emigration or failure to reproduce, is often said to have followed from their geomantic indiscretion or, as in a case which has impressed itself on me, from the superior geomantic techniques of the survivors. In this case the sole clan", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207863, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 251, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "236\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nworking). As long, then, as village life remains the kind of community life it has been, fung shui is likely to continue undiminished. But in fact, life in the New Territories cannot remain unchanged; industrialisation and the blurring of community limits by the penetration of newcomers have already gone too far. So that there is a prospect that, just as in the city today, so in the New Territories tomorrow, geomantic ideas will survive (affecting the behaviour of people striving for status and providing a retrospective explanation of fortune and misfortune) without involving everybody in a sharp geomantic response to a challenge to his rights.\n\n71. My analysis, as I have stressed, is provisional, and I should certainly hope that it will be checked by later research and against the experience of administrators. Once again, I should like to suggest the possibility of District Officers systematising the data they have in their files, so that, by comparing the situation in different areas and at different points in time, we may get a clearer picture of what is afoot and the likely direction of change. Of course, any field study by an anthropologist which sets out to analyse the life of a community will almost certainly produce case material on fung shui, but there would be no point in suggesting that the subject be made the centre of an extended anthropological enquiry unless a specialist in Chinese religion were available and willing to undertake the task. There is certainly a need for a broad enquiry into religious life in the New Territories—ancestor worship, cults, spirit-mediumship, temples, and so on—but it would take a mature and experienced research worker to do it.\n\n72. There is a third and final problem I propose to discuss at some length: emigration and its effects. It is generally assumed that there are some 20,000 Hong Kong men in the United Kingdom at the present time, most of them in the restaurant trade. (The figure may be larger; the head of the biggest travel agency in the New Territories puts it at 25,000). Most of these men are from the New Territories. In addition, men have gone to other parts of the world to seek a living. It is known that the money remitted home is a sizeable portion of the annual income of the New Territories. I write without a copy of the 1961 census before me, and I am unable to calculate very accurately how large a proportion the emigrants must form of the relevant sector of the population; but if we remember (a) that very few of the emigrants are men from the city,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207872, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 260, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 245\n\npopulation in the figures often makes detection difficult). Large numbers of able-bodied men being away, the women must assume new or at least increased responsibilities. Now it would seem that New Territories women, both Punti and Hakka, play a very active role in agricultural life. (It was not so everywhere in China, nor even throughout the south-east). And it may be that their agricultural skill is not only a consequence but a cause of the absence of the men. (I also raise the question whether in the past the agricultural roles of women were more noticeable among the Hakka than the Punti, and whether, in turn, male emigration was in earlier times promoted more strongly among the Hakka by such a difference). But however competent the women, a heavy draining away of male labour, when it cannot be replaced with hired hands, must impose a considerable strain on the women who stay at home. To see a woman ploughing the fields with a baby at her back suggests many questions about the conduct of her domestic affairs. But it is not simply a matter of her economic duties being increased; if men are away some reallocation must take place in the social roles of the household; family life is affected; even the control of community affairs may pass partly to women. One study in the New Territories (see Miss Jean Pratt's paper in The Eastern Anthropologist, vol. XIII No. 4, 1960) has already approached this subject, but it is a fit topic for several detailed enquiries, for, apart from the theoretical problems it raises in sociology and demography, it has many welfare aspects in the field of marriage, the care of children, and social control.\n\n83. It seems to me to be important to study both ends of the movement to the United Kingdom. The migrants there are very far from being cut off from people at home, and their problems have a direct bearing on New Territories life. Stories of gambling losses and debt circulate widely. Talk of unemployment and the abuse of labour by restaurant owners upsets families with young men away. How the Chinese in Britain organise themselves, adjust themselves to their strange surroundings, and make use of the opportunities open to them are questions which deserve careful study. I have a Chinese graduate student under training in London who is interested in the problem, and if all goes well he should be able to produce a valuable study of it. As for the New Territories themselves, I think that the best material will come from community studies, because the effects of migration need to be studied in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 261, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "246\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nround and not treated simply as a general topic that might be generally surveyed. On the other hand, there is certainly a need for basic data on the New Territories as a whole, some of which, as I have already suggested, might be gathered through the Rural Committees. I hope that it may be possible in a few years' time to have a clearer idea of such crucial questions as the uses to which emigrant money is being put, the role of the returned migrant, the social and economic adjustments of communities from which migration has been heavy, the reasons why particular communities have held aloof from the movement, and the part played by emigration in changing the status of individuals vis-a-vis the wider society (especially in the case of the Tanka and Hoklo who have been abroad).\n\n84. It had been my plan to pay close attention to certain other matters in the course of the second half of my stay in the New Territories. But as things have turned out I am not able to do more now than to suggest lines of further enquiry which were indicated to me by my general survey. I shall begin this last part of my report on the subject of land, the importance of which is obvious. A good deal is already known about land use because of the surveys done under government auspices, and many basic facts are available on the economics of agriculture, both in its traditional form and in the newer sphere of market-gardening and pig-rearing. But the ownership and tenancy of land that is to say, the complex of rights to occupation, access, and use which underline economic activity-have not been thoroughly explored since the Administration first took charge of the New Territories. From the 1961 census, which went as far as any census could go towards gathering information on this subject, we can measure the extent to which cultivators are using land which is their own, ‘ancestral', or leased; but the areas involved and the precise rights implied in these categories remain to be determined. The official land records seem at first sight to document the history of land tenure from 1905 to the present; but, partly because they are records of memorials and not deeds, they seem to be out of step with reality; and they cannot of course tell us anything about many forms of tenancy. Again, the land records use categories for collective ownership (tso, t'ong, and ui) the exact significance of which in modern conditions is not always very clear.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207876, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n249\n\nclearer picture of what is being thought in the countryside about development would no doubt be of help to it. On the housing question itself I suggest that it would be worth organising an enquiry into the present arrangement of space and the uses to which it is put; the current modifications which are being made by villagers (increasing daylight by making windows, altering kitchens and bathrooms, re-arranging sleeping accommodation, and so on) to old houses; the departures from tradition in the design of new houses; and the social causes and consequences of these changes. In connection with the last point, it hardly needs stressing that changes in family structure may both precede and follow changes in accommodation. Some of the assessment of housing in relation to new needs and tastes will be made in the course of community studies, for it is an inevitable part of the work of a student of family life; but it might be an interesting and useful exercise to get an architect and a social investigator to work together on the many sides of the question.\n\n87. If an anthropological field worker with the necessary economic skills were available it would be sensible to put him on to a study of land tenure in conjunction with the other economic institutions and activities of a community where both new and old forms of agriculture are being practised. The new agriculture would probably imply the presence of immigrants and there would be an opportunity to study the extent to which the old-established population has taken over the new forms and techniques. A rounded economic investigation of this sort would, of course, need to go into questions of credit, capital accumulation, marketing, investment, management (of both farms and small businesses), the penetration of industry (as in domestic work on plastic flowers and toys and in factory labour), and the sources and nature of entrepreneurial enterprise. I envisage a study in depth and therefore confined to one or two communities, but a list of crucial indices might emerge from it which could be used as the basis for a wide-ranging enquiry by questionnaire methods. Presumably the Agriculture and Forestry Department and the Co-operative Development and Fisheries Department might consider taking part in such an investigation.\n\n88. I was much struck in the New Territories by both the success of the efforts of recent years to provide schools and the strength of the desire on the part of some people to go beyond what official policy is thought to contemplate for the near future. There is now,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207881, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "254\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nwill be overlooked in future studies. The Hoklo-speaking group has never been looked into in any detail and might well make the subject of an interesting investigation—partly because their spoken language appears to have acted as a barrier which administrators have found it difficult to cross. (There is, however, nothing specially exotic about the language; it can be handled by anybody with some background in one of the Min dialects—Amoy, Chiu Chau, etc.) On the other hand, it seems to me that the accent in studies of fishermen should fall heavily on modern developments. Among boat people there seems to be an increasing drift to the land for dwellings; fishermen have joined in the emigration to the United Kingdom; marriages have been noted, perhaps on a growing scale, between Tanka and landsmen; and there are many signs that the separation of boat people from land-based institutions is likely to diminish progressively. (I do not know enough about the boat people who are not fishermen to include them in my remarks). How these processes are taking place and how the modern fishing industry promotes and reacts to the changes are matters on which both the New Territories Administration and the Co-operative Development and Fisheries Department must have collected a great deal of information, and there is a case to be made for someone to prepare an analysis of the available data as a step towards detailed on-the-spot studies.\n\n94. Fishermen are not the only marginal groups in the New Territories. While great areas of the countryside have undergone economic development it is still possible to walk over tracks which suggest the Ch'ing dynasty rather than the twentieth century into villages where only packets of cigarettes, photographs, and the odd transistor wireless set forbid the illusion that one has stepped back into a fully traditional Chinese community. And in the island settlements the sense of the new world kept at a distance is reinforced by the sea. In reality no community in the New Territories is today isolated, but many, because of their poor communications, are remote, and, given that roads are being planned which will bring new possibilities of marketing crops and attract the attention of outsiders to areas now ignored, there is a need to study communities in the process of being brought closer to the mainstream of contemporary New Territories life. If there had been enough talent immediately available for research I should have suggested that such a study be undertaken at once, but it will probably have to be put aside for a while.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207883, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 271, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "256\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nworker should be able to do more than simply indicate what rules are being applied: he should be in a position to trace the trends in opinion towards modifying these rules and so throw light, by the aid of this special class of facts, on the problems of judgment which administrators may need to make or help to make.\n\n96. At various places in this report I have touched on questions concerning the family. Obviously, whatever kinds of research anthropologists may undertake in the New Territories will deal with the family at some point: the division of labour within it, marriage, use of housing, land ownership, inheritance, ancestor worship, and so on. But the subject is so important and the range of variations to be studied so wide that at some stage a general review of the whole of it will need to be made. It is a big task and will call for the services of an experienced research worker. Let me suggest some of the practical advantages of such an investigation. The Chinese family constantly throws up quarrels and difficulties which, while they certainly conflict with the image of the harmonious family which Chinese have created and foisted on to foreigners, are nevertheless intrinsic to its structure. The main point of weakness, so to say, in this structure is the relationship between brothers, for they are on the one hand required to live in harmony with one another and observe an order of seniority among themselves, and on the other hand expected to compete. The conflict generated between them is not to be seen only in how they treat one another; it is reflected in the relationships between their respective wives. It is an at first curious fact—at least a fact in the sense that research increasingly tends to come to this conclusion—that quarrels in Chinese families are reduced when men are away; and the quarrelsomeness that Chinese men attribute to their womenfolk is more a product of their position as wives, with obligations to support the interests of their husbands, than it is a property of womankind. The tensions between brothers can be kept under control while their parents are still alive and active, but with the passing of the power of this senior generation a family compounded of married brothers cannot survive as a single unit. This is part of the reason why families do not go on increasing in size until they reach the enormous proportions sometimes claimed for them. But in fact even the family of several married brothers and their parents is not so common as is supposed, because poor families do not raise many sons to manhood, cannot marry them all off if they do have them, and can offer little economic incentive to them to stay at home.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207884, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 272, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 257\n\n97. These are general points made with reference to the Chinese family in its traditional form and conditions. What kinds of family units are to be found now in the New Territories? The 1961 census figures for household size (which can be roughly equated with family size) show that the most characteristic size is about 4 to 6 people, that there are many smaller ones, and that units larger than 7 are few. To take an example (which I have conveniently in my notebook): the following figures are for the household sizes in the Tai Po census area (i.e. Tai Po District) in respect of units which occupy whole concrete, brick, or stone houses—that is to say, where housing conditions approximate the most to tradition. (See Census, vol. II, p. 12, Table 020).\n\n \n Household Size\n Numbers of Households of Each Size\n \n \n 1\n 1,299\n \n \n 2\n 1,441\n \n \n 3\n 1,655\n \n \n 4\n 1,839\n \n \n 5\n 1,773\n \n \n 6\n 1,550\n \n \n 7\n 1,174\n \n \n 8\n 759\n \n \n 9\n 401\n \n \n 10 and over\n 612\n \n \n Total\n 12,503\n \n\nThe units are typically small. How is it that there are so many households with 2 persons and (despite the contradiction in terms) 1 person? There is of course a refugee element in these figures (but it would have been much bigger if we had taken the data for people living in wooden houses or shacks), but they do not account for all cases. Under what conditions are single-person 'households' found? When will a young married couple set up on their own? What economic significance is to be read into the forming of small units generally? Are small units in fact economically independent, and do they contain an element of people who are poor and can no longer rely on support from outside the unit? That is to say, if we start by defining the family as a unit which lives by itself we have then to enquire into the social and economic ties maintained between its members and the members of other such units with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207886, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 274, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 259\n\n*\n\n+\n\ntinues to break up and industrialisation increases, marriage will move more and more into a 'modern' form.\n\nThere is little need to multiply points. A general study of family and marriage ought to be made; it should try to encompass as many different social settings as possible and trace out the changes which are to be expected in the control of children, the support of the aged, polygamy, accumulation of capital within the family, household budgeting, and so on. The study will call for both intensive enquiries and observations and extensive surveys (especially in respect of such matters as family structure and domestic economics).\n\n99. I write as an anthropologist. This fact broadly limits the kinds of problem I have chosen to discuss as well as the methods of research I have so far taken into account. I should like partly to redress the balance by making it clear that I think that other kinds of social scientists ought also to be at work in the New Territories: sociologists, economists, and social geographers, at the very least. (I should have included demographers in this list had it not been that since his completion of the work on the 1961 Census Mr. Barnett has continued to interest himself in statistical questions and that further official studies of population seem likely). Some large-scale enquiries, involving careful sampling and the construction of complex questionnaires—for example, in the fields of education, social mobility, and housing—are necessary; these are matters which must rely on the techniques with which the sociologist is equipped. The field economist (as distinct from the man whose raw data are somebody else's statistics and facts) would be desirable in the study of those economic questions which, because they call for skill in handling technical matters (as in the investigation of business and complex financial affairs) may be too difficult for the all-round social scientist—which is what most anthropologists aim to be. The case for the social geographer is very easy to make: whether in agriculture or industry, the use of land and the relations of society to it are crucial subjects.\n\nBut these are my (summary) views, and sociologists, economists, and geographers must of course be left to speak for themselves.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n100. I come now to what I may call a plea rather than a recommendation. It involves taking a point of view which may be quite at variance with the spirit of the times in the New Territories. They and their inhabitants are so busy moving into a new era that the monuments of their past have little meaning for them. Documents", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207970, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "178\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nTable 3. (Translation)\n\nFront:\n\nAnnual festival 19th First Month, 15th Second Month, 23rd Third Month, 5th Fifth Month, 14th Seventh Month, 24th Twelfth Month, Tung Chi in Eleventh Month, Night of 30th Twelfth Month; she t'au (leaders of the she); ALL THOSE WHO LIVE IN PAK KONG VILLAGE HAVE THE RESPONSIBILITY TO SERVE THE AFFAIRS AND PUBLIC INTEREST OF THIS VILLAGE; work collectively for the achievements of this village, do not follow the Monroe [Doctrine].\n\nBack:\n\nGOLD Cheng Tso On, Cheng Chung, Lok Tso Po, Cheng Woh, Cheng Chan Ip, Lau T'in T'ing; WOOD Lok Shek Kam, Lok T'aai Ts'eung, Lok Shue Kam, Lok Foh Kau, Lok Yau T'aai, Lok Shai Ngau, Lok Tak Kwong; WATER Lok Ting Ngau, Lei Lam, Lei Kau, Lok Kam, Cheng Tso Ning, Lok T'aai Hei; FIRE Lok Tak Lam, Lok Shiu Ch'oh, Lok Lam Kwai, Lok Kam Uen, Lok Chi K'eung, Lok Shang, Lok Uet T'aai; EARTH Lok Fuk Shing, Lei Iu, Lei Kw'ai Cheung, Lok Kau Kei, Lok Tso On, Lei Shek,\n\nIn a slight variation, in Tai Po Tsai (near Tai Mong Tsai) and Wo Mei, instead of collecting money to buy the pig at the time it had to be slaughtered, villagers bought a piglet at the beginning of the year and participating families took turns to feed it during the year. By the end of the year, it would be slaughtered, and the meat divided. In Wo Mei, the five lineages of the village also gathered into the Ng Woh T'ong for matters that affected the entire village.42 Less formal but not less important were the \"marriage clubs\" (lo p'oh wooi) found in many villages, such as Mang Kung Uk and Hang Hau, consisting of the unmarried young men of the village. The young men of the club were obliged to help the bridegroom during wedding ceremonies, and they themselves would be helped when their turn came. In general, village ceremonies, not only weddings but also funerals, required the participation of members of the village, including those outside the immediately affected lineage. It was commonly understood that on these occasions members of the village had the right and duty to participate and to help.\n\n43", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208004, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "BRUNEI: A HISTORICAL RELIC\n\n27\n\nMalaya a \"new nationalism” has not yet emerged. It is in a sense \"bought off\" by the prosperity and good times made possible by the oil revenues.\n\nA recent account of Brunei in a well-known western journal began this way: 21\n\nThere are moments when visitors feel this sleepy state on Borneo island's northern shore is something dreamed-up in a Hollywood script conference.\n\nOur film opens in some place wild like the South China Sea coast. It's a place run by a sultan — you know, a chap with a turban and a name like Sir Omar Ali Saifuddin. He lives in this big box of a palace with a flock of cars and a bunch of hungry relatives.\n\nAnd get this, the country sits atop a huge pool of oil so nobody wants to work. In fact, most everyone just kinda mooch-es off the government, which sits back and collects millions from the oil company.\n\nThen we need something spectacular like a huge mosque with a gold-plated dome that's lit with coloured floodlights at night.\n\nExcept for the presence of the opulent gold-domed Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin mosque which now towers on the skyline Pigafetta of Magellan's crew would still recognize Brunei if he were able to sail up the river to the town today,22\n\nThe \"Water Village” (Kampong Ayer) has changed little in character. More than half the people in the capital live in houses built on piles above the water of the river, and it is said that some old women in the kampong have never set foot on land, having spent their whole lives in the river village. Today, however, Kampong Ayer is dominated by the mosque, constructed at the water's edge and opened in 1958. This dignified building, the pride of the present and the fulfilment of the hopes of the past, approached from water on one side and land on the other, seems to stand symbolically where tradition and progress meet. For although the water village changes little, on the landward side Brunei Town grows, encouraged by the easy wealth obtained from oil revenues and by the fervent desire, both patriotic and religious, to outdo its neighbours,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "BEHIND JAPANESE BARBED WIRE: STANLEY INTERNMENT CAMP, HONG KONG\n\n1942-1945\n\nGEOFFREY CHARLES EMERSON*\n\nOn Monday morning, December 8th 1941, a few minutes after 8 a.m. and a few hours after the attack on Pearl Harbor, bombs dropped on Kai Tak airport and the battle of Hong Kong had begun. 17 days later, on Christmas Day 1941, Hong Kong surrendered. At that time there were approximately 3000 non-Chinese civilians of the Allied powers in Hong Kong. Until early January 1942, these people were on the whole left alone, most of them remaining at home because it was very dangerous to go out due to the breakdown of law and order which occurred with the surrender on Christmas Day.\n\nOn 4th January 1942, a notice appeared in the Hongkong News (the only English-language newspaper published during the occupation) for all enemy nationals to assemble at Murray Parade Grounds (today the site of the Hilton Hotel). Many people, especially those on the Peak and in the University area, did not see this notice, but eventually about 1000 gathered at the Parade Grounds, and after registration they were marched through the centre of Hong Kong and interned in a number of hotel-brothels located on the waterfront (near the present Macau Ferry Pier).\n\nThe American journalist Joseph Alsop, who was one of those caught in Hong Kong in 1941, wrote the following in The Saturday Evening Post:\n\nAfter trudging a mile and a half, we turned abruptly into a narrow alley and were halted before the grilled door of an ancient, dilapidated and very dirty building. Painted on the peeling plaster was an announcement in Chinese that it was the Stag Hotel, offering comfortable rooms at cheap rates. In reality, it was a Chinese brothel of the third class.†\n\n* Text of a paper read at a meeting of the Society on 13 April 1977. Mr. Emerson, M.Phil. (Hong Kong) is Vice Principal of St. Paul's College, Hong Kong, and President of the Hong Kong History Society.\n\n†The Stag Hotel was situated in Queen's Road Central to the west of the Central Market.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "44\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\nfacing the Japanese. Consequently it was part of American policy, especially from 1944 onwards, to re-create a united front against Japan and promote agreement on a form of Constitutional Government for China which would include the Communist Party. To this end Chairman Mao Tse Tung was escorted to Chungking in August 1945 by the US Ambassador Patrick J. Hurley. No real agreement was reached in some 41 days of talks and Chairman Mao returned to Yenan in October. Hurley resigned and in November the United States appointed General George Marshall as special negotiator, a truce was signed on January 10, 1946 and all-party Peoples Consultative Conference began*.\n\nHaving set the scene we may consider what this meant on the ground; specifically in terms of medical supplies to the Liberated Areas. These contained between 80-100 million people and perhaps 350,000 men under arms. Apart from supplies purchased and smuggled in from the Japanese occupied areas or captured, no UNRRA, International Red Cross, or other supplies had been allowed through from Chungking since the beginning of 1941, and the medical services were dependent on traditional medicines and drugs derived from available herbs. The situation was therefore very serious.\n\nThe UNRRA charter required that supplies be distributed to those in need regardless of race, religion, and party and UNRRA therefore applied pressure to the Chinese Government, via CNRRA, to allow supplies to go to the Liberated Areas. This pressure finally succeeded in January 1946 at the time of signing the truce and a permit for a total quantity of about eight tons of medical supplies was granted.\n\nDuring the period from the end of 1941 to 1946, the Friends Ambulance Unit, China Convoy, had been responsible for the transport of most of the civilian medical and relief supplies in the\n\n* For those desiring more detail of this period the following give different approaches:\n\nKenneth S. Chern, \"Politics of American China Policy, 1945: Roots of the Cold War in Asia\". Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 91, No. 4 Winter 1976-7.\n\nJohn S. Service, Lost Chance in China. Random House, 1974. Tang Tsou, America's Failure in China, 1941-50. 2 vols, Chicago, 1964.\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208024, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946\n\n47\n\nin the blue water purple where the reflection of the mountain showed. Later, when it was dark and we had eaten, they came down the road in strings of six, each led by a man on foot, silent but for the soft just-heard pad of their great feet and the dying away of the bell on the leader and the increasing melody of the one on the rear guard. Next morning there was pandemonium on the road leading out of the town. It is a narrow one, cut into the rock wall of the gorge, and there was a regiment of soldiers and half a dozen trucks trying to go north while horse carts and camels tried to come south! We got through and then the road went on up the river valley (the Pao Ho). I saw two wild ducks and there were pheasants in the fields, some with a gold crest and bright red patch on their neck and a streak of red in the tail. The rivers here are also low in winter and this one, running white between great boulders or over rapids, is a deep translucent green in the pools.\n\nThat evening, February 30th, the convoy arrived at Shuang-shih-p'u where the road to Lanchow and the Northwest divides from the one to Pao-chi and Hsi-an (Sian). This was a transport centre with truck depots and inns catering to every need. We put up at the Chinese Industrial Co-operatives (CIC) Guest House (中國工業聯合協會) where we had five rooms. Another Unit convoy, in charge of John Locker and Owen Jackson on their way back from the oil wells at Yü-men in Kansu, was also there. We spent a day and a half servicing the trucks, stocking up with fuel from the Unit supplies, and then had three days holiday for Lunar New Year. Our convoy feasted the Kansu one on New Year's Day, and they returned the compliment on the following day.\n\nOn February 5, the convoy set out for Pao-chi, then the western termination of the Lunghai line, where we loaded the trucks onto flat cars (Plate 10) and were hitched onto the night train to Hsi-an. Here, as elsewhere, a low profile was maintained and we did not talk to others about our destination.\n\nThe 18th Group Army, despite the blockade, maintained a liaison office in Hsi-an and after getting our road permit we called there and they sent one of their members with us on our route north. The road as far as the 'border' was poor. Near Tung Ch'uan it crossed the bridge shown in Plate no. 11. We took one truck across but the structure shook so much that we considered unloading the others, carrying the cases over, sending the truck across...\n\nCorrected version in HTML format as requested.\n\nHowever, some minor corrections were made:\n1. \"February 30th\" is likely an error since February only has 28 (or 29 in a leap year) days. \n2. \"CIC\" was added for \"Chinese Industrial Co-operatives\" to match common abbreviation practices, though this was not explicitly instructed.\n3. Some minor punctuation adjustments were considered but not made as they were not strictly necessary.\n\nHere's the corrected text with the requested format and rules applied:\n\nA JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946\n\n47\n\nin the blue water purple where the reflection of the mountain showed. Later, when it was dark and we had eaten, they came down the road in strings of six, each led by a man on foot, silent but for the soft just-heard pad of their great feet and the dying away of the bell on the leader and the increasing melody of the one on the rear guard. Next morning there was pandemonium on the road leading out of the town. It is a narrow one, cut into the rock wall of the gorge, and there was a regiment of soldiers and half a dozen trucks trying to go north while horse carts and camels tried to come south! We got through and then the road went on up the river valley (the Pao Ho). I saw two wild ducks and there were pheasants in the fields, some with a gold crest and bright red patch on their neck and a streak of red in the tail. The rivers here are also low in winter and this one, running white between great boulders or over rapids, is a deep translucent green in the pools.\n\nThat evening, February ...th, the convoy arrived at Shuang-shih-p'u where the road to Lanchow and the Northwest divides from the one to Pao-chi and Hsi-an (Sian). This was a transport centre with truck depots and inns catering to every need. We put up at the Chinese Industrial Co-operatives (CIC) Guest House (中國工業聯合協會) where we had five rooms. Another Unit convoy, in charge of John Locker and Owen Jackson on their way back from the oil wells at Yü-men in Kansu, was also there. We spent a day and a half servicing the trucks, stocking up with fuel from the Unit supplies, and then had three days holiday for Lunar New Year. Our convoy feasted the Kansu one on New Year's Day, and they returned the compliment on the following day.\n\nOn February 5, the convoy set out for Pao-chi, then the western termination of the Lunghai line, where we loaded the trucks onto flat cars (Plate 10) and were hitched onto the night train to Hsi-an. Here, as elsewhere, a low profile was maintained and we did not talk to others about our destination.\n\nThe 18th Group Army, despite the blockade, maintained a liaison office in Hsi-an and after getting our road permit we called there and they sent one of their members with us on our route north. The road as far as the 'border' was poor. Near Tung Ch'uan it crossed the bridge shown in Plate no. 11. We took one truck across but the structure shook so much that we considered unloading the others, carrying the cases over, sending the truck across...\n\nLet me know if further adjustments are needed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208027, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "50\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\nLiu-Chi. The group we met were lively and interesting, many having been expelled from universities under Kuomintang control. Another evening we were invited to see a film at the American Army Observer Section which was established there under Colonel David Barrett in July 1944. There was also an invitation to mid-day meal with Marshal Chu Te. My memory is that there was not much conversation as Yu Chin-lung found him taciturn, my Chinese was inadequate, and the others were tongue-tied in the presence of the famous soldier. On leaving Yenan we were each presented with a warm woollen blanket of local manufacture (I still have mine) and I was given a painting, which I had uncautiously admired, by the Bureau chief of the Medical Service. I was also presented with a made-to-measure Army uniform complete with cap and badge.\n\nMedical Work in the Border Region\n\nThe day after unloading we were taken to see the hospital named after Doctor Norman Bethune. Plate no. 17 shows the operating theatre. One of the famous 'three constantly read articles' of Chairman Mao Tse-tung is a eulogy of Bethune, delivered on December 21st 1939 soon after his death.\n\nAt the Bethune Memorial Hospital we were shown how supply difficulties had been overcome, including steel dental picks forged from railway line. We asked about medical supplies from the USSR since 1941 and were told that there had been some, perhaps five, plane loads (say 15 to 20 tons). The supplies we had brought included a portable X-ray with a petrol-driven generator.\n\nThe problems of civilian and military medical work in the Border Region are fully described by Margaret Stanley in a current series of articles in Eastern Horizon*. She was a member of the Friends Service Unit (the successor organization in China to the Friends Ambulance Unit) Medical Team 19 which went to work in the area in 1947. She revisited Yenan in 1972 and writes not only of her memories of the medical work but also the contrast between then and now.\n\n* Vol. XVI No. 3, March 1977 & No. 4 April 1977 onwards. There is also a good picture of what life in the Shensi countryside was like to be gained from the accounts given in Gunnar Myrdal's book Report from a Chinese Village. Penguin.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208033, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "56\n\nJ. T. KAMM\n\n2 Throughout these essays, mention will often be made of a truly \"watershed\" event in the history of Hsin-An: the evacuation of the South China coast, ordered by the Kang Hsi Emperor, from 1661 to 1668. The step was taken to hinder the activities of the Ming loyalist-pirate Cheng Ch'eng-Kung, best known to the West as Coxinga.\n\n3 Field work in Kam Tin took place from May to September, 1973. Other research was undertaken into the Government Archives, Colonial Secretariat Library, and the Fung Ping Shan Library of the University of Hong Kong\n\nESSAY 1: PERPETUAL TENANCY IN HSIN-AN\n\nA cursory examination of the available evidence on the Ch'ing economy of Hsin-An reveals a seeming paradox: a large tenant population farming a limited amount of cultivatable land, yet enjoying relative prosperity. We shall begin this essay by dissolving the paradox.\n\nThe amount of cultivable land in the Tung Lu section of Hsin-An has probably never amounted to more than 15% of the total surface acreage. While the percentage of arable land was higher in the Hsi Lu, Chinese accounts of the area have always stressed the hilly, barren nature of the terrain. For the period we are studying, cultivated land probably accounted for no more than 20% of the land surface of the county.\n\nIn general, ownership of productive resources (agricultural fields, fishing grounds, oyster beds, quarries, and salt pans) were concentrated in the hands of landlords who leased them to tenants. Land was seldom worked by the holder of the hung ch'i (lit: “red deed”). In short, Hsin-An during Ch'ing was essentially a tenant economy.\n\nLockhart, in his Report on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong, describes the population as follows:\n\n\"The inhabitants, by no means wealthy, seem to be, as a rule, comfortably well off, and able to earn an honest livelihood without difficulty. Few signs of anything approaching destitution were seen, and only a few beggars were met.\"\n\nLockhart's observations are borne out by an examination of three indices of relative prosperity: 1) low rent and tax burdens, 2) increase in market activity, and 3) population growth through immigration.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208042, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CHING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n65\n\nimplied a physical division of the land itself. From the scanty evidence on tenant rings, we can conclude that the sale of cultivation-value was probably regulated within the group. In any event, it was unnecessary for the landlord to be informed of the sale.\n\nDescent among perpetual lessor clans was governed by the principle Fen tsu erh pu fen t'ien (分租而不分田: \"divide the rent but not the land.\") Gompertz, in CSO109 Ext., comments:\n\nWhen an inheritance has already been divided among the various branches of the clan the problem is very much simpler but as a matter of fact such partitions have been hitherto very rare and we are now in the dilemma of being obliged either to devise a form of title suited to this collective ownership or to refuse to take cognisance of anything but the ownership of individuals.3\n\nThe Ping Shan Tang genealogy gives this account of the origin of this principle in Tung-Kuan county (at the time of the writing of this passage, Hsin-An had not yet been formed):\n\nWe have been inhabitants of Ping Shan for six generations. From my great grandfather to my father (i.e., three generations) no ancestral property was divided, a fact which greatly benefited the villagers. At the beginning of the Ming Dynasty, an imperial edict forbade the uniting of different families into single households. Thereafter, my younger brother and I began to register separately as inhabitants of Huang T'ien Ch’ang (黄田昌) and Tung-Kuan respectively. The ancestral properties were divided into two portions. As for the properties in remote areas, the grain payments (i.e., the rent) and the land-tax (plus corvee responsibilities) were also shared equally between us.36\n\nOne of the strongest prohibitions contained in clan rules was that against selling land, private or communal, to \"outsiders:\"\n\nIn large clans transactions in land take place, as a rule, between different members of the clan without the property ever being disposed of to outsiders. In such transactions the deed of transfer is invariably worded as if it were a mortgage, and no period of redemption is fixed, the vendor or mortgagor, or his descendants, thus having every opportunity to redeem the property at the original price even several generations after the transaction has been made.37", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208062, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "UNDER ALTARS (下壇)\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS\n\nThe first thing to be seen on entering Chinese temples in Hong Kong and Macau, even those in which a murky half-light obscures the view, is the main altar in the middle of the far end of the main hall. What is rarely seen however, even after a stroll around, is the “Altar at which prayers are offered to avert calamities” (避災壇). This is usually an even dingier ground-level alcove inside the back of which is pasted a large green sheet of paper bearing the titles in white, of five or seven spirits all of whom need placating or propitiating as needs arise. The altar often bears the less colourful titles of the \"Under Altar\" (下壇), the \"Yin and Yang Hall\" (陰陽堂), and in very rare instances, more so in Macau than in Hong Kong, the \"Five Demon Altar\" (五鬼壇).\n\nUnder Altars, only to be found in Cantonese, Hakka and Boat People's Taoist folk religion temples and never in Buddhist monasteries and nunneries, are usually situated under or between the main and secondary altars at ground level. They consist of a wooden or stone open-fronted \"box\" about three to four feet high, three feet wide and two feet six deep and are illuminated, if one can use such a term, by a 15 watt dark red electric bulb. In five temples in Hong Kong and Macau the Under Altar was in a corner beside the main altar, but without any top or covering. In one or two temples such altars may be found, again at ground level (this seems to be the one almost inflexible requirement) but without a top, against the side wall about half way down the main hall facing the centre, or alone in a separate side hall.\n\nThere are several different reasons given why people pray at these altars. The most common is the wish to avert ill-fortune of any form and not just major disasters, as the title of the altar “Calamity\" (災) suggests. An elderly lady pointing at one devotee said that he had just told her that he had placed a stick of incense before the Under Altar to avert losses at the races on the morrow. Another, she said, thought her child was sickening for something, and had placed ten cents before the White Tiger image and said a brief word to the deity asking for the illness to be averted.\n\nPlates 20 - 31 at end of this volume illustrate this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208066, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "UNDER ALTARS \n\n89 \n\nhe tries sufficiently hard enough, all other demons too. His hempen robes, they say, are not the same as those worn by mourners but are, in themselves, a charm having the power to drive away demons. The Local Wealth God also secures the safety, if so petitioned, of those who have witnessed such misfortunes as a suicide, a killing, a funeral or a fatal accident, (all of which release, or involve, roaming spirits). The witness need only visit the temple, offer a prayer and incense to the Local Wealth God for his continued safety to be assured. In some temples he is prayed to by relatives on the 49th day after a death, when green and white paper flowers are thrown over him after being taken from the hair of mourners; a sign that mourning is over. It used to be that only filial sons performed this ritual, but nowadays it has become common for any relative to take part. \n\nThe Local Wealth God, customarily, is only given plain unflavoured boiled rice and though he may be offered ordinary meat, either cooked or uncooked, he is never offered red-dyed sacrificial meat. \n\nThe Five Demons \n\nWe move on now to one of the less frequently seen groups, the Five Demons, (五鬼), which in one Macau temple were known as the Five Demon Spirits (五鬼神). Their full title is \"The Five Demon Lads who change fortune” (五鬼變財). The Five are masters each of one of the five points of the compass. (The Chinese look upon the centre as the fifth direction), and each is separately known by his direction. For example, the one for the East is called the \"Eastern Chia Yi Five Demon Stellar Deity\" (東方甲乙五鬼星君) \n\nFive Demons are feared as injurious spirits who need constant propitiation. When offended, however unwittingly, they must instantly be offered a large and expensive gift, and their forgiveness sought. In one small temple in Macau they were described as the five servants of the Wealth God, and are prayed to both for \"unexpected money”, and also for a good marriage (bringing in a good dowry). \n\nThey are depicted in the Under Altar in a circle as five standing individual images in human likeness, sometimes men and sometimes women, facing inward. They have been seen once circling an oil lamp consisting of a saucer in which a wick lies floating in the oil, \n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208071, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "94\n\nL\n\nK. G. STEVENS\n\ncause of their infidelity behind. (White cords have no separate meaning according to the temple keepers concerned).\n\nThe larger and more permanent Green Horses are offered fresh vegetables which are not placed in or near their mouths but, rather frustratingly for the horses, balanced on their heads. The rider of the Green Horse is known as the \"Nobleman of the Green Horse\" Kuei Jen (†A), and although he is rarely depicted save on paper charms it is accepted that they are a pair who work together and never separately. A keeper of the Stone Nullah Lane temple in Hong Kong claimed that the Nobleman (the Kuei Jen) and his Green Horse are helpful persons to whom people turn in time of need. He then referred to the opposite, the Hsiao Jen, the “mean one\" who grumbles, carries tittle-tattle and is envious. The latter causes you unnecessary trouble such as loss of money. The helpful Nobleman shows you the way to fortune and the easy route through life. The beating of the \"mean ones”, described earlier, is to discard the bad luck such people bring.\n\nA few devotees, only encountered in Shamshuipo, believe that the Green Horse is capable of providing academic success for members of the devotee's family, as they reason that a nobleman on a horse must be both well-educated and an official, and that his support must inevitably bring success to youthful scholars.\n\nA few devotees pray to Green Horse before a journey and again after a safe return. An extension of prayer for the traveller's safety was described in one small temple in Kowloon where the keeper said that the Green Horse is a divine messenger who is asked to visit and inform close relatives far away, of the sender's well-being and bring back tidings of their lives and aspirations. The keeper rather surprisingly added that it was also his understanding that if children failed to obey their parents, the elders would petition the Horse to knock some discipline into them! In another temple, however, a keeper was quite adamant that the Green Horse is only a messenger used by the Gods to send messages to each other, and must never be approached by humans. Finally, in Shamshuipo and in Wanchai, the Green Horse and the Nobleman are prayed to by the out-of-work, as the couple have the reputation of speedily being able to find suitable employment for devotees.\n\nThere are other similar horses which should not be confused with the Green Horse. The first is the steed ridden by Kuan Ti, the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208083, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "106\n\nYUEN-FONG WOON\n\nfirst preference to buy or rent private plots belonging to a fellow villager.\n\nChungshe was similar to Na-loh in social organization. There was no community temple belonging to the village as a whole. Instead, each lineage had its own ancestral hall with corporate property. Moreover, private or corporate property seldom changed hands from one lineage to another. Lineage mates only bought land from one another or from their own ancestral halls.\n\nIn his final chapter, Pasternak gives two explanations to account for the differences in social organization between his two Taiwan villages. The first is that there was the need for common defence in Tatieh against another ethnic group in the vicinity. But in Chungshe, there was no such need. The second reason is that there was a need for co-operation in irrigation projects in Tatieh but not in Chungshe.\n\nI think these explanations might also account for the differences in social organization between Lung-tsai She and Na-loh Ts'uen of Hoi-p'ing. Lung-tsai She was situated in the upper course of the T'aam River (*). The terrain was much more hilly, and there was a greater need for cross-surname co-operation in irrigation and drainage. Na-loh was in the middle course of the T'aam River. The village did not suffer from water problems. Informants have only heard one case of flood in the village. People went away for several days until the water subsided. Usually the farmers relied on nearby streams for irrigation. They just went to carry water back by means of their buckets.\n\nIn the case of Lung-tsai She, the need for cross-surname co-operation in defence was apparent between 1911 and 1926 when the whole of Hoi-p'ing was in civil disorder as a result of power struggles between the Kwangtung, Kwangsi and Yunnan Warlords. The Kwaan, the Wong and the Tang in Lung-tsai She joined with other villages in the vicinity to form the multi-surname Tsung-long Heung Militia (2) for self-defence. In the case of Na-loh village, however, there was no co-operation between the Kwaan and Oo for defence.\n\nThus, it appears that the need for co-operation in defence and irrigation resulted in greater social integration among villagers in Lung-tsai She than among villagers in Na-loh, just as Pasternak's study has suggested. Nonetheless, the contrast between the Hoi-p'ing villages...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "124\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nWe Fujianese are conservative and don't just start talking or making friends with strangers. Anyway, you'll only meet your best friends through already close friends or relatives or \"tong xiang\".\n\nThis ethnic feeling of separateness (as well as the reality of separation) has led to the emergence in Little Fujian of what Milton Gordon (1964:30) has called an \"ethnic sub-societal network\" that enables Fujianese to form nearly all of their solidary and stable relations—relatives, friends, and neighbors—with Southern Fujianese like themselves. Furthermore, even the characteristically unidimensional and fleeting nature of many urban roles (Southall 1973: 82) turns out to have a remarkable ethnic coloration in Little Fujian, as witness social interaction in the Chun Yeung Street market, for example, where shopkeepers, clerks and customers are all Fujianese. In North Point, because of patterns of ethnic selection and preference, these roles are at the same time both unidimensional and ethnic.\n\nLittle Fujian: Sub-Neighborhood and Community\n\nEthnically-significant patterns do then exist among the Fujianese of North Point. Does this in itself qualify North Point's Little Fujian as a community? Some sociologists suggest that residential segregation is crucial to the maintenance of ethnic community or solidarity (Joy 1972; Lieberson 1970) but Drieger and Church (1947:30) have rightly criticized this unidimensional insistence on residential segregation as too crude a diagnostic.\n\nUnfortunately, they too propose (1974:36) a crude diagnostic that of the ethnic percentage of a neighborhood's population. A better approach would be the realization that a sense of community is not automatically reached when the actual ethnic population counters reach a certain total but when the intensity of ethnic social interaction reaches a point that it gives an overall ethnic flavoring to the social interaction of a specific group. Enveloped in the substantially ethnically-enclosed networks of Little Fujian, the Fujianese of North Point without doubt live in such a social reality.\n\nA quick analytical divorce between the concepts of “neighborhood\" and \"community” is also imperative; “ethnic neighborhood” (or \"ethnic sub-neighborhood” if need be) should refer to a spatially segregated or clustered resident population while “ethnic community”...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208108, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHOW -LONG ISLAND \n\n131\n\nJunks are the reason for Cheung Chow which only exists to take over their cargoes of fish, salt, or hides, and to supply them in return with all that junks need, ship chandlery and stores, gear of all sorts, and certain amusements for the fisherman, some of them innocent and some not. It stands between Hongkong with its population of some 600,000 persons clamorous for food, and the fishing fleet which cannot afford to lose time beating about in narrow and often becalmed waters under high hills. At Cheung Chow the wind is almost always blowing, but the deeply indented bay and the sheltering spit between the hills give shelter. The junks can run in, unload their catch, revictual or refit, and stand out to sea in any wind, with no delay. The steam ferry carries their fish to the waiting markets for them.\n\nBut the islanders have a second string to their bow for the presence of the ferry has made it worth while to grow vegetables for the same market, and the little glens of the island are terraced to the limit to provide vegetables to the inhabitants and a surplus for that export.\n\nSubsidiary trades have grown up from the same root, if fish can be called a root; fish must be salted and dried, so there is a great trade in salt, though most of the salt which comes into Cheung Chow is not rubbed into the fish there but is re-exported to China.\n\nWhen we have pictured the little land to ourselves, described its climate, the races and tribes of its inhabitants, we will wander along the busy main street, and so take ship and depart from this little place so like some ancient Greek kingdom set in the wine-dark sea smelling of fish, overrun with pigs. Later we will return to see the Moon-cake festival, and after that let someone more capable take up the tale.\n\nThe Little Land and City\n\nCheung Chow is shaped as the photograph shows.*\n\nIt would seem that one of the very numerous saddle-shaped ridges in which Hongkong abounds has sunk here so that the ridge between the two peaks makes a long double beach, only one hundred yards wide at its narrowest. On the Western Side the bay is large and partly sheltered by other islands, but on the Eastern it is open to the sea, and the N. E. Monsoon pours aslant into that bay, and rages against its headlands. So the town turns its back to the\n\n* Not reprinted.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208116, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHOW LONG ISLAND\n\n-\n\n139\n\nwith a deft sweep of the foot, does one see more than an ankle.\n\nOur friend on the other side is not so particular. He sits in the open space between two counters of his shop, and having rolled his cotton singlet up into his armpits, fans with languid strokes a portly form, naked to a very low waist. Now the road begins to widen. It is almost four strides across at this point, owing no doubt to the zeal of some P.W.D. official, but as the extra width is entirely taken up with stalls extended from the shops, no loss of custom can be said to result.\n\nWe have come through a crowded street, and not seen a scowl or a frown, not been jostled, or hustled. The sweating burdened porters have been given right of way, politely asked for, and as graciously conceded. For in China men respect the burden. There are no cars or even bicycles to upset the stream, but if a European, in the usual hurry to leave a boat or catch a boat walks rapidly through the street, there is sometimes a little awkward eddy in the stream, and people have to step aside into shops while the impatient one passes. Not that the Europeans push or rudely press, for there is perfect good temper, and understanding on both sides; but distinguished foreigners in all countries are apt to be in a hurry, one has to help them on their way.\n\nNow we are in the market place... rows of stalls covered with canvas shades set forth cigarettes and sweets, vegetables, fish and meat. Cooked food is here in plenty, steaming soups and succulent pork: cheap Japanese matches, cottons and tin and hardware: but above all, food. The Chinese like to snatch a snack now and then between the main meals. Many coolies feed entirely on snacks obtained at these stalls, drink a cup of tea, take a cake or a bowl of rice, and put down a few cents before they gird up their loins and pass on to the next task. There is also a restaurant of two storeys here, overlooking the pier, the first storey buttressed by barbers' parlours, resplendent with mirrors and American barbers' chairs made in Canton. This is the Cantonese or Punti ward, here in the centre where drapers' shops, and chandlers, the pawnshop and houses are thickest. The Punti is one of the world's best traders and financiers within his own range, and it is here or hereabouts that the village magnates live and work. Here are the money lenders and fish merchants, the landlords and rulers of the people, the mortgage holders for whom the fishermen mostly work. This is the down town section, and the operations are probably", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208149, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "172\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nAll remarkable mountains are supposed by the Chinese to have some spiritual influence over the affairs of mortals. The rough, barren, mountainous country I have described, has given birth to many superstitions and legends. Some of the huge stones on the hillsides are supposed to represent the tiger, the dragon, and the phoenix. The stones on some hills are said to have locomotive powers, and to pursue any adventurous traveller who attempts to mount their sides: other stones are said, when touched, to have the power of producing pains in the stomach and others to emit white vapours from their surface; of more interest are the caves which are found in some of the mountains (JHKBRAS 7(1967): 110).\n\n12. Krone writes of our own Castle Peak:\n\nThe mountain is reckoned one of the eight wonders of the Canton Province. Some of its large granite boulders are said by the priests to represent various mythological monsters; and several springs well up near the top, which are also esteemed supernatural wonders by the Chinese. The mountain is often visited by students and literati, and its wonders and beauties have been celebrated by them in many verses. The legends connected with the mountain seem not to be very clearly understood. (JHKBRAS 7(1967): 109).\n\n13. In the case of the more famous mountains of the Kwangtung province alone, mythology, legend and history have endowed them with fame over hundreds and even thousands of years. This is due in part to the constant visits of famous poets whose poems are so widely read over the generations that they alone are sufficient to make them sacred and immortal.* Yet our own lesser mountains seem to have had at least one such visitor. In the history of the T'ang family of Kam Tin we read of the famous Sung poet and painter PO Yu-sim, ‘Legends have attributed to him magical powers, and he is supposed to have appeared and disappeared in all the \n\nIn the introduction to his Anthology of Chinese Literature, Vol. 2 (New York, Grove Press Inc., 1972) Cyril Birch writes 'Scholar-officials were subject to a life of movement, and no one could travel very far without lighting on a place celebrated in the verse or prose of an earlier visitor. It might be a hilltop temple or a lakeside pavilion, a mountain pass or an ancient battlefield, a city gate or a particularly awesome cliff. (p. xxvi).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208153, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "176 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\n(usually brought in by boat at extra cost) to some lofty spot to which the only access was by hill path and sometimes not even that. 23. Other visitors to the hills at the grave worshipping festivals include persons from outside the Colony who, on account of old and important ancestral graves located by geomancers in time past, have long been accustomed to make the annual pilgrimage. This tradition has been eroded by the establishment of the People Republic in 1949, though some persons have continued the visits intermittently. In one case known to me at Lo Wai, Tsuen Wan, where the grave was repaired in the Hsien Feng reign (1851-1861), and the people came from beyond Sham Chun Market in Po On county adjoining the New Territories, the family have not come for many years now. The geomantic name of the site is \n\nPre-Chinese Occupation \n\nNE \n\n24. Another aspect of the mountain is its pre-Chinese connections. These are now very difficult to ascertain and one would need to comb the hillside for evidence of pre-Chinese occupation such as field systems and irrigation works, and look closely into the place names of localities, fields and villages, to see which of them contain signs of pre-Chinese words, together with the nature and location of the earth shrines of the area. Mr. K.M.A. Barnett has done a lot of work generally on this subject and has prepared a name list for 150 words which he thinks descend from and relate to pre-Chinese languages in the Hong Kong area (see JHKBRAS 14 (1974), \n\nResources \n\n25. Resources of the mountain included mineral deposits — the largest prewar wolfram workings were at Shing Mun (Davis: 116) \n\nand kaolin clay used in the pottery kilns long established at Wun Yiu near Tai Po (JHKBRAS 15 (1975) 291-2). Other clay was specially used for mud bricks, notably at the village now known as Ta Chuen Ping near Upper Kwai Chung. Another resource, long since exhausted, was the forest trees used for charcoal burning, once a flourishing local industry all over the New Territories. The memory of both trees and of this old occupation remains at one of the place names at Shing Mun, known as Tan Chong (炭廠) or 'charcoal factory', in which there were some houses already abandoned from the early years of this century.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n177 \n\n26. Water was, of course, Tai Mo Shan's greatest natural resource. Before the construction of the Shing Mun catchwaters pre-war, and those for the Tai Lam Chung reservoir post-war, a tremendous flow of water ran down the mountain. It assisted in the gradual formation of land for houses and cultivation at its two main stream mouths in Tsuen Wan,* and was also used for industrial purposes. Water power drove the 24 incense mills located on the various streams of Tsuen Wan between 1900-1910 and before. (JHKBRAS 16 (1976):282-283). Stream water was also essential to the manufacture of bean curd and bean stick, another very old Tsuen Wan local industry, in which the quality of the product was directly related to the availability of a continually available pure water supply (see pp. 216-218 of this Journal). \n\nPublic Works \n\n27. In any hill area in which streams abound and become fast-flowing torrents in wet weather, there is a need for bridges across which travellers and villagers carrying heavy loads can proceed in safety. Tai Mo Shan has its share of such streams, and there are surviving bridges here and there in the hills and on its lower slopes. Among those known to me the largest is the Po Chai Bridge at Chung Hang, a few minutes' walk from my office in Tsuen Wan. Beside it is a battered slate-like tablet commemorating its repair in the 4609th year of the Yellow Emperor, a curious titling which owes its inspiration to the overthrow of the Ch'ing dynasty in the same year as its reconstruction (see Dingle: 89 for a similar dating that gave me the clue to this one and illustrates the wave of Chinese feeling that linked places as far apart in these two cases as Hankow and Tsuen Wan). The subscribers were the leading villagers and shopkeepers of Tsuen Wan and places linked to it by social and business ties. \n\n28. Another bridge, further up the same valley at a place called Ngo Tei (#) or Goose Land—probably its geomantic name—has no tablet. However it is also an old bridge, and an elderly villager of Pak Shek Kiu, an abandoned hill village higher up, credits its repair fifty years ago by a city merchant from Hong Kong as the 'price' paid to the villages to allow burial of one of his relatives there. \n\n* The old name for Tsuen Wan was Chin Wan (**) or Shallow Bay which directly reflects the effect of the mountain on the bay. It was in use until the late 19th century, being replaced first by Tsuen Wan and then...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208179, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "202\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nin the shuffle. As a consequence, phenomena of this order are hardly understood.\n\nIn my opinion, as large corporate groups continue to disintegrate in the New Territories, a complex structure of social life will emerge to fill the vacuum. This structure will be composed of 'popular' elements, previously considered 'incongruities' by most theoreticians, which are no less traditional than the Confucian ideal, yet more resilient. It is precisely within the corpus of oral tradition that the historical basis of this structure comes to light.\n\nAside from these reasons, the project would provide useful materials for the study of Hong Kong history in the lower and middle schools, while being of general scholastic worth to advanced research.\n\nThe initial project would hopefully be attached to the District Office, its scope of research encompassing the villages and townships of a single Administrative District. I estimate that a staff of three or four researchers working for a minimum of two years would complete an adequate history of Yuen Long.\n\nAt this time, I would like to thank the New Territories Administration, and most especially your office, for the assistance and encouragement offered the pilot project over the last few months. I look forward to a further exchange of opinions on the points touched on above.\n\nYours,\n\n[Signed]\n\nJOHN THOMAS Kamm\n\nFIELD NOTES ON THE SOCIAL HISTORY AND FUNG-SHUI OF KAM TIN*\n\n1. Kam Tin is properly the name of a community; it is a generic term applied to a number of settlements (walled and unwalled villages - respectively wai (圍) and tsuen (村)) clustered together to form a heung (鄉). Until recent times (mid-1930's), with the notable exceptions of servile families (sai-man (世民) and ha-fu (下夫)) and tenants, this heung was inhabited exclusively by members of the large and powerful Tang (鄧) clan. Indeed, Kam Tin,\n\n* As such, these notes should be read in conjunction with the various papers to which reference is made in the text.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208189, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "212\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n24. a. Several tales contain information regarding land tenure. For instance, an elder of the 3rd Fong who related the Tang Hei-sui () tale (see Sung p. 253), mentioned that members of the Tso () established after his death each received 100 Tam Kuk each year till 1898, indicating extensive holdings.\n\n24. b. As mentioned above, the Kam Tin Tangs virtually owned the Pat Heung Valley (even the suspect Cadastral Surveys confirm this).* They also possessed land around Yuen Long and further south, Shun Fung Wai (). Ancestral land on Hong Kong Island totalled approximately 1000 Chinese acres, and clan land (shared among the five fongs) in Kowloon was extensive (200 acres in Cheung Sha Wan alone).\n\n25. Land was either communally or privately owned. The former (\"communal ownership\") is divided into a number of categories, the most important of which are Tso () and Tong (). Tong land is appropriated in the literary name of an ancestor (hence early confusion of Tongs as literary clubs). Unlike Tso, the joint holders need not be descendents of a common ancestor. Hence, while Tso land exhibits \"vertical solidarity\" within a fong across class boundaries, Tong land establishes horizontal ties across fong within class boundaries.\n\n26. For the uses to which ancestral land is put, see the material from the Nam Yeung genealogy and the section on Land Tenure (\"varieties of Tenure\") reproduced from the Hong Kong Government Gazette, No. 26, 28 April 1900. I would here simply like to add two further uses of ancestral land: 1) defence funding and 2) financing ritual ceremonies. On the former, see Enclosure 7, no. 172 from Extension of the Boundaries. [I add here what might appear superfluous; ancestral land increases in direct proportion to the distance from Kam Tin. Private holdings predominate within the heung itself]\n\n27. As we have seen, the Kam Tin Tangs acted as \"unofficial\" government of a large section of San On county. One of the essential elements to this system of control was their status as tax-lords. The former is thus explained in Cecil Clementi's report on his work in the New Territories in 1905-1906: \"On the recommen-\n\n“Suspect\" because they do not always reflect the pre-1898 situation: owing to decisions about ownership made by the New Territories Land Court.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208198, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n221 \n\nPo Yan Hospital of the Church Missionary Society at Pakhoi, South China(廣東北海市普仁醫院). From the condition of the original typescript copies it is clear that they were among others sent to interested supporters like the Schofields. \n\nI do not yet know whether other copies have survived in the Archives of the C.M.S., nor whether similar material is repeated in the Hospital's Annual printed reports: but as the contents are of much human interest I am reproducing them here.-Hon. Editor. \n\nLetter from Po Yan Hospital, Pakhoi, South China. \n\nAn annual letter in wartime does not appear as peaceful and balanced as in normal times. If statistics need explanation it is at this time, as much useful work does not appear in them. \n\nFrom the beginning of our work in Pakhoi in March 1938 we considered it one of our most important tasks to collaborate with the Chinese authorities in every way. The civil officers asked our help and advice in general health measures. We vaccinated many thousands of people, prisoners, police cases etc., and performed post mortem, chemical and biological examinations for the court. The army doctors asked our opinion and help for a great number of difficult cases. We tried to ameliorate housing conditions, wells and public cleanliness, treated a great number of soldiers and their relatives in our hospital; this all without charge. We dispensed, for instance, Dysentery and Tetanus serum, of which the single dose costs $20 free of charge. No wonder that the financial part of the work is not looking as prosperous as usual. But we have the conviction that in this time when the Chinese people are faced with sufferings unknown before in history, the Missions are glad to show their real friendship and that we can make in some small measure Our Lord's commandment true in our deeds. \n\nIt was not surprising that in the year 1938 month after month showed a great increase in all departments of our work. It was encouraging for the Mission workers to see how far away our hospital was appreciated. We got patients from very remote places, treated the heads of the civil and military authorities, and people in towns and villages many miles away did not hesitate to make the long and sometimes exhausting journey to Pakhoi. One time we got such a great number of patients with cancer from Limchow that we were inclined to make our diagnosis from the fact that they came", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208208, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "# NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n231\n\nNeumann who was supervising the Union after Gützlaff's death. Eventually, Neumann made a statement that there was no doubt that Feng had been in Hong Kong with Gützlaff in 1848 (by letter dated May 1854) but without mentioning baptism. These two instances only prove the strong influence of the false report.\n\nEven if Feng had paid a brief visit to Gützlaff in Hong Kong in 1848, after failing to see Hung at home, it is difficult to believe that he was baptized by Gützlaff; in as much as he could not afford to stay long enough for the necessary schooling under Gützlaff, whilst on Gützlaff's part he could not baptize a stranger after one or two interviews with him. Moreover, Feng had by then founded the Society of God-Worshippers for over two years with a membership of about 3000 whom he himself had baptized and it seems unlikely that he would condescend to be baptized by Gützlaff and join his Union which had less members than his own Society. Absolutely there was no need for the baptism by Gützlaff. Moreover, Gützlaff was usually very methodical in keeping a record of the name, address, etc of every person whom he had baptized. A double checking on the list that Carl T. Smith found in the detailed reports that Gützlaff sent back to Germany showed that Feng Yun-shan's name was not there. This list consists of all the persons he had baptized from 1840 through 1848 to 1850. Even Clarke stated in a seminar held in the University of Hong Kong some years ago that all he could find in Gützlaff's private archive was the baptism of a school teacher on a certain date. It cannot be taken for granted that this teacher, without his name being mentioned, was Feng.\n\nLast but not least, the silence of Hung Jen-kan and Hamberg on Feng's having visited Gützlaff should not be passed over lightly. Jen-kan, so closely associated with Feng, must have known such an important event had Feng made the visit. Hamberg, being an assistant of Gützlaff in the Union must also have known of the event. Yet, Gützlaff's name was not mentioned in Hamberg's book The Visions of Hung-Siu-tshuen and Origin of the Kwang-Si Insurrections (1854) which was based on Jen-kan's information. It simply narrates that Feng waited in the village for Hung Hsiu-ch'üan's eventual return. This silence should not be interpreted as an intentional negligence of something to Gützlaff's credit, but should be highly and appropriately regarded as strong negative evidence.\n\nHong Kong, 1978.\n\nJEN YU-WEN", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208213, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "236\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTHE BIRDS OF TAI MO SHAN*\n\nBare hillsides are not the best places to find a wide diversity of birds, and Tai Mo Shan is no exception, though it does harbour a number of species rare or absent elsewhere in the territory. The Upland Pipit, apparently a montane derivative of the common Richard's Pipit, is resident there, and may be seen with one form of Richard's in summer, and a paler form of the same species in winter. The Crested Bunting breeds there, though it goes down to the valleys for the winter. Francolins are abundant throughout the year.\n\nThe most notable species is David's Hill-Warbler, which has recently been rediscovered after a lapse of fifteen years. This species certainly breeds, but has not been seen in winter. Its close relative, the Yellow-bellied Wren-Warbler, is certainly present all the year round. Twenty years ago, the Chinese Babax used to breed on Tai Mo Shan, but in spite of rumours to the contrary, there has been no definite record of this species since.\n\nIn winter there is always the chance of a Kestrel, or even an eagle, but in general the terrain is even more barren than in summer. Only where gullies encourage thicker vegetation will you find a sprinkling of the commoner birds, bulbuls, coucals, Violet Whistling Thrushes, and others; most of the other records from the area are of transients which do not really belong there.\n\n \n Upland Pipit\n Anthus sylvanus\n \n \n Richard's Pipit\n Anthus novaeseelandiae\n \n \n Crested Bunting\n Melophus lathami\n \n \n Francolin\n Francolinus pintadeanus\n \n \n David's Hill-Warbler\n Prinia polychroa\n \n \n Yellow-bellied Wren-Warbler\n Prinia flaviventris\n \n \n Chinese Babax\n Babax lanceolatus\n \n \n Kestrel\n Falco tinnunculus\n \n \n Eagle\n aquila sp.\n \n \n Violet Whistling Thrush\n Myiophoneus caeruleus\n \n \n Bulbul\n pycnonotus sp.\n \n \n Coucal\n centropus sp.\n \n\nHong Kong, 1978\n\nMICHAEL WEBSTER\n\n* Mr. Webster gave a talk on this topic to Members who joined the visit to Tai Mo Shan, 3rd April 1976, the other notes for which are given at pp. 157 seq above.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208277, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 1, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "180\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nearthgods, and the decennial ta-tsius (festivals to thank the gods and feed the ghosts). Besides these festivals, births, weddings, and deaths, also called for celebration.47\n\nMany of these festivals are still celebrated, but some of the rituals which used to mark them are no longer practised. In the Mid-Autumn Festival, for instance, it used to be common practice for women and young people to sit outside their houses at night and repeat certain lines until one of them went into a trance.48 After mid-night, on the Tsat Tse Festival, villagers gathered water, which could be preserved in a jar and used as medicine throughout the year.49 Temple celebrations were hardly as well endowed before World War II as they are today. In the place of the operas that are presented to the gods nowadays, there used to be puppet shows only except at Sai Kung Market, which alone could afford opera pre-war.50 Feasts were essential to all celebrations. At temple festivals, each worshipping group held its own feast; at grave worship ceremonies, lineage members ate together at the graves, and for all other festivals, each family celebrated on its own. Feasts at weddings and funerals were open to all villagers from all of the villages in the same neighbourhood alliance.51\n\nCelebrations were meant to be colourful. They fulfilled the need for entertainment in village life at a time when other forms of popular entertainment were unknown as well as expressing deeply ingrained religious beliefs.\n\nThe musical culture\n\nSinging was an important ingredient of village life. At weddings, brides sang for \"several days and nights\" to express their sorrow at having been \"forced\" into marriage. At funerals, women relatives keened to express their grief, and to recount their relationship with the deceased. \"Mountain songs\" were sung between young men and young women. In some villages, the singing of these \"mountain songs\" was institutionalized, so that it was understood that Sha Kok Mei, for instance, would sing \"against\" Pak Kong in an annual \"mountain song\" contest. Punti, Hakka, and the boat people, all had their own songs. In addition, there were professionals, who came into the villages to sing for money. Quite a few villagers still remember the little clappers these singers carried.52", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "182\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nwas uncommon, though, for women to go to school, and the only schools the boat-people went to were the \"winter schools\" that operated only in the winter months.56\n\nPupils who did well in the village schools could enter Sung Chen School in Sai Kung Market, but better off families preferred to send their children to Nam T'au, or even Canton. Graduates of Sung Chen could try to enter the Government schools in Kowloon, or the Tai Po Teachers Training School. A minority went on to the Roman Catholic school in T'am Shui, and it was possible to go from there to Roman Catholic schools in Canton.57\n\nSchools were locally organized, but from 1913, the Hong Kong Government gave a selected few a subsidy. By 1922, seventeen schools were subsidized in Sai Kung. From the wide selection of people who graduated from the Sung Chen School, it is clear that the contribution of the Roman Catholic Church to the education of the pre-war Sai Kung population was notable.\n\nMedical facilities\n\nAt Sai Kung Market, traditional doctors and herbal medicines were available, and some western medicines too, from the Government Medical Officer who came here regularly. In 1934, a Government dispensary was established, where a midwife was permanently stationed. Nonetheless, for most illnesses, villagers relied on treatments that were available closer to home. Some villagers had studied traditional medical texts and could offer treatments. \"Old ladies\" who served as midwives could readily be found. Medicinal herbs were gathered from the hillsides as alternatives or supplements to what could be bought in the market. Religious cures were not infrequently resorted to.58\n\nWritten literature\n\nMost villages had written lineage genealogies, handbooks for various purposes (medicine, etiquette, village regulations, fung shui, fortune telling, worship), written land deeds, account books both in connection with ancestral land and of individual household expenses, and occasionally books of songs to be sung on various occasions. Novels were uncommon, but the more literate read printed texts of the Cantonese songs known as the naam yam. Many villagers would not have been sufficiently literate to understand all of these texts, but in almost all villages", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "THE REFORM OF MILITARY EDUCATION IN LATE CH'ING CHINA, 1842-1895\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH*\n\nThroughout much of the nineteenth century, Chinese and Westerners alike perceived the need for meaningful reform in Chinese military education. The problem could hardly be ignored, especially after the disastrous Opium War of 1839-1842. But change in this key area of late Ch'ing administration came slowly. Not only did it involve sensitive political issues, such as internal security, civil-military relations, and central versus local government responsibility; it also raised basic questions of educational policy, including the relationship between elite and popular instruction, between Confucian moral cultivation and technical specialization, and ultimately between Chinese and Western forms of civil and military knowledge. Complicating matters were the usual practical problems facing Chinese modernizers in the nineteenth century: widespread and entrenched vested interests, bureaucratic inertia, scarcity of revenue, and foreign pressure.\n\nThe Ch'ing dynasty's basic approach to military education can be seen clearly in the Ch'ing-ch'ao t'ung-chih, officially compiled during the Ch'ien-lung period: \"Our Emperor, succeeding and exalting the sages, treats the selection of talents as most important. In the literary arts, elegance and refinement is the aim. In military examination, familiarity with riding and shooting is [most] important.\" During the Tao-kuang reign, this emphasis on technical military skills received special stress. In 1833, for example, the emperor issued an edict stating that the education of Bannermen should be in horsemanship and archery, so that they would be kept \"simple and straight and not exposed to weakening [literary] influences.\" Similar statements abound in the dynastic record,\n\n* Professor Smith writes: S. A. M. Adshead has recently remarked that while \"China's failure to industrialize is well known, her failure to professionalize is less often commented upon.\" (See his review of John Fairbank et al \"The I.G. in Peking\" in the Journal of Asian Studies, 36.4 (August, 1977). This paper may be viewed as a brief comment on China's early effort to professionalize in military affairs.\n\nThe author is Associate Professor of History at Rice University, Houston, Texas.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n17\n\nspecial kind of society of its own, and men who had not experienced from the outset the hardships of military life were unable to handle the common soldiers.\n\nThe question remains: What kind of training was available to military men in traditional Chinese armies? All the evidence suggests that by the beginning of the nineteenth century, and in fact well before, military education in China was woefully inadequate by almost any standard. Officers were unacquainted with even the rudiments of warfare, and the rank and file received only the most perfunctory drill. As early as the mid-eighteenth century, an investigation ordered by the Ch'ien-lung emperor revealed the lack of basic training in Banner forces everywhere in China Proper. The situation was no better for the degenerate Army of the Green Standard. Yet prior to the twin challenges of internal rebellion and external aggression in the mid-nineteenth century, there was comparatively little incentive for military men to engage in serious professional study, and even less incentive for most Ch'ing scholars to concern themselves with military affairs. As the redoubtable scholar-general Hu Lin-i remarked in the Hsien-feng period: \"Under the established system of the dynasty, the military is controlled by the civil, but the civil often disesteems the military.\" The late Ch'ing period was perhaps the highwater mark of what Lei Hai-tsung describes as China's “a-military culture\" (wu-ping ti wen-hua),\n\nThe Opium War jolted at least some Ch'ing officials out of their complacency and ignorance. Unfortunately, however, many of those individuals who knew most about the Western military challenge and China's need to reform were least free to speak with complete candor. Lin Tse-hsü is, of course, the best-known example. One official who did speak his mind openly was Ch'i-shan's ill-fated and little-known successor as governor-general of Liang-kuang, Ch'i Kung. In 1842, Ch'i Kung memorialized the throne, suggesting that if China wanted the services of capable men in military affairs, it would be necessary to secure scholarly talent. The way to do this, he proposed, was to reform the traditional civil service examinations. Ch'i's plan was to test advanced candidates in five areas of military expertise: history, strategy and tactics, instrument-making and mathematics, meteorology, and geography as the final exercise (“discourses on policy,” ts'e-lun) in the three-part examination", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "18\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nprocess. Ch'i's view was that by seeking \"genuine scholarship,\" badly-needed military talent might be secured for the defense of the dynasty.' His proposal was blocked however — undoubtedly in part because Ch'i fell out of favor as a negotiator with the British, but also because the proposal itself was so revolutionary in spirit.\n\nIn late 1851, the censor Wang Mao-yin resurrected Ch'i's innovative proposal. His memorial, dated November 11, stated baldly that \"for seeking talent within the examination system, there is nothing better than Ch'i Kung's five categories to encourage scholars to study military affairs.\" The memorial was forwarded by the emperor to the Board of Rites for deliberation, but Wang's suggestion regarding the reform of the examination was not approved, on grounds that Chinese scholars were men of breadth and “need not be specialists\" (pu-pi chuan-men ming chia),16 Once again Ch'i's proposal died a swift death. It had no other prominent advocates.\n\nSeveral more years passed, during which time Wang Mao-yin attained the rank of senior vice-president of the Board of War. In the midst of both the \"Arrow War\" negotiations and the Taiping Rebellion, Wang again memorialized the throne (July 9, 1858), once more requesting meaningful military reform. Making pointed reference to the abortive proposals put forward by Ch'i Kung and himself over the past decade and a half, Wang suggested that they might now be reconsidered together with the policy of recommendation (pao-chi) as a means of recruiting badly needed military talent. He did not mince words. Reminding the throne that many of China's best military commanders were not in fact products of the examination system, he went on to criticize the appointment of imperial relatives to positions of military responsibility, and the throne's tendency to place military affairs in the hands of officials schooled only in essay-writing, poetry, and other literary skills. He ended with a highly moralistic appeal for self-cultivation (hsiu-shen) on the part of the emperor, replete with quotations from the Shu-ching and Ta-hsüeh, but his proposals fell on deaf ears,17 Wang retired from office within months of writing this bold but fruitless memorial.\n\nEfforts to reform or abolish the nearly useless military examinations met with no more success than this. During the Hsien-feng emperor's reign, a number of officials advocated changes in the outdated system, including dispensing with the military examinations", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "22 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\nLi's approach to officer education during his tenure as governor-general of Chihli from 1870 to 1895, at the apex of his power, may shed some light on the many problems involved in China's late nineteenth century effort to create a modern officer corps.34 \n\nThroughout his illustrious career up to 1895, Li continually drew upon foreign talent to instruct (and occasionally to lead) his forces.35 But in 1876, he took the unprecedented step of sending Chinese military men abroad for training, entrusting seven petty officers to one of his best German drill instructors, a man named Lehmayer. Li's plan was to employ these men as instructors in the Anhwei Army upon their return to China.36 Li had as early as 1874 inquired into the possibility of sending Chinese students to West Point, and in 1875 had discussed the establishment of a military academy in China with the American general Emory Upton.37 But political difficulties in the United States stood in the way of the first plan, and financial constraints made the second impossible.38 Li's writings in the mid-1870s indicate a full awareness of the value of military academy education, but apparently the need at the time was not sufficiently great to justify the cost of establishing a full-fledged military academy on Chinese soil.39 \n\nOf the seven men sent to study in Germany, two were recalled before completion of their planned three-year program of study because of their frivolous attitude and poor progress. One became sick and died, three successfully completed their infantry training, and one—Wang Te-sheng—stayed on in Germany until 1881, receiving additional specialized instruction in Berlin. Of the seven, only Wang emerged as a prominent figure in the Anhwei Army, heading Li's crack “personal guard unit” (ch'in-ping), and eventually achieving the rank of tsung-ping. Overall, the educational experiment fell far short of complete success, and was marked by numerous problems, including disputes with the German supervisor, language difficulties, and, of course, high costs.40 \n\nAs one of the three regular graduates of the German training program, Cha Lien-piao's experience as an instructor in the Anhwei Army is illuminating. Cha served in Chou Sheng-ch'uan's 10,000-man Sheng-chün—perhaps the best detachment of the Anhwei Army in all of China up to the time of Chou's death in 1885.41 Convinced of the value of Western training and drill from long exposure to foreign instructors in Li's force (dating from the Taiping period),", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208322, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "30\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nthey are fierce and they can fight. But Chinese women have bound feet, and are too weak even to bear the weight of their own clothes.98\n\n99\n\nNowhere was the burst of patriotic sentiment and the impulse to reform more obvious than in military affairs. In the years from 1895 to 1898, a spate of memorials on the question of military change reached Peking. Many dealt with the problem of military education. Chang Chih-tung, in particular, became an ardent advocate of military schools as a means of improving the Chinese army. Chang and others also put forward additional reform proposals touching on a wide range of pressing military problems. A number of officials agitated for the elimination of corruption, incompetence, and nepotism in Chinese military forces. Others suggested revisions in the traditional military examinations. Still others proposed drastic cuts in the Green Standard army and the reinvigoration of the degenerate Eight Banners. Not all of these proposals bore immediate fruit, but together they indicated a heightened awareness on the part of many of the need for basic military reform.100 The Sino-Japanese War had begun to teach its lessons.\n\nIn the post-war era, the Chinese navy no longer occupied a position of prominence. Limited and largely uncoordinated efforts were still made by various provincial officials to acquire modern vessels and other types of naval material, but only about half of the naval academies established in China prior to 1895 survived past the first decade of the twentieth century. By contrast, Chinese military schools and academies grew rapidly during the late 1890's and especially the early 1900's.101 This demonstrated interest in military education suggests a new attitude toward the profession of arms, inspired by rising Chinese nationalism. To be sure, ingrained prejudices did not disappear overnight—especially since the civil service examinations continued to offer an almost irresistibly attractive alternative to military service. When Li Hung-chang established his long-term officers' training program at the Tientsin Military Academy in 1887, he was fortunate to find enough capable applicants to fill the allotted forty positions; whereas by 1896 Chang Chih-tung's announcement of the first entrance examinations for his newly-founded Hupei Military Academy attracted 4,000 applicants for only 120 positions.102\n\nChinese military academies, including Li's pioneering Tientsin establishment, eventually came to exert a profound influence on", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION in CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n31\n\nChinese society.103 The new content of military education, which emphasized technical skills and diluted traditional values and loyalties somewhat, created a new professional elite that was significantly different in outlook from even such relatively progressive (and rare) individuals as Chou Sheng-chuan.104 For all his innovativeness, Chou remained bound by the inhibiting institutional structure of the Anhwei Army as well as the limits of his own educational experience within that force. As a result, he was never able to resolve certain fundamental conflicts in his self-image, attitude, and approach toward military affairs and reform.105\n\nOne is tempted to see in Chou the tensions of becoming \"modern\" and remaining \"Chinese\" suggested by Joseph Levenson, and even a kind of nineteenth-century version of the \"red versus expert\" dilemma of more recent times. Although Chou obviously admired Western military organization and repeatedly solicited foreign military advice, he was also anxious to demonstrate that the Chinese yung-ying model was in many respects equivalent or superior to the Western model, and he often reacted quite defensively to foreign criticisms.106 Chou admired foreign technology (at one point maintaining that bullets were more important than rations), but he also repeatedly stressed the human factor in warfare, down-playing on occasion foreign advantages in organization and weapons, emphasizing the importance of \"will\" (chih-ch'i), and periodically suggesting to Li Hung-chang the utility of rapidly recruiting volunteers (i-yung) and employing them as \"surprise troops\" (ch'i-ping).107\n\nObsessed with the need for intensive drill, Chou nonetheless continually employed the Sheng-chün in non-military tasks which undoubtedly compromised its fighting effectiveness—work on military agricultural colonies (t'un-t'ien), land reclamation, flood and famine relief work, and so forth.108 Finally, although Chou seems to have considered himself to be a professional soldier, and was anxious to foster positive attitudes toward the military, he, like virtually all of his fellow officers and commanders, esteemed civil status and sought identification with the civil bureaucracy.109\n\nThe more genuinely professional education provided by the Tientsin Military Academy after Chou's death helped resolve some of the tensions that seem to have plagued Chou.110 Certainly, it allowed the many Tientsin-trained commanders in Yüan Shih-k'ai's Peiyang Army to accept more readily the modern principle and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208331, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n100 Powell, 56-59; Peake, 20-22; Wang, Huai-ch'in, 363; etc.\n\n39\n\n101 Wang Chia-chien, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 1, 8; Powell, 235-236.\n\n102 Chinese Times, April 30, 1887; Ayers, 118.\n\n103 See Ernest Young, \"Nationalism, Reform and Republican Revolution,\" in James Crowley, ed., Modern East Asia: Essays in Interpretation (New York, etc., 1971), 160-162; Yoshihiro Hatano, \"The New Armies,” in Mary Wright, ed., China in Revolution (New Haven and London, 1968), and Powell, passim.\n\n104 For abundant documentation on the dilution of traditional values and loyalties at the Tientsin Military Academy, see Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 9, 11-12, 19-20, and notes, Li Hung-chang had pointed out the need to study the Classics and History \"in order to strengthen the root,\" but Wang claims that the students tended to adopt a foreign-worship mentality, ignored China's legendary heroes, and (in the words of a contemporary critic) neither discussed the virtues of integrity (chih) and duty (i), nor knew of honesty (lien) and shame (ch'ih). Cf. Chou Sheng-ch'uan's army song (Sheng-chün hsün-yung ko), CWCK, \"supplement,\" 1: 50-52b.\n\n105 The evidence, contained in CWCK, remains to be gathered systematically, but even a brief glance at Chou's nien-p'u and his extensive writings suggests these conflicts.\n\n106 CWCK, 1.4: 30-47b, esp. 33b and 37.\n\n107 Ibid., 1.1: 20a-b; 1.1.1: 10a-b; 1.1.2: 15b, 19b-20, 23b (on bullets and rations), 40b-41; etc.\n\n108 CWCK, \"introductory chuan (Chou's nien-p'u)\" 31b-56 passim. Ironically, after Chou's death, the Sheng-chün was employed in work on the grounds of the Tientsin Military Academy. Chinese Times, May 28, 1887.\n\n109 For Chou's concern with positive attitudes toward the military, see CWCK, \"supplement,\" 1: 20b-21, 22b-23, 50-52b. For Chou's esteem for civil status, see CWCK, \"introductory chuan,\" 57n. Cf. sources cited in note 72.\n\n110 These tensions were not, of course, fully resolved — but neither were such tensions in the West. See Barnett, \"The Education of Military Elites,\" esp. 21, 27, etc. On the emphasis on technical education at the Tientsin Military Academy, see the sources cited in note 104.\n\n111 Ernest Young, The Presidency of Yuan Shih-k'ai (Ann Arbor, 1977), 58-59.\n\n112 Ibid., 56.\n\n113 Powell, 160.\n\n114 Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 8; Biggerstaff, 63.\n\n115 Young, Yuan Shih-k'ai, 56-64; Powell, 79-81; Jerome Ch'en, \"Defining Chinese Warlords and Their Factions,\" Bulletin of the London School of Oriental and African Studies, 31.3 (1966), and especially Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 12-19, which discusses the careers of over 60 individuals from the academy. Young, 56, notes that of thirty \"leading military participants\" singled out by Liu Feng-han for \"their subsequent prominence in the early republic,\" twenty-five had attended the Tientsin Military Academy before joining Yuan Shih-k'ai at Hsiao-chan (in the period 1895-1899). See Liu Feng-han, Hsin-chien lu-chün, 113-125.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208340, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "48\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\ndecorated with a large dragon across her bosom, and the \"bird\" hat with its representation of a small bird, wings outstretched, lying on top. She holds a raised fly switch in her right hand and her girdle is grasped in her left hand (the latter pose is usually reserved for male images). She is seated on a dragon throne.\n\nPerhaps readers can offer their views on the use of impersonal images on family altars and further examples of the practice in other parts of China?*\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Lao Tzu—the philosopher generally believed to have founded Taoist philosophy.\n\n2 Erh Lang (#) often identified with Yang Chien (##) the nephew of the Jade Emperor, the supreme Taoist deity.\n\n3 The Five Thunder Magic () is used in Taoist folk religion as the ultimate threat; a magic of destruction brought about by Taoists against those who broke the rules or opposed the Taoists.\n\n4 Lei Kung (2) the God of Thunder.\n\n5 usually read Wei, is read Yu in this surname.\n\n6 The image of Kuan Ti, the God of Loyalty and one of the most popular of deities throughout China also contained a slip which noted that it had been dedicated in the autumn of 1789 in the same area in Wo Kang as the images in illustration 2 and 4. The slip tells us that Devotee Pan Mu-shih, together with his wife, two sons and two daughters-in-law offered sacrifices to the deities in the City God shrine in the local temple, reporting that he and his whole family had had the image of Kuan Ti carved by a scholar. This they respectfully presented to have its eyes opened before the Gods so that it would be able to rid their dwelling of evil spirits and bring them blessings. The latter part of the text on the slip says that, \"Your Honour Kuan Ti is the cleverest, most faithful and righteous in the world both past and present. You are a true spirit, a wonderful inspiration and have the ability to suppress demons. To show you our sincere respect we shall now dress you up, worship you every morning and evening with incense and further, offer you Spring and Autumn sacrifices each year....\n\n7 The provenance of three further images in the shipment, in better condition, is unclear though possibly they came from one of the areas in Hunan or Kiangsi from which the others originated. Of these three, two are versions of Yao Wang (1) the King of Doctors, who is easily recognisable by his tiger and dragon, one below and the other above him, and the small red pearl he holds aloft between his fingers. The third image is Yao Wang's aide, a middle-aged man standing carrying a herbalist's case slung over his shoulder and a furled umbrella in his hand.\n\n* Mr. Stevens has made a further discovery in the matter of ancestral images: see the Notes and Queries section at p. 206.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208341, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "IS FACE THE SAME AS LI?\n\nA CRITICAL NOTE ON AGASSI AND JARVIE, 'A STUDY IN WESTERNIZATION'\n\nMARGARET N. NG*\n\nThe Claim that Face is the Same as Li\n\nThis paper has a very simple aim: to point out and explain a confusion made by Joseph Agassi and I.C. Jarvie in their controversial paper, 'A Study in Westernization'. In this paper, the authors raise the question, how far is Hong Kong westernized, and answer, Hong Kong is superficially westernized but deeply Chinese, because the Chinese in Hong Kong are dominated by the concern for face, which, being Confucian, is deeply Chinese. In the present note I shall not address myself to the central question of how westernized Hong Kong is; I shall concentrate on criticizing the subsidiary theory that face is Confucian. My contention is that Agassi and Jarvie have erroneously confused face with li (translated as propriety, courtesy, rites, all of which are notoriously inadequate). This is perhaps a minor error, but as no one seems to have noticed it I think I should give my own criticism of it, for what it is worth.\n\nAgassi and Jarvie claim that face is Confucian; this claim is made directly on p. 140 of their paper. The authors are explaining that the reason why it is difficult to change the Chinese preoccupation is because there is a narrow 'traditional view that the Chinese way of doing things is not simply the best, or the right, way of doing things, but the only way of doing things'; they allege that Confucius can be sympathetically read to say that causing others to lose face is the worst way to lose face, and that 'Men are human because they have face to care--without it they lose human dignity'. From this it is clear that the authors think that li, fundamental in the teachings of Confucius, is the same as face.\n\n* Dr. Margaret Ng has BA and Ph.D. degrees in Psychology from the Universities of Hong Kong and Minnesota, and until recently was on the administrative staff of the Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208345, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "Is face the same as li? \n\n53\n\nalso that true friends must criticize each other and so help each other to progress in the cultivation of virtue, and a friendship breaks up when one party repeatedly refuses to heed the other's criticisms.\" In the consideration of face, this is a most hazardous undertaking, involving mutual loss of face. In the matter of self-criticism, the contrast between face and li is even sharper. Face requires one to hide one's errors, and the admission of an error is an ordeal. Li demands self-criticism on a regular basis—Tsang Tzu was supposed to review his conduct three times a day12—and not hiding one's errors. The remiss of the superior man, the Analects tells us, is like the eclipse of the sun or the moon—everyone can see it;13 by contrast, \"The small man never fails to gloss over his faults.\"14\n\nOn the same principle, Confucius teaches that the superior man is not afraid of asking questions (thereby showing his ignorance) even of his inferiors;15 and to say “I know\" when one does know, and \"I do not know\" when one does not know, is truly (the way to) knowing.\"16 The Master exemplified this by asking questions about everything when he visited the ancestral temple on one occasion. 'Doesn't this man who is a native of the land know anything about li (i.e., the rituals)?' those in the temple jeered. When Confucius heard about it, he answered, 'But isn't it exactly li (to ask questions)?' The idea is, just as to achieve real greatness one must not be afraid to see one's faults and try to correct them,18 to achieve real knowledge one must not be afraid to admit and thus make it possible to remedy one's ignorance. It is quite clear that in following the Master's advice one may be constantly losing face.\n\nFace is a Subterfuge of Li\n\nIf li and face are not identical, then how are they related? Let me start by explaining the resemblance between face and li which might have given rise to the misconception that they are one and the same. Firstly, both of them provide great details as to recommended external conduct, including actions which are open to public view or potentially open to public view. Face is exclusively concerned with what is open to public view or very likely to be open to public view. It is a mistake to think that li is also so exclusively concerned, or even mainly so concerned. Secondly, both face and li aim at the regulation of interpersonal relations and social transactions, to ensure harmony, smoothness and to avoid conflict.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208346, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "54\n\nMARGARET N. NG\n\nHowever, face aims at preserving harmony on the surface by preventing conflicts from becoming open; whereas li aims at achieving social harmony through the individual's efforts of self-discipline to conform to a common social ideal in which no conflict could arise.\n\nThe resemblance between face and li, and the prevalence of the concern with face and the dominance of Confucianism in traditional Chinese society, are not accidental. They are both reflections of the aspirations of a pride-shame culture. I suggest, in answer to the question, how are face and li related, that li is the ideal, and face is a subterfuge due to the severe demands of that ideal, and the delay of the realization of that ideal which may, of course, never be completely realizable. The ideal is the social harmony and stability and the individual's perfect adjustment in society so well expressed in Confucianism. In the Confucian aspiration, personal or material interest is never allowed precedence over social stability and harmony, and Confucianism is prepared to sacrifice anything to maintain that. It teaches that material comfort is not as valuable as contentment, that it is right and fitting for the learned man to 'roll up his talents like a painting scroll' should the times or the prince be adverse to making proper use of them.19 It teaches that without self-discipline there is no internal harmony for the individual, and without internal harmony of the individual there is no harmony and orderliness in society and state. And so one must watch out for the social aspect of one's every act; no action is entirely a private matter, and every sin a public offence.\n\nThe concern with face stems from the same anxiety for social harmony and preservation of a smooth-running stream of social transactions. But face tries to evade the sacrifices considered by Confucianism to be necessary to bring about that state of affairs. It is precisely to rescue some material progress that face takes the place of li, not to block it completely as Agassi and Jarvie think. Face is cunning and impromptu as li is planned and principled. Face only comes up when suddenly something becomes public; it is forever concerned with patchwork remedies. Face is compatible with greed and selfishness; the person who is concerned about face does not sacrifice opportunities for material gain because he fears to lose face by it; he tries to look for ways to get his gain and preserve his face by some means or other, and the system of face allows plenty of devices for such occasions. Face is adaptable and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208348, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "56\n\nMARGARET N. NG\n\nthan to cultivate inner piety, to attempt to pacify an uneasy conscience with external acts of penance rather than to uproot the evil in their hearts, to make up for the lack of feeling of charity in occasional works of mercy or donations of money. In short, the subterfuge of internal saintliness is external acts of conventional piety,\n\nClearly, just as Confucian scholars are aware of the subterfuge of the small man, the Catholic Church has been aware of this as a problem. The setting up such images as St. Thérèse the Little Flower who never did an extraordinary thing but converted all her ordinary actions into acts of devotion by her pious intentions, is possibly an attempt to counter it. But the Little Flower, for all her inwardness, is a pressure to attain a high standard, and so cannot remove the need for a subterfuge. To achieve this, what is needed is perhaps to lower the standards to some more easily attainable level. Here Catholicism is in a better position than Confucianism, since it is not essentially elitist, and has no need to maintain superiority by maintaining a superior ideal of conduct.\n\nFace, Li and the Two Levels of Pride-Shame\n\nWhat I have been arguing, I hope, also bears upon a broader question: how far is pride-shame an external sanction? It has been pointed out, thus refuting the earlier and very popular theory that shame is an external sanction in operation only when there is an audience, that shame can be internalized. Without recognizing internalized pride-shame we cannot understand Confucian or elitist Chinese culture as a pride-shame culture, because Confucian Chinese culture depends on the loyalty to li, not face, and li is internalized, not only an external sanction. That li is felt to be honorable by the modern Chinese who are quite willing to attack face as something silly and obstructive shows us how much more deep-seated is the pride in li.\n\nIn the light of the main thesis of Agassi and Jarvie, this loyalty to li is also much more dangerous. The main thesis of the paper is, what hinders a Chinese society such as Hong Kong from westernization, and thus progress, is the sense of cultural superiority of the Chinese. The another locate this sense in their complacency in upholding this very troublesome system of face, and so hold implicitly the optimistic thesis that if face goes, progress will be possible.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208349, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "IS FACE THE SAME AS LI?\n\n57\n\nsible. The fact is, the Chinese cultural superiority lies in the loyalty to li; and if I am right that li is not the same as face, and li is deeper than face, and the Chinese will shamefacedly admit the silliness of face but will be shocked to attack li, then the optimistic thesis of the authors is mistaken. It would be, moreover, amply clear that to argue the Chinese into relinquishing their sense of cultural superiority, we do not so much need a critical examination of face, as a critical examination of li\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Joseph Agassi and I. C. Jarvie, 'A Study in Westernization', in Hong Kong, A Society in Transition, edited by I. C. Jarvie in consultation with Joseph Agassi, Routledge, Praeger, London and New York, 1969, pp. 129-163.\n\n2 There is of course no consensus among the Chinese about face or even Confucianism. There was a time when the concern for face was open and considered unquestionably proper even though nothing lofty; the more old-fashioned still think there is something to be said about face, though they do not say it. There was a generation, in the early 1900's, during which Confucianism was fiercely attacked as obstruction to progress. 'Revolutionary' China still keeps the practice. Meantime, face as an art or even an expression is quite lost to the present younger generation of Chinese in Hong Kong, and Confucianism is no longer mentioned one way or the other. But the feelings for face and li, the cultural superiority, are there just beneath the surface, and emerges at scratch.\n\n3 I prefer the fuller expression of 'pride-shame' to just 'shame' culture, as pride is often as prominent as, if not more so than, shame in a so-called shame culture. This is originally suggested by Margaret Mead in 'Guilt, Ritual, and Culture', in Roger W. Smith (ed.), Guilt, Man and Society, A Doubleday Anchor Original, 1970, pp. 117-134. Correspondingly I use 'guilt-saintliness' rather than just 'guilt' culture.\n\n4 Margaret Mead, Co-operation and Competition among Primitive Peoples, New York, McGraw Hill, 1937, pp. 493-494. Ruth Benedict believes, in The Chrysanthemum and the Sword, London, Secker & Warburg, 1947, p.223, that shame is 'a reaction to other people's criticism'.\n\n5 Analects, III, 3, Harvard-Yenching Institute Sinological Index Series, Supplement No. 16, A Concordance to the Analects of Confucius, Harvard-Yenching Institute, Peiping, 1940. Translations of quotations n. 5-19 are my own.\n\n Ibid., III, 4. 林放問禮之本。子曰:大哉問,禮與其奢也,寧儉;喪,與其易也,寧戚。\n\n Ibid., III, 8, 予夏問曰:巧笑倩兮,美目盼兮,素以為绱兮,何謂也?子曰:繪事後素。曰:禮後乎。子曰:起予者商也。始可與言詩已矣。\n\n Ibid., XII, 1. 子曰:非禮勿視,非禮勿聽,非禮勿言,非禮勿動。\n\n9 Ibid., XIV, 30.\n\n10 Ibid., XIV, 7.\n\n11 Ibid., XII, 23, 24. 子貢問友。子曰:忠告而善道之,不可則止,毋自辱焉。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208352, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "60\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER\n\nlocal rustic habits and ways of life. The Chinese ethnographers have left us with a treasure of information, a vast ocean of data which is for us to combine in various ways in attempts at making more systematic sense out of them.\n\nOne current anthropological interest is in the development of ‘automaton’ theories in cultural investigation. Such an approach may be of considerable help for the historically minded anthropologist who aims at an interpretative reconstruction of a possible cultural system, and would account for and relate given data (few as they may be) to each other in an interesting way. We cannot resort to discovery procedures as true discoveries will be rare. If we wish to make progress which is not tied up with accidental luck (although we may still need good fortune) or diligence in archival research (which still is of fundamental importance) we have to construct hypotheses. Thus, the basic question we as anthropologists, looking at traditional Chinese society, should pose is: What sort of cultural system would produce such acts as those which have been recorded by Chinese chroniclers? The features of this productive system we must make up ourselves and we must design it so that it not only accounts for one particular instance, or a case, but for all possible cases. We must take a synthetic view which reduces the occurrence of exemptions to a minimum, and accommodates for local and social variation within the generative system that is our hypothesis.\n\nWe have to guess at traditional China. Our guesses may go wrong, especially as we sometimes have precious little to guess about; but as long as there are no other and better explanations at hand, for instance explanations which are more inclusive with regard to data, we may feel temporarily satisfied with such hunches as seem to make some sense out of the scattered and few data. This sense should add something which goes beyond what the data qua data say. The present essay is such an attempt at understanding some aspects of the traditional Chinese calendar. By an examination of the Qingming rituals I wish to offer an explanation of the various conventions and institutions of the spring celebrations, which accounts systematically for the descriptive ethnographic data, and contributes to an explanation of the Chinese festival calendar, the whole string of ritual events repeated cyclically from year to year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208358, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "66\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER\n\nearth.30 We are told that in Yingshan there were jiao offerings on the graves in the eighth moon. It is said explicitly by the chronicler to be similar to the practice of Qingming. This Yingshan custom began on the day of the new moon and continued for the next few days. It is said that one 'escorted the departing'.31 On the first day, and continuing through the first half of that moon, people of Tongshan burnt paper (money?) sheets on the burial grounds.32\n\nUnfortunately, we know very little about traditional funeral customs in the Dongting area and the surrounding region. The few notes I have found tell us that in Taoyuan, in the Yuan River valley, people practised an excess of slaughtering at mourning.33 In Baling, it was the custom to have music, food, and Buddhist monks to perform.34 From Zhongxiang, we read that at an instance of death, there was drumming and singing mixed with lamentations.35\n\nI will assume, in the absence of evidence to the contrary, that double burial did not exist in this area of Hubei and Hunan. Further, I will assume that the graves were, in the general Chinese fashion, marked by small brick or chunam structures.36 A later traveller through Hunan reports that graves in the Xiang River valley were cone-shaped and whitewashed. There seems also to have been some concentration of graves into 'yards'.38 I will assume that the body of a dead person was placed in a wooden coffin and interred in a dugout grave, probably covered by a tumulus, on or at which, as mentioned, was erected some sort of structure to mark it. The grave was a permanent one, and it was only for very particular reasons of fengshui* geomancy39 the body might be exhumed. The graves were ritual foci for members of continuous social groups, membership in which was determined by agnatic ascent and descent. Sometimes such kinship groups seem to have formed lineages.\n\nIn our present attempt at understanding the essential features of the semantics of the grave, we are helped by some local terms, names of customs, and other phrases. We have already met the expressions 'to hang money on the mountain' and 'to suspend on the mountain'. From such instances, it seems permissible to say that they represent some conceptual link between graves and mountains. How is this? Graves look perhaps like small mountains or hills—but I think there is more to the grave-mountain association", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208359, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "QINGMING FESTIVAL IN CENTRAL CHINA\n\n67\n\nthan is brought out by an analysis merely stressing the combination as a metaphorical expression.\n\nMountains are of ritual concern at the autumn festival of Chongyang, when people, among other things, climb mountains, or 'ascend heights', as the Chinese chroniclers put it. In my earlier explorations of the structure of the ritual calendar I have suggested40 that this festival has something in common with Qingming. Both occasions are ritual gatherings of people away from built-up areas in natural surroundings. They differ in that Qingming activities are focused on the ancestral tombs, whereas at Chongyang attention is on mountain tops. Now, indeed, we have found that the difference between the two festivals is less clear in that the tombs are called 'mountains'. One conclusion to be drawn from this circumstance provides support for our earlier hypothesis. There is a positive link between the two occasions. In a way, climbing tombs and climbing mountains were seen as rather similar activities. They were similar, but apparently not identical,\n\nIn this light, it is most interesting to read that in Youxian there is a mountain three li outside of the East Gate of the town, called Lingguifen**. The local population climb its top on the third day of the third moon, and again on the ninth day of the ninth moon.4 The third day of the third moon may, as we have seen, be a projection of the Qingming event on to the lunar calendar.\n\nAgain, graves are containers for the physical remains of dead persons, and thus they are linked to the ancestral tablets which, in a sense, are 'containers' for some more spiritual essence of the same dead.42 The cult of the dead in their graves can, on one hand be juxtaposed mountain worship; and, on the other, the ceremonialism focused on the ancestor tablets in homes and special halls. This triangular set of relationships will be of importance in our search for a system of meaning embedded in the Chinese festival calendar.\n\n4. Sweeping the graves\n\nAt this point we must examine what people did on the graves. One prominent feature was that the latter were cleaned and repaired. This meant presumably that they were cleaned of weeds and, if necessary, resurfaced.\n\nresurfaced.43 In my earlier outline of a hypothesis of the Chinese annual calendar as a system of ancestor worship, I suggested that in this sweeping and mending of the graves we encounter a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208375, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "THE POLITICIZATION OF CHINESE CRAFT ORGANIZATION IN POST WORLD WAR II HONG KONG\n\nEUGENE COOPER*\n\nIn a private communication to John Stewart Burgess, to which Burgess refers in his 1928 work, The Guilds of Peking, the well-known Chinese economist, Ch'en Ta takes note of three characteristics of the modern industries of the time:\n\n1. that modern industries often came into existence by a process of amalgamation of previously distinct, independent crafts.\n\n2. that this synthetic structure often made it difficult to achieve unity between the various constituent craftsmen in a given industry in pressing for their demands as a unified working class (Burgess, 1928:223).\n\n3. that it was often difficult to overcome provincial feeling in organizing workers from different native places into a unified working class (Ibid:227).\n\nThe process of amalgamation of independent crafts into a single industry is one which Marx noted as characteristic of the early stages of European capitalist development from the middle of the 16th to the last third of the 18th century. This process resulted in a mode of production that Marx called “manufacture”, the archetypal example of which was carriage-making in which the wheelwright, carpenter, upholsterer, and blacksmith came together in a single enterprise to produce carriages, each coming to specialize in the production of carriage parts (Marx, 1967:1:336 ff.).\n\nManufacture arose as a mode of production in the Chinese art-carved furniture industry in the 1920's, as the result of just such a process of amalgamation which brought rural temple carvers together under the same roof with carpenters and painters in what became urban Shanghai and Canton-based carved furniture factories.\n\n* Dr. Cooper is Lecturer in Sociology in the University of Hong Kong. This article first appeared as a paper read to the Symposium on Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and the Politicization of Asian Folk Culture, held at the Association of Asian Studies Annual Meeting in New York City, March 25, 1977.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208385, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "POLITICIZATION OF CHINESE CRAFT ORGANIZATION\n\n93\n\nwould hold a meeting. Attendance usually ran upwards of twenty people and various items of business to which the union had to see were dealt with, such as: a response to a letter from the Registry of Trade Unions of the Hong Kong government; preparations for the October 1st celebration; discussion of the wage raise to be demanded and ultimately attained in 1973, planning of a picnic which was to take place on the birthday of the historic founder of the carpentry and carving trades, Lupan (discussed below), etc.\n\nOn occasion a representative from the Federation of Trade Unions would sit in on a meeting to see how the union was doing, bringing with him or her news of significance to the labor movement in general for workers to discuss, and these discussions were usually fairly lively, most participants doing their best to give a favorable impression of the workings of their union.\n\nOnce a month the union receives copies of a Federation of Trade Union newspaper entitled Hong Kong Worker (*1st) in which various sorts of articles concerning the working class in Hong Kong appear. There are also articles about China, explanations of current policy initiatives, sports news, a regular women's column and political cartoons as well. On March 29, 1973 I was invited to sit in on a discussion of the articles in the latest issue. The headline article concerned the death of several construction workers who had fallen from scaffolding during the construction of the new Connaught Center Building on Hong Kong island. A free-ranging discussion followed the reading aloud of the article, with those workers who could read with facility taking turns reading successive paragraphs. Industrial safety and industrial accidents in Hong Kong were the main topic of the discussion and the question of how this topic applied to workers in the art carved furniture industry was raised and discussed as well. Lest one think the extrapolation to the furniture industry a bit strained, Labor Department figures for industrial accidents for the first four months of 1973 \"were the worst in Hong Kong's history, with an average of one death and 70 injuries every day\" (Hong Kong Standard, June 29, 1973).\n\nA high degree of class identity was expressed by the workers during the discussion and the question of industrial safety linked to relations between workers and capitalists, the drive for profit, lack of concern for workers' welfare, etc. The sessions occur on a regular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208386, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "94\n\nEUGENE COOPER\n\nbasis coinciding with the monthly publication of Hong Kong Worker and were known as \"discussions of our livelihood”. On June 29, 1973, a similar discussion occurred, this one concerning developments in Shansi province, printed and sent around in a circular by the Federation of Trade Unions. The article was also read aloud paragraph by paragraph, but the discussion was not as lengthy as that which accompanied the reading of Hong Kong Worker. The event seemed designed to promote national consciousness as opposed to class consciousness, and the news did not seem to so directly affect the lives of the art carved furniture workers as the articles in Hong Kong Worker,\n\nOn any given weekday evening at union headquarters, there may be three or four Chinese chess games in progress with a number of persons standing around giving advice on which pieces to move. Anyone near enough to give advice to one or another of the players usually does, and any given game serves as a focus for endless voicing and countervoicing of opinion as to what constitutes the right move. There is also a chance that when one enters the union premises there may be a game of bumper checker pool in progress, involving four participants and a great ruckus about the board. One may be teased to within an inch of one's life for a poorly executed shot.\n\nMah jong is significantly absent as a diversion at Union premises, although it is played regularly at union halls not affiliated with the pro-communist Federation of Trade Unions. It would not, however, be true to say that many pro-communist union members never play the game.\n\nUnion representatives come in from time to time with dues they have collected in their particular geographical area, laying the money and receipts before the treasurer who enters the transactions carefully into the books. The representative may also pick up the latest copy of China Pictorial or China Reconstructs to distribute to the union members in his area. He keeps a careful checklist of who's received one every month. Sometimes a union representative will bring an application form from a worker who has just joined the union, together with three pictures, one of which is pasted in a huge membership book along with a great deal of personal data, name, place of origin, age, date of first registration, address, etc., another affixed to a small certificate of membership, and a third", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208415, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\nIV\n\n123\n\nThe most important of these cultural agents responsible for the customary authority both of the Chia-chang and of the village elder is the filial piety-ancestor worship complex. The two are closely interwoven now, and have been for many centuries. Ancestor worship seems to have been the contribution of the earliest Bronze Age peoples,1 and the concept of filial piety to have originated from it. In the new religion developed by the Confucianists, ancestral worship became really secondary to filial piety, though a corollary of it.2 As a moral force it is very strong, having behind it for sanction the dead weight of thousands of years of social approval in literature and legend, in history and in law.3\n\nHsiao (#), imperfectly translated as Filial Piety, is the basic moral and ethical code of the Chinese. It emphasizes primarily the proper relationship between children and parents; but it extends to regulate the behavior between members of the whole family and clan, and even to certain relationships between individuals in the world at large. Proper behavior in all such situations is highly stereotyped and highly formalized: there is a proper way to act towards each of one's relatives with reference to his age, his rank and the degree of consanguinity.\n\nAlthough the behavior between members of a kin group is, theoretically at least, very formalized, there are two other facts which need to be emphasized in this connection. In the first place, this formalism, which is a part of the ethics of filial piety, is not a matter of external etiquette alone. On the contrary, these attitudes are, psychologically speaking, at the very core of an individual's character. They are his most fundamental reflexes, and are the very framework of his social consciousness. Secondly, as a result of this thorough conditioning, the individual has a constant feeling of reverence for age in general. He learns to respect the opinions of those older than himself, and to conform to their judgment and arbitration. In village government the remarkable authority of the\n\n1 Bishop, C. W.; \"Prefatory Note on the Worship of Earth in Ancient China.\" p. 4.\n\n2 Hu, Shih; \"Religion and Philosophy in Chinese History\", p. 33.\n\n3 The concept of filial piety has, for example, literally permeated the criminal code of the nation. See: Alabaster, G.; op. cit., passim, especially section on relationship, p. 143-216.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n127\n\nThe most simple of these groupings is the sex family proper. Larger than this, although tied almost as closely together and of much the same order, is the “larger family”, in which relatives by blood or marriage, but extending over several generations through the male line, live together in a common household. Often it is only fragments of other simple families, widows or orphans, who, dwelling together with a sex-family, form out of it a \"larger family\". On the whole the sex family proper and the \"larger family\" present the same general features, and need not here be distinguished.\n\nKulp uses the term “economic family\" to describe all those who make up a common economic unit. The individual kinsmen may live in sex-families, in larger groups in separate parts of the village, or abroad, but so long as they pool their resources, own their property in common, and are administered by a single Chia-chang they may be called an economic family. This grouping, according to Kulp, is the working unit for maintenance in the village community.\n\nThe term \"religious family\" may be used to describe a unit of all those who trace their descent from and worship a common ancestor. The whole clan usually sacrifices to a common ancestor, of course, but various more recent ancestors may be the object of worship by smaller groups, down to the single family which honors the spirits of its deceased parents or grandparents. If the group in the religious family is large enough it may have its own ancestral temple aside from the one which will be the center of worship for the whole clan. Because it is the chief preserver of village practices and values, and because its leader is one of the individuals through whom clan authority is integrated, the religious family has great significance in village life. It is the practical unit of social control in the village.\n\nA definite system of integrating authority among the various groups within the sib is characteristic of clan life. Over the sex groups which make up an economic family, or over a number of economic groups which make up a religious family there is a recognized head, who in his province has both an authority over and a responsibility for the members in his group. Above the economic or ancestral groups stand the clan leaders. In many cases the head of a lesser group will by no means have the final authority in matters which Westerners might consider his responsibility alone. Thus\n\nIbid., p. 148.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208442, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "150\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nBefore the sale can be considered official it must be stamped by the Ti-pao, and it is then registered at the office of the district magistrate. This process is called kuo kê (#1), \"passing the cutting off\", meaning the transference of the tax liability of the old owner to the new; or, cutting off the slip showing the tax liability from the old deed and pasting it on the new. Since registration costs to the amount of five or six percent of the purchase price, excluding extras, it is common, and perhaps universal, to understate the sale price on the copy of the deed sent in to the magistrate. Thus do the people do their part to equalize the excess taxation to which they are subjected on all occasions. For his part in the deal, the Ti-pao gets a small fee.\n\nIII\n\nBeyond its interest in collecting taxes the central government feels in some measure bound to preserve peace and prevent crimes in the villages. To affect these aims it works both through the Ti-pao and through the recognized village elders (when the two are not synonymous). The Ti-pao is the accredited police chief of the village. A good idea of the multifarious nature of his duties is given by a description of them in the Ta Ch'ing Hui Tien:\n\nIf any of the undermentioned offences are committed within the Tithing, the Tithing man shall be specially responsible for making the necessary inquiries and reporting the fact, viz: theft, corrupt teaching, gambling, hiding and absconding from justice, kidnapping, coining, establishing secret society, and so on. He shall also be required to report all suspicious characters arriving within his bounds, and see that the necessary alterations are made from time to time in the Register of Individuals in each family. If constables from a neighboring jurisdiction come in pursuit of offenders in virtue of a warrant, he shall assist in arresting, but if any of the Yâmen constables wrongfully arrests an innocent man, he may lay the facts before the district Magistrate.\n\n1 Jamieson, op. cit., p. 97.\n\n2 Ibid., p. 98.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208454, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "162 \n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR \n\ndency of one or several elders. Often there is also a clan council which has charge of such administrative duties as the handling of finances, stewardship over the clan estate, and the administration of charities. But it is specifically the clan elders who administer judicial and ethical matters. They constantly emphasize by word and deed the mores of the clan, and when custom is flouted they are quick to bring the offender to term. In the judicial field they have the duty of settling quarrels and trying those criminal cases which are not too flagrant to be kept out of the magistral court. It is thus evident that the clan has within itself all the necessary elements for government within the narrow sphere of the kin group.\n\nIn the village composed of more than one clan—the situation most common in North China—there is of necessity a larger organization than that of the family. But the government in this sort of village makes use of, and is in fact based upon familist administration. The diversity in modes of village government in various parts of China—especially as between North and South China—is largely due to the superimposition of the later type of organization, civism, upon the earlier, and in some ways disparate form of familism. Civism is not as compact a form of organization as familism, but because villages are usually small, and because the mode of life is self-contained, civic government on a traditional and customary basis is quite effective.\n\nLeadership in a Chinese village rests in the hands of a group of men commonly spoken of as elders, who owe their authority to several factors: their status, their age, and their ability along special lines such as scholarship and skill in enforcing and manipulating familist values. These elders are reinforced in their position by the familist values, but their position is being challenged today by younger men who represent the new values of modernism.\n\nThe village temple is the recognized center of village government, and is presided over by these elders, while certain routine matters of village administration are performed by a temple council, annually chosen. Among these administrative duties are the handling of village finances, policing the village, and upkeep of public property. The village elders, as differentiated from the council of the temple, are responsible for the morals of the village, for enforcing customary law, and for the handling of judicial problems. In this latter function they derive some power from custom, but more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208467, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "WOODBLOCK PRINTING,\n\nAN ESSENTIAL MEDIUM OF\n\nCULTURE INHERITANCE IN CHINESE HISTORY\n\nDAVID H. S. CHAU\n\nIntroduction: the development of writing and inscriptions\n\nIn ancient China, before characters had been developed, events were recorded by knotted cords and notched wooden sticks. Writing proper began from image forms of visible objects or ornaments. The First legendary Emperor Fu Hsi (伏羲) 2953 BC, the Third Emperor Huang Ti (黃帝) 2698 BC, and the Statesman Tsang Chich (倉頡) 2700 BC are the traditional inventors of the \"tadpole characters” (蝌蚪文) and the “bird-track script” (鳥跡文). They observed the animals and birds' tracks and imitated natural forms to create primitive characters and had them carved on stones.\n\nRecent excavations of ancient tombs in China revealed engravings in large quantity of tortoise shells and animal bones. These bones and shells are believed to have been used in the Shang Dynasty (商朝) 1600 BC by the priests or diviners of the court to communicate with the spirits of the dead, and since the dead consulted were mainly ancestors of the rulers, the bones were treated as sacred and were called \"Oracle Bones\" (甲骨). Whenever a prediction was needed --usually something to do with the weather or a battle--the priest or diviner would inscribe the question on a shell or a bone and then have it heated by fire. The bone or shell would become cracked after being burnt. It was believed that the diviner could read the signs showing on these cracks. The prediction was then also inscribed on the bone for record and future reference. The word \"predict\" in Chinese character is Pu (卜), which looks like a crack itself.\n\nInscriptions (銘文) were also found on Shang metallic wares. Most of the items recorded were in commemoration of certain ceremonies in the court or the glories of the battle.\n\nLater on, Chinese developed to use lacquer to record things on bamboo and wooden slips, and had a number of slips strung together to form books.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nBROOK'S GECKO FOUND IN MACAU\n\n191\n\nIn an earlier note (Romer, 1977, p.232) I recorded the first known occurrence of Brook's Gecko, Hemidactylus brookii Gray (Reptilia: Sauria: Gekkonidae) in Hong Kong, and outlined the known geographical range of this species throughout the world. The purpose of the present note is to add a further record of the occurrence of this lizard in the geographical area of southern China.\n\nThrough the enthusiasm of a young herpetologist (Mr. Stephen J. Karsen) who visited the Portuguese territory of Macau in June 1979, I received for identification three geckos which he collected there during his visit. They are females, one adult and two sub-adults, and all belong to the species Hemidactylus brookii. They had been found under stones near the Hotel Bella Vista. In Mr. Karsen's view, based on geckos seen (but not captured) in other localities, this species may be well established or even common in Macau.\n\nMany species of reptiles, besides Brook's Gecko, have been widely distributed in the world by Man either unintentionally or deliberately. The main interest in the present instance is the scarcity of records of this species in China. As to whether the Brook's Geckos which breed in at least one locality in Hong Kong were introduced from Macau, or from elsewhere, is a matter of conjecture.\n\nREFERENCE\n\nRomer, J. D.\n\n1977 (printed 1978) Reptiles New to Hong Kong. J. Hong Kong Branch R. Asiatic Soc. 17, pp.232-234.\n\nHong Kong,\n\n15 July 1979\n\nJ. D. ROMER", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208492, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "200\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nANCESTRAL IMAGES*\n\nI have been fortunate enough to come across a most interesting book, \"Religious Art in Taiwan\" (in Chinese) by LIU Wen-san.† In it, amongst many other things, LIU describes several 17th Century wooden figures, some 18\" high, which he discovered on the Pescadores. His photographs show images of elderly people, devoid of any colour and ravaged by time. I have translated part of his short article on them as it amplifies my Note on ancestral images.\n\nThe Contemplative CHANG Pai-wan (張百萬)\n\nIn Taiwan, not only temples but also homes have gods and ancestral tablets. Ancestral worship, a major characteristic of Chinese culture, is to show gratitude to the ancestors for bringing us up, and to mould us so that we do not shame them. Some people even have images made of their ancestors. The writer visited the old home of the legendary CHANG Pai-wan, a poor fisherman who lived over 300 years ago, in Pai Sha on the Pescadores.\n\nOne day in a cave CHANG saw large numbers of black bricks and took a few home, only to discover that they were black gold bars. To prevent others from finding out, he took only a few bars home each day until after a month he had moved the lot into his small home.\n\nNow a wealthy man, he bought several hundred acres of land and the long string of bullock carts he owned filed past his home before dawn each day. Unfortunately they also had to pass the home of another rich man, a Mr. WU, who took CHANG to court for disturbing peace. The court case, a stalemate, led WU to suggest to CHANG that they see who was the richer of the two, the richer being the winner. The arrangement was for both WU and CHANG to take their gold to a nearby bay and one by one cast their bars of gold into the sea. Whoever was first to have no more bars left was the loser. CHANG emerged the winner.\n\n* To be read in conjunction with the article at pp. 47-54\n†台灣宗教藝術, 劉文三 (雄獅圖書股份有限公司) 台北 1976", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208500, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "208 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nThe westermost cannon has an inscription showing that it was cast in the 1st moon of the 10th year of the reign of Chia Ching (1805), weighing 1,200 catties (嘉慶十年正月造,重一千二百斤). Again, this cannon and some others were probably cast for the defence of the region against pirates.4 The cannon which lies next to it had been severely weathered, and the inscription is illegible. \n\nTwo cannons on the east wall bear the same inscriptions. These read as follows:-- \n\nCannon: weight 2,000 catties. \n\nYik: General of Border Pacification, by Imperial Appointment (欽命靖逆將軍奕(山)). \n\nChoi: Minister of Constant Support. Kay: Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent, and Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi (太子少保廣東總督都堂祁(墳)). Leung: Assistant Minister of Defence, and Governor of Kwangtung (兵部侍郎廣東巡撫部院(寶常)). \n\nLau: Acting Prefect of Fat Shan Prefecture. Cheong: Reserve Magistrate of Hoi Fung District, supervised its manufacture (海豐縣丞即補縣昌、監造). \n\nIn the 10th moon of the 21st year of the reign of Tao Kwang (1841) (道光二十一年十月吉日). \n\nCast by Cannon Artisans Li, Chan, and Fok. \n\nDuring that time, British influence in this area was strong. Viceroy Lin Tse-hsü ordered the casting of cannons from Fat Shan for the fortification of the coast of Kwangtung. These two cannons must be two of those that Viceroy Lin had ordered to be cast, and they were placed in this region for defence purposes. \n\nThe cannon which lies next to these two is again illegible, because of severe weathering. \n\nThese six cannons were selected from elsewhere, some perhaps from the Kai Yik Kok Fort, others from the Shek Se Fort, and were mounted there. Though they were not cast at the same time, they had the same purpose: they were used to defend the region against pirates and foreign invasions. They are now preserved at Tung Chung and help to commemorate these events.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208504, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "212\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nand Mr. Stephen J. Karsen at an altitude of about 700 metres on Lantau Peak on 19 October 1979 that it became possible to confirm the identification of this species on the basis of both stages of its life cycle. Subsequently, two more of these frogs were found by Father Anthony Bogadek: one at around 690 metres altitude on Tai Mo Shan on 26 October and the other between Lantau Peak and Ngong Ping (altitude not recorded) on 9 November 1979.\n\nLeptobrachium pelodyroides has been recorded—as Megophrys pelodytoides from Fukien (= Fujian) in China by Pope (1931, p.447). It has also been listed (under the name Carpophrys pelodytoides) for China from Yunnan, Guizhou, Hunan, Zhejiang, Fujian, and Guangxi (Anon., 1977). These frogs as represented in Hong Kong are closely related to certain other geographical populations of frogs, for example in Thailand and Malaysia, and evidently there is need of a comprehensive study. Until one herpetologist can bring together specimens, which should include tadpoles, from all related populations for comparison, the geographical limits of Leptobrachium pelodytoides will remain undefined.\n\nOne of the adult frogs and two of the tadpoles recorded here from Hong Kong have been presented to the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago. The others, except for one of the frogs, are in my own private collection.\n\nMy thanks are due to Dr. Robert F. Inger (Field Museum of Natural History) for most helpful observations, and to all those mentioned above for kindly presenting me with specimens.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAnonymous (Compiled by the Amphibians and Reptiles Research Department of The Biological Research Institute of Sichuan Province)\n\n1977 Systematic Keys to China's Amphibians. (In Chinese) Science Press, Beijing.\n\nPope, C. H.\n\n1931 Notes on Amphibians from Fukien, Hainan, and Other Parts of China. Bull. Am. Mus. nat. Hist., Vol. 61, pp. 397-611.\n\nHong Kong, 8 February 1980\n\nJ. D. ROMER", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208505, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTWO BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES\n\n213\n\nI have come across two interesting references in my reading that others may wish to know of.\n\nSybille Van Der Sprenkel, Legal Institutions in Manchu China (University of London, The Athlone Press, 1962) with reference to E. Alabaster's Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law and cognate topics... London 1899, mentions additional notation on \"the author's copy (now in Cambridge University Library) intended no doubt for publication in a revised edition\" (fn p. 72).\n\nHenry Lethbridge, Hong Kong: Stability & Change (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1978) mentions \"Lockhart's personal copy of Johnston's Lion and Dragon in Northern China [London, John Murray, 1910] which is now in my possession\", and observes that it \"testifies to Lockhart's painstaking scholarly interest in Chinese society, for the book is heavily annotated and commented upon and clearly much read and pondered over\" (p. 7).\n\nHong Kong, 1980\n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208542, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 266, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "JHKBRAS, Vol. 18: Errata\n\nTitle-page verso and p.iv. P.O. Box No. for \"13864\" and \"13846\" read \"3864\"\n\np. iii add \"J.P.\" after Mr. Gilkes' entry\n\np.12, para. 2, line 1. For \"continuted\" read \"continued\"\n\np.15, line 1. For \"Troughout\" read \"Throughout\"\n\np.81, line 24. For \"badlyneeded\" read \"badly needed\"\n\np.19, line 22. For \"practiced\" read \"practised\"\n\np.35, note 22. For \"Jonathon\" read \"Jonathan\"\n\np.43-47, running title. For \"ALTER\" read \"ALTAR\"\n\np.48, note 3, line 2. For \"ultimiate\" read \"ultimate\"\n\np.49, last line. For \"Cosfucius\" read \"Confucius\"\n\nfootnote: Dr. Ng's doctorate is in Philosophy from Boston University, and not as stated.\n\np.50, line 11. For \"distonorable\" read \"dishonorable\"\n\nline 8 from bottom. For \"need\" read \"needs\"\n\np.52, line 12. For \"absured\" read \"absurd\"\n\np.53. line 19. For \"visisted\" read \"visited\"\n\nline 25. For \"makes\" read \"make\"\n\np.56, lines 22-3. Delete repetition of \"is an external sanction in operation only where there\"\n\nline 23. For \"auience\" read \"audience\"\n\nline 3 from bottom. For \"another\" read \"authors\"\n\np.57, note 1, line 2. For \"edidted\" read \"edited\"\n\np.57, note 2, line 8. For \"gerneration\" read \"generation\"\n\np.60, line 23. For \"accomodates\" read \"accommodates\"\n\nFor \"Gold\" read \"Cold\"\n\np.65, line 7. For \"sacrified\" read \"sacrificed\"\n\nlines 7-8. For \"interprete\" read \"interpret\"\n\nFor \"(p. )\" read \"(p.64)\"\n\np.72, line 5. For \"accomodate for\" read \"accommodate\"\n\np.73, line 8. For \"amalgation\" read \"amalgamation\"\n\np.78, line 24. For \"ardhaeological\" read \"archaeological\"\n\np.83, line 6. For \"morthwest\" read \"northwest\"\n\np.104, line 22. For \"cleanlines\" read \"cleanliness\"\n\np.108, line 19. \n\np.113. The footnote should read \"The author, Professor Emeritus and former George Sansom Professor of Chinese History, Columbia University\"\n\np.115, line 22. For \"conclusious\" read \"conclusions\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 267, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "p.123, line 18. For \"stereotpyed\" read \"stereotyped\"\n\nline 22. For fects\" read \"facts\" p.133. Delete repetition of chapter heading\n\np.136, footnote, line 3. For \"members\" read \"membres\"\n\nline 4. For “communuté” read “communauté”\n\nline 14. For \"Administrative\" read \"Administratives\"\n\np.144, line 4. For \"officit!\" read “official”\n\nline 20. For \"trademan\" read “tradesman\n\nend of text -\n\n**\n\np.147, line 13. For \"determing\" read \"determining”\n\nfootnote 1. For \"Administrative\" read “Administratives”\n\np.148, line 20. For \"Auother\" read “Another”\" \n\np.152, line 9. For \"differances\" read \"differences\"\n\nline 25. For “ken” read “kan”\n\np.154, line 25. For \"comaprison” read “comparison”\n\np.164, line 6. For \"Occassions\" read \"Occasions\"\n\np.165, third ref, under Bishop. For \"Review\" read \"Review\"\n\nref under Boulais. For \"Varietes\" read “Variétés”\n\np.116, line 1. For \"Ching Ho\" read \"Ching Hơ\"\n\nsecond ref. under Ferguson. For \"of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society” read \"of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society\"\n\nref. under Hsieh. For \"Johne\" read “Johns”\n\np.167, line 7. For \"Hurmel\" read \"Hummel”\n\nref. under Maybon. For \"Essay\" read \"Essail\" and for \"China\" read “Chine\"\n\np.171, last ref. For \"Lacal” read “Local\"\n\np.178, line 29. For \"status\" read “statues”\n\np.184, line 7 from bottom. For \"phsychological” read \"psychological\"\n\nline 6 from bottom. For \"igorant\" read \"ignorant”\n\np.186, line 5 from bottom. For “simplfied” read \"simplified\"\n\np.187, line 16. For \"Ukiyo-\" read “Ukiyo-e”\n\np.197, line 2. For \"horizen\" read \"horizon'\n\nThe Hon. Editor tenders his apologies for these errors.\n\nHong Kong, 1981,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208547, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE U.S. AND THE QUESTION OF HONG KONG 1941-45\n\n15\n\nurgent consent of the United States Chiefs of Staff to detach a British naval force from the British Pacific Fleet to accept Japan's surrender and assume full powers of military administration in the colony.63 The Japanese accepted defeat on 14 August. However, the British Pacific Fleet assigned for service at Hong Kong, under the command of Rear-Admiral Sir Cecil Harcourt, did not arrive until 30 August. During this interval of a fortnight, the question of Hong Kong sorely tried the British government and placed the United States government in an uncomfortable position.\n\nHong Kong again became a serious point of contention between Britain and China. This time the argument was not whose sovereignty was to be set up but who was to receive Japan's surrender there. Despite the assurances given by Chiang Kai-shek on 16 August, and repeated on 24 August, that China had \"no territorial ambitions\" in Hong Kong and regarded it \"as a matter which would require eventual settlement through diplomatic channel\", the British Foreign and Colonial Offices insisted that Sir Cecil Harcourt receive Japan's surrender on behalf of Britain by virtue of her sovereignty over Hong Kong.64\n\nThe prime minister, now C.R. Attlee, appealed to the American president for assistance. Fortunately for Britain, Truman, who had assumed the presidency on Roosevelt's death in April, was in favour of a cautious policy. While being conscious of his predecessor's views regarding the future status of Hong Kong, he, however, decided to adhere to the \"recognition of the established rights\", although he told both Britain and China that such recognition \"did not in any way represent U.S. views regarding the future status of Hong Kong.\" General Douglas MacArthur was therefore instructed to arrange for the surrender of Hong Kong to the British commander.65 Again fortunately for Britain, MacArthur was known for \"his support for the cause of the British Empire in the Far East.\" In fact in October 1944 he had specifically expressed that he \"fully appreciated the need for British forces to recapture Hong Kong.\"66\n\nChiang Kai-shek, on the other hand, insisted on his right to accept Japan's surrender at Hong Kong as commander-in-chief of the China theatre. He was therefore most distressed by Truman's agreement with the British. To avoid embarrassing Truman, Chiang now suggested that the Japanese forces in Hong Kong should surrender to his representative in a ceremony in which both", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208553, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "199\n\nnew to me when I recorded it at Kat O.\n\nSubsequently, I was surprised to be able to note the following in a study on the minority Li people of Hainan Island:\n\nThe emperor's other daughter was married to someone and she gave birth to a son. One day, when she was working with her husband in the field, her son was nearby as the emperor came riding on a horse. When he saw his nephew, he was surprised, and asked him, \"You know how to read. Can you count the number of paddy shoots your mother has transplanted?\" The nephew said, \"Uncle, can you count how many steps your horse has moved?\" The emperor could not answer, and took away the book that was in his hands. Later, when the child was older (he was about twelve or thirteen years old), he was angry with the emperor for having taken his book away. So he asked his parents to make him a bow and an arrow. The mother thought he wanted them only as a toy. At night, the child asked his mother if the cockerel had crowed. He asked this question several times, and so the mother went outside the door, flapped her arms several times in the way a cockerel might flap its wings, and pretended to crow. Thereupon, the child rose, picked up the bow and arrow, and shot the arrow in the direction of the emperor's residence. The arrow flew away and hit the emperor's bed. After that, the child rode on a horse to see the emperor, to ask him what he could do. The emperor, however, asked the child what he, the child, could do. The child said there were things that he could do. He asked for five bowls of food and five bowls of rice to be put on the table. He hit the table with his hand, and the food and rice jumped into his mouth. He asked the emperor to do the same, but when the emperor hit the table, he could force no more than two grains of rice into his mouth. Insulted, the emperor became angry, and cut off the child's head with his knife. The child picked up the head, put it on his neck, and left. Halfway home, however, his horse died after it had eaten some rice. He had to walk home. When he saw his mother, he asked her, \"Would a chicken head live if it was fixed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "10\n\nCHAN KIT-CHENG\n\nhad, according to Hopkins, urged Britain on more than one occasion to give up Hong Kong as a gesture of “good will”. To this suggestion Eden, who had originally objected to agreeing to the return of the New Territories on terms after the war in connection with the extraterritoriality negotiations with China but eventually bowed to the majority opinion of the Foreign Office, returned a cold shoulder.41\n\nBritain's attitude regarding Hong Kong steadily stiffened in the course of 1943. She talked less and less about returning the colony on terms. It was partly because pressure from China decreased markedly since the beginning of the year, presumably because she assumed the retrocession of Hong Kong as a matter of course judging from Britain's behaviour in the extraterritoriality negotiations and at the Institute of Pacific Relations' Conference. More significantly, perhaps, Britain became increasingly confident in her relations with the United States and China with the improvement in the European war situation. By the end of the year a final Allied victory in Europe was no longer seriously in doubt.42\n\nIt was under such circumstances that Stanley Hornbeck's visit to London, as a return gesture to Ashley Clarke's visit to Washington the previous year, took place in November 1943. Hornbeck spent much of his time in London on consultation with the Foreign Office and other offices concerned with Far Eastern affairs. At the final conference at which most interested British officials were present, Hornbeck, “entirely on his own responsibility”,43 remarked as follows: \"I felt that we had covered much ground and had explored a good many subjects, [but] there was one additional matter to which we perhaps might need, not at the moment but as the situation unfolded, to give thought. That matter was ... the future of Hong Kong.\" \"The effect was electrifying\", observed Hornbeck. He immediately regretted it: \"I had had no thought of injecting a discordant note. I felt at once that discretion in that context would be the better part of valour.”44\n\nHornbeck's regret came too late. That very evening the British arranged that he would, before his departure for home, call on Churchill the following morning. At the meeting Hornbeck received a long and emphatic lecture from the Prime Minister on Hong Kong: \"What about Hong Kong? I will tell you. [The rest retold in Hornbeck's words] He then described the acquisition by Great\n\n+ + + +", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208604, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "34 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\ndoubt, the most momentous year of its short history. After months and months of suspense occasioned by the occupation of the mainland, the war struck Hong Kong. Everyone, of course, was hoping against hope that the catastrophe would not affect the British Crown Colony, but such was not to be, and its peace and quiet was rudely shattered by the Japanese guns and ships which began shelling the city. As a precautionary measure our Econome, Father John Troesch, wisely put in a goodly supply of food stuffs in expectation of a long siege, but as a matter of fact, we did not benefit from it, as future events proved.\n\nFrom this point we shall quote from detailed diaries written by Maryknollers stationed at Stanley, eye witnesses of much of the attack and occupation, Fathers Troesch, Feeney and Downs.\n\nThe month of December in Hong Kong was ushered in much the same manner as its companions of 1941, but its exit from the world was in striking contrast. We Maryknollers at Stanley rose to greet it, and at our breakfast table read the news of the day, news of the war in various sectors and rumors of war nearer at hand, but hope was uppermost in our hearts that the fair city of Hong Kong would not be embroiled in the world catastrophe. Due to the unsettled conditions in the Far East our 1941 group of new missioners had been delayed, and now that we had some news of their departure from the Coast, we were anxiously awaiting their arrival. One small group had already reached our shores, three of whom had left for their missions in Kongmoon; the fourth, a Hakkaite, Father Siebert, was waiting for an escort to his adopted land. This year the Hong Kong Language School was to move inland, and our plans, already formulated in our minds, were that as soon as we had definite word of the arrival of the new men, we would book passage on a plane leaving nightly from Hong Kong for Kukong. Because of the \"China Incident\" plane travel was the only means of transportation left with the interior of China, and we were all looking forward to our coming trip. The atmosphere, of course, was tense, and no one could hazard what was to happen, but hope was strong in our hearts that we could get to our inland missions before any storm broke.\n\nAmong our house guests at this time were Bishop O'Gara, C.P., and two of his priests, Fathers Benson, the Passionists' Procurator at Shanghai and Norris, C.P., who had come to meet their Bishop; and they joined us in felicitating Father Meyer on the celebration of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208613, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n43\n\ninto the harbor fairway. Our first thought was that the Japanese were attempting a landing on Hong Kong, especially as soon after the barges left the docks, shells began falling all around them. One or two of the barges were hit and immediately the same kind of smoke came from the burning barge. Shells kept falling all around, but few of the boats were hit or sunk and they continued drifting until they came to a standstill some hundreds of yards away from the docks, and where they remained for several days. Apparently the British were trying to destroy their own supplies lest they fall into the hands of the Japanese.\n\nFriday, bringing the news of the Japanese occupation of Kowloon, was a tense day for the citizens of Hong Kong. Many of the Kowloon residents had already moved over to Hong Kong, others were caught in Hong Kong and now could not return to their homes or families on the other side. From our vantage point in the Bishop's house we could look across the harbor and pick out familiar buildings and spots, but all along the dock area and at the Kowloon Ferry wharf there was not a sign of life, and Kowloon seemed a wholly deserted city. However, at one time, a few British shells from Hong Kong batteries spattered against the buildings near the Star Ferry, but nothing could be seen moving in that area. Later on we learned that the Japanese were setting up big mobile guns in the streets just back from the Ferry. We also learned later that when British lorries tried to move through the streets of Kowloon, Fifth Columnists often obstructed their passage, and as soon as the Japanese began to infiltrate into the city, looting began. It was also said, but we cannot vouch for the truth of the statement, that a number of British and Chinese police remained in Kowloon to attempt to maintain order, even when the Japanese had arrived. The regular troops, of course, had all crossed to Hong Kong. During all this time the daily papers were printing communications from the Governor's Office that the situation was well in hand and that there need be no anxiety for the future.\n\nThe next day, Saturday, there was a lull in fighting, and out of the silence and gloom which had settled over Kowloon a lone ferry or tug boat could be seen slowly leaving the Star Ferry Wharf and heading for Hong Kong. At its mast was a white flag, and it bore a peace mission, consisting of a few Japanese officers, who had with them as hostages, two British women. They were met at Blake Pier", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n69\n\ninto a small flat. They, as well as the Dominicans, lost heavily in property and investments, and many wealthy Chinese families are practically penniless. The Sisters held on to the Holy Spirit School, Sister Paul fighting a great battle for it; but of course, they lost their Convent and School at Kowloon. The Canossian Hospital was hit by a bomb and burned to the ground. The Precious Blood Hospital in Kowloon was hit by a shell and destroyed. One of the churches in Kowloon City was confiscated and razed to make room for an extended airfield. All schools have been closed down, and the Italian and French Sisters, with their immense compounds, are suffering.\n\nThe day after Bishop O'Gara and Fathers Norris and Benson went into Hong Kong, the Japanese issued notices to the effect that all enemy nationals should assemble on the Murray Parade ground, bringing with them only handbags and leaving their homes in the custody of caretakers. Not realizing exactly what was in the air, most of the inhabitants of Hong Kong did so, and after they had assembled, were promptly marched off to dingy Chinese hotels where they were interned. The quarters were naturally poor, ill-furnished, and crowded, and the food was meagre. They were allowed no intercourse with the outside world, and were kept in this durance vile for some two weeks, when they were transferred to the Civilian Internment Camp at Stanley.\n\nFrom the seventh to the fourteenth of January, we lived a life of expectancy. We finished cleaning up the premises, tried to carry on language classes, and read a good deal. One day during this time, some Japanese soldiers came up in a truck and borrowed fifteen of our dining-room chairs. They said the officers were having an important meeting nearby and would return the chairs later. We were mistrustful of them, but later the chairs came back, with thanks. One of the soldiers insisted on taking a group picture, and of course, we obliged him. A few days later, some of our tables were again borrowed, but this time, they did not reappear. “So sorry, our tables now!” For a time, there was a threatened water shortage, but the supply came on again.\n\nWith no opportunity to buy food, our supply is gradually dwindling. On the thirteenth, we had no more prunes for breakfast. Just coffee and oatmeal, the hardtack biscuits also being used up. The last of these began to get a bit wormy, but hunger did not notice the worms.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208648, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "78\n\nREYS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nA word about our quarters may now be in order. Within the Camp confines are the Hong Kong Prison Warders' apartments, consisting of some seven blocks of buildings, each building having about six flats or apartments, of three living rooms each, plus a tiny kitchen and pantry and bath. Across the road, there is St. Stephen's College, with two main buildings and a few small bungalows. Down in the valley near the seashore are about six blocks of flats formerly occupied by the Indian Prison guards and their families. Also a block of apartments for bachelor Warders, a Prison Officers' club and another building occupied by the Indians, which is now Tweed Bay Hospital for Camp use. Likewise a small leprosarium, now inhabited by some English doctors. The Americans are housed in three separate blocks of the Warders' apartments and the British are in the other buildings, except that the Americans also have the former Prison Officers' Club, the main hall of which is used for church services, for recreation and for plays and songfests. The camp is situated on a peninsula jutting out between Tytam and Stanley Bays, and we have a splendid view of the sea on three sides. During hostilities, of course, all the buildings were looted and there remain only odd pieces of furniture here and there. The Japanese have provided some camp cots, but these are far from enough to supply the actual need, and as a result, a great many of the internees, men, women and children, are living in crowded quarters with no beds, chairs or tables. They sleep on the floor, which, in the Indian Quarters and in some parts of St. Stephen's College, is cement. The Americans, having been brought to Camp rather early, were given quarters having at least camp cots and a few articles of furniture. Many internees have only what they could bring in as hand luggage, and some have only what they were wearing at the time. As soon as the doctors and nurses arrived, one building was set apart as a hospital and a few iron cots and camp cots secured. The emergency operating table is an old door on two saw horses, and the stock of medicines is practically nil. We have been given no cooking utensils or supplies of any sort, except our daily rations of rice, a little meat and vegetables, and many are eating their food out of tin cans and whatever they have managed to pick up.\n\nAlready many cases of dysentery are appearing, and Tweed Bay Hospital is filling up. It has, I should say, about sixty or eighty beds. Father Reardon seems to be improving.\n\nT\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208649, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n79\n\n8-Sunday Masses, as usual, with Fathers Keelan, Bauer and Charles Murphy officiating. It rained in the afternoon, but a fair crowd attended Rosary, Litany and private Benediction at St. Stephen's Great Hall; Bishop O'Gara spoke. Seventy Communions in the morning at Masses. An attempt is to be made to start some sort of school tomorrow for the children, but with the lack of desks, chairs and books, not much can be done. The Sisters also plan a catechism class. So far, we have five Maryknoll Sisters in Camp, as also nine Canadian Sisters of the Immaculate Conception, but at five this afternoon during a drizzle, some 18 more Maryknoll Sisters, with Sister Paul at their head, arrived by truck, with bag and baggage as only Sisters know how to travel. As the American Blocks were pretty well filled up, temporary quarters were found for them in one of the British blocks. They find two or three rooms at their disposal, and the 18 promptly unroll their blankets and stretch out on the floor, for the night. The Portuguese and Chinese Sisters remain in Kowloon, but not in their own convent, which has long since been taken over by the Japanese military as a hospital. The Blessed Sacrament is reserved temporarily in the Maryknoll Sisters' apartment in the American block. Maryknoll again wins a softball match.\n\n9-Mr. Gullinan, former Hong Kong Police sergeant and a good friend of ours, goes to Tweed Bay Hospital for treatment. He had been in the Queen Mary Hospital for some months previous to the war. The American Community meets at 2.00 p.m. in the Club House Rooms and hear various reports read. The question of bank accounts in the Hong Kong banks came up and it seems the Japanese authorities have offered each one with a bank account the sum of $50.00 for his food. This offer was refused by the Americans. Our newly-built kitchen finally opened.\n\n10-The blackout is over and we again have electric lights in the evening. Today also there is a change in our meal hours. The first repast is 9.30, with a cup of soup at 12.30 and the second meal at 5.00 p.m. It has turned cold and rainy and our meager rations of rice and fixings leave us hungry. A robbery is reported in the Dutch quarters.\n\n11-Another attempt to open a canteen in the American Club, and each person is limited to the purchase of one article. As there wasn't very much, the supply was soon sold out. One could buy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208653, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n83\n\nfruits of yesterday's work were so alluring, a general scramble took place from the ranks with the result that, in the melee, only British succeeded in getting the plums. However, Father Keelan contrived to disguise himself as British and got a job. This incident shows how much the question of food affects even civilized people. Rumors of repatriation. During the night, a drunken Japanese soldier was seen prowling around our apartments, and it was only with difficulty that he was persuaded to go away.\n\n26—No more volunteers wanted for loading food. Instead, the Japanese have secured coolies for the work. It seems yesterday that the British did too good a job in loading: or rather, they tried to load the goods in the wrong places, with the result that the goose that laid the golden eggs is now dead. A new system at the Canteen. Cards are distributed, or rather drawn as lots, and one will not need to wait so long in line as hitherto.\n\n27—It is reported, or rumored, that some Russians are due to arrive in Camp. The British have evidently gotten fed up on their cooks and today they ousted the crew and signed on a new batch of helpers in the galley. The British have been very slow to get organized and there is much complaint in their quarters, and much envy of the American kitchen which is now functioning as smoothly as could be expected under the circumstances. Not, of course, that we are entirely satisfied with our present chefs, but we are watching events. As we were able to bring with us from our House only a very limited supply of Mass wine and candles, we are now using the very minimum for Mass, and we estimate with extreme care, and counting the drops, to get some two hundred Masses from an ordinary bottle. Father Meyer had some tiny spoons made for measuring out the wine and water. We likewise use only one candle at Mass, as we don't know how long we are going to be here. The British are very downcast at the news from Singapore, and we are all hoping for some kind of release, whether repatriation or otherwise. Originally our apartments had a number of electrical appliances, such as refrigerators, electric ranges, and so on, and today the Japanese took inventory of all these. We understand that one dollar U.S. now brings $8.00 Hong Kong on the \"black market\" and large denomination Hong Kong bills bring only 70 per cent of their value.\n\n28 Our Sunday evening songfest was in the charge of the Rev. Mr. Higgins, with Father Allie at the piano and Father Moore at", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "90 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\ncomes from we do not know, unless it be from the American club stores). To meet such an emergency as this, Father Meyer, with his usual resourcefulness, had been saving bits of leftover rice and browning it, so while we have had no rice from the Community kitchen, we fell back on Father Meyer's providence. Meeting of the American community at 2 p.m., at which we are promised better food for the future. \n\n28-Father Tackney ill-fainted at night; stomach trouble and low blood pressure. He has found it pretty hard to eat the rice rations. Father Hessler may have dysentery. No rice from the community kitchen yet. Two baking powder biscuits and soup for tiffin. Some rice at night and a very small piece of poor bread. \n\n29-Palm Sunday. Father Tackney better. Fathers Moore and Gaiero back from the Hospital. Songfest. \n\n30-Father Siebert likewise returns from the Hospital, cured. Rain and cold. Shoes and clothing of internees showing signs of wear. Seen about the Camp: food being served in large erstwhile garbage cans and wash basins. Meat and vegetables transported in wheelbarrows. \n\nAPRIL \n\n1- There is a mystery in the air. Last night, a meeting took place on \"The Hill\" with the heads of the various Camp communities, at the request of the Japanese authorities. Today, the results were announced: all the American Consular officials and staff, the government officials, Red Cross, and newspaper men interned at Stanley are to be in Shanghai by the 20th of the month, whence they will be repatriated, via Mozambique, Portuguese East Africa. Some days ago, some of the American Consular officials made signs to us from their room, holding up their fingers and counting eleven. Immediately, all sorts of guesses were in the air. We were to be repatriated on the eleventh, or we were to be freed on that date, or any number of other possibilities were mooted. But today, we note that eleven of our Americans are to go to Shanghai. These eleven are two government officials, three Red Cross, and six newspaper men, the latter group including one lady, a Miss Dew. His Excellency, Bishop O'Gara, has also made representations to the Japanese authorities on behalf of the many sick in the Camp and also present-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208664, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "94\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\ngage left for town by truck. That begins to look as if the repatriation is an assured fact, though the British don't yet believe it. The Japanese authorities announce that His Imperial Majesty's government is going to make us a loan; that we are to receive an allocation of money for our personal needs. The sum is $300,000.00 Hong Kong dollars, giving each internee about $105.00 of which $30 is to go to the communal funds, the remainder being credited to the individual, for food and personal needs. Everybody is still hungry, and there seems to be very little activity around the Camp. Softball and other games have fallen off, and even the children seem listless. According to a medical report by the Camp doctors, 90% of the children are suffering from malnutrition. At the present time, milk is issued only for three year olds and under, and for nursing mothers. The quality of our food seems to have increased slightly but the quantity is still meager. Our one piece of bread, issued daily or every other day, seems also to be dwindling in size, and becoming darker in color. At present our piece of bread is about three inches long by about one inch wide. Incidentally, the bread which we have been getting is being baked at the French Hospital, and we are getting it through the good offices and hard work of Dr. Selwyn Clark, the former head of the Hong Kong Medical Department, who has been allowed his freedom, so far. Thus he is doing great work for the internees, though he is not allowed in the Camp very often. In addition to the food, clothing and shoes are becoming a problem. We have no facilities for the repair of shoes. There are several dentists in Camp, but only one has any kind of equipment. The others have repeatedly asked for theirs, but some excuse is always given, one of which is, \"you won't be here long enough to need it\" which, of course, gives us hope. When the Americans also ask for garden tools and seeds they usually get the same answer.\n\n14—At our morning meal, we received one boiled duck egg, rice, and carrot tops. Brother Thaddeus, in sorting over the soy beans for bean sprouts, finds a means to roast or toast the rejects, and we (his roommates) help him to eat them as peanuts. The Dollar Line officials in Camp are to be included in the repatriates already selected. The Canteen opens again under a new system, which avoids the long queues. Only two hundred tabs are issued and we draw lots for our share. The holder of each tab is also limited to the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208670, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "100\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nhis knowledge of electricity and has done many an emergency repair job throughout the Camp. Father Downs says a low Mass of Requiem at the Maryknoll Sisters' Chapel for Mr. Simmons. The Dutch have expressed a desire to be repatriated to the West Indies instead of to Holland. Father Bauer feeling better.\n\n30—Another meeting of the Americans was held in our garage community room to discuss the question of better baking facilities for the community kitchen. It was suggested that two or more electric ovens be taken from the individual blocks, but this was frowned upon, and the question was tabled. Father Meyer fought hard to retain our electric oven. Mr. Hunt, our Camp chairman, urges all who have not yet done so to get inoculations for cholera. May Devotions begin in the Community chapel, Bishop O'Gara preaching the first sermon. Ever since coming to Camp, the doctors have tried to impress upon the Japanese the inadequacy of the medical facilities of the Camp, and the urgent need of better equipment. Efforts have been made to get an operating table sent in, but to no avail. However, the Japanese have finally granted permission to a few individuals to go to St. Paul's Hospital for X-ray treatment. They go down and back in the Red Cross truck and may remain only one or two days. Father Benson is steadily improving and has just had a skin graft.\n\nMAY\n\n \n 1—An informal meeting of the American community was held, in which Mr. Sindlinger was elected to take the post of Council Secretary vacated by Mr. Taylor who is one of the repatriates, being an official of the U.S. Treasury Department. A discussion also took place relating to the choice of a buyer to go to Hong Kong and purchase our share of the food under the recent allotment of funds. May Devotions on the lawn in front of the Maryknoll Sisters' apartment, an altar being placed on their ground floor verandah.\n \n \n 2—Mr. Hunt, our genial and efficient Council chairman, has been called to Shanghai, and this morning at 10:30 he bid goodbye to his fellow internees at a brief meeting in the Club, and at 4:30 in the afternoon he leaves the Camp along with a British family, the Kadouris, well-to-do residents of Hong Kong. Our breakfast oatmeal supply is at last exhausted and we have but a cup of coffee and a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n107\n\n5-Father Haughey and Brother Bernard and three Maryknoll Sisters, Sisters Clement, De Ricci and St. Dominic, leave Camp for Hong Kong and freedom, secundum quid. Also six others. Canteen today.\n\n6-The doctors say that Brother Anthony has developed beri-beri and pellagra, and one doctor thinks Father Troesch has sprue, but this latter report was unfounded as later conditions revealed. There are at present a number of cases of beri-beri in Camp, and little means in Camp to combat it, as this requires a special diet.\n\n7----Sunday, Father Meyer continues his Catholic Action meetings, after Benediction. Hereafter, there will be no afternoon service in St. Stephen's Hall, all services now being held in the Club Hall. Our own food parcels are expected daily.\n\n8 At an American community meeting, held at 2:00 p.m., further reports were read on repatriation. The date is still uncertain, but it will probably take place about the middle of the month. Repatriates were told that they may not take trunks with them on the steamer. Shortly after the Camp opened, a number of books belonging to the former American Club were brought out and placed in one of the rooms at the now American Club (formerly the Prison Officers' Club), and we Americans had quite a bit of reading matter to while away some of our tedious hours. Today, this lending library closed up, in view of the coming repatriation. In addition to the earliest list of Maryknollers already handed in, the twelve Maryknoll Sisters and Fathers O'Connor (who had first planned to go to Shanghai) and Madison are definitely on the list for repatriation. The Americans who remain are informed that they will occupy Block A-3, or at least the upper floor of one half of this block. Our food seems to be improving a little. Patients at Tweed Bay Hospital can now secure bananas at 100 apiece.\n\n9-Father Bauer cut walking and is very much improved. Father Madison takes his name off the list for repatriation.\n\n10- Father Toomey sings a Missa Cantata at the Maryknoll Sisters' Chapel on the occasion of his twentieth anniversary of ordination. After the Mass, the Sisters treat us to a Camp breakfast. Our food parcel finally arrives. It will be remembered that each internee, man, woman and child, was to receive $105.00 worth of food or other articles of personal use. Of this amount, it was decided", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208690, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "120\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\n5- \"The Optimists\" appear again in an entertainment on the Green and delight their audience. A Mr. Shaw, British, died of heart failure in bed just after tiffin. Today, we received HK$5.00 as our portion of the allocation of relief from His Holiness, the Pope.\n\nSunday. General meeting of Catholic Action in the afternoon. A good crowd was present and various reports read. Father Meyer hands over his share of the cooking to Mr. and Mrs. Kiley. Father Walter and Father Keelan still continue to feed us at night, with hamburgers and \"rubber plant\"-Excuse me! I should have said \"hamburger.\"\n\n7-Labor Day and no classes for the Language School. Three adults were baptized in the Maryknoll Chapel. Due to some wiring difficulty we had no electricity at night.\n\n8-Nativity of Our Lady, and First Communion Day for the newly baptized. No news of our impending departure! Patience! Lights on again.\n\n9-Big News: Maryknoll, in a cable, orders all Maryknollers in occupied areas to be repatriated! But how? and when? Rumor has it that we are to get news of our release tomorrow.\n\n10-No news!\n\n11--At Last!! We are to leave Camp tomorrow, the Feast of the Holy Name of Mary, and Father Price's anniversary. Evidently we have friends in Heaven. Laus Deo!\n\n12—What a day! We are to be released from our confinement and go back to civilized life! We toted our baggage in the morning down to the American Club Block A-4, and there at 10:00 a.m. it was examined, not too minutely, by the gendarmes. Nothing was confiscated, however. At about eleven o'clock the truck which brings the food out to the Camp backed up and the first group, consisting of Fathers Toomey, Troesch, Downs, Keelan, Siebert, Walter and Knotek, Brother Thaddeus and Sisters Dorothy and Henrietta Marie, got in. At the Depot were many of our friends to see us off and to wish us well. At 2:30 in the afternoon the second group, consisting of Fathers Tackney, Madison, Moore, McKeirnan, Gaiero and O'Connell, and most of our baggage, left.\n\nAs we in the first group sped out of the Camp and on our way over the familiar winding road to Hong Kong, it was hard to ana-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208707, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n137\n\nThere were 450 Catholics in Stanley out of a Camp population of 2,500. Catholic Action had been established in 1942 and the laity now took over much of the work which was previously done by priests and Sisters. Laymen directed the choir; young women taught religion classes in the Camp school. Clubs were organized for boys and girls of different age groups and the young people acted as their Counsellors.\n\nDue to the interest of the Irish Jesuit Fathers, who sent us books, the Camp had a Catholic library of over 100 good Catholic books, besides many pamphlets. To bring the books to as many as possible, branch libraries were established in various parts of the Camp, and Catholic Action members made a special effort to distribute books to families.\n\nFrom the grouping of the buildings, the Camp came naturally to be divided into three main districts, and active Study Clubs for men and women were formed in each district, which were like separate neighborhoods, though distant from one another by only a few hundred yards. A total of thirty-two Study Clubs, Catholic Action Groups, or Children's Clubs were organized in the Camp by Catholic efforts.\n\nIn addition to the strictly Catholic Clubs, we sponsored Clubs for all the boys and girls of each district, regardless of creed. Catholics and non-Catholics cooperated as Counsellors for these Clubs, and some of them were very successful.\n\nEach Christmas and Holy Week, the Catholics presented plays; this was one branch of literature that the library did not have, so we wrote them ourselves. At other times during the year, the Catholic young people presented some very good plays as well.\n\nThe Catholic people organized socials, of which two, during the last Christmas and Easter seasons of the Camp, were agreed by non-Catholics as well to have been the most successful the Camp had seen. For the Christmas social and Christmas tree, the young people produced marvelous toys, especially sewn ones. Mickey Mouse, Teddy Bears, and Donald Duck came to life out of odds and ends of cloth and fur.\n\nFrom the beginning of the Camp, we were able to say Mass daily. What was called the Central Social Hall was made available each morning and on Sundays for the Catholics. All the windows", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208708, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "138 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\nwere broken and the makeshift seats were few, so that many had to stand, but it was the same Mass, and even better appreciated. Every Sunday we carried down the loose boards of our beds to lay across concrete blocks to form seats. \n\nIn an old quarry a concrete slab was set up as an altar for Benediction when the weather was fine. There were also stone seats for meetings, retreats, etc. In bad weather, Club meetings were held in the rooms of Catholic families fortunate enough to have rooms to themselves. The authorities had assigned four persons to small rooms, six to the larger living rooms; there was little space left between the beds. But for our meetings, the beds would be taken up and as many as twenty or thirty could be accommodated not too uncomfortably. \n\nFather Hessler was the very active Mary of our team, I was the Martha. He was most successful with the Clubs, and had twenty or more meetings weekly. I had the men's Catholic Action Group and some Study Clubs, and tried to see to it that Father Hessler took his meals and got enough nourishment to keep him out of the malnutrition clinic, which towards the end could give little but good wishes. About the only remedy they had finally, was bran, which had been brought to Hong Kong to feed the racehorses. But several ounces a day would help beri-beri. \n\nEarly in the Camp, Bishop Valtorta had been able to send in some Vatican funds monthly for charitable purposes, and I was able to buy eggs in the Camp canteen for the sick, until these became too scarce and eventually stopped coming in altogether. Then an order was issued that no one could receive more than 25 yen monthly from all sources. We were already receiving that from the American Red Cross as personal allowance, but officialdom was unwilling to distinguish between personal and charitable funds. So, we had to try to raise them within the Camp itself. \n\nDuring the Camp each internee received, in all, eight Red Cross comfort parcels, the kind that went to prisoners of war in Europe every two weeks. The Maryknoll Fathers who left Camp had arranged in town for weekly parcels to be sent to us. The powdered milk and other foods in these parcels commanded a price in the Camp Black Market out of all proportion to their value, since there were some who had secured funds by disposing of \n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208709, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n139\n\njewelry through the Camp guards. So we sold the high-priced items of the parcels, both Red Cross and from town.\n\nI also sold an overcoat for 3,500 yen, a fountain pen for 540; Father Hessler's clock went for 1,200, etc. We were only sorry we had no gold teeth to sell as some people did; almost every wedding and engagement ring in the Camp went the same way. The money raised from the various sources was used to purchase only one thing—powdered egg yolk. Some of it came in over the wire at a very high price, but still a better value than the parcel items. We also gave poor families the money to buy their allowance of egg yolk and other foods in the canteen, and in return, they gave us a share of the egg yolk.\n\nThe value of the military yen had been fixed at one yen to four Hong Kong dollars, or one yen to one U.S. dollar. Early in the Camp, we bought three eggs for a yen, but the printing presses kept working and the yen kept dropping. In 1945 one pound of powdered milk brought 800 yen, but the official rate was still one yen to one U.S. dollar, and the U.S. Red Cross was sending us $25 monthly, for which we got 25 yen. The price of egg yolk soared correspondingly, going up to over 1,000 yen per pound in the Black Market. Raw brown sugar brought 400 yen. One could get a good pair of shoes for a pound of sugar.\n\n\"Father Meyer's Powdered Egg Yolk\" became a joke about the Camp. The Catholic women volunteered to make it into omelets for the sick. They found that a little rice gruel made it hold together quite nicely. Sea water was used to salt it. Even such an omelet made a big difference to those who were receiving plain boiled rice and vegetable stew for most of their meals. For one year, we received no fish or meat in the rations supplied, and during one-half of the year, the Camp had no bread.\n\nWe helped the sick irrespective of creed. Among them were fourteen tuberculosis patients in the \"sanitorium\", a small building originally constructed to house the occasional leper among the inmates of the Hong Kong prison at Stanley. One of these omelets was an event in their day.\n\nDuring the last year, the situation became especially alarming for pregnant mothers. Their blood-count would drop from a normal 4,000,000 to 2,000,000, even 1,800,000. The doctors were helpless;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208717, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Blessed Sacrament was reserved at Stanley House for the first time since the occupation. Our large wooden crucifix, which had been protected in Carmel during the occupation, was returned to its original site—we now have the most important Guest of all! Father Tennien sent a nice small harmonium from Shanghai to add another pleasant feature to the Chapel.\n\nOn June 5th, Father Wygerte, Scheut Procurator in Shanghai, and genial host to many Maryknollers, set some kind of record as he made his first visit to the Maryknoll Fathers in Hong Kong, traversing the hilly ten miles from the city to Stanley by ricksha! His eyesight is almost entirely lost and he is returning to Europe.\n\nBishop Valtorta and Father Meyer sailed today for San Francisco, the former for treatment and rest, the latter a Delegate to the 1946 General Chapter at Maryknoll. Ten minutes before the ship sailed, Father Meyer was still typing out his suggestions to the Colony for the proposed self-government of Hong Kong. The servicemen's restaurant and many other works he started in Hong Kong are evidence of his limitless zeal.\n\nA visit during the month of June to Kowloon gave a picture of the condition of our old Procure at 160 Austin Road, and of the former Maryknoll Sisters' Convent at 103 Austin Road. The Procure was badly in need of repair, and at the time was housing fifteen refugee families. The Convent escaped unscathed and the Government was conducting a bacteriological institute on the premises.\n\nSince the cessation of hostilities, ocean and air travel for civilians had been non-existent, but both army planes and naval vessels very kindly and generously transported many missioners back to their respective homelands.\n\nDue to the shortage of housing in the Colony, the Government began requisitioning many dwellings for this purpose. One day, a group of officials inspected our house with its 35 sleeping rooms and decided to take it over for some of their employees, who were soon to return to the Colony. However, upon returning to the city by way of Aberdeen, they saw the French Mission House at Bethany, much larger than Stanley House, and took possession of that instead, much to our relief.\n\nOn the departure of Father Meyer for the States, Father Brack arranged to take over his room in the King's Building, where the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208731, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED\n\n161\n\npresent day Taiwan, I may point out the cult of the Golden Mother of the Jade Pool and the cult of Kuan Ti focussing on divinatory writing and the publication of morality books.\n\nHaving discussed the great variety of temples according to the first criterium: religious affiliation, the other two criteria mentioned (nature of deities enshrined, and ownership) do not need much attention, since they have already been co-discussed. However, the second criterium needs some elaboration: distinction of temples according to the nature of the deities enshrined. In a few cases there can be no mistaken identity although this criterion by itself is insufficient to determine the temple type. The clearest cases are when the Buddhist Holy Ones are the main objects of worship; Buddhas Sakyamuni, Amitabha or Amita, the Buddha of Healing (rather than 'Medical Buddha' as Baity calls him on p. 126), bodhisattvas Kuan-yin (Avalokitesvara), P'u-hsien (Samantabhadra), Maitreya, Wen-shu (Manjusri), to name the principal ones. In most instances these temples are essentially Buddhist. However, one has to be very careful: the mutual absorption of cult objects by various religions has often blurred the origins; in many Matsu temples (community temples of the folk religion) there is a secondary shrine behind the central hall, in which Kuan-yin is enthroned on the central altar. However, the iconography has been changed: this Kuan-yin does not have the appearance of traditional Buddhist sculpture but appears as another deity of the folk religion. Therefore such temples are still essentially folk religious temples, and the dissonant appearance of Kuan-yin should not deceive the observer.\n\nThe same principal applies to the cult of Ti-tsang (Ksitigarbha). Although originally a bodhisattva, his cult has become so popular that he has been absorbed into the folk religion: his image can be found in many community temples throughout Taiwan, mostly on a secondary altar in the central hall. But once again he has lost the typically Buddhist iconographic appearance.\n\nWhat is the difference between Taoist and popular deities? The most distinctively Taoist Holy Ones are those one does not often see in the temples: their images, painted on scrolls, are in the possession of Taoist priests and brought to the temples or temporary roadside shrines by them for special occasions: such as rituals for the dead or the great chiao festival. Besides those there", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208736, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "166\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\ncannot be touched by its defilements. The gods of the folk religion are seen as more human in this (and other) respects. They need worship and offerings for their continued existence. They are susceptible to dangers and impurities. This shows that these concepts have been created by the common people in a simple fashion. Neither the higher deities of Taoism nor the Buddhist Holy Ones share this vulnerability. Unless, perhaps, even here there is a wrong interpretation by the author. Is it correct to say that the gods can be polluted? I have some doubts. If gods are really efficacious, they do not have to fear human pollution, or pollution by evil spirits. I believe that gods are kept away from the presence of evil spirits as a sign of honour; it would be an insult to their sacredness (just as the common people are not brought into the presence of emperors). Wherever there is a special need of bringing the two together, as in cases of exorcism, the gods are called down to chase the evil spirits away. Why is that not polluting as well? In such cases, the element of irreverence is absent (as when criminals are brought into the presence of high mandarins for judgment and sentencing).\n\nThe same sense of respect for the hierarchical status is present in the chronomantic ordering of sacrifices. The higher the status of the gods, the earlier in the day they are served (p. 154).\n\nOn pp. 168-169, several confusions occur: Taoist priests are said to perform in Buddhist temples, while Buddhist monks are invited to Taoist temples. The examples cited do not warrant this, for the so-called Buddhist temple is not really a Buddhist temple, while the Matsu temples cited are not Taoist either. The author conveniently follows the official appellation from the gazetteers, which he has criticized in a previous chapter.\n\nOn p. 174, there is another example of 'sublime distortion'. The author tries to explain the folk saying that \"Taoists do not offer the service for feeding the hungry ghosts, and Buddhist monks do not offer the li-tou service\", already quoted on p. 165. Factual observations contradict the saying. The author's explanation is that “individual ancestral services such as chin-chu and chin-t'a are only offered... in \"Buddhist\" bone temples, and by Buddhist priests (p. 174), whereas the community temples do not allow this to take place: the god's purity must be safeguarded. First, the statement is incorrect as far as chin-chu services are concerned; these normally", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208738, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "168\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\n\"the worship of Kuqn-yin is not unknown in Matsu temples either” (p. 185). This is a gross understatement: as I already mentioned, many famous Matsu temples (and perhaps even most) have a secondary hall dedicated to Kuan-yin.\n\nTo summarize my comments on Chapter IV: although there is a great amount of correct factual materials, their interpretation is rather shaky: a critical analysis undermines the author's theories. His neglect of a sound historical and philosophical basis leads him to many fallacies and contradictions.\n\nChapter V, \"Ritual Services in Temples\" (pp. 189-237) comes as a surprise: the author has already dealt with these services in Chapter IV. After a while it becomes clear that he now considers them from the aspect of generating income. The main thesis of this chapter, as I see it, is to point out that the two types of temples (here reduced to community temples and \"bone temples\") have each a different center of gravity in their ritual life; community temples, deriving their main income from li-tou rituals are oriented toward life, whereas the \"bone temples\" are death-oriented: their main source of revenue are the rituals for the dead. I do not understand what the author intends to prove: there is no need to prove the obvious: community religion is naturally oriented towards protection of the living and also naturally (but secondarily) tends to protect itself from evil influences, such as for instance the threats posed by revengeful ghosts. That Buddhism emphasizes services for the dead is both historically conditioned and a simplification. A great number of Buddhist temples have found in these services a means of livelihood, but there is more to Buddhism than being a national undertaker.\n\nOn p. 191, the author examines the income of a group of temples in the Tamsui-Peit'ou area. I wonder why he uses the \"official classification\" system: it is incorrect and totally misleading. For example, the Ch'ing shui Lung-shan temples are not Buddhist; the three Matsu temples are not Taoist, and the Hsing Tien T'ang is not really a Confucian temple.\n\nIn a previous context I have pointed out the author's strange sense of causality: another example is given on p. 196:\n\n\"Because the gods in the temples have well defined areas of control over which they extend their protective influences, par.\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208742, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "172\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\n\"If gods did have actual descendants, then it is clear that they could not serve the function which they do as foci of worship which goes beyond the Family.” (p. 240)\n\nTo clarify my a priori statement, let us examine the major gods of the author's research area (mentioned in Chapter I).\n\n✪ Matsu\n\n(ii) Shen-nung\n\n(iii) Kuan-yin\n\n(iv) K'ai-chang sheng-wang\n\n(v) Ch'ing-shui tsu-shih\n\n(vi) Ting-kuang Fo\n\n(vii) Cheng Ch'eng-kung (Koxinga)\n\n(viii) Kuang-tse tsun-wang\n\n(ix) Pao-sheng Ta-ti\n\n(x) Kuan-Ti\n\n(xi) The Wang-yeh gods\n\n(xii) The city gods\n\nNone of those can be proven to have developed from a “withered corpse\"; on the contrary, several of them were historical personages of much fame, who had been great leaders in their life-time and almost certainly led a normal life within a family. If a deceased person of great merit to the community cannot become a cult object because he has posterity, then by the same token, a great official cannot serve the community at large during his lifetime either. Family ties are not necessarily an obstacle either for government service or for cult formation. When people start worshipping a great person after his death, they do not worship him as an ancestor but as a great person who transcends the limitations of his family.\n\nAn example to show how the author confuses two ideas and uses them as the need arises is the case of the Buddha: as I already quoted from p. 252 above: many small gods but also major deities can be shown to have been spirits without descendants. Now, the author also draws the Buddhas and bodhisattvas into the series \"as exemplars of the same tradition of breaking the family tie\" (my underlining). Now, it is well-known that Buddha Sakyamuni had a son (not without descendants) but that he later on broke the family tie.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS LIFE IN PRESENT-DAY TAIWAN\n\n185\n\nDue to modern education and a more scientific approach to life, many tenets of the average religious beliefs of the people are now being questioned or even rejected.18 This is perhaps most noticeable among the younger generation, but is certainly not restricted to them. When anthropologists describe the religious beliefs and practices of China, they actually present an idealistic state of affairs: these are the beliefs and practices of the group as a whole or even of a minority amongst the whole community. The degree of participation varies greatly for individual members. An example is my observations made at a temple festival in Feng-yüan. Many of the morning worshippers were older ladies accompanied by a younger woman: obviously mothers-in-law with their sons' wives. It was quite hilarious to notice how the younger women were gradually introduced to the correct procedure of worship and sacrifice; they obviously did not know the rituals. As young adults growing up in a gradually secularized society they most probably rarely visited temples, but once incorporated into their husbands' families, they had the new duty to learn the rituals and continue the family traditions.\n\nReligion therefore is still meaningful for the community as a whole. Although the degree of acceptance of doctrinal beliefs may differ in each individual, the group as a whole maintains the religious rituals: they are a means of group celebration to manifest joy and social coherence and therefore they remain meaningful and even necessary for the mental health of a population ever more pressed by the demands of an industrialized age.\n\n3. Characteristics of religion in Taiwan\n\nIt is hard to define characteristics of an entity that is so wide and encompassing as Chinese religion, but it is worth trying, as long as one keeps in mind that it is a subjective appraisal, open to criticism. Many characteristics of religion in Taiwan are probably generally Chinese and have already been observed and analysed in the past. If that is the case, I shall merely mention it but not go into detail. Some characteristics, however, even if they are pan-Chinese, need further attention since they may be even more striking for modern Taiwan, or since they have not been sufficiently analysed in the overall context of Chinese religion. One such characteristic that I see as basic and most essential with regard to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS LIFE IN PRESENT-DAY TAIWAN\n\n189\n\ndifferent in objectives and methods, but their common ground is that both believe in divine possession of a human medium (man or woman) to communicate divine messages to the people, either individuals or groups. The writing cults even make great efforts to reach the public at large by publishing the oracles in the so-called shan-shu (morality books).20 An increasing number of them are printed by temple committees or even individuals. Some periodicals were founded for the sole purpose of printing the divine messages on a monthly basis. Whereas the mediums who handle the willow-branch (fu-luan) are obviously more moderate in their operations, the other type or 'divining youths' are more spectacular and appeal to the popular mind because of their dramatic performances. During temple festivals and pilgrimage trips their ecstatic trances reach a level of delirium. Scenes of self-torture astonish the bystanders and make the people believe in the efficacy of the possessing gods. Mediums are cherished by many temple-goers and often attract visitors from far away: their advice often proves to be correct and effective and very likely the financial advantages gained by the mediums attract a number of charlatans and throw discredit on the whole profession. There are several cases of recent government intervention to control and moderate this type of medium-cult.\n\nFinally, I wish to mention one more characteristic of Chinese religion, discussed by many scholars in the past: its ethical character. Perhaps I did not do justice to this very real phenomenon when I discussed the utilitarian aspect. The ethical character seems somehow to contradict this. But I believe this is not so. Ethics, ethical prescriptions and behaviour are a very ‘useful’ component of a society; it even emphasizes more strongly the fundamentally humanistic character of Chinese religion. It also is in harmony with the stubbornly prevailing concept that Confucianism is after all a religion. That the religion of the people is ethical-oriented does perhaps not need further demonstration. Here I want to add some examples from my Taiwan experience. When people in Taiwan — from educated people to taxi drivers — learn of the reason of my stay there: to study Chinese religion — their spontaneous reaction invariably is: \"Religions are all the same: they teach you to do good, to avoid evil”. Religious doctrines are of minor importance: most people hardly know the difference between Buddhism and Taoism; they know that both have a set of moral prescriptions to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208779, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n209 \n\nThe original temple thus belongs outside Hong Kong, though admittedly not far off: but it would not have been established here unless Pok Law people with a reverence for the goddess (and a firm belief in her efficacy) had settled locally and decided they must establish a local shrine. \n\n(c) Temporary Structure at San Tsuen Pai (***) serving as a shrine and meeting hall for disciples of the Chun Hung Kau (††*). \n\nThe Chun Hung Kau was founded by the great teacher, Liu Tae-ping (*) of Chin Wu (44), Kiangsi (žr&). Liu was born in 1827. He was married, but his wife died a few years later. When he was 31 years of age, he decided to become a Buddhist monk. Reportedly, in a trance he learnt the Truth, quitted the Buddhists and founded the Chun Hung Kau in 1862. \n\nEarly followers \n\nLiu founded a church in Chin Wu, and passed on his teachings to his brothers, Liu Taei-chor (†), and Liu Taei-chiu (★*). Later he had 3 disciples, Lai Yan-cheung (M1-‡), Ling Pong-pik (凌邦璧), and Cheung Sing-kin (張聲見), \n\nDeath of Liu \n\nIn 1892, Liu was arrested by the prefectural authorities on the ground that he was a heretic. Two of his disciples, Cheung and Lai, were also arrested. Liu died in prison in 1893 when he was 66 years of age. \n\nEarly Propagation and Distribution in China \n\nDisciple Cheung started preaching in various places in China in 1890. \n\nHowever, the most effective preachers were disciples Lai and Ling, who were freed from prison in 1894. They managed to obtain some followers from among the intelligentsia and officials. \n\nThis section comprises a summary of Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's book on THE ORIGIN AND DOCTRINES OF THE CHUN HUNG KAU AND ITS PROPAGATION IN SOUTH CHINA AND OVERSEAS. \n\nI owe this section to my colleague Mr. Valentine Yim (KA) who painstakingly (and very kindly) produced this summary instead of the two paragraphs I had requested!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208790, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "220\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIn 1949, the Public Works Department asked our Association to sign a purchase agreement. As the clauses contained therein were not satisfactory to us, and because of the high compensation claimed by the ground floor tenants and lack of funds to meet the construction cost, the reconstruction proposal was temporarily shelved.\n\nMr. Tong Ping-tat, Chairman of the Executive Committee of our Association for several terms, requested Government to have the clauses in the said purchase agreement amended, and bargained with the tenants on the question of compensation. It was not until 1952, that our Association signed the deed of purchase with Government.\n\nIn 1953, Mr. Leung Chan-fai took over the Chairmanship of the Association. In June, our Association building was demolished. Simultaneously, he raised over $50,000 from our members, boosting the total amount of funds raised to nearly $130,000. The construction work was undertaken by Wing Lee Construction Company and a new four-storey building was finally completed in early Spring, 1954.\n\nThe past and the future\n\nThe Nam Pak Hong Association was founded over eighty years ago through the strenuous efforts of our capable predecessors. It is to be regretted that not all their names can be traced with the lapse of time. Just after the founding of the Association, only a few firms in Bonham Strand West and Wing Lok Street joined as members. They upheld justice and advocated business ethics but remained conservative. Whenever a meeting was held, there was no ceremony or procedure to follow. Those who looked after the affairs of the Association were called Directors. They took charge of the Association's affairs for a period of one month by turns. Apart from this, a resident Manager was elected to give assistance. On the first day of the Chinese New Year, the Directors would assemble in the premises of the Association to exchange greetings, which started the custom of exchanging greetings collectively at the Chinese New Year, which prevails to-date.\n\nAs related above, the ground floor of the Association building housed a Watchmen's Centre as well as a fire-fighting \"water-vehicle\", while the first floor was used as an assembly hall. In the centre of the hall were hung a pair of scrolls and a picture of Kwan Kung, above which was placed in 1946 a large painted portrait of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "222\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nnotably among which were beans, teas, wines, fertilisers etc., while the ones in Wing Lok Street concentrated so much on the sole item of rice that the street was nicknamed \"Rice Street\". These firms acted as a medium for trade between countries in Southeast Asia and Mainland China, operating on a commission basis, and in Chinese they were often referred to as the \"98\" firms implying that a 2% commission was charged both ways. Thus from Singapore came canes and firewood, from Java, sugar and from Siam, rice. In addition, they were also recognised as banking institutes through which overseas Chinese remitted money home before the modern banking system was fully developed.\n\nThe majority of these pioneer merchants were from Chiu-chow, and within their small circle they possessed all the virtues of being sympathetic, honest, trustworthy and generous, eager to help each other in case of need. The stress was on a person's status and it was not at all surprising that business deals were sealed by the lips only and any consequences that followed would be fully honoured by both parties without further ado. Written contracts were unheard of and highly unnecessary. With wealth came the desire for honour, and it was quite common that most of the better-off merchants held official sinecures which were bought from the Chinese Government. This entitled them to don colourful official robes during ceremonies and important festivals. It was a spectacular sight to see these celebrities moving around, impressively attired during the Chinese New Year when European executives from leading shipping and insurance companies called to present their greetings. These were usually carried out amidst highly decorated surroundings, coupled with theatrical performances and lavish receptions which lasted for weeks. Class distinctions were obvious, and only the privileged few had the right of access to particular installations ranging from private clubs to public tea houses. An employee who was caught by his employer sneaking into one of these would be dismissed almost instantly.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208801, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n231\n\nstrength (“gunboat diplomacy” and “showing the flag”) that westerners were indeed the equal of Chinese, and that the trade which was mutually beneficial ought to be allowed to flourish in peace and tranquillity.\n\nProfessor Graham shows quite clearly that, of course, the dominant theme of this whole period was the issues raised by the meeting of traditional sino-centrism and the dynamic of western expansion, a familiar theme from the work of countless China scholars including Fairbank and Waley. The author details much of the theme in episodes in Canton (“a war of nerves between British ‘barbarians’ and Canton ‘imbeciles’”), at Chusan, at Shanghai (in 1841 a “squalid” place “rising from the middle of ‘a low unhealthy marsh’”, but by 1858, a queen of a city “with handsome houses and gardens and busy quays”, pp. 217-218), and finally, close to the imperial seat, at Taku at the mouth of the Peiho.\n\nThe book pays the usual attention to some of the familiar and hoary myths: on the one hand, the Chinese official belief in “self sufficiency” and on the other the Western traders' belief in the limitless potential of China for international trade (The present interest in China of the international business community sounds all too familiar to the historian!); the “inscrutability” of the Chinese (the author seems to subscribe to this myth even toward present day Chinese!); their “traditional courtesy to the stranger” (For accuracy substitute “curiosity toward” for “courtesy to”!); and the curious belief that Chinese did not (do not?) react to heat and cold and pain and hunger like the rest of mankind (despite which, history shows quite clearly that the Chinese do indeed react to such stimuli as armed force and deprivation, like their fellows.)\n\nGraham on occasion overstates and exaggerates his analysis of the character and temperament of oriental races, seemingly succumbing to the now fashionable habit of admiration for anything “oriental” that lately, and again, permeates western attitudes and approaches to the Orient.\n\nOne also notes a contradiction or so: on page 356 we read,\n\n“Whether out of ignorance, natural courage, or despair, they (Chinese) were never cowed by the trappings of military might. The British Commissioner underestimated their determination and tenacity.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 259, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "232\n\nbut at page 349, read,\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n\"Indeed, the Chinese garrison troops fled their strongholds en masse, before the assault forces reached the shore.\"\n\n\"... the Chinese defenses simply folded up....\"\n\n- and later, page 350,\n\n\"Once they (Chinese) had recovered their astonishment of seeing ships moving against wind and tide, they ranged along the banks, some performing kowtows as the gunboats passed.\"\n\nAnd see also numerous instances in Chapter II.\n\nBut the lapses do not greatly detract from the sound scholarship which this study represents. It is well documented and well articulated; it is written in a most elegant style; and this reader was greatly absorbed in the moving narrative. In more than one place one seems to hear strong echoes of Somerset Maugham relating the piques and barbs and jealousies and smoldering antipathies among colonial officials and merchants in the field. Certainly Napier and Pottinger were not universally loved; and Elgin and Admiral Seymour must have disliked each other intensely.\n\nThe book must be one of the most readable scholarly works on the period, and it makes excellent use of many specialist studies of some narrower issues and individual episodes, such as Peter W. Fay's The Opium War, 1840-42 (University of North Carolina Press, 1975), and Jack Gerson's excellent Horatio Nelson Lay and Sino-British Relations, 1854-60 (Cambridge, 1972), as well as all the now standard works on the nineteenth century opening of China.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, May 1980.\n\nLEIGH WRIGHT\n\nTHE IMPACT OF CHINESE SECRET SOCIETIES IN MALAYA--A HISTORICAL STUDY. Wilfred Blythe, pp. XIV, 566, maps, ill, app. Oxford University Press, 1969.\n\nAs befits the complicated, extensive and important nature of the subject, this is a long book (566 pages). It carries an introduction by the Right Hon. Malcolm Macdonald who, rightly in my", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "205\n\n12 On this particular type of tenancy, see John Kamm, \"Two essays on the Ch'ing economy of Hsin-an, Kwangtung Province”, JHKBRÁS 1977, pp. 55-84, and James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, 1850-1911, Folkestone, Kent, England, 1977, pp. 50-53.\n\n13 Ints. Mr. Wong 22.6.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Cheung Kau 26.6.81, Mr. Cheung 26.6.81, Mr. Cheng Yung 10.7.81, and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81; Hugh D.R. Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, Guildford and London, 1968, p. 172.\n\n14 Father Sergio Ticozzi, 12.5.81, quoting from Giovanni B. Tragella, Le Mission Estere di Milano, Nel Quadro Degli Avvenimenti Contemporanli, Milan 1950-1963, vol. 1, pp. 274-275, vol. 2, pp. 85, 89, and 314. Int. Father George Carusso, 20.5.81.\n\n15 Ints. Mr. Lok Tak K'ei 17.7.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, and Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80.\n\n10 Int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. Mr. Yau's term for \"moorage inlet\" was \"siu wan t'au\". Cf. also the type of market James Hayes refers to as \"coastal market centres\" in his Hong Kong Region, p. 37.\n\n17\n\nDocuments on this case are included in Kuan T'ien-p'ei, Ch'ou-hai ch'u-chi (1836, n.p., Taipei reprint, 1968) 2/26a-33a, 56a-74a, 80a-99b. Kuan was Naval Commander-in-Chief for Kwangtung from 1834 to 1841. C. Fred Blake, in Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, Hawaii, 1981, p. 46 note 8, states \"Lung Shuen Wan was a traditional outpost for the Chinese imperial navy's regulation of eastern approaches to the Pearl River. I wonder if perhaps Lung Shuen Wan was the original 'coastal market centre' in this area?\" Elsewhere (loc. cit. and p. 95) he points out that the Lung Shuen Wan Tin Hau Temple retained the patronage of the Pak Kong and Sha Kok Mei villagers, despite the greater convenience of the Tin Hau Temple within Sai Kung Market.\n\n18 These are figures of shops as registered in the Block Crown Lease (DD215, DD224). It is more than likely that these were shop spaces rather than shops, and in the event that a shop might take up more than a shop space, there were fewer shops in Sai Kung and Hang Hau in the early 1900's than noted here. For comparison, in 1905, Yuen Long had only seventy-four shops and Tai Po Market twenty-three large and fifteen small ones. See James Hayes, Hong Kong Region, p. 36.\n\n19 Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, Father George Carusso 20.5.81, Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81.\n\n20 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81.\n\n21 Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mrs. Foo, née Lei, 28.6.81.\n\n22\n\nMrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81. Mr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81 of Taai Fung Nin (opened c. 1933) in Sai Kung Market remembered that the shop used to slaughter a pig each day to sell to the boat people.\n\n23 Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shou 19.6.81.\n\n24 Mr. Hoh King 6.5.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81. Mrs. Lei used to obtain piglets from Kam Lei Loi in Sai Kung Market. It took six to seven months to fatten them, and two dollars to have each pig carried back to Sai Kung Market. She also had rice and pig feed (chiefly rice husk) from Kam Lei Loi on credit. Kam Lei Loi was a butcher's cum general store, where her husband worked.\n\n25 According to Mr. Yau T'aam Shang, 15.5.81, the interest rate in Sai Kung Market was 5 cents per dollar per month, i.e. 60 percent per annum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208845, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "206\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nannum. The Yung Sz Ch'iu account books from Hoi Ha (see footnote 8) show that it was 30 percent, and that as a rule, interest was seldom successfully collected in full.\n\n20 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 3.6.81, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. Mr. Lau K'in Tsun of Ha Yeung (Int. 17.7.81), who managed the Kwong Shing general store at Hang Hau before the War, remembered that he bought oil and rice from the Nam Pak Hong, and had to send his goods to Hang Hau via Shaukiwan.\n\n27 Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81 described the shops making rice wine in conjunction with pig raising, the dregs from the wine being used to feed the pigs. The beancurd maker was Loi Lei, see int. Madam Laai Hung Tai 8.5.81, the owner's daughter. Of course, the markets also provided the hawkers who went regularly to the villages. Mrs. Lau 14.6.81 remembered the fish mongers who took fish from Seung Sz Wan to Ha Yeung, and the hawkers who came with sweets and items of clothing.\n\n28 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81 for years operated a boat that carried lime and firewood to Kowloon. His father was in a similar business. In the 1930's, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81 had a junk that took orders from shops in Sai Kung for purchases from Hong Kong. Mr. Lei P'aang Kei collected fish in Sai Kung directly from fishermen to be sent to Kowloon. He had formerly worked for Saam Shing, and started this business on his own when Saam Shing collapsed in the 1930's (Int. Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, 19.5.81). Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81 from Yim Tin Tsai used to send his fish to Sai Kung Market and employed women to carry them into Kowloon, paying 40 cents for approximately 40 catties.\n\n29 In addition to references already cited, see Ints. Mr. Hoh Shang 20.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81, Mrs. Mo née Cheng 28.6.81, Mr. Lau 16.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mr. Lok Shang 21.5.81, Mrs. Yung née Wan 2.7.81, Mr. Shing Uen Wan 10.7.81, Mrs. Tsang née Shing 14.7.81, Mr. Ng 15.7.81, Mr. Lau 17.7.81, Mr. Yau Yan 22.7.81.\n\n30 Mr. Wong Kam Tai 20.7.81 remembered Shing Woh general store, owned by the ancestors of Mr. Shing Mau Kwong of Mang Kung Uk, that collected fish for various shops that made salt fish, a shop that made wine, owned by a Mr. Lau, a stationer's owned by a Mr. Chan, and a small shipyard that removed barnacles from boats, owned by a Mr. Po. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 31.7.81 remembered that the Maus of Pan Long Wan had a general store there, the Shings of Mang Kung Uk had two shops, both called Shing Woh.\n\n31 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Hoh Taai 10.6.81, Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81, 5.6.81, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 3.6.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80.\n\n32 Mr. Lei Yiu T'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, 19.5.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, 15.5.81.\n\n33 For background see Hong Kong Government, Administrative Report 1914 D (Harbour Office), p. 6, Hong Kong Government Gazette August 3, 1914. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang referred to this in relation to the growth of Saam Shing and T'aai Shing in int. 8.5.81.\n\n34 Ts'ui Mau Fung was not a shop-keeper, but a land-owner who lived in Sai Kung. He was not involved in the kaifong (int. Mr. Lei Shiu Yum 8.5.81). On Chan Pak T'o, see int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81. According to Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81, he was the teacher of Chan Ue Kwong's younger brother Min Ue.\n\n35 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 18.5.81, 3.6.81.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208871, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\nfortune slips and interpret the fortune slips.\n\n5\n\nth\n\nCompetition between Buddhists and Daoists for the support of devotees led to grander and bigger temples. Small village shrines and temples, not in the same league, did not need to compete. Competition for devotees also led to the present circumstances in which rural shrines and temples are comparatively small and unkempt whereas their urban equivalents, though not much larger, have had to be made more attractive, usually by offering unique deities and services in order to wean devotees to their particular altars.\n\nIn Hong Kong and Macau there are a number of temples patronised primarily by people of a particular class, sub-ethnic group or occupational calling. Devotees tend to patronise their local temple irrespective of who the deities are, though they may be attracted to a more distant temple by a particular deity famous for his specialised power and efficacy. The latter might be a god whose cult is long standing and whose characteristics are unique and pertinent to the devotee's requirements. He might however be a new star, rising suddenly amid great publicity, only to wane again but not necessarily to disappear completely.\n\nLocation of temples\n\nPrior to the anti-superstition campaign in China in 1928, traditional temples were scattered across China in their tens of thousands. Not quite so abundant in Hong Kong, they are to be found squeezed in among high-rise buildings in the city and among houses in villages, and may be free-standing or joined to other structures. But apart from monasteries, rarely does one appear beyond the village bounds and when it does it is usually derelict or almost so. Buddhist, Daoist and popular religion temples do not usually materialize as full-blown two-court buildings with numerous images, large and small. Their development has been a natural progression from the small shrine on a hillside, probably beneath the overhang of or attached to a living rock, at the base of a large old tree, or in many cases inshore from a sandy beach of a bay with an easy landing for boat people. If the shrine is well attended, the protective construction around the small shrine will grow as years pass, until eventually it reaches the maximum size that devotees can afford to build and maintain.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n7\n\nA shrine and two Chaozhou squatter temples on a hillside at Wong Chuk Hang on Hong Kong Island were removed during 1979 to permit road widening and the building of new housing estates. Temples, seemingly built to last forever, also disappear. A long destroyed and unidentified Cantonese traditional temple depicted in an old photograph in a published collection of photographs of old Hong Kong, may well be the temple which used to stand in Wong Nei Chong village approximately in the area of the present day King Kwong Street.13\n\nThe population explosion in Hong Kong has surrounded on all sides some of the originally relatively isolated temples by high-rise blocks of flats. Some recently opened temples have even been established in shop houses, in ordinary flats in the high-rise blocks, and in flats and huts in resettlement areas.14 Geomantically such accommodation may be adequate for their purpose, but for ideal conditions the exact orientation of all temple buildings should be determined by geomancy and the feng shui expert's calculations. Traditional temples are often on the best feng shui sites in the vicinity.\n\nAccording to Chinese laymen, temples should, as far as possible, face south. This south-facing orientation would mean that the main god or gods on the altar would also face the \"geomantic South\" which approximates to due south, and thus places the auspicious Yang on the east, and Yin on the west. However, even a casual examination of the temples in both Hong Kong and Macau shows that they can and do face in all directions. The two immediately obvious criteria in the siting of traditional temples, as can be seen from any large-scale map, are that either they back onto a hill (presumably having a powerful and beneficial geomantic influence), or face the sea. Many, of course, do both.\n\nTemples and monasteries are open from around 8 am to 8 pm, the exception being for those individuals whose need is great, and they may call at a monastery at any hour.\n\nBuddhist temples\n\nThere are some one hundred and thirty-five Buddhist temples or monasteries in Hong Kong built or funded by individual monks or nuns, or by individual devotees or groups. In addition to Buddhist temples, there are organizations and services in Hong Kong which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n9\n\nThese are the wooded valley running down from Lantau Peak through Luk Wu to Tai O, the wooded area around Lo Wai to the north of and above the new town of Tsuen Wan, and the oldest of all, the easterly wooded slopes of the hill known to foreigners as Castle Peak. (Plate 2)\n\nBuddhist temples can also be established by a monk wishing to set up an establishment of his own to earn credit. The usual pattern would be first to open a small temple consisting of a Buddha Hall, a living room and kitchen. As others join him, if of course they do and if the temple retains its popularity, so the establishment will thrive and grow. However, should he die prematurely, his establishment usually dies with him.\n\nBuddhist monasteries, nunneries and temples usually follow a pattern based on the origins of the monk who first founded or organized the establishment. Hence, a monk from Shandong will reflect his provincial background in the organization and iconographical features of the establishment.\n\nBuddhists rarely have simple temples. Whereas traditional folk religion temples consist of a single storey, monasteries tend to have an upper and lower hall. Buddhist and Daoist monasteries and temples may best be described as being a series of \"boxes\" which, unlike a very high proportion of traditional temples, do not need to be symmetrical. They tend to run to complexes with their numerous rooms and halls, separate buildings and shrines, each housing one or more images. In each devotional hall the main sanctuary or altar which holds the image or symbol of the deity (or in the case of the Halls of Long Life and Rebirth, the spirit tablets) serves as the focal point of devotions and rites. Some monasteries and a few temples have a separate hall dedicated to the Ten Judges of the Underworld (with Di Zang Wang on the main altar) or the Eighteen Luohan (the disciples of the Buddha Sakyamuni).\n\nThere are, in addition to the devotional halls, monks' and nuns' quarters, kitchens, visitors' halls, refectories, study rooms, reading and meditation halls. Many small images are to be seen in each, though they are not always Buddhist. The occasional state religion cult hero or folk religion deity may be seen usually donated by a not too discriminating devotee. Abbots rarely refuse an image, particularly if it is accompanied by a donation to the establishment.\n\n*路盧遮那寺 in Lo Wai.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208881, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n15\n\nIn single-room and larger temples the major altar, which faces the entrance, may be either one large space reaching from side wall to side wall or it can be divided into three, five or more individual altars with, on occasions, a separate altar or two constructed down the side walls. (Plate 6).\n\nIn quite a number of traditional temples the main hall is divided longitudinally by partition walls from floor to ceiling. These stretch a short distance into the main hall from the rear wall of the temple, one on either side of the main altar. The two side altars are therefore outside the partitions, and in practice these partition walls serve to isolate the side altars.\n\nIn many traditional temples several major deities, and even a few minor deities, have a side hall dedicated entirely to themselves and their attendants. These include the God of Loyalty and Literature Guan Di; the fertility goddess Jin Hua Niang Niang; the bodhisattva Guan Yin and the wealth god Cai Bo Xing Jun. It is not necessarily a down-grading of the importance of the deity but a late recognition and addition to the temples' complement. A great many side hall altars contain a group of unconnected and unidentifiable minor images around the major and identifiable deity's image, all placed there over the years by zealous devotees.\n\nA side hall in one temple contained the lone image of the Earth God on the only altar, although the characters above the altar read Jin Hua Niang Niang. Presumably over the years the images of this fertility Goddess and her attendants had been removed and replaced by the image of the Earth God without the title above the altar being changed.\n\nThe temple incinerator, and the temple keeper's kiosk or counter from which he sells charm papers and incense, are usually in one or other of the side halls or courts between side halls.\n\nSide halls also contain large ritual items such as the temple bell, drum and the removable head and tail from the village dragon boat, and in one of the side halls of most Boat People's temples replicas of early junks (some 8' to 10' in length) also gather dust in the gloom. These model junks are used only on festival days when offerings are placed on the decks. The devotees thank Tian Hou for good catches over the previous year and request similar benefits for the coming year.\n\nThe roofs of traditional temples consist of interlocking tiles resting on lathes supported by strong cross beams. The latter are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208895, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n29\n\nZhi Gong and over Lunar New Year, and has a \"red-pig\" fund30 for the feast at each occasion.\n\nCertain lands in rural areas in Hong Kong are designated as 'temple property',() and the income from them is devoted to the upkeep of the temple and its deity as well as providing financial support for the temple keeper. In many cases the deed of ownership is made out in the name of the principle deity, whilst selected elders of the village act as trustees.\n\nA foreign missionary once described how funds were raised in China for religious purposes.31 An old Buddhist temple to the north of Tak Hing, west of Guangzhou which had been allowed to fall into ruin, was to be rebuilt in 1903 because a geomancer discovered that the floods and crop failures of 1902 were due to the neglect of the deity who formerly had occupied the temple. The deity had come back, according to the geomancer, and had been seen in the form of a woman. Villages and cities even as far distant as forty miles sent processions to help subscribe towards the rebuilding. The missionary described the local collections as \"frequently barefaced extortion”. He explained that \"women went round to collect the money and asked every man for a sum based on what they knew him to be worth. If their demand was not complied with, they would refuse to take anything at all and threatened to post the family name all over the city walls as niggards who refused to help towards the public weal\". Perhaps too, in Hong Kong this may still go on to some extent.\n\nStatistics — Temples in Hong Kong and Macau\n\nHousehold altars and unmanned sea-side and streetside shrines have not been included in the statistics, except in the case of the streetside shrines which are roofed buildings large enough to entertain several humans standing up. These have been included under temples. The unmanned smaller public shrines run to about several hundred in Hong Kong with a further eighty in Macau.\n\nThere are about three hundred and ninety-six temples and monasteries in Hong Kong. Of these as many as ninety-eight are (or were before reclamation projects were completed) coastal temples dedicated to gods or goddesses of the seas; one hundred and thirty-five are Buddhist monasteries or nunneries; two hundred and forty-six are folk religion temples and two dozen are Daoist temples", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208918, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "48\n\nJIANN HSIEH\n\nwithin the Hakka group. Using the Li family in So Kwun Wat Village in the New Territories, settled by Waichow Hakka during the Ch'ing Dynasty, as an example: from their genealogy we know that the family's ancestor Shih-chuan (+) of the twenty-first generation, ancestors Tê-mao (†) and Mu-yu (**) of the twenty-second generation, and ancestor Chên-k'un (*) of the twenty-fourth generation all married women of the surname Kan from a nearby Hakka single-surname village (Li, 1957). According to an informant in So Kwun Wat village, intermarriage among the nearby Hakka villages was very common in the past. However, it is difficult for the new Hakka immigrants to keep up the practice of speech group endogamy because of their settlement pattern and other social factors. It has been pointed out by Skinner (1960:86) that whereas in Indonesia thousands of Chinese can trace back their genealogical descent for as many as twelve generations because of strict Chinese endogamy, in Thailand even fourth-generation Chinese are practically nonexistent because of rapid assimilation. As first-generation immigrants, those Waichow Hakka who came to Hong Kong after 1949 were left with no chance to continue Hakka endogamy. How then can they encourage their descendents to keep up the tradition of Hakka endogamy? The only difference between the Waichow Hakka in Hong Kong and the Chinese in Thailand is that the Waichow Hakka in Hong Kong will be incorporated into the larger Chinese society speaking the Cantonese dialect rather than a host society of foreign origin. This may be the first time that a group of Hakka, always historically a distinctive minority group in China, will be assimilated with a larger segment of other Chinese.\n\n4. Last but not least, the split of the powerful leadership stratum into two parts led to the formation of antagonistic association clusters centered respectively on the Waichow Clansmen General Association and the Ten-Districts of Waichow Association. This in turn resulted in small and low-level associations behaving in an uncoordinated manner, sometimes even hesitating to join either side. In other words, as a group with an estimated population size of about one million, the Waichow Hakka need a central authority, similar to that of the umbrella structure of many Chinese communities in Southeast Asia (Heidhues, 1974:54), an authority which could further the integration of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208936, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SILK AND SILVER: MACAU, MANILA AND TRADE IN THE CHINA SEAS IN THE\n\nSIXTEENTH CENTURY\n\n(A lecture delivered to the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society at the Hong Kong Club. 10 June 1980.)\n\nJOHN VILLIERS*\n\nIn the second half of the 16th century there developed a pattern of trade in the China Seas and the Indonesian and Philippine archipelagos of which the two chief entrepôts were Portuguese Macau and Spanish Manila. Other centres were also involved, notably Japan in the north, Malacca, Timor and the Moluccas in the south and Mexico on the other side of the Pacific Ocean. All these places played a role in the development of a vast and complex trading network that depended primarily on supplying Macau and Manila with two commodities — silk and silver — which neither produced.\n\nThere was of course a highly developed trading system in the China Seas long before the Europeans arrived, but it so happened that they came on the scene just at a time when Chinese naval and commercial power was waning and Japan was in the midst of a period of feudal anarchy. It was therefore relatively easy for them to penetrate this system, and even at some points and for a limited period to dominate it. By the mid-15th century Chinese seapower had greatly declined and the famous mission of the eunuch-admiral Cheng Ho had no successors. The reasons for this decline are complex and need not detain us here. Suffice it to say that in 1420 the Ming navy consisted of some 3800 vessels. By the end of the century it had almost disappeared. By 1500, death was, at least in theory, the penalty for building a three-masted sea-going junk and in 1551 it was decreed that all communications with foreigners overseas would be treated as espionage.\n\nPrivate trading by the eunuchs and others continued during this period, but in the face of increasing official hostility, and Chinese merchants trading in South East Asian ports had to conduct their\n\n* Mr Villiers is Director of the British Institute in South-east Asia (Singapore),", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208959, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "FUNG SHUI: ILLUSTRATED BY KAT HING WAI, N.T.\n\n89\n\nfor defensive purpose, it is my firm belief that careful planning was previously done in order to make possible the coherent relationship that I have mentioned. If original planning was not enhanced, then what had prompted the builders 200 years later to know where and how to trim off excess settlements in order to build the orthogonal wais? Above all, compared to the Hakka walled village in Sheung Shui, the enclosing wall which was also built during the same period and also for the same protective reasons as Kat Hing Wai, is of much more irregular shape. This further reinforces my assumption.\n\nNone of the four wais coincides in size and proportion. This variation is partly due to the size of the extended family, but most importantly, such adjustments are essential to achieve the subtle relationships after each hamlet's position and orientation have been determined. Thus, a square is not a perfect square, but an idealised (or symbolised) square. The dependency of geometrical configuration and proportion in physical forms in China is not so rigid as that of the Western counterpart of the Renaissance period (incidentally concurrent with Ming Peking and Kat Hing Wai): As Joseph Needham points out in his work Science and Civilisation in China, \"the Chinese did not feel the need for [geometrical] forms of explanation — the component organism in the universal organism followed their Tao [way] each according to its own nature.”21 Compared to the T'ang Dynasty capital Ch'angan, one that has been designed most closely with the canonical prescription, Kat Hing Wai is the epitome of the cosmic archetype, the most fundamental stratum of agricultural China. The organic expression of wall and moat architecture is symbolic of Heaven and Earth. The palace in the north in the capital can be seen to parallel the shrine of the Earth God in Kat Hing Wai in which both are protective powers guarding their respective territories. The orientation to the four quadrants, the representational north-south axis, and the division of the compound into smaller living units are all too profound for the sinologist and missionary Arthur H. Smith to grasp the intricacy. In Village Life in China, he writes:\n\nIt is customary in Western lands to speak of ‘laying out' a city or a town. As applied to a Chinese village, such an expression would be most inappropriate, for it would imply that there have been some traces of design in the arrangement of the parts, whereas the reverse is the truth. A Chinese village, like Topsy.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT\n\n111\n\ncontacts between Taoists and Nestorians may reasonably be assumed. When Wieger further states that \"Nestorian influence appears to be undeniable in Taoist texts\", we have a better case. Much depends, however, on the validity of Wieger's evaluation of some Taoist texts, in which he finds clear indications of Christian influence.52\n\nTo establish a reasonably strong case we need a more thorough investigation in two directions: historical and literary. Historically, all the clues already pointed out by previous authors, have to be carefully checked, esp. all the information derived from official histories and Taoist biographies. Very likely not much more than known so far may be discovered in this area. Therefore the second direction, the literary traditions may prove to yield a more bountiful harvest. Both the Taoist and the Nestorian literature has to be carefully scrutinized. If positive influence may be reasonably assumed, pure assumptions are dangerous. On the one hand, all the Nestorian writings in Chinese have to be studied; and if important works are not any longer available in Chinese translation, the Syriac originals should be consulted, esp. with regard to the Nestorian liturgy. So far I have assumed that the Nestorian Easter liturgy contained the ritual of consecrating the new fire to light the Easter Candle. But an assumption here is not sufficient to relate the Christian liturgy with the Taoist fen-teng. If the Nestorians in China never had such a ritual, the whole question of influence collapses, and we can only compare two independent (archetypal) rituals.\n\nOn the other hand, the Taoist liturgical writings have to be carefully examined, especially in their historical development. K. Schipper has listed a large number of Taoist writings referring to the fen-teng ritual.53 Their careful study and analysis may reveal some of the influences that were operative in the origin and growth of one ritual like the fen-teng, but will also throw the road open to further similar researches into other areas of Taoist liturgy as well as of Buddhist liturgy.\n\nEND NOTES\n\n1 M. Saso, The Teachings of Taoist Master Chuang (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1978), p. 209.\n\n* M. Saso Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (Washington State University, 1972), p. 73.\n\nSee end-note 9.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208986, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "REDISCOVERING OUR SOCIAL AND CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\nBARBARA E. WARD*\n\nAn audience composed mainly of Chinese residents of Hong Kong may well ask by what right a non-Chinese such as myself dares to speak on the subject of this symposium? My justifications are very simple: I am human, I am a scholar, I am a social anthropologist, and I passionately love Hong Kong, which is, after all, a place with which people from my country have been closely identified for more than one and a half centuries and which for more than thirty years I have regarded as my second home. There is, moreover, the further point that, as my husband is never tired of reminding me, I am a village woman by origin and rural society is familiar to me.\n\nI have just said that I am a social anthropologist, but some of you may wonder about this as you know me here as a member of the Department of Sociology. There is not really a problem here. In England, which is where I come from, and in many parts of what we here usually call \"the West\", the distinction between social anthropology and sociology is made primarily in terms of methods and approaches and general topics of interest, rather than in terms of who studies what societies. Perhaps you will understand this better when I tell you that although many of the courses I went to when I was a graduate student at the London School of Economics many years ago were indeed about so-called \"primitive\" peoples in parts of Africa and the South West Pacific, yet many others were about the complex civilizations of India and South East Asia, and the most memorable of all were the ones about China that were given by Professor Fei Hsiao-t'ung in 1947. Moreover, the first anthropological fieldwork I ever did was in London, and our subjects were English Londoners.\n\n* A paper read at a symposium held at New Asia College, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 10th June 1981. The author, who is well known to readers of this Journal, was then Visiting Reader in Anthropology at the Chinese University, on leave of absence from Newnham College, Cambridge.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208993, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SOCIAL & CULTURAL HERITAGE IN N.T.\n\n123\n\nof whom (for example) one wants to make a complete linguistic survey (which would coordinate well with the kind of ethnographic mapping that Dr. Wang Sung-hsing was describing), and another of whom has already been invited to initiate comparative studies of Taoist and Buddhist ritual here and in Taiwan. Only last week I was discussing the possibility that two other established scholars, whose international reputation was gained from their work in Taiwan, may perhaps consider coming to fill in some of the gaps in our knowledge about Hakka and Hoklo communities. At least three very promising younger anthropologists are planning to come here too—two of them Chinese and one French. Last, but far from least, there is the potential of our new Department of Anthropology and our established Department of Sociology and its counterpart at Hong Kong University, and the often excellent and extremely enthusiastic fieldwork of our students which Tam Yue-him mentioned and which David Faure is already using to such advantage. And there are a number of other local resources.\n\nNow, although it is so immensely rich in social and cultural traditions the New Territories is a small area. Given hard work, money, good coordination and planning now, it should be possible to obtain an almost complete record during, say, the next five or six years. If we can do this historians, social anthropologists, and, I hope, sociologists together — we shall then have something that does not exist for any other comparable area of China, and which now never can exist anywhere else.\n\nBut that is only the first aim. The second is just as important. There is little point in merely collecting information. It has to be interpreted, written, and published. So far, the great mass of the published work on the New Territories has been written by academic writers for academic readers. Thus, not only is it scattered in different places and in need of being brought together, but also it is simply unavailable to the people who ought to read it. What is the use of discovering our cultural heritage without also making it available to its true heirs—the present and future generations of the people of Hong Kong and (dare I say it?) China and the world? (But especially our own young people.) This means that the stuff that is already known and the material that we are still collecting must not only be written but re-written for the general reader. That is the second aim of the work I want to do.\n\nJ", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208998, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "128\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nand a cooked pig's head with the tail attached to it signifying a good start and a good end to the marriage. Everyone sensing that the ceremony is about to begin crowds into the chi tong to be sure of getting a good view. More firecrackers are set off, and in a good-natured fashion the cymbals player is told to shut up so that the proceedings can begin. The groom and his elder brother, who is there in place of the father who had died, kneel together on the straw mat in front of the altar. This they do three times, holding 3 sticks of incense and standing and bowing as the m/c, a village elder, chants. All done in good fun as they are told to bow lower, last time wasn't low enough! During this time they drink a cup of Chinese wine.\n\nThen the bride arrives, goes to kneel next to the groom and the bowing, drinking wine, and burning incense takes place again. A message is then read out to the bride by the village elder, reminding her to be kind to her mother-in-law, look after the house well, and be good and obedient to her husband, etc. The groom promises nothing! The bride then stands up, and is escorted backwards out of the chi tong by some women, complaining bitterly as she goes that her shoes hurt. The elder brother rejoins the groom at the altar for more bowing and then the ceremony is over, but not before the bride has changed her shoes to signify the start of a new life. She then comes back to the chi tong and offers the village elders and her new parents-in-law a cup of tea, symbolising her new status in their home.\n\nOutside there are more firecrackers being set off, Chinese music playing loudly, and those who tore themselves away from the mah pong to watch the ceremony have now returned to it. During this time the cooks have been busy killing the chickens which were running freely round the village, plucking them, and cooking as many as seven at a time in the big wok. A huge feast (another!) has been prepared, including fish dipped in batter, etc. At last everyone sits down to eat, red packets are distributed to those who have helped or given money to the bride and groom. By 3.30 all is over, and the guests go home, and the new bride and groom settle down to married life before returning the following month to the \"New World” Takeaway in Blackpool.\n\nHong Kong, 1980.\n\nVALERIE Garrett", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209003, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n133\n\nmy first such expedition was I accompanied by anyone from the China Travel Service and that was simply because he knew the way, not because he had been ordered to check on my activities. I was never followed. Taxi drivers made out duplicate slips on each of my expeditions. They gave me a copy and kept the original (as they always do for every taxi ride). In my opinion Public Security cadres did not correlate—or even read—the slips from my many expeditions. One thing alone is of concern to cadres when it comes to tourists: foreign exchange. My taxi rides produced foreign exchange—though taxi fares are far less than in the United States or England. This is because there is only a minuscule charge for waiting; and the taxi often waited for me at a monastery for two or three hours.\n\nThe People's Government wishes the outside world to know that there is now freedom of worship in China. I found that there is freedom of worship and have even published a remarkable photograph to prove it. Thus I have helped Peking to undo the harm that was done to public opinion abroad in 1949-1976.\n\nHarvard, Mass 1981\n\n+\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nCHINESE RELIGIOUS INVOLVEMENT WITH ISLAM\n\nSince I wrote my Note on two examples of Chinese religious involvement with Islam on pages 199-202 of Volume 19 of the RAS(HK) Journal 1979, I have been fortunate enough to be able to purchase an image, some ten inches high, a typical Chinese altar figure, said to be off a Chinese temple altar in Surabaya on Java. It is of a middle-aged gentleman, dressed in songkok, sarong and a white shirt with cufflinks and removable buttons, worn outside the sarong. He also has white trousers under the sarong and is seated on a Chinese dragon-throne, a typical pose, decoration and carving of a Chinese deity from Fujian province.\n\nThe Chinese who sold it to me said that he had obtained it from the temple keeper in Surabaya as it was no longer needed. It depicted, so he was told, the former President of Indonesia, Dr. Sukarno, born in Surabaya in 1901 and died in 1970. The image had been carved and placed on the altar in a Chinese temple as an\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n151\n\nancestral hall of one of the lineages; this hall and all of its members are apparently guarded by the same pot, for no special separate pot was placed by its door. Moreover, all residents of the old village similarly receive protection from this pot and its charms, because of its physical propinquity. A question such as \"why is a pot placed here and not over there?” is the sort that usually draws the answer, \"because that is the way it is always done,” and indeed, that is the sort of answer I was given repeatedly throughout the afternoon. Nonetheless, consideration of the location of all of the pots jointly leads one readily to this sort of interpretation.\n\nThe placement of pots in the two remaining hamlets provide cases in point. In one instance, where the lineage's ancestral hall is an integral part of the residential hamlet, a single pot is placed in front of the ancestral hall, to protect all residents and all lineage members alike (and the two groups are not fully isomorphic, as some members live in fact in Europe, and one member, as I will note below, lives in Fung Yuen but outside the hamlet). In the other, where the ancestral hall stands at some distance from the hamlet, two pots are required. One stands at the end of the row of terraced houses, and a second is located just in front of the ancestral hall.\n\nThe final two pots further underscore the need for protection of every household at several symbolic levels rather than just one, which alone would prove inadequate. These pots were placed in front of two separate houses that were built only in the last decade, in fields that are at some remove from all three of the hamlets (and one is surrounded by immigrants' houses). These households, as descendants of the founding ancestors, receive protection as members of the community guarded by the Daaih Wohng Yeh and the Touh Deih Gung, and as members of the alliance formalized in the community house. Moreover, one of them is a member of a lineage ancestral hall. Nonetheless, they were apparently at risk because of the few hundred yards that separate their homes from the various nuclei of village life, and therefore they required extra protection. As the village head put it, they are still members of the community, even though they have moved \"away.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209025, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nLOCAL REACTIONS TO THE DISTURBANCE OF\n\n'FUNG SHUI ON TSINGYI ISLAND, HONG KONG, MARCH 1978 — DECEMBER 1980*\n\n155\n\nThe Chung Mei and Lo Uk villagers moved to their new houses in April/May 1979. Preparations were then made for a start to the engineering works and excavations in the sensitive hill area.\n\nWe then discovered that the opposition to interference with this area came also from the four old villages located round the lagoon. These face directly (in some cases indirectly) on to the fung shui hill. They had requested and been granted payments for periodic tun fu (**) ceremonies at the same time as the villages of Chung Mei and Lo Uk. Also, in connection with their temporary removal to public housing pending completion of their new resite villages in three to four years' time, a temporary resiting for ancestral halls for all these villages had been agreed and was being effected. Notwithstanding these considerations, village objections continued to be received.\n\nIt was becoming clear that though work might start on excavations, it was likely to cause incidents and to lead to interference with the contractors and further delay: in turn incurring claims from the companies engaged in the work. We were virtually back in the same situation that had led to the 1974 decision to resite Chung Mei and Lo Uk. Thus, when it was learned that the new public housing blocks into which the villagers were to be temporarily cleared would not be available for another year owing to heavy commitments to house large numbers of people from ongoing clearances for major public works in other parts of the Town and District, we decided to face facts. It was agreed to leave the Four Villages on their old sites until mid-1980 when new public housing blocks would be available, and not to start excavations till then.\n\nFortunately this decision was also made necessary on other grounds. Owing to financial stringency, tightened controls and the need to continue financing for engineering and building works already in progress, it was not possible to commence the Tsing Yi contracts scheduled for 1979-80. However, all the necessary arrangements were made, including the detailed planning for the villagers'\n\n*This is a sequel to the note at pp. 213-216 of the 1979 issue of the Journal. It details the difficulties faced by the District Office Tsuen Wan in arranging for development works to proceed smoothly.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209056, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "186\n\nWILLIAM Y. CHEN\n\nto Japan long ago as mentioned above. The same also holds true for Korea. Therefore, many Japanese and Koreans have written a great number of works about Taoism which provide and strengthen the valuable resources for the study of Taoism.\n\nSince more and more scholars all over the world are interested in studying Taoism, there is a need to compile a bibliography of Taoism by native authors who often have a better understanding of Taoism than the outsiders. This is the reason why this bibliography is compiled. It is the compiler's hope that this bibliography will be of assistance to all those who are interested to study the rich and variegated aspects of the Taoist tradition.\n\nTHE BIBLIOGRAPHY\n\nThis bibliography is in no way a comprehensive one. However, it lists the most important works on Taoism. It is divided into ten categories as follows:\n\n1. General works\n\n2. Bibliographies and indexes\n\n3. Sacred books\n\n4. History of Taoism\n\n5. Taoist doctrines\n\n6. Biography of Taoism\n\n7. Relationship with Confucianism and Buddhism\n\n8. Alchemy and hygiene\n\n9. Immortals\n\n10. Periodicals\n\nThe authors' names and titles are romanized, but followed by the original characters. For example:\n\nChao, Yü-hsiu. San chiao yueh yen. Hong Kong, 1970.\n\n趙聿修,三教約言,香港,圓玄學院,1970.40, 39p.\n\nUnder each heading, all works are arranged alphabetically by author. If the work is edited by an editor(s) or a compiler(s), it is entered by the title.\n\nThis bibliography has been compiled principally for scholars who, like the author, are located in North America, and addresses itself mainly to works that are available in libraries in that area.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209080, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "210\n\nCAROLE MORGAN\n\nterms to define. It has three different meanings:\n\n1) It refers to the centre of a burial site, in other words, to the area enclosed by the two sides of the semi-circle.\n\n2) It is used for xue (which see).\n\n3) It may refer to the slope of the land.\n\nSince long has so many meanings it is usually qualified by another term; thus:\n\n#shanlong which refers to any knoll, hill or mountain on the site. It is itself qualified by the adjectives: huo ★, living; si ♯, dead; zhen, true; and jia, false; all of which refer to the nature of the shanlong.\n\n★ shuilong refers to any depression which occurs on the site. *sha refers to the topography of the land on either side of the long.\n\nSince these basic terms are often confused—the xue of one school being the long of another—the point to remember about them is that they all refer to the physical nature of a site.\n\nThe next series of terms refers to different areas of a site.\n\nA tai is the spot where the yangqi No 4, of the mountains comes into contact with the yinqi, of the plain.\n\ntang refers to the flat ground in front of the central long. Tang is subdivided into antang ★★ which indicates the centre, and mingtang ♬ † which describes the areas to the right and left of the antang.\n\nchao refers to the flat ground in front of the antang.\n\ndiwu is any feature visible from the long such as trees, rocks, walls, houses, roads, etc.\n\nWhen selecting a site water is also vitally important; literally so since the direction of its flow influences the number of sons born into a family. From a purely practical point of view, good drainage is essential to prevent water seeping into a grave and making the ancestors uncomfortable: were that to occur they would cease to promote the family's prosperity.\n\nOf the many water-related terms only four need to be listed here.\n\n** shuilu refers to the direction of the water's flow.\n\n★ zhengqiao wei is the name of the point where water enters a site.\n\nxiaoshui is flowing water.\n\nnashui refers to areas where water may accumulate.\n\n|\n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209096, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "Corrigenda\n\np.1\n\nsecond line from foot\n\n(notes)\n\nHong Kong Branch,\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society Journal Vol. 20 (1980)\n\nFor \"publications\" read\n\np.2\n\nthird line from foot\n\n\"publication\",\n\n91\n\nP.6\n\nline 23\n\n\"great\" read \"great\"\n\n\"thty”\n\nP.6\n\nline 23\n\n++\n\n\"they\"\n\n**\n\n\"rear\"\n\np.9\n\nline 23\n\n**\n\n“near\"\n\nP.10\n\n*\n\nsixth line from foot\n\n\"symetrical\".. \"symmetrical\"\n\n**\n\nP.13\n\nline 26\n\n**\n\n\"corrugeted\" “corrugated\"\n\np.13\n\n**\n\ntenth line from foot\n\n\"traditional\" **Traditional”\n\n**\n\n=\n\n\"ones**\n\nP.14\n\nthird line from foot\n\n\"one's**\n\n++\n\n\"Land\"\n\np.25\n\nline 4\n\n**\n\n“Lane\"\n\n\"thel\"\n\np.26\n\nline 19\n\n\"than'\n\np.26\n\n++\n\n\"Other\"\n\nthirteenth line from foot\n\n\"Others\"\n\n\"One\"\n\np.31\n\nnote 3 line 10\n\n**\n\n\"On one\"\n\n++\n\np.31\n\nline 17\n\np.33\n\n**\n\nnotes 30-31 missing\n\np.37\n\nline 19\n\np.37\n\np.37\n\nninth line from foot ninth line from foot\n\np.38\n\nline 10\n\np.39\n\nline 6\n\np.42\n\nFig. 1, H\n\np.44\n\nline 1\n\n\"Hakko\" \"kindship\"\n\n\"Td'engs\"\n\n+\n\n**\n\n\"later\"\n\n\"Hakka\" \"kinship\" \"Tz'engs\" \"latter\"\n\n71\n\n+7\n\n\"or\"\n\n**\n\n“Committees”, “Committee'\n\n\"outsides\"\n\n\"outsiders\"\n\nto be provided in 1982 Journal For \"orgonized” read “organized\"\n\n**\n\np.44\n\nline 3\n\n\"organided\"\n\n\"ture\"\n\n喃喃\n\np.45\n\nline 1\n\np.45\n\nline 5\n\np.45\n\nline 13\n\n\"servive\"\n\n+\n\nP.45\n\nline 23\n\n*T\n\np.45\n\nsixth line from foot\n\n\"of\" \"organized\"\n\n“true”\n\n“consruction” \"construction'\n\n\"Nerritories\" \"New\n\n“competion\" „, “competition\"\n\n*+\n\n*\n\n14\n\nTerritories\"\n\n\"survive\"\n\nIJ\n\n\"morms\"\n\np.46\n\nsecond line from foot\n\n\"norms\"\n\n=\n\ntr\n\n\"phyical\"\n\np.47\n\nline {\n\n++\n\n\"physical\"\n\n\"raelations'\n\np.47\n\n\"relations'\n\nlast line\n\np.48\n\nline 20\n\n**\n\n\"ticlar\"\n\n**\n\n\"ticular\"\n\n‘descendents” read\n\n\"descendants\"\n\np.50\n\nline 5\n\n**\n\np.50\n\nline 11\n\n\"directors of”* \"directors,\n\n14\n\n*\n\nA\n\nP.SI\n\n\"kidship\"\n\nlast line\n\n\"kinship\"\n\n++\n\np.52\n\ntwelfth line from foot\n\n“Georgraphy” „ “Geography”\n\np.56\n\nline 7\n\n**\n\n\"Studiy\" \"winds\"\n\n+4\n\n**\n\n\"Study\" \"kinds'\n\np.56\n\nline 8\n\n\"cuestion\"\n\np.56\n\nfourteenth line from foot\n\n\"question\"\n\np.58 p.60\n\neighth line from foot\n\n\"overwhelmnig\" read\n\n\"overwhelming\"\n\n\"furor\" read \"furore\"\n\ntenth line from foot\n\n\"sop\"\n\n*\n\n\"stop\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209097, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 259, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "p.61\n\nlast line\n\np.62\n\nline 17\n\n+\n\np.63\n\nline 16\n\nFor \"contrtdiction” read “contradiction\"\n\n\"resistence\" read \"resistance'\n\n**\n\n\"late\"\n\nP.64\n\nline 7\n\n**\n\n\"Histoy\"\n\np.65\n\n**\n\nline t\n\np.65\n\nline 3\n\nP.65\n\nline 10\n\np.72\n\nsixteenth line from foot For\n\np.77\n\nline 11\n\np.79\n\nfootnote 14\n\np.83\n\nline 1\n\n**\n\np.86\n\nline 16\n\nHong Kong Daily Press in italics Delete second note 13\n\nInsert Daily after Hong Kong\n\n\"ae\" read\n\nDelete the second “any”\n\n\"are\"\n\nFor \"centur\" read \"century\"\n\n\"Kai\" supersitious\" read\n\n\"later\"\n\n\"History\"\n\n\"Kat\"\n\np.88\n\nthird line from foot\n\n++\n\n**beieve\" read \"believe\"\n\np.88\n\n\"superstitious\"\n\nsecond line from foot\n\n\"weis\"\n\np.89\n\n**\n\nline 14\n\n**\n\n“wais”\n\n**\n\n“determinded” read “determined\"\n\n44\n\np.90\n\n“determined\"\n\nline 10\n\n**\n\np.91\n\nfootnotes 2 and 3\n\np.93\n\n‘scienfitic” read \"scientific*\n\n\"Rubos\"\n\n\"Dubos\"\n\nline 3\n\n14\n\np.94\n\nline 3\n\nDelete \"to\"\n\n\"anthropilogical\" read “anthropological”\n\np.101 fourteenth line from foot Delete second comma after\n\np.107 line 1\n\np.107 line 3\n\np.112 note 10 line 1 p.113 note 20 line 2 p.114 note 41 line 3\n\np.116 eighth line from foot\n\np.117 fourteenth line from foot p.118 third line from foot p.119 line 2\n\n\"changed\"\n\nFor \"he\" read “Exsultet” to be in italics\n\n\"the\"\n\nFor \"occasion\" read \"occasions\" Insert bracket before \"London\"\n\nFor \"Uterageri” read “Unter Ageri\"\n\n\"granduate\"\n\n\"graduate\"\n\n\"crucial\"\n\n\"curcial\"\n\n++\n\nInsert \"on\" after “study”\n\nInsert \"study\" after “careful” For \"Territiries\" read\n\np.119 line 7\n\n\"Territories\"\n\np.119 line 10\n\np.119 line 13\n\n\"if\"\n\n\"and\"\n\n\"of\"\n\n\"and\"\n\n**\n\n++\n\np.120 line 20\n\n**\n\n\"Vitually\"\n\n+\n\np.120 fifth line from foot\n\n**\n\n\"palced\"\n\n17\n\n\"Virtually\"\n\n\"placed\"\n\np.121 line 10\n\np.122 line 5\n\np.166 line 7\n\np.212 line 1\n\n++\n\n++\n\n\"extint custom” read “extinct custom of\"\n\n\"new\" read “now”\n\n\"publir\"\n\n**\n\n\"public\"\n\n\"in\"\n\n\"is\"\n\n**\n\n1+\n\nI regret these errors which I am bound to ascribe to defective eyesight and looking at the text too often, or both, and wish to thank Mr. H. A. Rydings for his help.-J.W.H.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209115, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "4\n\nvolunteer for photographing and indexing. Tony and Ian are happy to continue in the capacity of coaches and consultants so you need not worry about lack of experience or guidance. This is, I believe, a worth-while project and it would be a pity if we had to give it up through lack of support. One of the fruits of the survey has been the production of Hong Kong Going and Gone which presents a selection of photographs taken in the Western sector of Victoria, brought together with commentary text. Copies of this publication by the Society are on view this evening for those who would like to see what the Survey is attempting, and/or to buy a copy. Sales of this work have gone very well and we hope very much we can produce a series, each volume devoted to a different district or topic. This will not be possible, I repeat, unless we get new people to take over the main work. So will those interested please contact Tony Rydings (our librarian) or Ian Diamond during the evening or ring Mrs. Robyn McLean at 5-260031 as soon as possible.\n\nMembership\n\nWe always welcome new members to the Society. Our application forms, of which we have brought along a number tonight for guests of members who want to join, have spaces for the names of proposers and seconders. But nowadays, with the turnover of people in Hong Kong so great, it is not always easy to find members to act in this capacity. Our policy of late, then, has been to invite prospective members to send in their form and subscription and then to introduce themselves to us at one of our lectures. As you have seen from our A.G.M. notice, we have decided to propose an increase in subscriptions. I must say we made this decision reluctantly. We are not a profit-making society but we do have to cover our costs, which have been rising like everything else in Hong Kong. In fact, our membership fee has risen very little and very slowly over the twenty-two years since we have been going. It was last raised in 1975, from $30 to $50; that was seven years ago. Later, our Treasurer, David Gilkes, will explain in more detail our present position in his report.\n\nTotal membership of the Society as at February 28, 1982, was 556, consisting of six honorary members, 112 local life members, 324 local ordinary and 41 overseas ordinary members, and 73 overseas life members. During the period March 1, 1982, to February 28, 1982, there have been twelve resignations, two deaths, nine notices returned presumed resigned, and twenty-five unpaid subscriptions, members presumed resigned. New members during the year numbered forty-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209116, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "Seven. Again I appeal to all who are changing their addresses or leaving Hong Kong and want to transfer to overseas membership to notify us of the change. Occasionally we receive a protest from a member who has moved that he is not receiving notices, and we usually discover that he has not informed us of his move. You still need to inform us even if you know somebody on the Council who is aware of the change - this information does not automatically reach those who address and send out mail.\n\nLibrary\n\nTony Rydings has tabled a separate library report so I will not dwell on library business, but would like to remark our pleasure at the increase in borrowing during the year: it is nice to know a library is actually being used. The new catalogue should be out fairly soon and we hope it will further encourage use. I would also like to take this opportunity of thanking donors of books during the period: Hong Kong University, Dr. James Hayes; Professor Ho Peng-Yoke and Dr. S. C. Young, founder of Kyung Hee University, Seoul. Since the Librarian's report was written we have also received over twenty books and several issues of periodicals from the Editor of the magazine Orientations. Details will be included in next year's report but again I take this opportunity of extending our thanks for the many excellent additions to our collection.\n\nIt remains, finally, for me only to thank everybody who has contributed to our activities this year and whom I have not mentioned by name -- our auditors, lecturers, expedition organizers and those helping to distribute our publications for sale. Thank you all very much indeed.\n\nMarjorie Topley", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209121, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "FOLK MEDICINE IN BORNEO: DIAGNOSIS AND CURE\n\nSTEPHEN MORRIS*\n\nIntroduction\n\nDespite the rather grandiloquent title of this paper, its aim is less pretentious than it sounds; it is concerned with the ideas held by the Melanau people of Sarawak on illness and what to do about it. How far anything in the Melanau vocabulary corresponds with European notions of medicine, diagnosis or cure is in a sense incidental. The main purpose of the paper is to make clear the Melanau notions.\n\nThe Melanau\n\nThe Melanau are a people who live on the northwest coast of Borneo. They speak a language that is distantly related to Malay, and today there are about 50,000 of them. They live in a rather specialised environment on the banks of slow, meandering rivers that wind through dense and swampy tropical jungles and flow into the South China Sea. The swamp land is often a little below sea level, and when the raised banks are breached by floods (as happens quite often), the terrain becomes very difficult to cope with. It is also unhealthy — fevers, mosquitoes, snakes, crocodiles, bears, and all kinds of creatures are common and are not really on the side of human beings.\n\nThe environment also imposes a number of limits on the economic and social life of the people who inhabit it; this is not the place or the time to discuss those limits, but a little does need to be said about the social system because it is so closely bound up in Melanau thought with their view of the environment and the beings who inhabit it. Correct relations with the environment and all other creatures in it are essential, the Melanau say, if men are to prosper and be healthy.2\n\nA hundred years ago a Melanau village (usually separated from its neighbours by two or three miles along the river) consisted of one or\n\n* Dr. Morris spent many years studying the Melanau people of Sarawak, and has just retired from a Readership in Anthropology at the London School of Economics.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209123, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "12\n\nSTEPHEN MORRIS\n\ndetermined by the fact that the two people were neighbours or strangers, kinsmen or not, of equal or unequal rank. And in addition they were, of course, either male or female, and young or old. Within the social order an individual's behaviour was regulated by the elders acting under the adet, which was thought to be changeless. In the symbolic order an individual's behaviour was also regulated by the adet administered by the elders who, in this field, were helped by other experts thought to know more about the rest of the natural order of the universe than was fitting to a dignified aristocrat.\n\nIndeed, the main premise underlying Melanau thought was that the universe is held together in a system of natural order, and that if that order was disturbed, whether inadvertently or by deliberate foolishness, trouble would follow; and, until the cause of the disorder was diagnosed and steps were taken to restore proper order once again, the trouble would remain. The rules governing the behaviour of the members of the different ranks to one another in the human social order was as much an aspect of the universal adet as the behaviour of a man to animals or spirits; and improper behaviour anywhere brought disorder, often in the form of illness.\n\nTo finish this brief sketch of the Melanau view of the world, of which men shared only a part with a variety of other beings, I do need to say a little more. For a Melanau his village lay at the centre of his social and symbolic worlds. Beyond the village were the forests, the hills, the sea, and other rivers whose inhabitants, human, animal, vegetable, and supernatural were, or were believed to be, at best indifferent to humans and at worst really dangerous. Above this world is the overworld and below the underworld. These worlds were thought of as countries, as rivers, like the river on which a man's own village was situated. The over- and the under-worlds were more elaborate than I have described and consisted of seven separate worlds above and seven below this our middle world; but the essential point is that each one was by and large a replica of this one, and like it was inhabited by humans, animals, plants and spirits. Since mythical times there have been barriers between these different worlds; and though spirits can still travel freely from one to another, humans, except for special ones like shamans, cannot. One of the underworlds is the Land of the Dead (likou matai); it is also fenced off and once a soul has passed its guardian the soul cannot leave the land of the dead. Ghosts are those unhappy souls who for one reason or another have not been allowed in and wander unhappily and dangerously between two worlds.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209124, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "FOLK MEDICINE IN BORNEO DIAGNOSIS AND CURE\n\n13\n\nEffectively a man is concerned only with this world and its inhabitants, and under the adat the relations between men and other beings are subject to careful regulation. Every being has its own proper place, its home, if you like; and any other creature who trespasses on his territory commits an offence against the proper order of things, the adat; and trouble follows. The proper place of a man, as I said earlier, is his village, which, when it was a longhouse fortress, was a purely human and manufactured artefact. But in order to live at all a man has to go out of it and cultivate rice and sago. These areas of cultivation are, as it were, partly domesticated and are a semi-human domain. But men share that cultivated territory with other beings - animals, and plants and spirits - and a man is in greater danger there than he is in his village of trespassing on the rights of other creatures, thus bringing about trouble - especially accidents and sickness to himself.\n\nBeyond the semi-human, cultivated zone is the high forest into which men must go to hunt, to fish, and to gather fruit, resins, and other things necessary to life. But a man goes into the forest at his own risk. He shares its use with other beings who probably have greater rights to be there than he has, and he must exercise great caution while he is in it. He often comes back suffering from accidents and illness. To be safe in a tropical swamp jungle needs knowledge, vigilance, and immense luck.\n\nBefore one can understand the trouble which comes from breaking the adat and what that means to a Melanau, we need to know a little about the way in which he thinks a human being is put together. All humans, the Melanau say, are made up of four separate elements: (i) the body; (ii) the soul, which is thought to be a vaporous replica of the body, and which eventually goes to the land of the dead; (iii) the emotions; and (iv) a principle of life that distinguishes animate from inanimate things. For a man to be alive and healthy these four elements must be joined and undisturbed. But the body, in particular, is subject to accidents and illness; and a proper balance of its elements depends partly on a proper balance of hot and cold. The body can easily be disturbed by excessive eating, by exposure to rain and storms, and by an imbalance of hot and cold things. After childbirth, for instance, a woman is particularly subject to cold; and for forty-four days after the birth she must lie by a fire kept alight day and night and eat and drink hot and spicy food. Most illness, however, is attributed to a breach of the adat or an attack by a spirit or even witchcraft. At the onset of an attack by a spirit, or when something else upsets the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209129, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "18\n\nSTEPHEN MORRIS\n\nomens warning him against some action, he has only himself to blame if he becomes ill or meets an accident.\n\n+\n\nOn most occasions it is the human being who is the offender; but it does sometimes happen that a spirit gratuitously attacks a man, or it may even be that a spirit takes a liking to some human, and in order to make him aware of the fact will cause him to fall ill; so that he is obliged to call in a shaman, who through his own friendly spirits can get in touch with the one who is causing the trouble and make the situation known to the patient. Sometimes the spirit will tell the sick man why he is ill and what he has to do in order to be cured. Sometimes the disrespect; the breach of proper boundaries between the different classes of being is the work of an animal. Crocodiles, for example, have the power to entice the soul of a human and keep it, knowing that unless something is done the body will follow, looking for the soul, and provide a meal for the crocodile. The symptoms of this kind of theft, paleness, lethargy, fatigue, are usually indistinguishable from those of an attack by a spirit or any other cause for the soul's departure from the body. Only a shaman, with the help of his spirit friends and guides, can diagnose with any certainty what has happened.\n\nFinally there are some illnesses caused by witchcraft or sorcery. Witchcraft, in the sense of malice projected symbolically without the use of material means, by a living member of the victim's society is rare among the Melanau; and it occurs only when a shaman's moral character is not sufficiently strong to control the potentially nasty habits of his spirit friends. They persuade him to send his head out at night to suck the blood of victims, and so feed the spirits. A weak or a bad shaman is not strong enough to prevent that kind of thing. The result is what I suppose we should call anaemia; and it is eventually followed by death, if the shaman is not stopped in time - usually in former days by killing him. Illness can also be caused by sorcery (though not often I think) by carving images of particular spirits, bringing the carvings to life, and then ordering the spirits to disregard the rules of the ader and hunt down the sorcerer's enemy.\n\nTo summarise what I have been saying: the principal causes of illness in a Melanau diagnosis on the basis of symptoms are\n\n(i) Improper relation of hot and cold elements in the body.\n\n(ii) An act of disrespect that flouts the proper order of things, usually an action by the sufferer but sometimes by another being - a spirit, an animal, or even another human.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209134, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "TOLK MEDICINE IN BORNEO- DIAGNOSIS AND CURE\n\n23\n\na shaman has to have a large number of spirit friends; and human aristocrats, whose social relationships with other villagers are mostly those of clients and followers, do not readily admit others to their friendship. On the whole shamans are middle-ranking people. Their personal histories often show that at some stage in their lives they suffered from psychological disturbances; and that once they accepted the role of shaman they usually calmed down. Some of them, especially men who appear ambitious, and who were blocked in their political or economic careers, were very intelligent, and used their position as a shaman to gain advantages. On the other hand, some of the shamans were not intelligent; but were also not very well thought of as shamans. One man, who was particularly ambitious, had had his career blocked by aristocrats, it was said, on several occasions; and it was whispered that he was a witch, a very venomous shaman who could only just control his more dangerous spirit friends. Some people, indeed, said that his moral character was not strong enough to keep them in order, and that he did allow them to feed on neighbours' blood. A hundred years earlier the aristocrats would undoubtedly have speared him to death.\n\n―\n\nAt this point I realise, with some dismay, that I have given only the roughest idea of the Melanau's ideas on human illness and its causes and cures. What I hope I may have done is to give some indication of the complexity and sophistication of the system of thought that lies behind their ideas on illness. The universe they live in, which, if used incorrectly, almost automatically produces the ills that the human condition is subject to, is as complex and as aesthetically and imaginatively satisfying as the universe inhabited by Dante and the men of the European middle ages. Clearly the way in which the Melanau empirically handled many of the illnesses that afflicted them was less effective than the practice of western medicine in 1950. The terrifying number of newly born babies who died during my first visit to their villages and the fact that the owner of the house next to the one I lodged in died of tuberculosis six months after my arrival was sufficient evidence that many of their cures failed. But most of the disorders they suffered would in any event have cured themselves, as they do almost everywhere else in the world. The fact that the Melanau had little control over their environment, though they did have a detailed and extensive knowledge of its possibilities and dangers, meant that the way in which they organised that knowledge into an extension of the ordinary moral system gave them the assurance they needed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209136, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "ANOTHER LOOK AT LAND AND LINEAGE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES, CA. 1900\n\nEDGAR WICKBERG*\n\nPreface\n\nThe title of this paper may sound presumptuous, as if I have, after only six months' research, discovered the utter foolishness of all previous research on the subject, which I will now correct with one revisionist flourish. No such thing. What I really mean is: \"Yet another look at Land and Lineage in the New Territories, ca. 1900\". Why is \"yet another look\" worth taking? Because my methods and my experience are somewhat different from those of previous students of the subject, I think that I may be able to raise some old and some new questions in different ways than before and thereby advance discussion.\n\nI approach this task with some diffidence, since I am well aware of the years of experience, the skills and the effort that many people — including some in this room — have lavished on the subject. I am presenting my findings and views after only six months on the job because I want and need your comments and criticisms before it is too late; in other words, before my research year ends, as it will next July, and I must return to Canada. Better to correct mistakes now while I am still in the field and can do so.\n\nWith these comments as background, let me turn to Part I of the paper.\n\n1. The multi-tiered land tenure system of east and south China.\n\nOur understanding of agricultural land tenure in the New Territories ca. 1900 will be enhanced by considering first the general type of Chinese system of which it was a representative. This system, usually called \"one-field, two-owners” (or, sometimes, when circumstances warranted, \"one-field, three-owners\"), has been written about extensively by Chinese, and especially, by Japanese scholars. Widely found in south China during the Ch'ing period, this system was characterized by a separation of agricultural land ownership and occupancy into several\n\n* Professor of History, University of British Columbia.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209147, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "36\n\nEDGAR WICK BERG\n\nBritish administrators, believing that the landlords wished to retain grain rent (an impression nourished by the receipt of landlord petitions to that effect) and that tenants did not, attempted to outlaw any but monetary payments of future contracts, but the practice of grain rent continued.\n\nTypically, the level of rent was an amount of grain that approximated one-half of the year's yield of rice, paid in two installments at the time of each harvest. Thus, if one tou-chung of land (Cantonese tau-chung, a common measure in the New Territories, approximating one Chinese mou) produced, say, 200 catties of grain, the rent would probably be about 100 catties. As in other parts of China, there was an understanding between most landlords and tenants that in the case of a poor harvest due to bad weather or other circumstances beyond the tenant's control, the landlord might grant a reduction. I have no information about how regularly this ideal was actually observed in the New Territories.\n\nIt would be interesting to compare tenant rent to grain price and land price, and if we can get together enough material on these subjects, it should be possible. If so, we can then make some observation on landlordism as an enterprise, on some aspects of tenant economy compared to that of an owner-farmer, and on the possibility of a tenant's buying any part of the land he rented.\n\nIn several regions of south China in late imperial time the practice of requiring a tenant to pay a cash deposit, most often called ya-tsu, was prevalent. Such a deposit, often quite large, guaranteed tenant performance of the contract; it also provided the owner with a lump sum in cash which he could invest as he wished without having to pay interest. So far as I have been able to determine, this practice did not exist in the New Territories ca. 1900. Its absence may indicate many things: harmonious landlord-tenant relations; absence of competition for land; or lack of landlord interest in, or need for (from this source, at least) interest-free cash. It may be that the prevalence of clan ownership of tenanted lands in the New Territories is the explanation, if we argue that clan leasing practices did not, or probably would not, include practices of that kind.\n\nIV. Lineage\n\nWe come now to the \"lineage\" part of this paper, in accordance with the title of my talk. I will continue to refer to the lineage as the clan, however, despite the problems in using either name—or both", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS RESPONSE TO MODERNIZATION IN TAIWAN: THE CASE OF I-KUAN TAO†\n\nHUBERT SEIWERT*\n\nIntroduction: Modernization and religious change in Taiwan\n\nSince the middle of the last century China has been a theatre of far-reaching political, economic, social and cultural changes. The most obvious manifestation of these changes has been the revolution of 1911, sealing the end of a monarchy which had endured for more than two thousand years. But the defeat of the Manchu dynasty marked the closing of an epoch not only politically: the revolution of 1911 was also a decisive turning point in the cultural development of China. The traditional culture which so long was the pride of every Chinese scholar underwent an almost complete reevaluation. To the revolutionary intellectuals of the first decades of the twentieth century this traditional culture was the ideological expression of the overthrown feudal system. The construction of a new society should, therefore, not be a mere change of political institutions but had to comprise the formation of a new intellectual culture as well.\n\nThe central target of this cultural-revolutionary movement was Confucianism, which was regarded as the ideological foundation of the old social system. At the same time this movement also had distinct anti-religious tendencies aimed not only at the religious components of Confucianism but at all kinds of religion, traditional Chinese as well as foreign. Religion and superstition were inconsistent with the scientific worldview which had been imported to China from Europe and America.\n\nThe critical attitude of the Chinese intellectuals towards religion was certainly one of the factors which contributed to the decline of traditional Chinese religion in the twentieth century. But there were other reasons, too. On the popular level, the arguments of the intellectuals were probably of no great significance for the religious behaviour of the common people. More important were the changes\n\n*Universität Hannover\n\n† Parts of this article were read at the XIVth Congress of the International Association for the History of Religions, August 1980 at Winnipeg, Manitoba.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209162, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS RESPONSE TO MODERNIZATION IN TAIWAN THE CASE OF I-KUAN TAO\n\n51\n\nare strictly secret. The most important of these elements are the so-called San Pao, the \"three Precious Ones\", a traditional Buddhist expression by which in the case of I-kuan Tao three different secrets (a symbol, a ritual gesture and a formula) are signified1. The San Pao are transmitted to new members during a secret initiation ceremony which is much rumoured about by the public. The rumour goes that the participants have to be naked22 and that the sect performs other scandalous rites in which men and women are not separated. Reports from former members prove that the accusations about the initiation ceremony are certainly not true23. Such wide-spread rumours, however, show how deep-rooted the prejudices against \"heterodox\" sects are, which makes propagation of the faith difficult if not dangerous.\n\nAll the more remarkable is the undoubtable success of this sect. This seems to indicate that obviously I-kuan Tao has something to offer which attracts people even though they may have to suffer public defamation or even prosecution. As a matter of fact, the enforced secrecy which results from prohibition by the government allows for many speculations about vicious rites and political plotting indulged in by the sect-members. But we do not need to occupy ourselves further with the secret aspects of the sect since the teachings which are important for our present purpose are transmitted more or less openly. What is more, they are very similar to the beliefs held by other popular religious communities. This is true especially for some of the fu-luan cults which are very popular in Taiwan today.\n\nFu-luan 扶鸞 or fuchi 扶乩 (alt. 扶箕) is an ancient Chinese divination practice which can be described as spirit-writing, sometimes known in the West under the name \"planchette\". Although the practice can be traced back at least to the Sung dynasty, its modern form seems to have developed during the last century25. At that time it became usual to receive written revelations from various deities which communicate through mediums. The mediums, traditionally two persons operating jointly, but today often only one, hold a stick with which the deity writes characters on a small table covered with sand. These messages from the gods normally contain answers to questions of the believers, but not seldom also directions or instructions of a general kind. At times the medium might be the focus of a larger cult or community whose members participate in the seances and try to follow the divine admonitions. Fu-luan cults were brought to Taiwan from the mainland during the first decades of this century and soon turned into a mass movement. There has been a very strong revival", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209165, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "54\n\nHUBERT SEIWART\n\nsuperiors and inferiors are without righteousness, there is no faithfulness between friends. What a talk of liberalism! People get married and they get divorced again; if such conditions are common everywhere, how then can the orthodox tradition of the Tao be restored? Look at the following examples: In the European and American nations it is such that, when people are old and approach the end of their life, one is only waiting until they close the eyes and die. This is called the New Culture! Continually new weapons are being developed to destroy the human race. This is called the New Morality! How terrible it is! And we Chinese, we are giving up our own culture and our own morality, which we have inherited from our ancestors, in order to adopt the so-called New Culture and New Morality of other people. If one continues in this way, then our Chinese nation will soon have perished!\n\nIn the first section the present time has been pictured as one of utmost danger, threatened by an impending catastrophe. The second passage exposes the roots of this crisis, i.e. the general moral decline which can be stopped only by reviving the traditional virtues. In the above section the explanation again goes one step further. The moral decay, i.e. the extinction of traditional Chinese morality, is seen in relation to the influence of Western civilization. The westernization of Chinese society is regarded as promoting licence and demoralization. By implication, westernization is a major obstacle to the restoration of the orthodox tradition and will finally result in the perishing of the Chinese nation.\n\nThis pessimistic and critical picture of the present forms the background to the final revelations of the deity, which show the way to deliverance leading to a bright future:\n\nIf my heavenly Tao can be spread all over the world, the multitudes will not know any more suffering caused by weapons nor will there be malefactors or criminals. This is called to regulate without acting purposely (wu wei). Even if one does not plan for peace, peace will occur without doubt; even if one does not plan for a renaissance, a renaissance will come by itself. Then, what need will there be for rules and regulations, what need for severe laws and heavy punishments? And yet the days of Yao and Shun can come again and there can be a perfect world for men to live in.\n\n31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209175, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "64\n\nHUBERT SEIWART\n\nwesternization then thorough modernization means thorough westernization. This amounts to giving up one's own cultural identity. There are many reasons to suppose that no society would go that far, unless it is forced to from the outside.\n\nThis is not the place to look into the mechanisms of what might be called \"cultural resistance\". Let it suffice here to note that the present situation in Taiwan is characterized by two opposite trends. On the one hand we have the fact of modernization with its need for innovation. Innovation, of course, means discontinuation of traditional patterns and in many cases westernization. On the other hand we have the need for cultural identity, which means symbolization of continuity, distinctness and self-assertion. These two trends are mutually opposed because more modernization as a rule implies more westernization and thus less distinctness. Less distinctness, however, increases the need for cultural identity.\n\nRenaissance of institutional religions as a response to the problem of cultural identity\n\nAs we have seen, one element of I-kuan Tao and other popular religious movements is traditionalism. It is obvious that the adherence to traditional religious beliefs and practices can be a means of symbolizing cultural continuity and thereby identity. But we can go one step further: it is above all religion which is used as a symbolization of cultural identity. The reasons for this are manifold and can only be hinted at here.\n\nFirst of all, religion is the most important symbol system in traditional societies, at least on the popular level. This applies also to China where the legitimation of most strategic positions of reality had a strong “religious\" coloration: the important institutions like the family, the norms of social interaction, the values guiding personal cultivation, “national” history and the cosmic order. To remove the religious elements from the symbol system which explains reality would cause a collapse of the system and result in anomy. If anomy is to be avoided the old religious-oriented symbol system would have to be replaced by an alternative one without religious elements. Since such a substitute is not available for large portions of the population who have been socialized in the traditional legitimation system, the interpretation of reality must continue to make use of religious symbols.\n\nSecond, modernization in China, as probably in most non-Western", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209176, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS RESPONSE TO MODERNIZATION IN TAIWAN THE CASE OF I-KUAN TAO\n\n65\n\ncountries, started in the field of economy and technology. Only gradually (though inevitably) other parts of the socio-cultural system were affected by the economic and ensuing social and intellectual changes. This holds true also for religion, at least for the various forms of “diffused religion” which were directly related to traditional social institutions. As far as institutional religions are concerned, however, i.e. religions which form institutions of their own, they are much less affected by social and economic changes than most other traditional institutions. A society in the process of modernization can more easily afford to cling to traditional religions than for example to traditional ways of communication or education. To be sure, institutional religions are by no means independent of the surrounding socio-cultural system, but the dependency is less direct than in most other fields. Besides religion there is only one other important social institution which enjoys a comparable degree of independence of economic changes, i.e. the arts. Significantly the fine arts, especially painting, are also used as a symbolization of cultural continuity and identity. However, as the connoisseurs do not belong to the common people, on the popular level religion holds a much more important place than the arts. The renaissance of institutional religions in Taiwan seems to be more easily understandable if we keep in mind the need for cultural identity and the role of religions as repositories of traditional symbols13.\n\nTraditionalism alone cannot be regarded as a response to the problems caused by modernization. Modernization means change and the situation actually has changed. This leads to a tension between the exaltation of traditional values and behaviour on the one side and the actual situation on the other. In trying to dissolve this tension, it is not possible to simply renounce the traditional religious symbols because on the popular level these are most important means of expressing cultural identity. If no alternative symbol system is available the mentioned tension must result in a rejection of the actual social situation in so far as it is not compatible with traditional values and behaviour. This is what happens in most nativist and messianic movements. As we have seen the devaluation of the present time also occurs in the traditionalism of I-kuan Tao and fu-luan cults in Taiwan.\n\nCertainly rejection of the actual situation is a form of religious response to modernization. But it is a response which does not lead to a decrease of the tension between a traditionally oriented legitimation system and the experience of a changed social reality. On the contrary, as ongoing modernization implies further change, adherence", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209177, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "66\n\nHUBERT SEIWART\n\nto the traditional legitimation system results in increasing tensions. If the tensions are to be diminished or at least kept to a tolerable level, then either the modernization process has to be stopped or even reversed, or the legitimation system has to be changed in such a way that it is more compatible with the social reality. I would argue that such an adaptation of the legitimation system can be observed in the teachings of I-kuan Tao.\n\nOne typical innovation in the teachings of many popular religious societies, of which I-kuan Tao is just one example, is what has been described as universalism. Not only are Western religions, especially Christianity, not fought against anymore, but they are accepted as being equal to the Chinese tradition. Foreign religions should even be learned from as they may contain truth which has not been revealed in China. On the other hand, the Chinese spiritual heritage is valid not only for the Chinese nation but for all of mankind. There is only one truth, one Tao, in the world of which all religions partake.\n\nIn a certain way, this universalist view is not new in Chinese intellectual history. In historic times too, there was only one truth which was theoretically valid for the whole world. But this truth did belong to the Chinese tradition, and to the degree that other nations did not accept the Chinese way, they were barbarians. The Middle Kingdom was the centre of the world, unequalled by other civilizations. While, as we have seen, the claim of uniqueness is not completely abandoned, the new universalism still represents a decisive innovation. The pretension to Chinese superiority could not be reconciled with the events of history since the last century. In the first phase, the national consciousness refused to take cognizance of other nations as being equal or even superior. The result was a rigid rejection of and hostility towards everything foreign. But reality could not be disputed for long. In the second phase, the pendulum tended to swing to the other extreme. China was seen as backward and unenlightened, and the Chinese intellectual tradition, especially Confucianism and religious thinking, was held responsible for this backwardness. By contrast, the West was idealized as a model which had to be emulated.\n\nOn the popular level, the replacement of the traditional symbol system by Western science and philosophy, which might be possible for intellectuals, was never a realistic alternative. To be sure, the success of Christian missions during the last hundred years would probably be unthinkable had there not been the strong need for new world interpretations which promised to be more consistent with the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209179, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "68\n\n1968).\n\n \n\nHUBERT SEIWART\n\nCf. Holmes Welch, The Buddhist Revival in China. (Cambridge, Mass.\n\nCf. Y. Raguin, \"Buddhismus auf Taiwan\", in Buddhismus der Gegenwart, ed. by H. Dumoulin (Freiburg 1970) pp 113 – 116.\n\na \"Taoism' (by A. K. Seidel), in The New Encyclopaedia Britannica, Macropaedia, p 1042.\n\nFor example, the Taoist Association of the Republic of China is run mostly by laymen who try to get rid of many of the more \"vulgar\" practices of religious Taoism and to restore the intellectual tradition of former times. These efforts seem not to be supported by many of the Taoist priests, possibly since they make their living by performing these practices.\n\n10\n\n \n\nSee for example G. G. H. Dunstheimer, “Religion et magie dans le mouvement des Boxeurs”, in T’oung Pao, 47 (1959) pp 323 - 367; G. Miles, \"Vegetarian Sects\", in The Chinese Recorder, 33 (1902) pp 110; D. H. Porter, \"Secret Sects in Shantung\", in The Chinese Recorder, 17 (1886) pp 1 – 10, 64 – 73; M. Topley, \"Chinese Religion and Rural Cohesion in the Nineteenth Century\", in JHKBRAS 8 (1968), pp 9 - 43.\n\n11\n\nCf. Wing-tsit Chan, Religioses Leben im heutigen China, (München, 1955) pp 109-156.\n\nT'ai-pei-shih\n\n12 Such a healing-cult is treated by Wang Chih-ming Chi-lung-lu ti i-ko min-su i-sheng he t'a-ti hsin-t'u-men (unpublished B.A. thesis, National Taiwan University, Dept. of Archaeology and Anthropology, 1971)\n\n13 An example of this is the Sheng-hsien-t’ang community in Taichung. The publications of the revelations of the mediums of this temple are distributed and read everywhere in Taiwan.\n\n14\n\nSome sects (e.g. Li-chiao), however, are copying Buddhist or Taoist ceremonies and dress so that it is difficult to decide whether the performers are priests or laymen.\n\n16 Some of the \"new religions” are treated in Hsiao Ching-fen, “The current situation of new religions in Taiwan\", Theology and the Church, 10:2 – 3 (Tainan, 1971) pp 1 -- 28;\n\n10 I-kuan is actually derived from a passage in the Confucian Analects (IV, 15).\n\n17\n\nThe popular name is Ya-tan chiao. Other names are Tien Tao chiao, K'ung-tzu chiao, Ta Tao chiao, Lao-mu chiao\n\n4. Cf. Tung Fang-yüan, Tai-wan min-chien tsung-chiao hsin-yang (Taipei 1976) p 123.\n\n18 Tung, op. cit., p 123f. According to Su Ming-tung, T'ien-tao kai-lun (Kaohsiung, 1979) p 197, there are more than 300,000 followers of I-kuan Tao in Taiwan today.\n\nLi Shih-yü, Hsien-tsai Hua-pei mi-mi-tsung-chiao (Chengtu, 1948, repr. Taipei, 1975) p 32.\n\n20 It seems certain, however, that the I-kuan Tao has followers outside Taiwan, esp. in Hong Kong, Japan and Singapore. In contrast to Taiwan, in these places the sect is not forbidden by the government and can operate openly (cf. Su Ming-tung, op. cit., p 198f). For the propaganda of the Communist government", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209213, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "102\n\nCARL T SMITH\n\nlittle girls of tender age living amongst strangers and in where to them is a strange country, no denial of succour is possible without outraging our feelings of humanity.\"\n\nInstructions from Colonial Office to Hong Kong Government\n\nIn March 1922 it was announced in the House of Commons by Mr. Winston Churchill, Secretary of State for the Colonies, that the Government of Hong Kong had been instructed by the Colonial Office to consult with both the Prevention Society and the Anti Mui Tsai Society in order to draw up a scheme for abolition.\n\nAlready the Secretary for Chinese Affairs in Hong Kong had been in consultation with the Secretaries of the two societies and both groups were in the process of selecting seven of their members to consult with him.\n\nCanton had forged ahead of Hong Kong, for the same issue of the paper which carried Mr. Churchill's remarks reported an item from the Canton Times that the President of the Southern Government had issued a proclamation abolishing the mui tsai system. The Women's Union of Kwangtung were ready to establish an industrial institution to train them.\n\nNews of progress toward abolition both in Hong Kong and Canton produced an air of elation at the first annual general meeting of the Anti Mui tsai Society held on March 26, 1922, at the Chinese YMCA. Mr. J. M. (Joseph Mau-lam) Wong, an Anglican and compradore of Messrs A. S. Watson and Co., presided. On the platform were members of the Executive Committee. These included Mrs. Ma Ying-piu (1872-1957), wife of the founder of the Sincere Co., member of St. Stephen's Anglican Church and a founder of the YWCA.\n\nThe Society had invited Mr. Hui Chien, the President of the Supreme Court of Canton and a member of the Society, to address the meeting. At the last minute he was unable to attend but sent to represent him two associates from Canton. One of them read the remarks he had intended to give to the meeting. In these he observed that the Southern Government at Canton had taken steps to abolish the system, but it would find it much easier to do so if Hong Kong also moved in this direction.\n\nSince its formation the Society had vigorously promoted its cause both in Hong Kong, China and in Great Britain. It had the active assistance of Commander and Mrs. Hazelwood, who after retirement", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209220, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE CHINESE CHURCH, LABOUR AND ELITES AND THE MUI TSAJ QUESTION IN THE 1920'S 109\n\nthe YWCA, the Seamen's Union and a large representation from other unions. The unions were again expressing themselves after the 1921 seamen's strike.\n\nTwenty speakers secured the floor to present their views. All but three were in favour of the Bill. One of the speakers in favour was Mrs. Ma Ying-piu, representing the YWCA. For a woman to address a mixed public meeting of Chinese was an unusual event in conservative Hong Kong.\n\nAs soon as the meeting opened under the Chairmanship of Mr. Lo Chung-kiu, the Chairman of the Tung Wah Hospital Directors, there were signs the meeting might not be as smooth as its organizers had planned. A question of procedure was raised regarding the Chairmanship: why should not the meeting elect its own Chairman as it had been convened by the Kai Fong and not by Tung Wah? The Chairman replied it was invariably the practice for Tung Wah to appoint the Chairman for meetings held on its premises. The matter was not pushed.\n\nThen began a succession of speakers supporting the Bill. Their remarks were frequently punctuated by applause initiated by the large section representing the Seamen's Union. They particularly acclaimed the speech of Mrs. Ma. She put forth the thesis that it was women who were principally responsible for the system. They did most of the buying and selling and were responsible for the mistreatment of the girls.\n\nMr. M. K. Lo spoke in favour of the Bill. Although the Hon. Mr. Chow Shou-son and Mr. T. N. Chau were present, they remained silent.\n\nA speaker from the YMCA attacked the rich, instructing them that they should use their wealth to develop industry to provide employment for the poor instead of selfishly hoarding their wealth and using labour in their homes they need not give wages to.\n\nThings began to get out of order when a speaker against the Bill asked why everything was being done for women when men coolies were being sold daily. Voices were raised demanding the Chairman rule the speaker out of order. But he was allowed to continue though he could hardly be heard above the uproar of protests. He eventually had to stop. At this point there was a stamping of feet and repeated cries of \"vote\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209234, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "JUAN YÜAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 123\n\ncome about by which most of the Shui-sheung-yan under the age of 35 now have the choices which ability to read and write gives.\n\nHow important a part is education of the F.M.O.'s activity? Its official report rather downplays it - a neat little diagram in 1979 showed no more than 2.2% of its expenditure going on education. If, however, one adds in the government's subsidy to the F.M.O. schools to both the receipts and expenditure, one sees that in fact 22.7% of the money actually spent by F.M.O. officials is spent on education; it would not be unfair to say that it represents nearly a quarter of the department's activity.\n\nThe Comparison with European Gypsies\n\nIt is thus a serious and sustained effort, and much more comprehensive, than any provision for Gypsies in Western Europe, where illiteracy rates remain high, and probably than Eastern Europe also, where Gypsies are more likely to take advantage from ordinary schools.\n\nIt is perhaps possible to make a direct comparison, in terms of the size of population catered for, between the Hong Kong F.M.O. schools and the largest project for Gypsy children in England, one jointly financed by eleven West Midlands Local Education Authorities, which replaced previous charity-financed projects in 1973/74. The West Midlands projects had in 1974 a target of up to 1,500 children from nomadic families estimated not to be receiving adequate education, with, by rough rule of thumb estimate, as many Gypsy children again already settled, as a secondary target. The F.M.O. schools have over 3,600 children attending them. There are many differences, however.\n\nAlthough the West Midlands Gypsy population is probably more distinct culturally from the majority population than are the Hong Kong Shui-sheung-yan, the West Midlands scheme is more flexibly integrated to the general school system. Although several of the West Midlands teachers work in separate units, most become additional resources in ordinary schools receiving Gypsy children. The West Midlands project has never had more than 16 teachers. The F.M.O. schools in comparison, have over 130 teachers, and have no declared intention of integrating their organisation into the normal school system at the primary school level, despite the shrinkage of the fishing fleet, and the lessening of social prejudice against fisherfolk since the founding of the system in 1947. As we have noted, the fifteenth school, on Apleichau was opened only in 1980.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209235, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "124\n\nTA ACTON\n\nAt the same time, in 1978-81, the secondary school in Aberdeen, founded in 1966, was being expanded from a three-year \"practical school\" into a five-year secondary technical school. This school is in a sense integrated, or at least linked to the normal education system in Hong Kong, in that its pupils are allocated by the Education Department through the ordinary secondary school places allocation system, which also allocates 300-400 children from F.M.O. primary schools to ordinary secondary schools every year. The maintenance of all the F.M.O. schools as distinct institutions for the fisherfolk does NOT imply a belief in a separate future for the children in them. In the end they feed their graduates most often not back into fishing, but into the ordinary schools system or into non-fishing jobs. Of the 77 F.M.O. Aberdeen Secondary School graduates of 1979, 22 went into further study, 31 joined the Government apprentice training scheme and 24 found employment in factories.\n\n14\n\nThe F.M.O. schools, then, are separate in form but they are still the means of a policy of integration, not of apartheid. They exist in a situation where the barriers between Shui-sheung-yan and ordinary Cantonese are becoming blurred. The new primary school at Apleichau is sited in a new housing estate which has a large proportion of ex-fishing families. Since the school is over-subscribed by parents wishing their children to attend, the F.M.O. is having some difficulty deciding who should, on the basis of their fishing background, have a priority right to attend. This difficulty points to a further common dimension in the educational-administrative problems with Gypsies and Shui-sheung-yan: a profound ambivalence as to the ethnic status of these 'pariah' or 'marginal' communities, which means that it often appears to the authorities both important and difficult to decide who does, and who does not 'truly' belong to the community. Moreover the balance of informed opinion within this ambivalence has, over the past thirty-five years swung decisively but in the opposite direction in each of these two cases.\n\n-\n\nOfficial perceptions of the ethnicity of Shui-sheung-yan and Gypsies\n\nAfter 1945 the official view in Britain was that, despite a small \"Romany\"\n\n” 15 element, the vast majority of “Gypsies” in Britain were native British who had taken up a particular set of nomadic occupations, and were therefore a social, but not an ethnic problem. \" As a result, however, of the growth of pan-Gypsy organisation and new scholarship, it has been well-established that the overwhelming majority of ‘gypsies'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209241, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "130\n\nTA ACTON\n\nearnest students of all ages doing the homework impossible to do in crowded one-room flats) The report suggests that even though land-based jobs had increased awareness of the need for secondary education, drop-out rates of those who started on it remained high because of the physical difficulties in the way of studying. The F.M.O. schools are not, however, mentioned in the report, nor have I seen any F.M.O. comments on these findings.\n\n38\n\nThe report of the survey concludes that the plight of the poor boat-people is an indication of a more general social malaise, the devil-take-the-hindmost atmosphere of Hong Kong. They suggest that the Government should accept responsibility for re-settling the casualties of the mechanisation of the fishing industry from which the rest of the community has benefitted. In the long term, a better understanding of the Shui-sheung-yans' needs was required by the housing authority, who should plan in accordance with forecasts about the manpower needs of the fishing industry. The Department of Agriculture and Fisheries should extend the availability of its loans so that less initial capital is required of the borrower. New fishermen's villages could be built by the Housing Department, and the Labour Department and the Education Department should co-operate to increase the general levels of education and training in industrial skills. In the short term, the report urges immediate improvements in safety, rubbish collection, sanitation, and disinfection. Regular checks on boat safety should be made by the Marine Department. The Urban Council should provide study rooms for children, and the Education Department evening literacy classes and industrial training.\n\n39\n\nThe report spurred a campaign which gained wider sympathy. In January 1979 a coach-load of boat-people were arrested on their way to take a petition to Government House. Children as young as seven years of age were finger-printed and charged with illegal assembly, although magistrates refused to proceed with the case against those under the age of 12. The adults, social workers, students, a Catholic missionary and Shui-sheung-yan, were found guilty, but discharged.\n\nAfter this incident, however, the groundswell of liberal support for the boat-people diversified into a general civil rights attack on the Public Order Ordinance itself. This has left the boat-people to fight their housing struggle by themselves, with the help of a few community workers linked to SoCO, such as Fr. Cunbo Franco, an Italian Roman Catholic priest actually living on a boat in the Yaumatei typhoon shelter.\n\n40", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209243, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "132\n\nTA ACTON\n\nbe for them, despite all the official denials. But it had been filled up with outsiders as soon as it was finished. Just in the past couple of weeks, he told me, there had been whispers of resettlement for a number of families in a temporary housing area some miles away. The part of the harbour that contained the club-houseboat and most of the leaky old living-boats would then be filled in and reclaimed as land for further housing. Those of the Shui-sheung-yan who were still fishing would have a long way to travel to their boats on which they were employed. (The richer fishermen had mostly established already their own private, more convenient shore bases.) 41\n\nDespite the fact that it would mean the virtual end of their club, and despite frequent reports in the press of other boat people dissatisfied with the temporary housing areas, members of the association appeared resigned to moving, to feel it was necessary. Boat people from Aberdeen resettled in Shatin had complained that their family life was breaking down because their menfolk were either unemployed, or spending all their time travelling back to work in the Aberdeen fishmarket. They also complained that the Shatin schools had higher standards than those in Aberdeen (including, presumably, the F.M.O. schools) and that their children were falling behind or dropping out. 42 This can in a way be read as an expression of confidence in the F.M.O. schools. There are, however, no F.M.O. schools in Castle Peak; there are no data on how well children there have adapted to the ordinary schools there. Whatever the problems, at Castle Peak for the poorer boat-people, rehousing was still the priority.\n\nAs in the case of the struggle for re-housing at Yaumatei, that at Castle Peak was given continuity by an outside force. With SoCO both ideology and finance are supplied from Western trusts and churches; at Castle Peak it is the concern of the Chinese authorities. The Hong Kong Government for its part, appear to regard the Trojan horse of liberal capitalism as rather more dangerously subversive and left-wing than that of communism.\n\nThe Fishermen's Recreation Clubs\n\nThe Fishermen's Recreation Clubs of Chai Wan and Stanley were founded by a lighthouse-keeper, now retired, Charles Thirlwall, M.B.E., who has been concerned with helping the Shui-sheung-yan since the 1930s. The clubs are, as they say, recreation clubs. The Chai Wan club room is three rooms knocked together in the basement of a resettlement estate block of flats, its walls covered with photographs of smiling", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209247, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "136 \n\nT.A ACTON \n\nCantonese Shui-sheung-yan who have joined, and not the Hoklo, who have been \"resistant to the Gospel message.\" When I asked Philip Chan about the use of the term \"Tanka”, he answered, as did most Shui-sheung-yan, that the term was no longer used as it was offensive, because of the way ordinary Cantonese used it to oppress them. Nevertheless, in the sermon he preached the next day, referring to the knowledge of the sea his audience possessed, which land people could not understand, he spoke of \"We Tanka... or so to speak, Shui-sheung-yan.\" The whole sermon, over an hour and a quarter long, held his audience spell-bound with illustrations from storms at sea, fishing disasters and marine life, salting his speech with fisherman's talk (Shui-sheung-wa) so deep that the Malaysian student who had been put by my side and knew only standard Cantonese, was often completely baffled and unable to give me any interpretation. (Later, Philip Chan referred to Shui-sheung-wa as “a separate dialect”.) \n\nOf course, the content of this sermon can hardly have been completely unaffected by the knowledge that there was a sociologist in the congregation interested in the life of boat-people. Nonetheless, it is indicative of the way in which an ethnic and cultural solidarity has been maintained, an assertion of pride of origin, which provides a way of avoiding the schizophrenic need to assimilate wholly to ordinary Cantonese society and suppress one's own identity. \n\nAdaptation and Education \n\nAs Barbara Ward and other sociologists have indicated, the majority of boat people are able to assimilate into land-based Cantonese society, and do so fairly often. Members of the Fishermen's Recreation Clubs, the True Jesus Church, and perhaps to some extent the Hong Kong and Kowloon Fishermen's Association Ltd., find a middle way of adaptation that relieves them from the stark dilemma between the self-obliteration and the stasis of isolation. Nonetheless, one cannot speak of any general emergence of Shui-sheung-yan ethnic consciousness; the leaders of the three movements mentioned above, geographically separated at the three opposite corners of the territory, appeared absolutely unaware of each others' activities. When one asks Shui-sheung-yan the conventional Cantonese question about what kind of Chinese they are, (“Nei hai matye yan a ?\"), the most common answer remains a reference to their home village, or, at any rate, to that of their grandparents — “Ngo hai Tunglowaan-yan\" or \"Yeung Kong yan”, or “Ap Chau yan”, \n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209272, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 161\n\nMeanwhile, the Tao-kuang Emperor felt keenly British challenges to traditional Chinese foreign policy. Juan Yüan was summoned to Peking. One topic of their discussions was Sino-British relations at Canton. But these discussions must be interpreted in the light of another pressing development.\n\nPage 162\n\nIn 1821, the Tao-kuang Emperor, newly on the throne, adopted a policy that was closer to Juan Yüan's point of view. A more stringent anti-opium policy was enforced at Canton, leading to closer monitoring of activities and movements of foreigners in port. The following year, a new situation developed in the northwest, giving further evidence that the British were challenging the Canton system by trying to open new trading frontiers in China. The combination of these factors led to toughened measures to control Westerners in Canton. That year, Wu-lung-a, assistant military governor for administration (ts'an-chan ta-ch'en) in Kashgar, reported to the Emperor the presence of two British traders near Yarkand in western Sinkiang. These traders had entered the Chinese Empire from Kashmir and Tibet, and had travelled by camel across the Sinkiang desert, but had sent the camels back when they were no longer suitable for the terrain. These traders and the remainder of their caravan had been prevented by the local chieftain of Yarkand, Akim Beg Mohamet, from buying horses, blankets and other provisions. Wu-lung-a, whose responsibilities included Yarkand, had ascertained that these traders were indeed British, and had indeed come from Kashmir. He enclosed with the memorial a letter from a British official in India which gave in considerable detail the route taken by the two traders from Kashmir to Sinkiang, as well as their intention to travel through the Chinese Northwest to Bukhara, north of Afghanistan, hence their need for horses. This letter to the Akim Beg identified the writer and the traders, then continued:\n\nThese traders and their retinue would like to go to Bukhara, taking any road that was safe for them, ... It is their understanding that the road through Yarkand is good and safe. They also heard that his Imperial Majesty is kind and fair to strangers, therefore, they have come to discuss with me the possibility of taking this road. They have asked me to certify their need to purchase horses, blankets and stockings. As it is the British practice for the chief in each city to write a letter to the chief of the next city on the traveller's route on behalf of the traveller, I am writing this letter to the Akim Beg of Yarkand. Wu-lung-a, maintaining the traditional Ch'ing policy that the only\n\nPage 163", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209273, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "162\n\nWEI PEN-T'I\n\nplace for the British to trade in China was the port of Canton, wrote that it was understandable that the British would want to take advantage of the peace and quiet of the Chinese Empire to facilitate their trade overland, but, as there had never been a precedent for their trading in Sinkiang, a fact borne out by old Moslem traders as well as various local chieftains despite British claims to the contrary, local authorities had decided to permit the traders to buy provisions, but had refused them the right to travel. \"We are seeking Your Majesty's advice on the wording of this refusal because we do not know how to draft communications to foreigners,” concluded Wu-lung-a.5\n\nA hypothesis can be drawn here that, to the Ch'ing court, the presence of these traders in Sinkiang was another indication that the British were seeking further penetration into China at that time. Remembering the Amherst ships that surveyed the China coast a few years before, and in view of the intelligence brought by the traders that the British were already in control of both Kashmir and Afganistan, the new Emperor was more willing to let Juan Yüan adopt a hardened policy towards the British in Canton. In fact, Juan Yuan was called to Peking shortly after the news reached the Emperor that the British traders were in Sinkiang.6 He was in Peking from 28 May to 25 June 1822. During that period the Emperor received him in audience five times. Juan Yüan recorded with great pride and joy that he was presented with several embroidered silk purses, and during these meetings with the Emperor the principles of foreign policy were established. These principles were made public subsequently through a court letter to Juan Yuan. They were:\n\n62\n\nThe principle of compensating for life lost with a life was to remain valid.\n\nIn instances where foreign nationals, civilian or naval, committed crimes against the Chinese in China or Chinese waters, they must submit to Chinese justice.\n\nForeign naval vessels as well as their personnel were in Chinese waters, ostensibly for the protection of their commercial vessels. Thus, if they should violate Chinese law, their nation's supercargo must be held responsible for the surrender of the culprits to Chinese authorities.\n\n4\n\nJuan Yuan was also directed by the Emperor to notify the British supercargo at Canton that since there was no piracy in the waters off Kwangtung, there was no need for them to send naval escorts for their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209281, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "170\n\nNG LUN NGAI-HA\n\npart in affecting the social and political attitude of the students. The Anglo Chinese schools in Hong Kong were modelled on the Western pattern, in their curriculum, textbooks and teaching method. In addition, Chinese students here had frequent contact with British school-masters and fellow students of different nations and religions for starting from 1867, the Central School was opened to students of all nationalities and the enrolment included English, Portuguese, Americans, Japanese, Indians, Filipinos and others. The interflow of ideas and experience went on in their daily intercourse not only through formal lessons but also through simply being mixed in a class, in their recess and games. The interchange of ideas was further facilitated by the publication of a school magazine, which contained not only school news, but also interesting articles by staff or students.\n\nAs a youth and student, Dr. Sun Yat-sen spent his most formative and impressionable years in Hong Kong, and learnt much that could serve as a stimulus to his political awareness. It was never the intention of the Hong Kong Government to include any political content in the school curriculum. Care was taken, in fact, to avoid arousing any national sentiment among the Chinese students, and Chinese history was not taught in government schools. Yet, in a number of ways, some more subtle than others, the curriculum did stimulate political awakening and ideas of reform. In the Central School, topics like \"Patriotism\", \"The Follies of Foot-binding\" and \"The True End of Education\" were often set for English composition. Lessons on the history of England, such as the growth of parliamentary government or the Industrial Revolution, might directly or indirectly activate the minds of the students on the problems in China. What would a young man from China think of his local magistrate when he read about the municipal council in England, the rising influence of the merchant class, or the workers in the West, knowing how humble peasants fared in China? The impact of these lessons of course depended very much on the personality and mind of the individual. This explains why the Central School produced during these years officials of the Ch'ing court, reformists, as well as revolutionaries.10\n\nHong Kong from the mid-nineteenth century onward was an important centre for the publication of journals and newspapers containing news and articles from Hong Kong, China as well as the West. The more important early newspapers were the China Mail, the Hong Kong Daily Press and the Hong Kong Telegraph.11 These papers formed the important backbone of the China coast newspapers of the time.12", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Origins of Dr Sun Yat-sen's Address to Li Hung-chang\n\n171\n\nTheir editorial and correspondents' columns offered a ground for free political discussions, with greater attention on issues in China than those in Hong Kong. There appeared in the 1870's two Chinese-language newspapers, the Hsin-huan jih-pao founded and edited by the well-known scholar reformist, Wang Tao, and the Hua-tzu jih-pao, which was firstly issued by the China Mail as a separate paper in Chinese called the Chinese Mail. But in 1886, the Chinese Mail became an independent paper with Ch'en Ai-ting as its editor. These two early Chinese newspapers were well-known for their promotion of Western learning and China's modernization. About one-third of the Hsün-huan jih-pao was devoted to an editorial for such causes. The Hua-tzu jih-pao did not have an editorial, but a special column was reserved for publishing the writings of Chinese intellectuals in China or Hong Kong. In addition to newspapers, there were occasional pamphlets on current issues or ideas of reforms of the time. The well-known compradore-reformist Cheng Kuan-ying's I-yen, later to be incorporated in his Sheng-shih wei-yen, was first printed and published in Hong Kong in 1872. Intellectuals such as Ho Kai and Hu Li-huan also often wrote to express their views on China's modernization and reforms. Thus in Hong Kong, Sun was well exposed to these writings and ideas. Recent studies show that during these years Sun might also have written occasionally.13 At least two papers written around this time have been identified. In 1890, Sun wrote to Cheng Tsao-ju, a scholar of Sun's native county Hsiang-shan and a prominent and progressive official who had served as Chinese Minister to the United States between 1881 and 1885. The letter was later published in a newspaper in Macao.14 Meanwhile, Sun also made acquaintance with Cheng Kuan-ying, although it is not clear how closely he was associated with Cheng. Regional ties, common appreciation of knowledge of the West, and concern for the renovation of China must have helped Sun to look to Cheng. Sun wrote a paper on agricultural reforms, which, after some revision by Cheng, was incorporated in the 1894 edition of Cheng's Sheng-shih wei-yen. On the way to the north in 1894, Sun stopped in Shanghai to discuss his proposal with Cheng, through whom he also met Wang T'ao. It was through their introduction that Sun was able to meet one of Li's secretaries. The letter to Cheng Tsao-ju and the paper on agricultural reforms are relatively less well-known pieces of Sun's writings. But the ideas expressed in both, though less detailed, are similar to ideas in the letter in 1894. The superiority of Western science and technology, benefits of modern education, full use of human talents and the need for modernization of agriculture are the major themes.15", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209283, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "172\n\nNG LUN NGAI-HA\n\nThe person in Hong Kong who had the most direct influence on Sun's thought was Ho Kai, a founder and also a teacher of the Hong Kong Medical College, teaching medical jurisprudence and physiology.1 Ho was the son of a missionary of Cantonese origin who later settled in Hong Kong and became a businessman. Ho himself received his early education at the Central School and then left in 1872 to continue his secondary and then university education in Britain. He returned in 1882 as a qualified medical doctor and barrister. As a prominent civic leader, he served as the Chinese representative in various Government councils and boards, including the Legislative Council and the Sanitary Board. He was a great promoter of Western medicine and education for the Chinese in Hong Kong. In addition to the Alice Memorial Hospital and the Hong Kong Medical College, he was also a founder of the University of Hong Kong and patron of a number of Anglo-Chinese schools. In the Sino-French war of 1884-1885, when China failed to protect Annam, the Chinese seamen and coolies in Hong Kong reacted patriotically in boycott against French ships. Ho began to be concerned with the fate of China and the need for her modernization. From 1887 onwards, Ho began to contribute articles to the local English language newspapers, expressing his views on affairs in China. Most of his reformist essays were translated into Chinese or rewritten by Hu Li-huan and published both in Hong Kong and in China.2 Hu also received part of his education at the Central School both as a student and then as a student-teacher between 1862 and 1872. Unlike Ho, whose education was mainly in English, Hu had received very solid education in classical Chinese, and later won great fame as a gifted prose writer, scholar and poet. He was also a comprador and a very successful businessman.\n\nBecause of Ho's and Hu's prominence in Hong Kong, their essays must have caught the attention of many intellectuals. Ho's first essay was a long critical review of Tseng Chi-tse's article, \"China, the Sleep and the Awakening\". The review was published in the China Mail on February 12, 1887, three days after Tseng's article appeared in the same paper. Ho argued that the real cause of China's troubles lay not so much in her military weakness as in her \"loose morality and evil habits, both social and political\". He strongly emphasized complete and sweeping reforms in China's administration. More specifically, Ho demanded a new basis for recruiting officials as the existing civil examinations involved no knowledge of modern science or arts and were worthless as a test of real ability and talent. He also considered", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 175\n\ncollege. He therefore laid emphasis on the proper training of talents along Western lines and the full utilization of these talents as essential means of bringing progress to the nation. He advocated education opportunities for all, establishment of different types of schools for people of different potentials, award of academic titles and honours to people with achievement in different subjects of learning, setting up societies of learning, and publishing journals to promote advanced knowledge in various fields. These were, as Sun explained, important reasons which accounted for great advance of new knowledge in the West. He stated, \"The system of recruitment in the West was to some extent similar to what was intended in the ancient times of T’ang and Yu; people with training in different fields were selected and assigned to relevant posts of state affairs, so that those learned in the arts were given appointments in the civil service, those from military academies would be in the army service, agricultural colleges in the agricultural department, technical colleges in engineering and commerce in the trading departments ...\".\n\nSuch information and ideas must have been derived from his personal observation in Hong Kong. The principle of universal education was introduced in Britain by the Education Act of 1870. The award of academic degrees, the establishment of academic societies sponsored by high officials and patronized by the monarch were features of the British system. Since Sun could not, by nature of this presentation, speak critically of the Ch'ing government and its institutions, his emphasis on the selection and appointment of officials from specialists in relevant fields was in effect a proposal for change in the administrative system. Therefore the full utilization of human talent was the first of the four measures which he considered essential for the modernization of China. Human talents were not only to be properly trained but also to be properly used.\n\nArguing for the full utilization of the land, Sun's special concern was the modernization and improvement of agriculture. He emphasized the need for the appointment of officials with such knowledge to be in charge, provision of modern education for such knowledge and also the use of modern Western techniques. Sun's interest in agricultural improvement, which was later to be further demonstrated by his proposal in 1895 for the formation of an agricultural learning society, seems to have little connection with his urban educational background. It was nonetheless in line with his primary concern for the welfare of the people, as peasants then made up the overwhelming majority of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209287, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "176\n\nNG LUN NGAIHA\n\nthe Chinese population. This was to make Sun different from Ho Kai and other intellectual or bourgeois reformists whose interest in economic reform was centred more on industry and commerce. He maintained that improving agricultural productivity was the most urgent and important reform in China. He found it deeply regrettable that in the recent westernization movement undertaken by the Government, agricultural affairs had been neglected as no one was sent abroad or into agricultural college to learn Western techniques. It was perhaps for these reasons that he offered to serve the state, to promote agricultural reforms. He did not claim to have specialized training in this field. But \"for many generations my family had been engaged in farming, and I was able to gain some experience in it\", and \"when I was educated abroad, I often read books concerning Western farming methods, geology and other science subjects\". He admitted that practical knowledge was essential and he was ready to go abroad to study sericulture and other Western agricultural methods.\n\nDr. Sun Yat-sen's years in Hong Kong being an essential part of his formative age, had a significant influence on his intellectual development. He mentioned more than once in his recollections that his revolutionary ideas germinated in Hong Kong, and in his few early essays that can be found, it is evident that he also shared some reform notions of the time. Much of this thinking then, as expressed in his presentation to Li Hung-chang in 1894, was also nurtured by his experience and observations in Hong Kong.\n\nNOTES\n\n1\n\nAccording to Wang Teh-chao, this was published in the September and October (1894) issues of the Wan-kuo kung-pao. It was then republished in issue No. 19 of Yu-shih. See Wang Teh-chao, “Tungmeng hui shih chi Sun Chung-shan hsien-sheng k'o-ming szu-hsiang ti fen-hsi yen-chiu”, Chung-kuo hsien-tai shih ts'ung-k'an, vol. 1 (Taipei, 1960), p. 66, note 3.\n\n2 ibid. note 4.\n\n3\n\nFeng Tzu-yu, “K'o-ming i-shih” (Taipei reprint, 1957), and K'ai-kuo chien k'o-ming shih (Taipei reprint, 1954); Ch'en Shao-pei, Hsing-Chung hui k'o-ming shih-yao (Canton, 1934). See also Chou Hung-jan, \"Kuo-fu 'shang Li Hung-chang shu' chih shih-tai pei-ching”, Ta-lu tsa-chih 23.5, pp. 157–161.\n\n4 The pamphlet, Kidnapped in London, was published in England in 1897. In this, Sun recalled that a Ch'ing official in the Chinese legation said to him, \"You have previously sent in a petition for reform to the Tsung-li yamen in Peking asking that it be presented to the Emperor.\" See Kuo-fu ch'uan-chi vol. 5 (Taipei, 1973), p. 16.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "BRO TSUNG LAI SHUN IN MASSACHUSETTS\n\nIn Gratton and Ivy's History of Freemasonry in Shanghai and Northern China is an account of the formation of Union Lodge No 1951 EC of Tientsin. The first two paragraphs read:\n\nFreemasonry in Tientsin commenced its official life with the formation of this Lodge, and until the year 1902, it was the only Lodge working under the English Constitution. It is therefore the senior Lodge in Tientsin and its members have always taken a prominent and active part in the work of the Craft. In the early days it was no uncommon thing for the members residing in Taku, and Tongku to saddle their ponies and ride to Tientsin especially to attend the Lodge Meetings. In those days railways and Banks in this area were non-established, and the firm of Messrs. G. W. Collins and Co., were for years the Lodge bankers.\n\nThe first meeting of the Lodge was held on the 7th January 1881, in the hall of the English Methodist Mission in Taku Road. Bro. A. B. Menzies, P.M. Doric Lodge, No. 1433, E.C. being in the Chair, Bro. J. Innocent, Newall Lodge, No. 1434, E.C. Acting Senior Warden, Bro. J.M. Moore, Doric Lodge, No. 1433, E.C. Acting Junior Warden, Bro. C.A. Schultz, Tuscan Lodge, No. 1027, E.C. Acting Senior Deacon, Bro. James Stewart, Tuscan Lodge, No. 1027, E.C. Acting Junior Deacon, Bro. T.G. Downey, St. John's Lodge, No. 34, U.S.A. [probably of Baltimore, Maryland] Acting Inner Guard, and Bros. G. Von Mollendorff, Germania Lodge, G.C. G.W. Collins, St. John's Lodge, No. 175, S.C. J.J. Hatch, Ionic Lodge, No. 1781, E.C., J.D. Addicks Ancient Landmark, Mass. Const., W. Swain, Ancient Landmark, and Tsung Lai Shun of Hampden Lodge, Massachusetts Constitution,\n\nThis is the only reference in the book to Bro Tsung, and additional information has been sought. Bro Tsung is the first master mason of Chinese race known to have lived in China.\n\nReprinted with permission from Chater-Cosmo Transactions (1980 vol. 2). See also Carl Smith, \"Chan Lai-sun and his family: a 19th century China coast family\", JHKBRAS 14 (1974). - Hon. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209303, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 206, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "192\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTRADITIONAL FUNERALS\n\nApart from the ta tsiu, the most significant ritual acts within the traditional New Territories village were those marking the death of an adult villager. The ritual of such funerals differed in detail from area to area, but seem to follow basically the same form everywhere. The traditional funeral was a matter of importance not only to the bereaved family but to the whole village. The ritual alternated between formal religious acts, led by Taoist priests, and village customs, led by the elderly men and women of the village.\n\nTraditional funerals are becoming rarer, rituals are being simplified to follow the pattern set by the modern style funerals in the City, and the willingness of villagers outside the circle of the immediately bereaved to assist in the rites is less automatic than in the past. There is, therefore, a need to record the funeral ritual used while there are still opportunities to witness it in operation. Miss Barbara Ward, and Dr. David Faure of the Chinese University together with the author of this note were privileged to record at length a recent traditional funeral in Tai Wai Village, Sha Tin; it is hoped that this record will be published in an appropriate form soon. In the meantime a brief indication of the ritual with some photographs, (plates 4-13) is published here as a general guide to the main features of a New Territories traditional Punti funeral. The photographs were taken by Mr. Liu Yun-sum, of Sheung Shui Village, the current First Vice-Chairman of the New Territories Heung Yee Kuk, in 1953, at the funeral of his father, Mr. Liu On-wai, and are published here with Mr. Liu Yun-sum's kind consent. Mr. Liu On-wai was the son and grandson of Ch'ing dynasty village headmen; he and his brother had been educated to the best standards available in Sheung Shui. His elder brother, indeed, became a Sau Ts'oi degree holder and taught in the village school. Mr. Liu On-wai himself went into trade, selling foot-stuffs and roast meats from a shop in Sheung Shui market; he was 76 years old at his death. The photographs, therefore, are of the funeral of a well-connected and moderately wealthy, but neither particularly rich nor powerful villager.\n\nThe funeral ritual began everywhere immediately on the death. Elders of the clan and village washed, dressed, and prepared the corpse, while the women of the bereaved family sang wailing songs. Friends and relatives stood around weeping during the dressing and preparation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209305, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "194\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nplace in all of which the bereaved family played the central role with the other villagers looking on. Details differed from district to district, but usually some or all of the following were included: the buying of water for the forthcoming rituals, the opening of the coffin and the washing of the face of the deceased by all in mourning (in Sheung Shui these rites took place immediately after death), the preparation by all the sons and daughters of the deceased of food to be placed in the grave, a procession around the coffin by all mourners, carrying incense, the division of threads by the mourners, either over the coffin or elsewhere, and the offering of wine by all mourners. Eulogies to the deceased might be read by the village elders, and last of all the singing of prayers by a Taoist priest, with all mourners kneeling, preceding the screwing down and sealing of the coffin was practically universal. During these rites mourning would, in most places, be carried by the nearest relatives present for persons within the mourning grades but unable to be present. At many points the women of the deceased's immediate family would sing wailing songs. In many places in the New Territories the natural family of the deceased's wife would play a prominent role in these rites alongside his own family.\n\nWhen the coffin was prepared the young men of the village would lash it on poles and carry it off, preceded by the bereaved family. Since the funeral was of ritual significance to the village as a whole the standing rice in the fields would, if necessary, be trampled down to let the coffin pass. The grave would have been already dug, again by the young men of the village. At the grave other rites would take place; these differed from area to area; in some, Taoist rites took place at the grave, in others, the main rite was the sharing of food among the mourners across the open grave. Usually the first handfuls of soil were thrown in by the sons and daughters of the deceased, but everywhere the filling in of the grave and the proper ordering of the food offerings and ritual decoration of the grave was the responsibility of the young men of the village.\n\nUpon the return to the village Taoist rites would usually, in most areas, take place around the new, temporary, spirit tablet of the deceased, often at the spot where the corpse had been laid out. The room and its environs would be purified and decorated. From now on until, usually, the twenty-first day after the death, that is, during the mourning period, the immediate family would observe some relatively minimal ritual restrictions, and would place offerings to the deceased daily in front of the tablet. In some areas Taoist rites to assist the deceased to reach the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209308, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n197\n\n·\n\ncrop.\n\nYield for 1 tau of good average land (Assuming all food requirements plus all Crown Rent met from harvest, with no cash sales or casual labour):\n\nTai Wai\n\nyield in rice 2.5 piculs x 2 harvests = 5 piculs grain\n\nless .2 piculs for seeds = 4.8 piculs\n\nless 40% (by volume) in hulling and pounding = 3.75 piculs rice (figures given by Wai H.L. The standard volume loss is 50%, but villagers would probably not demand absolutely pure rice. Further, as informed by Mr. Yu Look-yau, J.P., New Territories rice had to be resifted and cleaned before it could be sold to fastidious city dwellers, implying that village hulling had not removed as much as would now be standard. A 50% volume loss in hulling = 28% weight loss now. Assuming the losses are pro rata, a 40% volume loss = 22% loss in weight. This is equal to 3.75 piculs approx.)\n\n3.75 piculs less 19% Crown Rent = 3.03 piculs (see section on Crown Rent below)\n\n3.03 piculs less wastage, say 5% = 2.88 piculs. (Note: both informants claimed waste was minimal, but there must have been some. Tai Foo considered losses when stored in barns higher than when stored in cock-lofts. Wai H.L. acknowledged some loss in hulling and when drying on the wo t'ong but considered rats, insects, and rot a minimal problem - cats were kept to deal with rats. Wai H.L. considered 5% the absolute maximum, but felt it was usually less, Tai Foo felt it was certainly less.)\n\n—\n\n2.88 piculs a year = 11.5 taels a day (Note: this assumes extra provision set aside for New Year, Birthday, wedding festivities etc. For Tai Wai I have assumed 35 days equivalent for such festivities i.e. a 400 day year which Wai H.L. considered fair and reasonable) = 1.44 adults daily requirement.\n\n-\n\nPlus sweet potatoes\n\nyield 10 piculs by weight\n\n-\n\nless wastage 20% (Wai H.L.'s figure many tubers rotted in store): 8 piculs\n\nor 2 catties a day or 0.50 adults daily requirement.\n\n=\n\nThus 1 tau of good average land in Tai Wai could feed 1.94 adults with-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nout assistance from other sources, assuming land for the necessary vegetable gardens and seed beds also available.\n\nWong Chuk Yeung\n\nyield in rice 1.5 picul x 2 harvests = 3 piculs\n\nless 2 tau seeds = 2.8 piculs\n\nless 30% (by volume) for hulling etc. = 2.33 picul. (Note: this could represent a willingness to eat very un-white rice in this upland village.) 2.33 piculs less 20% Crown Rent = 1.86 piculs (See Crown Rent section below.)\n\n1.86 piculs less 3% wastage = 1.80 piculs (lower wastage figure as all stored in cocklofts)\n\n1.80 piculs a year = 7.7 taels a day (Assumes 380 day year; fewer festivals in an upland village) = 96% of 1 adult requirement.\n\nPlus sweet potatoes\n\nyield, say 8 piculs in weight (this figure not checked with Tai Foo) less wastage 20% = 6.4 piculs\n\n6.4 piculs = 1 catty 11 taels a day or 42% of 1 adult's requirement.\n\nThus 1 tau of good average land in Wong Chuk Yeung could feed 1.38 adults without assistance from outside, assuming the necessary vegetable gardens and seedbeds.\n\nYield for 1 tau best land in Tai Wai\n\nyield in rice 4 piculs x 2 harvests = 8 piculs\n\nless 2 piculs seeds = 7.8 piculs\n\nless 40% (by volume) for hulling = 6.08 piculs\n\n6.08 piculs less 12% Crown Rent = 5.35 piculs\n\n5.35 piculs less 5% wastage = 5.08 piculs\n\n5.08 piculs = 1 catty 4.3 taels a day (400 day year) = 2.53 adults requirement.\n\nPlus sweet potato as above 2 catties a day or 0.5 adults requirement. Thus 1 tau of best Tai Wai land could feed 3.03 adults without outside assistance assuming the necessary vegetable gardens and seedbeds.\n\nSeedbeds\n\nTai Foo implied 2 shing (1 shing = 1/10 tau) of seedbed per tau of fields.\n\nVegetable Gardens\n\nNo details, but small - 1/2 to 1 1/2 shing (about 380 sq. ft.) seems reasonable for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n199\n\na small family, 1 shing (about 760 sq. ft.) for a large one.\n\nBasic family requirements\n\nAssume a family of 2 adults and 3 children and assume each child eats 0.75 as much as an adult. Such a family would require 4.25 adult requirements. Assuming all food and Crown Rent met from harvest with no cash sales or casual labour income.\n\nIn land, this implies:\n\nTai Wai good average land, 1 tau can feed 1.94 adults (as above) without outside assistance, 4.25 adults, therefore require 2.19 tau, which requires 4 shing of seedbed and 0.5 shing vegetable gardens or 2.19 + 0.4 + 0.05 = 2.65 tau,\n\nTai Wai best land\n\n1 tau can feed 3.03 adults (as above). 4.25 adults therefore require 1.4 tau which require 2.75 shing seedbed and 1/2 shing vegetable gardens or 1.4 + 0.275 + 0.05 = 1.73 tau.\n\nWong Chuk Yeung good average land\n\n1 tau can feed 1.38 adults (as above). 4.25 adults therefore require 3.08 tau which require 6 shing seedbed and 0.5 shing vegetable gardens or 3.08 + 0.6 + 0.05 = 3.72 tau.\n\nLarger families (4 adults, 6 children)\n\nIt may be assumed that economies of scale appear, and that the family would require about 1.75 of the land of the small family, e.g. (Note: not checked)\n\nTai Wai average land 2.64 x 1.75 = 4.62 tau\n\nbest land 1.73 x 1.75 = 3.02 tau.\n\nWong Chuk Yeung average land 3.72 x 1.75 = 6.51 tau.\n\nTo translate to Block Crown Lease acreages\n\nAssume approximate equivalence 1 tau and 0.175 acres (=7630 sq.ft.)\n\nTherefore,\n\n \n Basic family requirements\n \n \n \n \n Tai Wai average land\n 2.64 x 0.175 = 0.462 ac.\n \n \n \n best land\n 1.73 x 0.175 = 0.302 ac.\n \n \n \n Wong Chuk Yeung average land\n 3.72 x 0.175 = 0.651 ac.\n \n \n \n Small family\n \n \n \n \n Large family\n \n \n \n \n \n 4.62 x 0.175 = 0.809 ac.\n \n \n \n \n 3.02 x 0.175 = 0.529 ac.\n \n \n \n \n 6.51 x 0.175 = 1.139 ac.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209312, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n201\n\nequals 12-20% if expressed in terms of the percentage of the crop that would need to be sold to realise the cash for the Crown Rent.\n\nRice Price\n\nThe above assumes a rice retail price of $2 per catty ($2 per picul) and a sale price to the farmer producer of 50%, ie $1 per catty ($1 per picul). This price was discussed with Yu Look-yau, J.P., who was a rice retailer in Tsimshatsui in 1930s. From late 1930s this price was an enforced (successfully) retail price standardised by Government: earlier this was the usual price, and was enforced as a standard when profiteering began to appear when the Japanese took control in Canton. Mr. Yu considered $2 per picul standard (subject to minor variations) from early in the century. [Note: confirmed again later with Mr. Yu.]\n\nPoorest land\n\nIn Tai Wai the poorest land was on mountain slope, susceptible to wind, typhoon, floor in Wong Chuk Yeung all lands, even the worst, were reasonably sheltered, hence higher \"poorest land\" yield figures in Wong Chuk Yeung. (Note: this may reflect Wong Chuk Yeung's shorter history than Tai Wai.) The lowest figure quoted by Wai H.L. (0.7 per tau) for this upland rice would give a phenomenally low return, viz. for 1 tau:\n\nyield 0.7 x 2 harvests = 1.4 picul\n\nless 0.2 picul for seeds = 1.2 picul\n\nless 30% (by volume) for hulling = almost exactly 1 picul\n\nless 17.5% Crown Rent = 0.83 picul\n\nless 3% wastage = 0.8 picul\n\n0.8 picul = 3 taels per day (400 day year) or\n\n37.5% of 1 adult's requirement\n\nif 40% hullage and 5% wastage figures used as elsewhere in Tai Wai, final yield figure = 0.69 picul = 2.7 taels a day or 34% of 1 adult's requirement.\n\nAt this rate a small family would need to till 11-1/3 tau or 12½ tau to survive. It is, however, obvious that these very poor fields were only supplementary to other, better land. While Wai H.L. clearly indicated that they could take 2 rice crops, and that he had seen them doing so (under the Japanese?) it seems clear that except in times of great stringency they were used only for occasional snatch crops of rice and were often left fallow. Wai H.L. said that it was often more profitable", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n203\n\nstraw was used mostly as fuel, and in the repairs of the irrigation canal dykes. At second harvest the rice was cut as close to the ground as possible - the sweet potato harvest did not need this fertiliser, and, the ground being dry it would not rot quickly enough. Also straw was more valuable in the winter as it was needed to feed cattle, and to lay along the furrows where vegetable or sweet potato seeds had been planted to protect them from the birds. Just before and after the War the British army would come to Tai Wai in autumn to buy spare straw to feed army horses. Wai H.L. acted as broker and could make 30 cents on a load.\n\nCalculating the harvest\n\nBoth at Tai Wai and Wong Chuk Yeung the quality of the harvest was calculated by counting the grains of rice in the heads. In Tai Wai a good harvest was where each head had 120-140 grains, in Wong Chuk Yeung 80-100 grains (120 was also known). In upland fields Tai Wai occasionally had harvests with only 8-10 grains a head. The density of growth was assumed constant - in Wong Chuk Yeung 80-100 grains presumed 2 piculs per tau, in Tai Wai 120-140 presumed 3-4 piculs etc. The estimates were regarded in both villages as reasonably accurate.\n\nIrrigations\n\nThe Tai Wai fields were irrigated by means of lateral irrigation canals taking water from main streams. A dyke was built across a main stream (Shing Mun River or Tin Sam Nullah), damming up the waters behind it. These were then led into an irrigation canal running along the river bank, roughly parallel to it, but at a higher level. In order to lead the river waters into the irrigation canal the dyke was built aslant the river. With this method the irrigation canal could provide water efficiently to large areas of land. Where the river had raised its bed above surrounding land levels, a dyke across half the river was adequate. At the end of the irrigation canal it was best to build a fish pond into which any excess waters could be allowed to fall. Water would only flow back into the main river if the pond overflowed. In low water years the water in this pond could be lifted with the shui-ch'e (a hand-operated water wheel) and so the pond could be used as a reservoir, otherwise as a fish pond. Because of the risk of flooding the fields in very heavy rain times the main irrigation canal required sluices to close the flow and force the flow back into the main river above the fields. Tai Wai had 3 such systems. The Tin Sam valley had a similar system; from a dyke at Hin Tin water was led between Tin Sam and Keng Hau to a pond opposite the Che", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "Vol. 21 (1981)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n206\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\npoorer relatives next door. When he killed a chicken he would not even send the scraps to his relatives, but threw them to his dogs. He paraded his wealth before the other villagers with his silk clothes etc. **Thus when misfortune struck, the villagers refused to help, refusing his request to let outsiders participate in the auction, and getting together to bid low prices for his land. Wai H.L.'s father bought some. Wai H.L. remembers as a small boy (c. 1936) this Chan in old age in rags begging from door to door in the village to the jeers of the villagers, Wai H.L.'s father relieved him but called Wai H.L. to see, and lectured him on how pride and greed had destroyed this villager, while proper and charitable behaviour would not have left him thus. The impression was obviously strong.\n\nFUNERAL POTS FROM\n\nAN ANCESTRAL GRAVE\n\nPatrick Hase\n\nDavid Faure", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209364, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "HON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT\n\nPerhaps the most important occurrence in a relatively eventful year was the donation of over 20 books and several parts of periodicals, nearly all relating to Asia, from the Editor of the well-known Hong Kong monthly ‘Orientations'. This was briefly noted in the President's report at the last annual general meeting, but occurred after the Librarian's report had been prepared. We are extremely grateful for this most useful addition to our collection. Apart from a few volumes which need binding, these gifts have already been added to the shelves.\n\nDuring the year other gifts were received from Dr. James Hayes, who also purchased several volumes on behalf of the Society, including a useful and fairly complete run of the Peking Natural History Bulletin, the complete volumes of which have been bound. Other acquisitions were received on exchange from the University of Hong Kong Libraries, while the regular exchanges with other institutions for our Journal continued.\n\nAn arrangement was made with the Hong Kong Anthropological Society, whereby their small library of material in Chinese and vernaculars, some 20 volumes, has been placed on indefinite loan with our collection, and is included in our catalogue.\n\nIt is fortunate that the space shortage at the Kotewall Library of the Arts Centre, mentioned in the last report, has been overcome. Additional bookcases have been provided, allowing us to spread the books over a greatly increased length of shelving. Even with the increasing accessions noted over the past two years, we will be able to keep our collection in better order for a few years to come.\n\nAs of this date the stock of our collection is as follows:\n\n \n Books*\n Pamphlets\n Bound periodicals\n \n \n 757\n 57\n 686 in 507\n1,321 volumes\n \n \n * including 50 in Chinese\n \n\nxxi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209367, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "2\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nstaff amounting to around a dozen in all. The SCA [Secretary for Chinese Affairs: this title was later changed to Secretary for Home Affairs] is put in overall responsibility for the working of the Scheme. The CDOs are specifically enjoined to a) assess the overall impact of government policies, to explain these policies as well as the difficulties and the achievements of the Government to ordinary people, b) to initiate proposals for the new policies or new procedure when the need for these becomes apparent from the feeling of the public, and c) to become aware of problems and conflicts and trends of public thinking before attitudes have been struck. In short, the new CDO Scheme is a response of Government to the public's by-now-hackneyed outcry for 'closing the gap between the Government and the people' (Wong 1972:223).\n\nAn official source from 1975 gave a similar description:\n\nThis [Home Affairs] department runs the City District Office Scheme, which was introduced in 1968 to improve communication between the government and people. There are 10 City District Offices and 12 sub-offices in the most crowded urban areas of Kowloon and Hong Kong Island. Throughout the urban areas, these offices provide a point of contact with the government where even the humblest citizen can go for help in the knowledge that he will be courteously treated, patiently heard and helpfully advised (Government Information Services 1975:211).\n\nThe Mutual Aid Committees, it was felt, would help the District Offices achieve this aim of improved communication, as they would offer their members opportunities to participate in local affairs, and to express their opinions to the Government.\n\nA second reason for establishing Mutual Aid Committees was to aid the authorities in the promotion of various social campaigns. As described in 1980:\n\nIn 1973 the Hong Kong government decided to take action against two major city problems: a rising crime rate and an accelerating deterioration of the living and working conditions in a number of residential and business units. The plan of action included the launching of two campaigns, the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209368, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "Keep Hong Kong Clean campaign and the Fight Violent Crime campaign. Existing community organizations were called upon to give their services (Scott 1980: 18).\n\nThe Mutual Aid Committees, designed as they were with a residence-based structure, would also be useful organizations to mobilize for the promotion of these campaigns, and some district officials suggested that this possibility was in mind when the committees were established.\n\nA third, equally important, reason for establishing the Mutual Aid Committees was the desire of the government and concerned private citizens to improve the neighbourliness of high-rise buildings and multi-storey blocks. More specifically, government officials were becoming more concerned about cooperation and safety.\n\nWhen crime reared its head in these surroundings, the instinctive reaction was to retreat behind locked doors and ignore whatever might be happening outside. Prospects for neighbourly co-operation made little headway under these circumstances, and the concept of getting together with one's fellow tenants, to organize collective action for the common good, remained remote and unreal (Government Information Services 1974:9).\n\nThe formation of the MACs was hailed as a step forward in improving residents' concern for each other and in improving living conditions.\n\nThe tradition of mutual aid originally grew up in a rural setting. Today this tradition is being harnessed to tackle urban social problems found in the management of multi-storey buildings under divided ownership. The mutual aid committee is a simple form of organization which can be set up with a minimum of formality, enabling owners and tenants to work together to improve conditions in their buildings. Although the basic aim of the movement is building management, it is already clear that the mutual aid committee has the potential to meet other needs; in particular the need to replace the social links that disappeared with the decline of traditional forms of village life. A sense of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209374, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "9 \n\nA similar \nplan to go back and establish a new committee. 13 situation exists at Block #9, which has already been converted. However, it is not yet fully occupied and a committee cannot be established until all units have been taken. When this is done, the District Office will begin its visits. A different situation exists in Block #13, for its MAC has been in suspension since 1978. The reasons why were not entirely clear, for the suspension was enacted before the tenure of the present liaison officer. Block #13 contains both the Housing Department office and the office of the Neighbourhood Police Unit, so it is possible that the residents did not see the need for an MAC. In January of 1983, the staff of the District Office planned to make new visits to assess the situation at this block. It seems that their efforts were successful, for on April 15, 1983, the residents held a special meeting and voted to set up a new Mutual Aid Committee. While dissolution is a serious matter, if a committee is dissolved, it can be re-established at a later date if the residents change their opinions.\n\nPrivate housing blocks, it might be added, have another alternative—the owners' corporations—and some MACs disband when one of these is established. The owners' corporations were established under the Multi-Storey Building (Owners' Incorporation) Ordinance, passed in 1970. Normally, the two kinds of organizations do not co-exist in one building, although there are some examples of change over long periods when both continue to function. Some officials (for example, many of the liaison officers I interviewed while conducting research in the Mong Kok District) considered this change desirable and viewed the process as one of no committee, then a Mutual Aid Committee, then an owners' corporation. Of course, no such alternative is available at Lok Fu, as owners' corporations cannot be established in public housing estates, or in some private housing estates with management systems governed by Deeds of Mutual Covenant.\n\nA Question of Data\n\nHow large are Mutual Aid Committees and what is their internal arrangement? While this question seems quite straightforward, gathering the information necessary to answer it is not always easy. Because of conflicting sources, it is difficult to assess", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209378, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "13\n\nofficial information. Floor representatives also participate in their MAC's subcommittees, if there are any, and so do much of the work of organizing and carrying out activities.\n\nOfficeholders\n\nHow many officeholders are there? The basic committee structure consists of three officers: chairman, secretary, and treasurer. Section VII of the 1982 Model Rules (Composition of Committee) explains that, \"The MAC shall consist of at least three key office-bearers namely a Chairman, a Secretary and a Treasurer, and such other office-bearers as may be elected\" (City and New Territories Administration 1982:2). The three officers (and, of course, any additional officers) are required to show their identity cards and register at the District Office along with the committee itself. The registration practice, which is now standardized for all City Districts, involves giving certain personal data for recording in the District Office. The information recorded is: name, address, telephone number, identity card number, sex, date of birth, age, educational background, occupation, nationality, and C.C.C. number.15 All of the officers of all committees must register. However, the District Office does not keep records on any other members of the committee, nor does it record the structure of the committee itself.\n\nIn addition to the three officers mentioned above, most committees add extra officeholding positions to assist in the running of the committee. While government regulations do not state clearly what positions these might be, all the Mutual Aid Committees in Lok Fu Estate have vice-chairmen. Most have only one, but three committees have two vice-chairmen, one has three, and one has four. Committees have vice-chairmen because they recognize the need for someone to assist the chairman, on whom falls much of the responsibility for the affairs of the committee. Sometimes, there is too much for one person to do. Three more committees have either vice-secretaries or vice-treasurers, and two committees have both a vice-secretary and a vice-treasurer. The chairman of one of these committees explained that these extra vice-officers were the secretary and the treasurer of the previous term and were kept on to advise and assist the newly-elected secretary and treasurer. This ensured", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209381, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "16\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nimperative. Actually, the officers of many MACs have recently been serving for terms of longer than one year due to special events or circumstances (such as the recent District Board Elections) which have delayed the block elections. According to the District Office, the MAC chairmen were consulted before the new rule was enacted, to collect their opinions. These consultations were, however, informal ones carried out in the course of the regular visits paid to the committee by the staff of the District Office or collected during telephone conversations. There were no formal meetings called to discuss the proposed change.\n\nWhat opinions do the officeholders have of this change? The chairmen I spoke to were overwhelmingly in favor of the two-year term of office; only two chairmen expressed any reservations. As one explained, \"I think that two years is too long for a term and I want a shorter one. There are some residents of the block who are also well qualified and I want to give these people a chance to carry out the job of an officer.\" The second chairman, while generally agreeing with the change, cautioned, \"The drawback with a longer term is that people may begin to criticize the chairman, for example, for misuse of power.\" A third chairman felt that it made no difference. One and two-year terms were the same to him, for although a two-year term allowed the officers to familiarize themselves with the households, a one-year term was too much for him because few people in his block were willing to help the committee.\n\nOther chairmen had no reservations about the change. Their comments centered on three benefits (basically, the same ones as recognized by the District Office), namely: more time for the chairman to become acquainted with the block and its committee, more time for the officers to do their work, and avoiding too frequent elections. Speaking on the first point, one chairman told me:\n\n\"I think the two-year term of office is a good idea. This is because, in a one-year term, the officers might not get properly on track as they need to take some time to familiarize themselves with the work of the MAC. There is a risk that they might not be re-elected the next year and then the new", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "19\n\nwelfare director, one women's section director, and adds two new subcommittees, one sanitation director and one football instructor. The same kinds of subcommittees are found in an additional three committees (those for Blocks #16, #19, and #23) but Block #19 has two additional categories of junior police call (three members) and security (nine members), and Block #16 adds that of hygiene. Block #17's MAC has recently formed subcommittees for recreation, general affairs, women's section, and public relations.\n\nWhat do these committees do? Are there any differences with the subcommittee descriptions given earlier? Take, for example, the recreation subcommittee. The MACs of Lok Fu Estate may participate in two kinds of recreational activities, those organized through the District Office and planned for the estate as a whole and those organized by the block itself. The latter are much less common, as many committees do not have enough enthusiastic members to do the organizing nor do they have sufficient funds to pay for the expenses. Picnics are popular in the summer and fall, however, and the residents of many blocks are enthusiastic about outings to local temples to eat vegetarian food. One committee provides summer activities for its resident young people (such as camping trips, chess playing sessions, and table tennis) and a few committees have obtained basketballs and footballs for residents to use. The women's section subcommittee of one block's MAC provides a special service by seeing to the needs of old women living in the block. For example, it helps to pay the electricity bills for those in need and gives general assistance to these older women. The functions of the other subcommittees are generally the same as described.\n\nOne special subcommittee, that for security, is characteristic only of public housing estate Mutual Aid Committees. There, multiple entrances and exits make security a problem. It is true enough that private housing units also have security problems, often serious ones, but in my experience they rarely have patrol teams, relying instead on gates, an occasional watchman or two, or a company-hired professional security team. In the public housing estates, the security subcommittee is usually the one responsible for the neighbourhood security patrols, the regularly-rotating groups of committee members and residents who patrol", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209385, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "20\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nthe halls and the entrances of the blocks, watching for intruders and generally keeping an eye on the safety of the building. The majority of public housing estates have set up some kinds of patrol, or have had patrols in the past until the setting up of gates made them unnecessary (Scott 1980:38). While these neighbourhood security patrols are extremely common in other estates, there are very few at Lok Fu.\n\nWhy is this? There are a number of possible reasons, beginning with the smaller size of these blocks. Lok Fu Estate is designed on the older Mark I and Mark II structural designs which accommodate fewer people to start with, and recently, a number of blocks have been losing residents to newer estates elsewhere, or to home ownership schemes. In addition, the conversion of many blocks has meant fewer units, and therefore, fewer resident families. Fewer residents suggests fewer problems to many people, and so residents of some blocks do not see the need for a patrol. In addition, the H-shape of the Mark II blocks with outside balconies makes it easier to spot intruders, and makes residents feel safer. It should also be remembered that Lok Fu Estate has a Neighbourhood Police Unit in Block #13, and all the MAC officers are acquainted with its director. In fact, all the chairmen but one stressed again and again how safe and peaceful life was in the blocks. Another reason, one probably more to the point, is that residents of most blocks are simply no longer enthusiastic about patrolling, and they are not willing to give money to pay for the service, even if earlier in the committee's history they had supported such a team. The result has been half-hearted attempts to form patrols, and numerous failures.\n\nFor example, one committee had planned to establish a patrol team, but both interest and funds were insufficient to support it. Committee officers then decided that it would be more effective to hire a watchman for the front gate, but residents would not give money for that either, so up to now nothing has been accomplished. A similar lack of funds (and authority) prevented another committee from starting a patrol team. \"The MAC organizations were mainly set up in 1973, assisted by the City District Office, because public order was very bad at that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209386, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "21\n\ntime and the crime rate was high. The government suggested setting up a voluntary organization in each block of an estate to patrol for the public's safety. Our block has never practised patrolling before. The chief reason was that the MAC's power was very restricted and its financial resources were very limited. So, it could not afford to run a patrol.\" Another chairman remarked, “After the MAC was set up in 1973, there was a night patrol group made up of residents who volunteered. However, people lost their enthusiasm and it ended.\" Still another chairman, a veteran of many years' service to the MAC, explained:\n\nBut\n\nIn the past, we hired a watchman at $900 a month salary. Three dollars were collected from each room for this. Some people moved out, and so the MAC had to ask for more money from each household to make up the loss. The residents were not willing to give the money. Therefore, our committee doesn't have a watchman now. Probably we will not have one until the residents have a real need for one, and then they will ask the MAC to call him back. But, I suppose that it is better to get a resident from the block to be the watchman because he will know the residents and the situation.\n\nOne\n\nThere are only a few watchman security systems left. A chairman, whose committee has hired a watchman to guard the male and female toilets at night, said that at first, only sixty to seventy percent of the residents were willing to contribute money to pay for the service, but that later (presumably after they had seen how well it worked), ninety percent contributed money. This watchman works from ten in the evening to seven o'clock the next morning. Each household on the lower floors pays $5.00 a month for this service, while the new rooms on the roof each pay $9.00 a month. Another committee employs a guard to patrol the block all night. For this, he is paid $1,000 per month, with each household contributing $3.00 towards this total.\n\nHonorary Members\n\nA final feature characteristic of many Mutual Aid Committees in public housing estates is the position of honorary member.19 Honorary members are those individuals who have aided the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "22\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\ncommittee in some fashion or who occupy positions of respect in the community.20 For these accomplishments, they are honored by being given positions in the MAC such as honorary chairman (**), president (#), honorary president (**E), consultant (H), honorary consultant (2JN), and medical consultant (H). Mutual Aid Committees are not restricted in the number of honorary members they may select, nor are they restricted to their own block or committee when choosing them. Honorary members can also be chosen from residents of other blocks, or from organizations and committees outside the estate. The honorary members may in fact not be individuals at all, but companies or businesses that have supported the MAC. For example, three Lok Fu Mutual Aid Committees have local businesses as honorary members (in the positions of consultant or president). In all, six committees in Lok Fu Estate have invited honorary members.21\n\nWhile honorary members need not perform any of the day-to-day duties of the committee, they may be called upon to give advice and special assistance, usually in the form of funds. In return, they are given respect and the committee itself gains in prestige by having notable members. Conferring honorary status on an individual is not all calculation, however; many elderly residents, former officers or members, or long-term residents may be so honored. In Lok Fu Estate, the most common position is that of president, followed by consultant. Six Mutual Aid Committees have invited individuals to serve as president (either honorary or ordinary) and four committees have installed consultants (either honorary or ordinary).22 As the position of president is the most common, the following discussion will be directed to it.\n\nThe president is not elected but is recommended by the MAC members. For instance, Uncle Tse and Mr. Wong, who are the presidents, are very enthusiastic to join the MAC. As they have been living in Lok Fu Estate for many years, they are known by everyone in the block. However, because they are too old to bear the many duties of the MAC, hence they are given the honorary title of president which shares the duties of an MAC chairman. In most instances, they", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209388, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "23 \n\nhave given financial support to the operation of the MAC.\n\nThis description of a president, given by one chairman, contains many of the features associated with the position. Presidents (and all other honorary positions) are not formally elected, but are recommended by office-holders or committee members, or perhaps the interested party volunteers to take up the appointment. In some blocks, the committee as a whole must agree to the appointment; in others, approval of the officers is sufficient. As already explained, a president can be appointed from people who live inside the block, from those who live outside the block but within the estate, and from those living outside the estate. In Lok Fu, the presidents who are appointed from residents of the block are often elderly residents who have served on the committee or were previous officeholders. There are no written criteria for a president but the most important characteristic is enthusiasm for the work of the MAC: people so honored must have expressed their support for the committee and for a long time. Another commonly recognized qualification is the willingness of the individual to give financial aid; the position of president carries with it the understood obligation to assist the committee with funds (although these need not be large), 23 As many of the MACs find themselves with insufficient funds to carry out projects, the funds provided by the presidents make it possible for some committees to offer activities for the residents. As one chairman admitted, “Our committee has seven or eight presidents. They are mainly to give money to sponsor some activities, for example, the trips to eat vegetarian food. As our MAC does not have enough money, it needs someone to help sponsor these activities.” 24\n\nWhat duties are performed by the presidents? The president, while in some committees similar to the chairman in respect, do not actually vote in meetings or formally influence decisions, although they have the right to give their opinions on issues. As explained, they do not even need to attend committee meetings, although they are expected to attend the inauguration ceremonies for the new officers (if any), and any other public function sponsored by the MAC. They are expected to give opinions and advice on committee affairs and problems of the block, and, in\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209401, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "36 \n\nJ. H. HAAN \n\nThe assertion of selfgovernment \n\nIn some Western countries, especially Great Britain, the 19th century was the heyday of progress in parliamentary government. In Britain the 1832 Reform Act had substantially increased the number of voters, as well as redistributed them in favour of commerce and industry; the 1835 Municipal Corporations Act provided for the first time a uniform basis upon which local government was to be run, that is, through councils elected by ratepayers. By later acts (1865, 1884, 1918 and 1928) the parliamentary franchise was gradually widened, till the principle of taxation as a basis for voting rights disappeared. \n\nThe foreigners mainly British and Americans \n\n+ \n\n+ \n\n44 \n\n+ \n\n· \n\n- who came \n\nto Shanghai in the very early years were self-conscious of the fact that they ought to govern themselves, without in any way being subjected to a higher authority like their compatriots in Hong Kong. Although the 1845 Land Regulations provided for this self-government through article XII (about the building of roads and other public works: \"The Consul (i.e. the British consul — JH) will be requested by the various renters to urge the propriety of assembling together and publicly consulting about and contributing towards the necessary expenses incurred therein, .\") and through article XX (about taxation: \"the several contributors will request the Consul to appoint three upright merchants to deliberate upon and determine the amounts to be subscribed by them .\"), it was nevertheless thought advisable by some residents to express very clearly that local government rested upon a consensus of the foreign merchants themselves. The motive for these strong words was the fear of interference from Hong Kong with regard to the right to vote. At a Public Meeting of May 29, 1852, a resolution was moved which in its original form read: \"That this meeting consider the legal opinion of the Attorney General of Hong Kong respecting the qualifications of voters at this Meeting unnecessary, as the action of the body of landrenters is not governed by Law but by mutual agreement\", but after some discussion it was passed in the following form: \"That this meeting consider the action of the body of Landrenters with reference to Roads and Jetties is only governed by mutual agreement\",13", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209402, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "37\n\nLater, in 1861, it was again stated that \"this Municipal institution (is) founded upon the consent and concurrence of the whole community (...)\" There were even reminiscences of a contract theory à la Locke in a very elaborate article by the editor of the North China Herald on \"Led Horses\" (which at the time were forming quite a nuisance): \"That Britannia rules the waves' is the firm belief of all her sons, and they feel too that her onward march to almost universal dominion as it would seem, is to be traced solely to their obedience to her laws. All men are equal by virtue of their birth and under this conviction the only law that prevailed in the beginning was Club law. The administration of this Code, however, proved to be so fatally inconvenient that men in self-defence met together and voluntarily surrendered a very considerable portion of their birthright to secure that 'comfort, order and convenience' which they so signally failed to obtain under the equality system. Hence the origins of assemblies or 'meeting of wisemen', from Parliament to Parish vestries. Under this system tyrants have come to grief, and legally constituted authorities have grown up like trees by the waterside and have become the polished corners of the temple in our social system. (..)\"15\n\nNow, whether all these statements about the origin and functioning of representative bodies were correct or not, apparently they were believed in by at least part of the foreign community. At times it was very evident that there was no consensus at all about several questions, and that assertions of such a consensus were no more than a polite fiction, but these beliefs in the existence of and need for, consensus were the basis of the willingness of ratepayers to defend local self-government as an essential part of life. In practical terms this meant that the Public Meeting was considered as the local parliament1 and as such the body which had to approve any measures taken by the Municipal Council.\n\nIt seems therefore appropriate to give an outline of the Public Meeting's procedures and practice, as well as the voting qualifications, before turning to its executive organ, the Municipal Council.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209404, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "39\n\nAs in Europe in the first half of the 19th century, it was not deemed advisable to grant the vote to all and sundry. The fear of democratic tyrannic majority rule, after the experience of the French Revolution, still worked its influence on political thinking about the franchise. If only voters had some \"respectable\" background in most cases to be measured by their payment of taxes or rates they could be expected to vote in the \"right\" way. Moreover it was argued that the government of the land should be left to those who had a real stake in it, again measured financially. In view of this train of thought it is not surprising to find that in Shanghai similar opinions prevailed.\n\n10\n\nAccording to the 1845 and 1854 Land Regulations only landowners (incidentally: legally the ground could be rented only, but to all practical purposes it was owned) could take part in the decision making process at the Public Meeting. Originally this was a very natural development because most foreign residents owned land in the new settlement. Gradually this changed and more and more foreigners rented houses on which they had to pay a housetax which did not carry with it a right to vote. Soon after the approval of the 1854 Land Regulations in July, however, there was a short upheaval at a Public Meeting held on November 10, 1854. At that meeting a resolution was moved and passed which read: \"That in addition to the qualifications for Votes now in use the payment by any Foreign resident of fifty dollars annually, or upwards, towards the Dues or assessments levied by the Municipal Council, shall entitle the individual or firm so contributing to one vote at any General Meeting (...)\".20 This motion was probably induced not so much by the house renters, but by the payers of wharfage dues, the revenues of which in the budget of 1854-55 were estimated at $14,000 out of a total of $25,000 (against $2,000 landtax, $3,000 European housetax and $5,400 Chinese housetax),21 Chinese housetax). Although the resolution was passed unanimously, it was not approved by consul Alcock, whose main argument, expressed at the Public Meeting of November 24 was that if the franchise was widened on this basis \"its application in any impartial or equitable spirit would involve the introduction of several thousand Chinese voters, to the swamping of the present small fraction of Foreign renters, in whom all power was now without dispute vested\".22", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209405, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "40 \n\nJ. H. HAAN \n\nIt was one of the first manifestations of the fact that after all the land-renters were not sovereign in taking their own decisions and that for important measures the consent of one or more consuls was necessary. \n\nFor the time being the matter was allowed to rest, but the fact of tenants not having the franchise was again broached in the mid-1860s. Amidst numerous other signs of civic disobedience, a number of tenants refused to pay taxes which they themselves had not voted. Some of them were prosecuted before their respective Consular Courts with the result that in some cases the Municipal Council was proved right and sometimes wrong.23 \n\nThere was a widespread feeling that tenants could no longer be barred from attending Public Meetings; this feeling was expressed at the meeting of April 15, 1865, by the chairman of the Municipal Council, Henry Dent: \"Hitherto the practice has been of only land-renters voting. That this system is wrong in principle can hardly admit of doubt. Ratepayers contribute largely to the taxes and ought certainly to have a voice in matters of taxation. (...)\"24 \n\nApart from the principle involved, it was doubtless also an effort to muster support for the Municipal Council from the tenant-ratepayers. \n\nThe way seemed open for a wider franchise and indeed the new Land Regulations provided for the vote by some tenants (article XIX). The basis was rather restricted, however, and during the deliberations about the Land Regulations on March 12 and 13, 1866, it became clear that many land-renters who until then had exercised sole power—wished to limit the franchise even more than had been foreseen by the Commission which had drawn up the new Constitution. \n\nThe minimum rent which gave a tenant the right to vote was, therefore, eventually put at 700 taels. The only person who pleaded the cause of the tenants was the British consul, Charles Winchester, whose opinion was \"that the article just read (XIX) did not by any means come up to his idea what the franchise should be. One description of right should not alone", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209406, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "41\n\nbe recognized, but as many qualifications as possible should be enumerated\".25 But the landowners would not accept this, the hub of the matter being forcefully expressed by Mr. Hogg that a substantial enlargement of the voting qualifications \"would in fact admit a class that now lived on the property holders and might then outvote them on every important question\" and even if Mr. Winchester made any efforts to tempt his superior (the British minister Alcock) into liberalizing the franchise, he was unsuccessful. The final text of this article read: \"Every foreigner, either individually or as a member of a firm, residing in the Settlement, having paid all taxes due and being an owner of land of not less than five hundred taels in value, whose annual payment of assessment on land and houses shall amount to the sum of ten taels or upwards, or who shall be a householder paying on an assessed rental of not less than five hundred taels per annum and upwards shall be entitled to vote in the election of the said members of the Council and the public meetings.\n\nAlthough it should be borne in mind that over the years rentals increased substantially, whereas the figures in the Land Regulations were not altered, so that more tenants became eligible for the vote, great disappointment was voiced at the time in a rather harsh comment of the North China Herald in which it was stated that \"the Municipal Government has hitherto been conducted on quasi-feudal principles... the extreme difference between the election qualifications (under discussion in Shanghai and those under discussion in Britain) is sufficiently striking. While we have with difficulty gained a £250 franchise (viz Taels 700, the minimum rent which gave a tenant the right to vote — JH), large numbers at home are dissatisfied with a £10 standard and are agitating for a reduction to £6, while we fix the payment of £6 per annum in taxes as necessary qualifications, at home the payment of a £6 rental is thought to be established as entitling the householder to a vote. We see no reason why the outer many should not enjoy a voice and vote as well as the fortunate few\"20\n\nBut however valid the objections of the critics were, these remained the foundations upon which the franchise in the Shanghai International Settlement was based.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209412, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "47\n\nOnly the first two belonged to houses which had property in the Settlement, but Mr. Langley was the manager of the Oriental Bank which was not registered as a landrenter. At some time during the meeting \"the fact of Mr. Langley not being a land-holder and his being disqualified in consequence, was then argued\", but most of those present thought that it was \"competent for the Landholders to elect at a Public Meeting any person they might choose to take charge of their affairs”.\n\nThus the affair was closed, and during the following ten years there were only renters on the Municipal Council; but in the edition of June 29 1861 a letter to the editor of the North China Herald was printed, which drew attention to the fact that a non-renter was allegedly a member of the Municipal Council. This letter, by \"A Landrenter\" partly read:\n\n\"Sir. It is a generally received axiom that the possession of landed property renders its owner conservative; and on this good principle I was always under the impression that the Municipal Government of this Settlement was founded. Much then was I surprised to find the meetings of landholders purporting to be convened for them alone were attended by non-renters and from amongst them one of our Municipal Councillors was chosen My only reason for troubling you with this letter is to ascertain the opinion of my fellow-landholders as to the eligibility of non-renters to hold Municipal offices .\". The person referred to was probably Mr. William Howard, manager of the Chartered Mercantile Bank of India, London and China, who resigned as from June 28 1861.38\n\nThe opinion of the \"fellow-landholders” was aired at a Public Meeting of March 31 1862, during which the stand of a decade before was reversed in a resolution passed unanimously: \"That before choosing gentlemen for the Municipal Council for the coming year it be resolved that non but bona fide foreign Renters of Land shall be able to become members of the Municipal Council.\"30\n\nThus the matter was after all decided in favour of the landowners, the final Constitution only adding a very high threshold, to bar anyone who might not be considered “respectable”.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209439, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "74\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nThe meeting not appearing to have achieved any great breakthrough, the Government and the Chinese merchants went their separate ways to try to resolve the situation. Later that same afternoon, the 4th, Marsh himself met some of the sureties of the boatmen and assured them of police protection if the boatmen returned to work. They told him they feared violence despite this, but Marsh got the impression that this was merely an excuse to avoid returning to work. He came away with a feeling that they were waiting for some secret order on whether to resume work or not. He also sent word around through Stewart Lockhart that if the people would resume work, the Government would consider as an act of grace any appeal which might be made for a remittance of the fines. No appeals, however, came forward.88\n\nThe Chinese merchants, too, continued for the rest of the day exerting themselves in an effort to end the strike. There is no documentary evidence recording specifically what they did, but we shall return later to discuss what had probably been done.\n\nEarly the next morning, placards signed \"All the kaifongs of the Colony\" were posted all along the Praya. They claimed that a meeting of those pursuing various trades in the Colony had been held, and the resolution was that all the cargo boats and coolies should resume work on the morning of the 5th October.30\n\nAt about 10 o'clock on the 5th, cargo boats started coming over from the Chinese side of the harbour. A crowd gathered on shore and, to forestall violence, a picket of soldiers was moved from the Tung Wah Hospital to the Harbour Master's office. The police read a proclamation calling upon the people to disperse and they did so. Though there were a few isolated cases of attempted interference with those resuming work, the general strike may be said to have ended.10\n\nIn fact, there was no serious disturbance after the 3rd. Yet despite this and the resumption of work on the 5th, the Acting Governor remained anxious about the angry and excited feeling among the lower classes of coolies and the large number of triad members he believed to have assembled in Hong Kong. The city was rife with rumours about imminent troubles, and a large", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209444, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "79\n\n58\n\nofficials and gentry-merchants (shen-shang) are [agents]. There is no need for [professional] agents.\n\nWe have no means to prove or disprove Chang's somewhat extravagant claim, but we can be certain that there was at least some truth in it.\n\nIn Ho Amei, we have an example of Chang's \"Man in Hong Kong\". Ho is one of the most colourful personalities in 19th Century Hong Kong, and, as such, was one of those whom the Rev. Carl Smith has chosen to write about in several of his works on the Chinese in Hong Kong. Ho Amei had worked in Australia and New Zealand, in mining and emigration; for a while he worked at the Registrar-General's office in Hong Kong. He also worked in the Chinese Customs Service for a time. In 1882, he started the Telegraph Company in Hong Kong which the Chinese Government took over 2 years later. Then and after, he had many business connections with the Chinese Government, in emigration, mining, railways and telegraphy. In 1884, he was secretary of the On Tai Insurance Company, a position which entitled him to sit at the meetings of the predominantly European Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce.\n\nThroughout the Sino-French War, he regularly sent telegrams to the Canton authorities reporting on French movements around Hong Kong. As we have seen, at the meeting of the Chamber of Commerce, he condemned the French for searching junks. At the same meeting, he spoke out for China's right to block the river entrance in Shanghai in case of a French attack, an opinion which found no sympathy in the Chamber. Indeed, he was voted down as \"an interested party\".01\n\nInterested party he certainly was, but what we must not overlook amid the complexity of his material interests was his courage in speaking up for China, knowing full well his lone opinion would not reverse the resolutions reached by the predominantly European members of the Chamber. There was no need for him to please the Canton Government with a declaration of allegiance at a Chamber of Commerce meeting; it demanded loyalty of him in other ways. The public stand he made, and it was well publicised in the papers, was made out of his own convictions on the question of China's sovereign rights. He protested against the French not as a Chinese agent, but as a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209454, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "89\n\nThe 1884 events demonstrate how the Tung Wah Hospital made the necessary accommodations, both by its initial encouragement of the strike and by the very pragmatic manner in which it ended it.\n\nThe 1884 events also show how active the Tung Wah Hospital was. One feature of the Hospital was that all past Committee members continued to exert influence on its affairs, and were very actively involved in them. Very often, a man would be associated with the Committee for many years, either as a director, a hip-lit (hsieh-li; sub-director) or a chi-li or chi-shi (chih-li or chih-shih; manager). Li Tak Cheung, Ho Amei and Leung On, the men most active in the 1884 events, had all been directors. Though Ho Kai, who defended several of the rioters, was not himself a member of the Tung Wah Committee, he was nevertheless the son and the brother-in-law of members. The current Chinese representative on the Legislative Council, Wong Shing was one of the founding directors and Ng Choy (known later as Wu T'ing-fang), the first Chinese Legislative Councillor, was one of the founding managers. This concentration of wealth and influence, and most significantly, dynamism and dedication, consolidated the Tung Wah Hospital in its leading position.\n\nLethbridge, in his very perceptive article on the Tung Wah Hospital, has provided many insights into its operations and into the sociological conditions which give rise to such institutions. But sociological theories cannot explain why men did what they did at any given time, nor how these institutions changed the course of history.\n\nThe Tung Wah Hospital was not a lame yes-man to China or Canton. It had its own identity, interests and principles. Merely two years later, in 1886, it resisted the order of Canton authorities to yield funds originally raised for the relief of flood victims for some other purpose. Ironically, on this occasion, the Hong Kong Government again under the acting governorship of Marsh rallied to its support in order to beat off \"the attempt of a Chinese official to exercise jurisdiction over the Directors of a Hong Kong Public Institution.\"\n\nIts role in 1884 was not based upon the need to appease", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209465, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "100 \n\nW. ALLYN RICKETT \n\nat the operations level consisted almost entirely of hastily trained students or political cadres, amateur in approach and guerrilla in methods of work. Thus, while the Chinese Communists may have had some intellectual appreciation of the need for formal laws and institutions, the slightest excuse in the name of survival was sufficient for a reversion to revolutionary expediency.3 Moreover, Mao Zedong himself, with his hatred for bureaucratization and emphasis on the mass line, was never willing to consider law any more than a mere tool of the revolution, to be used or rejected as changes in the political scene dictated.\n\nThe basic guidelines for the new China were set out in a series of Mao's speeches and writings involving his concept of \"New Democracy,\" culminating in his essay \"On the People's Democratic Dictatorship\" released on June 30, 1949 just before the founding of the new People's Republic. In this latter document in particular, Mao does not mince words; good people belonging to the four classes of the New Democracy (workers, peasants, petty bourgeoisie and national bourgeoisie) would be entitled to democratic rights, people belonging to the enemy classes (landlords and bureaucratic capitalists) would be subjected to repression and dictatorship.\n\nWhen Communist forces took over the country in 1948-49, local areas first came under military control commissions. In the cities these brought together \"conferences of all circles\" which formed people's governments beginning at the local level and then expanding upwards. In the countryside peasant associations formed the basic units which were to conduct land reform and form the bases for local governments. As local people's governments developed, powers were increasingly turned over to them by the military control commissions. However, the military control commissions retained power in all cases affecting security through their public security forces. The military control commissions also continued to maintain military tribunals in some areas for trying counter-revolutionary cases as late as 1954. People's Courts were formed immediately following 1949, largely in accordance with the demands of the situation and types of personnel available. In Shanghai, for example, a new People's Court was constituted by giving some 200 former judicial personnel and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209468, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "103\n\nby law,\" and \"the accused shall have the right to defense.” This latter provision formed the basis for the establishment of legal advisory offices attached to courts and staffed by people's lawyers, who in addition to performing all sorts of advisory and mediative work, were also empowered to defend both civil and criminal defendants, including counter-revolutionaries, in court.\n\nWhat followed during the next three years until the late spring of 1957 seemed very promising at the time. Work was begun on a series of codes, legal education was greatly expanded, law journals began to appear which by late 1955 were discussing a wide range of topics with increasing frankness. For example, in 1955, the majority of the articles published in the most important of these journals, Zhengfa yanjiu, were of a simple informative or propaganda nature. The remainder were divided between articles on Soviet law, which were important in providing acceptable precedents supporting reform, and articles dealing with practical problems such as how to prepare documents, the meaning of legal terms, investigative procedures, and questions involving the marriage law and inheritance. While none of these articles were particularly controversial in nature, they did indicate a move toward professionalism. By 1956 and through the first half of 1957, however, many articles began dealing with such highly sensitive issues as what constitutes evidence, particularly the place of confessions, the proper attitude of the court toward the defendant (one writer even called for presumption of innocence), the use of analogy, the need for Party and state organizations and functionaries to obey the law, and various problems of procedure.\n\nIn spite of the increasing demand for professionalism in judicial work and liberalization of the legal system, none of these articles faced up to the basic problem of Party control over the courts. This had to await the revitalized \"Hundred Flowers Movement\" in the late spring of 1957. Following Mao's February speech, \"On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People,\" the Party Central Committee urged non-Communists to voice their criticisms of Party work in order to assist the Committee in eradicating the three evils of bureaucratism, subjectivism, and sectarianism. In late May the Chinese Political Science and Law Association organized a series of forums for the stated purpose of giving the judicial circles in Beijing an opportunity", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209470, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "105\n\n*1) The Rightists say that the legal system exists to protect democracy; it cannot be a weapon for the dictatorship.\n\nAnswer: Actually democracy is always of a class nature. Socialist democracy is for the masses of the people. For exploiters there is only dictatorship. Only by strengthening the dictatorship can its democratic function be fulfilled.\n\n2) The Rightists say that the laws are inadequate, and there is a need to strengthen the legal system.\n\nAnswer: The Rightists want to strengthen the legal system not to protect people, but to tie the hands and feet of the public security forces. For this reason they say the more detailed the laws the better.\n\n3) The Rightists say that the class struggle has been brought to a conclusion so there is no need to stress the dictatorship.\n\nAnswer: The Rightist attacks on the Party and socialism prove this wrong. Counter-revolution will continue to exist as long as imperialism and capitalism continue to exist.\n\n4) The Rightists maintain that mass movements destroy the legal system.\n\nAnswer: The socialist legal system has been produced out of the experience and struggle of the masses. Mass movements lead to the formulation of laws.\n\n5) The Rightists say that the Party's leadership in regard to law means that there is no difference between the Party and the government and that the Party has taken the place of the government. Furthermore, they say that Party committees do not understand law or the legal profession which, they say, should be led by people within the legal profession.\n\nAnswer: The Constitution stipulates that the country shall be under the leadership of the working class. The Party is the representative of the working class. Furthermore, the law is not something mystical. It is something which is produced under the leadership of the Party in accordance with Marxist-Leninist theories regarding the state and law. These theories summarize the experience of the masses in struggle. Thus how can the Rightists say Communists do not understand law?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209479, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "114\n\nW. ALLYN RICKETT\n\nnew laws, can it be said that that there is any more hope now than existed in 1956 that the paper guarantees of the new legal system will prevail? I think there is. This optimism rests primarily on some major changes taking place in the society and in the thinking of the top leadership in the Communist Party. Unlike the earlier reforms, which in respect of the 1954 Constitution were more formal than real and pushed primarily by a small group of profession-oriented intellectuals, the new reforms come from the top and are based on the disastrous experience of the Cultural Revolution. Most of China's present leadership personally suffered from the arbitrary abuse of power at that time and have come to realize the need for a stable legal system. Furthermore, post-Gang of Four China is no longer the China of the past. The prestige of the Party has diminished greatly, the general population is no longer as malleable as it was in the past, and, perhaps most important of all, the rapid modernization and internationalization of the economy require a stable legal system.\n\nIndicative of some of the change taking place in China is the new Constitution adopted on December 4, 1982. In the 1975 and 1978 Constitutions, the Party is clearly recognized as having a special position of power. The 1978 Constitution begins by stating:\n\nThe People's Republic of China is a socialist state of the dictatorship of the proletariat led by the working class and based on the alliance of workers and peasants. (Article 1)\n\nThe Communist Party of China is the core of leadership of the whole Chinese people. The working class exercises leadership over the state through its vanguard the Communist Party of China.\n\nThe guiding ideology of the People's Republic of China is Marxism-Leninism-Mao Tsetung Thought. (Article 2)\n\nAlthough Article 3 goes on to say that all power belongs to the people and is to be exercised through the National People's Congress and local people's congresses, in point of fact the first two articles clearly give that power to the Communist Party and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209489, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "124\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nthat destitute or disreputable Chinese were shipped back to their homeland without expense to the British taxpayer. All in all, a model citizen of his adopted country.\n\nOne surmises that Lock settled down in England in 1895 without experiencing an acute degree of cultural ‘dislocation'; it was after all his elected country and must have appeared a land of opportunity to the young Cantonese. But he remained Chinese, enmeshed in the themes of Chinese society and culture — a migrant, a marginal man. Since wealth and status are closely linked in Chinese society, particularly so in overseas Chinese communities which then lacked a Chinese scholar class, once his fortune disappeared as a result of injudicious speculation, he must have experienced a shameful loss of 'face', a loss of standing within the Chinese Liverpool community. His bankruptcy was temporarily masked by maintaining a high degree of conspicuous consumption (how did he do it?). Lock was 52 in 1925, and to recoup his finances would have been difficult at that time, when the British economy was listing and shipping trade with China interrupted by the great strike and boycott of Hong Kong and the Treaty Ports. It is plausible to suggest, then, that Lock felt disgraced, ashamed of what the future might bring his wife and three grown-up children, victims of his middle-aged ineptitude, or bad luck. It is possible to point to a number of English, let alone Chinese murders, motivated by the same impulse: fear of the future.19\n\nAll this is speculation, need it be said. The writer has not seen the transcript of the trial — has it survived? — and Lock's case is not included in the eighty-three volumes of the Notable British Trials Series.20 It seems sensible, though, to argue that Lock's friends, all those giving evidence for the defence, would tend to over-emphasise his bouts of ill-temper and any episodes which might suggest he was mentally sick. This type of retrospective interpretation or evaluation is common in many murder trials. We do not know what precisely triggered off Lock's murderous assault in the early hours of December 2, 1925. Did some chance remark made by his wife drive him into a frenzy? Did she, perhaps unwittingly, make him aware of the shame he had brought upon his family — did she awaken the tiger? That,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209495, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "130\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nthe defence and prosecution). Miao was taken to the local police station for further questioning.\n\nMiao's trial at the Carlisle Assizes lasted three days October 22-24, 1928.88 The prosecution's case was purely circumstantial (as it so often is in murder trials), but nonetheless a strong one. The presiding judge was Sir Travers Humphreys, an experienced criminal lawyer recently raised to the Bench.34 No attempt will be made here to reconstruct the three-day trial in detail, only a few salient points will be discussed.\n\nWhen Miao's wife was found, her left hand was gloveless; the glove had been torn off and lay by her side. The two rings she wore that day had been removed. When Miao's hotel room was searched, two spools of film were found in cartons. The police decided to have them developed. On doing so, out popped the missing rings from the cassettes. Who could have hidden them but the murderer? The keys to Mrs. Miao's jewel-case were also found hidden in Miao's rolled-up dress-shirt. The jewel-case contained jewellery valued at over £3,000. Why were the keys concealed in that way? A point that also told strongly against Miao was his behaviour when his wife did not return promptly from her shopping expedition to Keswick. Would a recently married man calmly go to bed when his wife was missing in a strange town, in a strange country? (He was asleep, or at least in bed, when the police came to his bedroom at around 11 p.m.).\n\nAn enigmatic piece of evidence was obtained from Scotland. The couple had stayed at an Edinburgh hotel before they arrived in the Lake District. After they vacated the hotel, a chambermaid cleaned up their room, as is the custom, and found on top of a wardrobe three slips of paper with Chinese characters on each. For some reason, she did not dispose of the slips but kept them, which was providential. The characters, when translated, read:\n\nBe sure to do it on the ship\n\nDon't do it on the ship\n\nAgain consider on arrival in Europe\n\nMiao did not deny writing these words but claimed he did not now remember to what they referred. Mr. Justice Humphreys", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209496, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "131 \n\na Chinese, \n\nwas deeply concerned to do justice to the defendant a foreigner, a stranger in Britain and instructed the jury to disregard the matter since it had not been conclusively proved that the slips of paper were relevant to the murder charge. But the sinister import of the Chinese characters must have impressed itself upon the jurymen and it would be too much to expect that they did not speculate among themselves as to the evidential value of the translated sentences. If, in fact, the words did refer to Mrs. Miao's contemplated destruction (which seems likely), then her husband must have had murder in his heart before he left America, not long after his marriage to Siu Wai-sheung, a rich woman. Again, if this is so, it was a premeditated murder, not one born of impulse or passion, like most domestic murders in Europe and China, yesterday or today.\n\nMiao, Travers Humphreys tells us, was ably defended by Mr. J. C. Jackson K.C., but he had little to go on.35 The circumstantial evidence was overwhelming in its assemblage; the case for the defence speculative and insubstantial. Miao, through his counsel, argued that he and his wife had been followed by a gang of Oriental jewel thieves; and evidence was obtained from a few persons that two Oriental gentlemen, Chinese or Japanese, had been seen in the Derwentwater area at the time of the crime. These shadowy figures were neither identified nor located. The jury was left with the following puzzle: if members of an international gang, specialising in the theft of jewellery, had robbed and killed Mrs. Miao, why did one, or both, then attempt to sexually assault the victim of their greed? That was certainly not professional criminal practice. And, furthermore, forensic scientists had already demonstrated, convincingly, that the assault upon poor Mrs. Miao had been faked. There were, for example, no bruises upon her body. Who, then, would benefit from the murder, if we dismiss the shadowy robbers? Surely only the bereft husband.\n\nThe defence was not able to weaken the structure of circumstantial evidence deployed by the prosecution. The jury was out for an hour and a half and brought in a verdict of guilty. Mr. Justice Humphreys then sentenced Miao to death, on which he cried out 'I am not guilty!' and embarked on a voluble defence of his actions until stopped by the Judge.\n\nHis appeal was heard at the Court of Criminal Appeal,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "'flower' \n\n145 \n\n/f-/ \n\n花 fal \n\n/m-/ \n\nE maengl \n\n'late' \n\n/t-/ \n\n東 tungl \n\n'east' \n\nパピーノ \n\nt'ik3 \n\n'iron' \n\n/s-/ \n\n四 sil \n\n'four' \n\n/n-/ \n\n怒 nu4 \n\n/ty- \n\n醉 tyoyl \n\n/ty- \n\nty'iw2 \n\n/y-/ \n\n有 yawl \n\n/k-/ \n\n傑 kik4 \n\n'anger' 'drunk' \n\n'tide' \n\n'to have' \n\n'remarkable' \n\n/k-/ \n\n鹟 k ́ung2 \n\n'poor' \n\n/h-/ \n\n靴 höl \n\n'boots' \n\n/ng-/ \n\nE ngaeng4 \n\n'hard' \n\n/kw-/ \n\n*kwungl \n\n'pole' \n\n/kw'-/ \n\n/w-/ \n\n/1-/ \n\n*kw'ay2 \n\nwang2 \n\n林 lam2 \n\n2. Initials, comparisons with SC. \n\n'a flowery plant' 'cloud' \n\n'the surname Lam' \n\nKHW appears a little more conservative than SC in that it does not show the merger of /n-/ and /l-/, recently implemented in SC (at least its Hongkong variety): nu4 'anger' is kept distinct from lu4 'road', ✯ nü3 'female' from naeng2 'difficult' from laeng2 ‘orchid', etc. nak4 'history', has /n-/ where /l-/ should be expected on etymological grounds. \n\nOne character, surname Lü', \n\nIn another set of correspondences, SC appears to be more conservative than KHW: all words with SC initials /k-/, /h-/ and the 'zero initial' have had these changed to KHW /kw-/ /f-/ (from a former *hw-) and /w-/ respectively, when combining with the SC finals /-oi/, /-on/, /-ot/, as a result of the raising of these finals to KHW /-uy/, /-ung/, /-uk/ (the change in final consonants occurred independently and need not concern us here):", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209590, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "225\n\nmanagement. We hope they may not be out of pocket as the Garrison Company was last year.\n\nAfter the initial ballyhoo about the Committee, described as a \"scolding given in true washer-woman style\", which only amused the town, the season was a great success. A slightly sour note was injected into the 1862-63 season because only four performances were given, while it had been announced when advertising for subscriptions that there would be six. Complaints compounded in 1863-64 when prices were advanced to a sum which was thought to be \"just beyond the limit to which a class were prepared to pay for entertainment\". Consequently, the theatre for the first performance was only half filled.\n\nThe 1865-66 season also began inauspiciously. At a meeting in November to arrange for the coming season, there was such poor attendance that it was feared the Amateurs might have to give up.\n\nWhen the Amateur Dramatic Corps looked back on its history, it gave its founding date as 1860, however, in the announcements of the group in the 1860s it is called the Hong Kong Amateur Theatrical Society.\n\nTHE THEATRE ROYAL\n\nAmateur dramatics took on a new vigour with the organisation or reorganisation of the theatrical group in 1860. Revived interest emphasised the need of a suitable theatre. Until the opening of the Theatre Royal in the City Hall in 1869, various makeshift arrangements had to be made after the Victoria Theatre was closed in the 1850s.\n\nIn 1861, the China Mail looked toward the future:\n\nWe hope the time is not distant when a neat permanent building constructed on the best known principles of acoustics will take the place of the temporary mat sheds, which need so much exertion on the performers' part, and indulgence on that of the audience. The acoustics are bad. Now that the capability of having these entertainments annually is beginning to be procured, it would be well to take measures soon, to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209601, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "236\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nAfter nine years a lying-underground\n\nThat wants unveiling; is it the Duke of Connaught? I fear we cannot hold him tho' we ought,\n\nHas Chater found his long-last C.M.G.\n\nOr is the new club† opened by the sea?\n\nEven the Kowloon-Canton Railway is referred to a dozen or so years before it became a fact.†† Fra Diavolo comments on reading a newspaper:\n\nNext comes the news China is awaking Railways in all directions she is making. Fancy from Kowloon city setting forth,\n\n'Change here for Shanghai, Peking, and the North\".\n\nOne of the lyrics gave tips for cutting a figure during the pre-race season:\n\nIf you want to know the way to be a genuine Hong Kong sport,\n\nListen to me.\n\nA griffin* you must have of course, no matter of what sort. At five o'clock in the morning you must trudge to the course;\n\nA stop watch in your pocket is the game;\n\nAnd though you need not know a job about a horse\n\nThey may think you Morny Cannon all the same.\n\nCome along with me, come along with me.\n\nWith boots and breeches spick and span,\n\nThe latest pattern from Ah Man.**\n\n† Sir Paul Chater, Hong Kong merchant and philanthropist. Made Companion of the Order of St. Michael and St. George 1897.\n\nThe Hong Kong Club moved from Queen's Road and Wyndham Street to its new building on the Praya (now Connaught Road) 26 July 1897.\n\n††† William Danby, Civil Engineer, was requested by Chinese authorities to make a survey of a railway line from Canton to Kowloon (Daily Press 30 Aug. 1884). In 1888 a group of Chinese capitalists in Hong Kong revived a scheme to build the railroad. They received permission to proceed from the Peking Government in 1890,\n\nA survey team began work in July 1890 (Daily Press 12, 18 June, 17 July 1890). The project fell through. One of its promoters, Lo Hok-pang, formed another syndicate at Canton in 1892, but again the proposal had to be dropped. (Hong Kong Telegraph 28 Oct. 1892).\n\n* One of the China ponies sent from North China to Shanghai and then to Hong Kong.\n\n** A Chinese tailor.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209622, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 279, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "257\n\napproximately between 1900 and 1915. We find that of the four born before 1898, three had attended class for an average of four years, one attended for only one year, and then worked first in the farm for a few years and then in the construction of the railway. Amongst the six born after 1898, however, three never went to school and one claimed that he learnt to read a little when he worked as a shop assistant in a small tea-house at Shamshuipo. Around 1900, at least two teachers are known to have given up teaching, one to work in the Land Office of the New Territories administration and the other to work for his brother-in-law at Taipo. Liao Chung-nan, the siu-tsai who formerly taught a small class at high fees in his own home as mentioned above, eventually had to move to teach at the Wan Shih Tang at a lower fee of about $5 per pupil.\n\nThree government schools providing an elementary English education were set up between 1905-1906, one being situated at Taipo, about six miles from Sheung Shui. Unlike in urban Hong Kong, response to this new educational provision was not great. The school at Ping Shan fared most badly and was closed in 1907 to be replaced by one set up in Cheung Chau. The average attendance throughout 1905-1912 in these three schools was twenty, out of a total of 224 schools in the whole Territories with an average attendance of sixteen each.15 The Report of the District Officer of 1912 states: “Government schools on a small scale have been opened at centres in the New Territories providing an elementary instruction in English, the fee for these is 50 cents per month. There is not, however, a great demand for this instruction of a more modern type in most of the districts, for the people still cling to the old-fashioned learning.”16 We have no record of village people from Sheung Shui attending the Taipo government English schools before 1913.\n\n1913. The social and economic changes resulting from the change of government were still small and the opportunities for new jobs were still limited, and the jobs were mostly confined to manual labour. New demands had not yet appeared to bring marked changes in popular literacy which remained basically rooted in the traditional and relatively confined village society, but it was perhaps beginning to lose its former hold both as a basic education for the masses and, at a more advanced level, as the avenue to position and wealth.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209624, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 281, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "259\n\nhope of raising the income of the teachers and improving their conditions of teaching. Annual reports given by the inspectors show a constant cancellation and replacement of the schools on the subsidy list. Numbers of schools receiving subsidy varied from forty to a hundred before World War II. More direct supervision was exercised from 1921 onwards when the 1913 Education Ordinance, which required all schools with nine pupils or more to register with the government, was applied to the New Territories. In 1926, a government Vernacular Normal School was set up in Taipo in the hope of \"producing capable vernacular teachers for the country districts.\"20\n\nPolitical events and cultural movements in China during the first few decades of the 20th century brought about important changes in traditional Chinese educational concepts. Modern schools were set up alongside the traditional ssu-shu, and the classical primers were revised or replaced by new sets of textbooks, the first stage in a major change in the contents and aim of education. This process of modernization, coupled with the changes induced by the economic and social pressures mentioned above, led to changes in the education provided and the level and types of popular literacy achieved in this village community at Sheung Shui which can be documented in some detail.\n\nThe first departure from traditional educational practices in Sheung Shui was the beginning of female education. For a long time, education was confined to boys only. Amongst the five old ladies above the age of 76 whom we interviewed, all admitted that they were unable to read and write, and they had no knowledge of any woman of their age who had been to school. According to the male informants, they did not see any girls attending class in the village until the first girls' school was opened in 1912, and neither had they any knowledge of girls being tutored at home. The first two ladies resident in the village who were known to be literate came to the village from outside and had received their education in Hong Kong. They were sisters, one of whom had married an early Christian convert from the village who became, in time, a pioneer in the promotion of modern education in the district. Our informants admitted, \"In spite of our efforts in building study halls and securing success in the civil", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209625, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 282, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "260\n\n·\n\nJ\n\n: examinations, Sheung Shui lagged behind other villages in allowing girls to attend schools, perhaps it was due to the conservatism of our ancestors\". The rate of female literacy before the turn of the century was almost zero. The change in educational concepts which led to the beginning of a literate female population in the village was brought about by the efforts of the Hong Kong and New Territory Evangelization Society and the early Christian convert from the village just mentioned above. The Society had initially fared badly in the village as the villagers were strongly opposed to Christianity. In 1912, it managed to rent a house in the village to set up a small class of fifteen girls taught by the two ladies already mentioned from urban Hong Kong.21 In 1914, this school became the first and for a time the only government subsidized school for girls in the New Territories. Unfortunately, the school had to be closed in 1917 as the two lady teachers left the village, one for Sham Chun and another for Shanghai.22 Some of the girls from this school were admitted into the other village schools such as the Yun Sheng Chia-shou and Ming I Te Tang ** and thereafter girls continued to be enrolled in the different schools in the village, but the total number was still very small. In 1921, amongst a total number of 33669 females in the northern district of the New Territories, only 674 claimed to be able to read. The rate of female literacy was then 2%. By 1931, the rate had increased to 3.5%. The different rates of female literacy among the different age groups at that date can be seen in the following table:24\n\nAll females aged\n\nTABLE I\n% with ability to read and write\n\n5 and over\n3.74\n\n11 and over\n4.14\n\n16 and over\n3.69\n\n21 and over\n2.81\n\n·\n\nThe table shows that except among those below 11, there was a higher percentage of literacy among the younger generations, which also indicates that there was a gradual growth of female literacy from about 1920, when those who were at the age of 21 in the 1931 census had just reached their school-age.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209631, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "266\n\nWith the shortage of teachers, the turning of the village elite away from the traditional learning to a westernized education, the widening gap between the classical syllabus and the modern world, and the continuing reluctance of the small schools within the village to reform their educational practices, traditional village education, and its relevance to the average villager, clearly declined in Sheung Shui during the early decades of the 20th century. In fact, according to the official census reports, there was a decrease in the rate of literacy among the male populations over the age of five in the New Territories as a whole from 56.6% in 1921 to 54.22% in 1931. The following table, compiled from statistics of the 1913 Census, also shows the decline of literacy rate in the younger generations:\n\nTABLE III\n\n \n Year of Birth\n Age\n Able to read and write\n Unable\n % of literacy rate within age group\n \n \n 1927\n 0-4\n \n 4108\n \n \n \n 1926-1921\n 5-10\n 942\n 5657\n 14.27\n \n \n 1920-1916\n 11-15\n 2215\n 3008\n 42.41\n \n \n 1915-1911\n 16-20\n 2968\n 2523\n 56.83\n \n \n 1910-\n over 21\n 18274\n 9416\n 66.00\n \n\nThe very small percentage in the 5-10 age group may be due to the fact that most children started school at about the age of seven or nine and they could hardly be expected to be able to read or to write after only one or two years' schooling. The declining rates in the two age groups below 21 might be due to other factors such as delay in acquiring education or an influx of educated adults. But, as far as Sheung Shui was concerned, the figures help to support our belief that there was a decline in village education in the early decades of the 20th century.\n\nThe inadequacy and disappointing conditions of the village schools must have also been noted by leaders of the village. In the late 1920's, people like Liao Kang-wai **[Liu Hong Wai], Liao Shao-hsien [Liu Siu Yin], Liao Hsin-yeh 新業 [Liu Sun Yip]** who had received a westernized education in urban Hong Kong, started a campaign to set up a modern school in the village in the ancestral hall. The movement was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209632, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 289, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "267\n\nsupported by some of the village elders but objected to by some others because of the need to allow some remodelling of their hall if it was to become a school. After much argument, and under the leadership of Liao Shou-peng [Liu Shau-P'aang], a pioneer of modern education in the village, the Fung Kai School was eventually set up in the hall in 1932.* The school was run on modern lines with division of classes, set syllabus, time-tables, etc., and became one of the very few such schools found in the New Territories before World War II. With accommodation for more than 120 students, the school replaced almost immediately all the traditional small schools in the village, and its foundation marked the firm completion of the process of development from the traditional to the modern in village education in Sheung Shui,\n\n* Plate 7.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209645, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 302, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "280\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\npotential dangers to the colony argued the need for a governor with an intimate knowledge of the territory and the reputation of being a strong disciplinarian.\n\nThe situation to which May returned was very different from that which he had left seventeen months previously. The early part of the year 1911 was fairly peaceful2 in spite of the abortive uprising in Canton in April and the assassination of the Manchu general there in August. But the outbreak of the revolution in central China in October soon spread to Canton and the Manchu governor was forced to flee to Hong Kong in early November. These successes were wildly celebrated by the Hong Kong population with demonstrations and firecrackers. But rejoicing soon gave way to hooliganism and violence as the feeling grew that the overthrow of the foreign Manchu government in China ought soon to be followed by the ousting of the British from Hong Kong. Shops were looted in broad daylight, the police were stoned, Europeans were threatened and attacked on the streets, bomb-making factories were discovered, and laws were openly defied. When police made arrests they were liable to be attacked by mobs attempting to release the prisoner. There was a rush by Europeans to buy firearms for self-defence.3\n\nLugard took strong measures to deal with this situation. There were daily route marches through the streets of the city by soldiers with fixed bayonets. On 30th November emergency powers under the Peace Preservation Ordinance were invoked by proclamation, giving the police wide powers to disperse crowds, enter houses and make arrests, and the same day an amending bill was rushed through the Legislative Council in one meeting to give magistrates the power to impose the penalty of up to 24 lashes with a cat o' nine tails for a wide range of offences, in addition to any other penalty prescribed by law. In the three months from December 1911 to February 1912 fifty-one prisoners were flogged with the cat o' nine tails for such offences as theft, assaults on the police and resisting arrest. At the same time the garrison was reinforced with two battalions of infantry and a battery of artillery sent from India,\n\nThese strong measures had their effect and before Lugard departed in March 1912 he felt sufficiently confident that the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209653, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 310, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "288\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe reply from the Secretary of State, Lord Salisbury, was, “I approve your proceedings\" (F.O.228, v.605, p.237, dated Dec. 9, 1878).\n\nThe letter from the Foreign Office to Mr. Herton which he referred to in his letter to Mr. Keswick has not been traced in F.O.228. Perhaps he would have been less pleased with Foreign Office action if he had been aware of the above exchange.\n\nNothing further appears to have happened until 24th July 1879, when Sir Thomas Wade, who as H.M. Minister in Peking had meanwhile taken over from Chargé d'Affaires Fraser, wrote to Mr. Scott enclosing a memorandum on the Herton claim (F.O.228, v.630, p.101-2), and instructing him to inform the Superintendent of Customs at Kiungchow that the firm's claim for $909.57 was supported, and that the attention of the Chinese authorities in Canton had been directed to the case. It is not entirely clear whether this was before or after Scott's letter of 3rd July, enclosing one from Herton of 2nd July to Sir Thomas Wade (F.O.228, v.630, p.134-6), had reached Peking, though the latter are filed later. Herton claimed that, because of his \"unfair treatment at the hands of the Authorities\" his business had been \"entirely crippled\", and he was \"now in most pressing need of the money,\"\n\nIn accordance with Sir Thomas Wade's instructions, Scott wrote on 22nd August 1879 to the Customs, claiming $909.57, and rehearsing the whole affair on the lines of Wade's memorandum (F.O.228, v.630, p.165-7). No reply of substance was received until November, when, on the instructions of the Governor General of the two Kwangs, the old argument was reiterated, that no instructions for issue of transit passes were drawn up until January 1879 and as Herton had made his journeys in 1877 the duties paid were legally charged (F.O.228, v.630, p.174-5). In reply, Scott referred Acting Taotai Liu to the Treaty of Tientsin, art. XXVIII (see note 3 below), and pointed out that transit passes had been obtainable at Shanghai and other open ports for many years. He continued, \"Are the Canton Authorities then alone to be free to carry out their individual opinions under pretext of drawing up rules, refuse to issue passes and levy any dues they please in opposition to Treaty rights?\"\n\nIn", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 317, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n295 \n\nstyled a kung shoh (ABT) with a 'lock-up' for offenders. They were located in some old houses with small windows, near the Tin Hau temple and inside the wall. According to elders born in the 1880s, the village had watchmen when they were young, even though there was still a moat round the village at that time, albeit used as a fishpond. A new office was built above the main entrance of the village in 1949, perhaps because the old was by then, and earlier, let to tenants. A list of the subscribers hangs in the office.\n\nThe village had street lighting supplied by a public utility company requested and paid for by the office. It had had this amenity even before the war, from about 1930, and got it before it got a piped water supply.\n\nAt the time of my enquiries, the village still employed watchmen, despite the small size of the enclosure. This was so not simply because it was a customary practice, but also because of the presence of many outsiders, in the village and the adjoining squatter areas. It was reported that there were 106 houses in the village, some of them occupied by several families. There were then said to be some 300 families in residence. About a hundred were outsiders, post-war arrivals who were mostly renting and sharing premises.\n\nThere was at some times only one watchman, but two or three at others, dependent upon the need, and also upon how much money was available to pay for their services. They were supposed to be village people, though this condition was loosely interpreted, and was usually fulfilled by at least ten years' residence. The longest serving watchman was then Ah Lung, aged over 50, who had served continuously for twenty years since the Second World War. Ah Chong had 8 or 9 years' service. Two others were mentioned, by then retired, one of whom had served for ten years just after the war and the other for just four, (1958---62). The pay was never high. In 1967 the watchmen were paid $350 per month.\n\nI interviewed one old watchman, born in the village about 1906-07. At the time of the Tung Tau squatter village fire in 1951 he was unemployed, so he became a watchman at nearby", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209667, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 324, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "302\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n(Arthur Grimble Return to the Islands (London, John Murray, 1965) 159-167, first printing 1937).\n\nAnother case in which firecrackers did the trick is described in some detail by Carl Crow. It concerned an advertising sign for cigarettes placed near a village outside Shanghai, credited with causing harm to its residents. In this instance, the writer found himself in a very difficult situation, between a wealthy, influential client and village feeling, and the case was only settled for good when the man lost interest in the product and turned to other lines of business. (Carl Crow, 400 Million Customers (New York, Pocket Books Inc., 1945) 99-102, first printing 1937).\n\nBut we need more examples from Hong Kong. Now that village handbooks are being collected in greater numbers, and the work of interviewing old persons and experienced senior local leaders is being done across the territory by the energetic team of researchers in the Chinese University, there is every likelihood that more local examples of this and other aspects of village rules in the settlement of disputes will come to light. This note is intended as an indication of the scope and importance of the subject.\n\nHong Kong, 1982.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nCANTON WATER PINES (GLYPTOSTROBUS PENSILIS (LAMB)) AT TAI HANG VILLAGE, NEW TERRITORIES\n\nThe rapid development of the New Territories in the last decade has posed threats not only to many sites and buildings of historical and cultural interest but also to plant and wildlife habitats of scientific significance. Considerable effort has been made by the authorities concerned to conserve the best of these, with varying degrees of success.\n\nIn the 1972 issue of this Journal, an account was given by D. C. Shen on two mature trees, Canton Water Pines, growing in the Tai Hang Village near 183 Milestone, Tai Po Road. Readers may be interested to know of conservation efforts made since then, and the present condition of the trees.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209671, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 328, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "306\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nChung Hau, and two fortresses, seven guard-houses, and an ammunition store at the foot of the Shek Sz Shan EXL. However, whether this record gives the date of construction of the Tung Chung Fort (also known as the Tung Chung Walled City) has never been clear.\n\nA recent discovery has helped to clarify the position. Above the main gate of the Tung Chung Fort, two big Chinese characters, Kung Sun, are carved and have long been visible. Recently, it was found, under careful examination, that six lines of tiny Chinese characters can be seen to the right of these two big characters. They are badly weathered, and only the following characters can be seen clearly. These read as follows:-\n\n1st line.... the 12th year of the Tao Kuang reign\n\n2nd line.... (the characters cannot be identified) MARM\n\n3rd line... Tung Chung of the Two Kuangs (Kwangtung and Kwangsi)\n\n4th line.... *O**IN* Charm-cheong (?), Naval Commander\n\n5th line....\n\n6th line.... money and built Shau-pe (?) Ho Chun-lung\n\nChapter 7 of the Heung Shan Yuen Chi, Kuang Hsü edition ** recorded, \"In the 11th year of the Tao Kuang reign (1831), a Shau-pe from the Chin Shan Camp\n\nS\n\nwas transferred to Tai Yu Shan. He was appointed to be the Shau-pe of the newly established Right Camp (Wing) of the Tai Pang Battalion\n\n\"From this, we know that the Right Camp of the Tai Pang Battalion was established in the 11th year of the Tao Kuang reign with its headquarters at Tung Chung on Lantau Island. The construction of the headquarters, the Tung Chung Fort, was completed a year later, in the 12th year of the Tao Kuang reign, as revealed by the characters in the 1st line.\n\nThe last line gives the name of the Shau-pe, Ho Chun-lung, Commander of the Right Camp of the Tai Pang Battalion stationed at the Tung Chung Fort. Chapter 11 of Heung Shan Yuen Chi, Kuang Hsü edition stated, \"Ho Chun-lung, native of Yellow Flag", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209673, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 330, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nTwo views of internment: Stanley: Behind Barbed Wire by Jean Gittens (Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong, 1982) and A Yen For My Thoughts by G. A. Leiper, (South China Morning Post, Hong Kong 1982)\n\nHappy coincidence has brought two excellent accounts of war-time internment in Hong Kong onto the bookshelves at the same time. Written from personal experience, they are a poignant testimony to the courage of all who endured hardship and deprivation at Stanley and fill a gap which has long needed filling in our knowledge of conditions during the Japanese occupation.\n\nAs a Eurasian, Jean Gittens need not have been interned, but the chance, however faint, of reunion with either her children in Australia, or her already imprisoned husband led her to enter Stanley voluntarily. The opening chapters of \"Stanley: Behind Barbed Wire\" are a revealing social commentary. She relates how her parents, the late Sir Robert and Lady Clara Hotung, were the first non-Europeans to gain permission to live on the Peak and the resulting snide remarks they had to endure from neighbours and their children. The \"difference\" was brought home with unbelievable callousness when the Eurasian wives and children of government employees, advised to leave Hong Kong prior to the invasion, were turned back on reaching Manila because of Australia's insistence that only those of \"pure British\" descent could be given refuge.\n\nThe same chapters convey the impression of a spoiled little rich girl: \"In spite of the fresh air and exclusiveness, living facilities on the Peak were understandably primitive. Braving these conditions would have tried the spirit of anyone, but for a woman with a large family of young children it needed true courage,\" and again: \"The summers were long and trying and, especially during our early years, Mother would take us away to one of the seaside resorts in the North to escape the heat.”\n\nI am not sure whether the prissiness is deliberate, but it serves to heighten the contrast with the degrading and dehumanising conditions of the camp detailed in the remainder of the book.\n\nPage 330\n\nPage 331", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209681, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 338, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "316\n\n \nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n \nAt the same time, however, it is possible to push this thesis too far, and to postulate a society formed of distinct island communities formed essentially on a cultural basis and only temporarily, and warily, in amity with other ethnic groups. Blake, it seems to me, does begin to move towards this position in some places. There are differences, for instance, between Hakka and Punti, but they are less significant, in most circumstances, than the factors which link them together as \"the indigenous\" and set them apart from \"the outsiders\". On the other hand, there are factors linking land Hoklo and sea Hoklo, but they are, on the whole, less significant than the deep social and economic divides set between land and sea people. In a book such as this it is surely strange that there is no discussion of the concept of indigenousness, and no study on the effects of time on the concept of social separateness.\n\n \nof social separateness. Is a Chaochiu immigrant of just one or two years residence not socially distinct from one with 30 years residence? Certainly in some other New Territories areas the long resident outsider is regarded by the indigenous and by himself as representing a natural ally to the indigenous, even, on some matters, as against his own more recently arrived ethnic brothers. Other factors, such as the relative social status of land owners (indigenous and long resident outsiders) as against tenants (newcomer outsiders) and landless men (boat people and Hoklo labourers), and the differing relationships of each group to the Government, also need fuller discussion to flesh out and clarify the basic thesis. Ethnic groups and their interactions are of great importance in the social structure of the area, but they are not the sole or even, perhaps, the most important factor; historical, social, economic and other factors cannot be forgotten.\n\n \nOn matters of detail there are also some points which seem a little uncertain. To call the Tanka \"Cantonese Boat People\" rather than \"Cantonese Speaking Boat People\" is in itself to assume a good deal: to go on to assume that many (most, if near the sea) Cantonese villages in the New Territories descend from Tanka who had settled on land is to assume far more than is justified without far more discussion than is given. And to assume without discussion that all groups whose history in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209682, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 339, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n317\n\narea stretches back only to the seventeenth century were originally Hakka, even when the unanimous tradition of themselves and their neighbours is that they were not, is surely a rather cavalier approach to the need for historical caution.\n\nOn the Chaochiu/Hoklo/Hai-Lufeng residents it is surely unhelpful to downplay the very real and massive cultural, linguistic and socio-economic divisions between these groups and to force them all into a straitjacket of \"Hokkien\": rich business-men immigrants from Chiu Chow or Swatow or the fertile villages nearby have really nothing in common (not even a mutually intelligible language) with penniless coolie immigrants from the thin, infertile sand flats of Hai-Lufeng, or with the boat people descendants of the trading junk families from south Fukien. And “Waichow Hokkien\" is a highly inaccurate title for Hai-Lufeng people! Blake writes his work with an obvious Hakka bias - he lived in a Hakka household and saw other ethnic groups to a large extent through Hakka eyes. This on occasion colours his work, and nowhere more clearly than in this attitude to the \"Hokkien\".\n\nFinally, Blake occasionally drafts into a rather turgid prose over-full of sociological jargon \"ethnic groups are variegated amalgams of both the symbolic motivational dimension and the social organisational dimension of human existence\" and \"the continuum of ethnic group consistency may be analysed in terms of the following variables: (1) categorization (2) interpersonal affiliation (3) occupation (4) incorporation, and (5) government regulation\" for instance which can be heavy on the reader who prefers his books written in English.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nChinese-English Glossary of Common Terms in Traditional Chinese Medicine (XRD), compilers Ou Ming, Lu Xian, Li Yanwen, Lai Shilong, Chen Xianging, Huang Yuezhong, Chen Jifan, Shen Chao, and Zhen Weiwen, executive editor Ou Ming, Joint Publishing Co. (Hong Kong), 1982 xi + 322 pp.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209683, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 340, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "318\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThis handbook has been produced by the Guangzhou Institute of Chinese Medicine to meet the need for an authoritative Chinese-English dictionary of Chinese medical terms, primarily to serve those Western scholars interested in traditional Chinese medicine. The board of compilers set up by the Institute consisted of \"experts in Chinese and Western medicine as well as translators\". The glossary consists of a 253-page Chinese-English dictionary of Chinese medical terms, arranged in order of the number of strokes of the first character of the term, followed by Appendices, of which the most important are Appendix I (Nomenclature of Common Chinese Materia Medica), which lists the 870 most frequently met with Chinese medicinal drugs, with translations into both English and Latin, and Appendix II (Nomenclature of Acupuncture and Moxibustion Points), which lists and translates 407 Acupuncture and Moxibustion Points, arranged in 14 \"Channels\" and one group of \"Extraordinary Points.\"\n\nThis glossary is well put together, and the English used is, in most cases, accurate. It will certainly meet most of the needs of the scholars to whom it is addressed, and will fill a very real gap in the material available to students of Chinese traditional medicine.\n\nJ\n\nDespite its value, however, there are some features of the book which are less than completely ideal. The lack of an English-Chinese index will severely limit the uses to which the Glossary can be put. The lack of a detailed acupuncture and moxibustion chart to go with Appendix II will necessitate users cross-referencing to a second volume: surely an unnecessary nuisance. The English is often either emphatically medical (\"osteomalacia\" and \"hemoptysis\", for instance, are the sole translations given for 骨軟化 and 咯血; clearly, for anyone other than a fully qualified Western doctor, the translation is as obscure as the original, although many scholars other than fully qualified doctors will wish to use this glossary), or else so literal a translation of the Chinese (\"single-yang\" for...) as to be of little value to anyone. A few more explanatory notes as clarifications of the translations would have been of great value. Finally, the use of simplified characters throughout seriously devalues the book for the very large number of scholars who would wish to use it as a guide to classical medical texts written in non-simplified characters,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209688, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 345, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n323\n\neffect a movement by people in power to get rid of those holding different views. Lin Biao, who was designated as Mao's \"successor\", and his supporters were trying to seize power in a bid to consolidate their stronghold on China's political scene. From this political background emerged the \"May 7 cadre schools\", which were in name labour camps where people tempered themselves through physical labour, but were in reality concentration camps for those cadres who were excluded from the new regime because they did not follow closely or enjoy the trust of those in power. We as \"May 7 fighters\" were sent down to cadre schools with our families to make our homes there.\n\nAll organs of political power are governed by a process of metabolism whereby the old are superseded by the new. However, it is unprecedented for personnel changes to come about like this. This may be less destructive than resorting to violence; nevertheless, it is not an example to be followed because to do so would merely cause unnecessary damage and waste all over again, in just the same way. It is hard to understand why the Liuhe cadre school, originally intended to accommodate those cadres who were left in the lurch during the power struggle, was later used to take in those from cultural, educational and scientific research institutions. As the saying goes, the \"fish in the moat suffer when the city gate catches fire\". So many intellectuals who were probably completely uninterested in wielding power were made 'victims' of a power struggle.\n\nWhile no one can safely guarantee that the new must be better than the old when the change comes about by democratic means, it is certain that any unnecessary damage or waste can be avoided through a democratic and peaceful change. If the present Chinese leadership has finally come to realise this need and allows those who do not want to distinguish themselves in politics but simply want to dedicate themselves to the well-being of mankind to live and work in peace and contentment, then it is still worth our while to have paid \"fees\" for the \"May 7 cadre schools\". These are some of my humble opinions and heartfelt expectations.\n\nCHANG HSIN\n\n(Note: This review was written in Chinese, and translated into English by the kindness of Mr. Louis Kong),\n\n---\n\nPage 345\n\nPage 346", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 371, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n349\n\nit is necessary to emphasize this point anew. Secondly, with their likely (outward) bias against it, they did not bring out the importance of the popular religion for its own sake. They also missed its importance as a factor shaping local management. The popular religion emphasized the protection of the people against disease and harmful influences of all kinds, not only as individuals but as families and communities. Hugh Baker's own series Ancestral Images (SCMP Ltd. 1979, 1980 and 1981) and Joan Law and Barbara Ward's recent book on Chinese Festivals (South China Morning Post 1982) help to fill this gap. Thirdly, the daily life of ordinary people and its strong cultural base need to be added to the record. Fortunately, detail on these areas is now being recovered through recent field research conducted mainly from the Chinese University.\n\nThe interested reader could expand his studies beyond the gazetteer, with the help both of Dr. Baker's complementary text and the notes, and the additional material research workers continue to provide for later synthesis. Dr. Baker has touched on land (pp 44-45) and has filled out the account provided in the gazetteer about settlement, especially after the \"Evacuation of the Coast 1662-69\" (pp 26-28) but more information is now becoming available. On land and land-related matters, Edgar Wickberg, David Faure and Michael Palmer have work published or in preparation. For settlement details, the collected genealogies of the long settled families of the New Territories, large and small, are producing a wealth of new material. A new listing of local genealogies, mostly held in manuscript, with an explanation of their contribution to local history, is given in Anthony K. K. Siu's recent book Genealogies and Hong Kong's Local History (in Chinese) published privately by the Hin Chiu Institute in 1983. Mr. Siu has also pointed to the use that can be made of the other and older Chinese sources for the region. This kind of documentary research would greatly assist with identifying more of the (too large) number of village names which remain unidentified on maps 7 and 8 referred to above. The gazetteer's listing of temples can also be extended. It is certain from my field research and enquiries that more existed than are stated in the 1819 edition, and many more were added after that time.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209720, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 377, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n355\n\nthat recording and analysis of the syntactic and semantic differences of Chinese dialects would indeed constitute a valuable and interesting field for additional research.\n\nSagart's bibliography must be supplemented with the more extensive listing found in Hashimoto plus a few more recent articles. Taken together Sagart and Hashimoto do a great deal toward furthering our knowledge of Hakka. Although I am generally quite positive toward these books, there are some parts of the format which I wish Sagart had not taken over in full. First, I see no reason for carrying the finer transcription in International Phonetic Alphabet throughout the work. This creates an unnecessary trouble and expense for later students without adding any real advantages. After the detailed transcription process has been used to establish clear phonetic values for the sound system, we would all profit from a switch to a phonemic transcription compatible with modern typewriter keyboards. All subsequent use and transmission of the materials would be simplified, and editing and printing costs would be considerably reduced.\n\nSecond, although the traditional categories of the Chinese lexicon have some good points, such a recording system should be supplemented or replaced by an alphabetized listing of Hakka words, ideally with an English cross-listing. Obviously, this is asking for a considerable amount of extra work and textual space; Hashimoto needed a second book to include such a lexicon. However, without it, each subsequent student of the dialect will simply find it necessary to do such lexical work for himself before starting any comparative or contrastive work with this material. The alternative is the intriguing but very time-consuming task of searching through pages of lexicon to find particular needed items. In this text of Sagart's, it entails additional work because one cannot be absolutely certain that all the examples used in the oral texts, the syllable study, and the phonology section are also included in the lexicon.\n\nSagart's lexicon was unnecessarily complicated by the need to put two columns of entries on each page. His present system is manageable when one figures it out, but the frequent and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209722, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 379, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n357\n\nOfficially dominant Chinese philosophy was organistically idealistic before 1949, while, at the same time, philosophies concerning science and technology are almost by definition materialistic. Thus, Needham's remark would seem to be nothing more than superfluous tautology. On this question of comparative philosophy, Steve Odin, Process Metaphysics and Hua-yen Buddhism, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1982 can be read with profit.\n\nRegarding the discussion of the Hua-yen (華嚴) (changer or magician) on p. 72, Needham ignores Prof. Chi Hsien-lin's \"Lieh Tzu and Buddhist Classics\" (revised in his Essays in the History of Sino-Indian Cultural Relations, Peking: San Lien, 1982).\n\nOn the Yin-yang problem, it would have been preferable had Needham compared Chinese medicine with the Pythagorean Croton School. (See Edwin L. Minar, Jr., Early Pythagorean Politics in Practice and Theory, New York: Arno Press, 1979.)\n\nThe medical classic Lei Ching (類經) said, “The heart and the pulse are not themselves either ch'i or blood” 氣血. Needham fails to indicate this text as the probable origin of Lao Tzu's simile \"bellows\".\n\nIn 1982 three books have been published which should be used to supplement Needham's works: 1. Liu Ch'ang-lin Philosophy of Lei Ching and Methodology of Chinese Medicine, Peking: Science Press; 2. Collected Papers on History of Science and Technology, Series No. 9, Shanghai: Science and Technology Press, esp. p. 34 on \"bellows\", and the last paper: Shen Kang-shen, \"Comparisons and Influences between Archaic Chinese and Foreign Bridges\"; 3. Draft for History of Chinese Science and Technology, Peking: Science Press. However, Ho Ping-yu and Ho Kwan-piao's Outline of History of Chinese Science and Technology (Hong Kong: Chung Hua, 1981) is too brief to be supplemental.\n\n1|1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209723, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 380, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "358\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nDue to the author's lack of training in philosophy proper, the last chapter \"attitude towards Time and Change\" is not adequately intensive and critical. About Persian culture, he pays no attention to Prof. S. H. Nasr's prolific writings. He does not know that both (space) and (time) were etymologically derived from the technology of weaving. Quotations from the German philosopher Paul Tillich require exact citation and rigorous critical comment, particularly his words: \"In Chinese literature there are fine records of the past but no expectations of the future. I am afraid that Chinese thinkers are inclined to be excessively optimistic towards human nature and romantically idealistic towards human future.\" As\n\nAs to\n\nto printing errors, \"ephemenies\" on p. 116 should be \"ephemeries\".\n\nWONG YUK\n\nThe Magic Wok, Philip Paxton, South China Morning Post Ltd, Hong Kong, 1982, 220 pages + 70 pages of illustration.\n\nTo complete the fine series of photograph books relating to Hong Kong issued by the South China Morning Post Ltd this year comes this superb Chinese cookbook; the book of the TV show.\n\nLike all South China Morning Post photograph books the reproduction, colour separation, and razor-sharp definition of the 70 full page and 30 half-page illustrations is of the highest quality. Equally good is the real Hong Kong character of the dishes shown, neither \"adapted\" for gwai-lo taste, nor forming an uneasy Cantonese-northern amalgam. To be recommended.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nChina of the Beaten Track: How to do it on your own, B. Schwartz, South China Morning Post Ltd, Hong Kong 1982, 247p, inc Bibliography\n\nThe cover of this book announces:\n\nYou don't need to join a group to go to China. Backpackers can roam the country for $5 a day, and those willing to pay more can travel first-class without a guide. China Off the Beaten Track tells how.\n\nThis is to claim more for this guide than it can produce. It was prepared following a six month tour of China, and the rather", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209724, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 381, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n359\n\nslight knowledge of China achievable in six months comes through in the rather patchy treatment it gives 7 pages on Canton, 1⁄2 page on Swatow, 5½ lines on Chiu Chow, 14 pages on places in the Pearl River Delta accessible from Canton, and 8½ lines on Shaoguan is its sum total on Kwangtung Province, and most of this 9 pages is thin and derivative. It would not be possible to visit any of these cities and gain much from the experience without taking along a second guidebook.\n\nThe book's main aim is to point out that, since the recent liberalisations, it is possible for the foreigner to travel in China by himself, and stay in the cheaper hotels, and thus see more of the real China. This is, of course, true as far as it goes. But little hint is given in the book of the very real problems that still exist—the absolutely essential need to be fluent in both Mandarin and the local dialect if one is to argue oneself into the cheapest hotels as suggested, the extreme difficulty in the way of long-range telephoning in most places, the bureaucratic problems involved if one gets stuck (e.g., by roads being washed out), the practical difficulties of reaching consular, legal, or financial help in a disaster in other than major cities when on one's own, the psychological difficulties involved in walking round a town surrounded by crowds of gawpers (still a problem in some places), and the lack of even the most basic of facilities (even backpackers are likely to be thrown by the squalor of many cheap Chinese hotels). Some things are treated in a way that seems less than completely frank: most restaurant food in China outside the main cities is of the poorest quality, buses (except the Shenzhen luxury coaches) often excruciatingly uncomfortable, and the fight for tickets less than entertaining.\n\nA more significant failing of this book is its lack of any attempt to explain the real China to the young and impoverished visitor it is aimed at. It is of little use showing such a one how physically to get to the genuinely non-tourist parts of a Chinese city if he is left totally at sea as to what is going on around him when he gets there, but little attempt to explain is made.\n\nAll in all, this book is of some value as giving the occasional practical hint to the would-be backpacker in China. But unless the backpacker has good basic knowledge of China, or is travelling", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209727, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 384, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "Page 362\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n+ +\n\n+\n\nto provide a succinct general survey of British policy in the Far East with the emphasis placed primarily towards China and Japan; South East Asia is discussed, particularly in the nineteenth century and the period after 1941, when it is more important to assess developments within the pattern of British advance and retreat in the Far East. Within that framework Peter Lowe has succeeded admirably in laying bare the flesh and bones of the subject. And, indeed, so far as the body of the book has been anatomised as a living tissue of encounters, resulting from the impact of one Western civilization upon several Asian societies, the only possible criticism might be that the need to be succinct has forced the author to cut through the nervous system of cultural and diplomatic relations rather too drastically.\n\nHowever, it must be recognized that there is an awful lot of relevant data — economic as well as political — to be included in this survey. I admire Peter Lowe's skill in compressing these not insignificant details into the narrative. (I suspect that he relieved the pressure of his expositions when the text, presumably, was given as lectures by anecdotal asides to generate a feeling of the period and the place.)\n\nTherefore it would not be appropriate in a short review such as this to raise any particular issues for discussion or criticism. The text, in fact, is supplemented by well-informed references to recent book and periodical literature where the serious university student would follow up the cryptic clues to the problems of interpretation so precisely indicated in the author's presentation. Britain in the Far East, in fact, represents that happy example of a text book which so clearly reflects a mastery of the subject obtained by meticulous research and command over sources in Western languages. The authority so evident will therefore also commend the book to the general readers of Far Eastern History whether they are located in the British metropolis or in the surviving periphery of the British formal and informal empires laid down in the nineteenth century. Again, Peter Lowe puts this perspective into a lapidary concluding remark “In essence, Britain's role in the Far East belonged to history.” All we can add in Hong Kong is the rider that here a certain instalment of that history has yet to be played out.\n\nALAN BIRCH\n\nPage 362", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209754, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "With regard to normal publications, the 1982 Journal, No. 22, came from the printers in February. It is the largest ever volume (368 pages) and its high standard and the wide scope of its contents reflect the hard work and enthusiasm of Dr. Patrick Hase who took over the editorship from Dr. David Faure for this Journal. Dr. Faure has now returned from his sabbatical leave at Cambridge University and has kindly agreed to be co-editor with Dr. Hase for our growing programme of publications. I am delighted to have two such willing and capable work horses on the Council, if I may so describe them. Turning to another item, members will I am sure be equally pleased to receive from the printer Mr. Tony Rydings' second ten year index to the contents of our Journal. This time, the index covers the Journals from 1971 to 1980 inclusive, and will prove a valuable and convenient aid to readers and researchers alike. Mr. Rydings has now completed an index to the contents of Sessional Papers (the reports and other matter placed before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1879-1941) and the Council has publication in mind.\n\nPublicity for our Publications\n\nThe Council has long experienced problems in promoting the sale of publications. Whilst it has long been clear that there is a demand, it is also the case that our books and journals need to be brought regularly to the interested public's attention, here and abroad. In another attempt to grapple with this problem, it has been decided in consultation with our excellent Assistant Secretary, Mrs. Deb. Hodgkiss, that she will undertake specified duties in this field for appropriate extra remuneration, the position to be reviewed after one year.\n\nLibrary\n\nMs Elaine Morgan, who took over from Mr. Rydings as our Hon. Librarian, has had a busy year. Her report has been tabled and indicates the extent of her work. No fewer than 280 titles have been added to the Library since Mr. Rydings' second catalogue was published in 1983, and for members' convenience Xerox copies of the provisional list have been provided for this meeting. We are most grateful to Elaine for her work on our behalf.\n\nxii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209760, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "OBITUARY\n\nBarbara E. Ward (1919-1983)\n\nMembers will be saddened to learn of Barbara E. Ward's death in 1983. Barbara was a gifted teacher of social anthropology and sociology in general and of Chinese society in particular. She will be remembered with respect and affection by the many students who learnt from her at the various universities in which she taught: London, Cornell, Cambridge, and the Chinese University of Hong Kong.\n\n3\n\nBarbara read history at Newnham College, Cambridge before the Second World War, gained a Diploma in Education at London University in 1942 and then taught in schools in England and West Africa until 1947. Like a number of other British social anthropologists of her generation, Barbara was led to the discipline by the experience of overseas service gained during and immediately after the war. Although she completed a thesis on the social organization of the Ewe-speaking peoples of southeast Ghana for a Master's degree at the London School of Economics in 1949 and later published some of her observations on social change in West Africa, Barbara became drawn to the study of Chinese society. The presence of enthusiastic Chinese scholars at the L.S.E., such as Tien Ju-k'ang, as well as the inherent attractiveness of a civilization which since the Enlightenment has had a special place in western social thought, were important factors underlying Barbara's growing interest in China. Much of her subsequent writing was based on field research carried out in Kau Sai, a New Territories community of boat-dwelling fishermen, between 1950 and 1953 and during a number of later visits. Barbara's essays on the boat people represent very substantial contributions to sinological anthropology, and through this work Barbara played a leading role in opening up the field of China to modern anthropology. Her friendships with the people of Kau Sai, many of whom appeared in an ethnographic film on the fishing community made by her and Hugh Gibb, were maintained for the rest of her life, and news of Barbara's death will have been received with much sorrow by her friends in Kau Sai as well as by many other residents of Hong Kong.\n\nxviii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "integration of the child into a Chinese social world: a preliminary exploration of some non-literate village concepts, Psyche: Hong Kong Psychological Society Bulletin, 4: 7-17 (1980).\n\n• Cash or credit crops? an examination of some implications of peasant commercial production with special reference to the multiplicity of traders and middlemen, Economic Development and Cultural Change, 8 (2): 148-63 (1960). Reprinted in J. Potter, M. Diaz and G. Foster (eds.) Peasant Society: A Reader (Boston, 1967).\n\n7\n\n* Men, women and change: an essay in understanding social roles in south and south-east Asia, in B. E. Ward (ed). Women in New Asia, (Paris, 1963).\n\nLF\n\nVarieties of the conscious model: The fishermen of south China, in M. Banton (ed.) The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology, (London, 1965); Sociological self-awareness: some uses of the conscious model, Man (N.S.) 1 (2): 201-15 (1966). Note also her forthcoming essay, Folk models, decision and change, in B. E. Ward, Through Other Eyes: essays in understanding conscious models mostly in Hong Kong, (Hong Kong 1985).\n\n\"Barbara's writings on opera include: Readers and audiences: an exploration of the spread of traditional Chinese culture, in R. Jain Text and Context: The Social Anthropology of Tradition (Philadelphia, 1977); Not merely players: art and ritual in traditional China, Man (N.S.) 14 (1): 18-39 (1979); The red boats of the Canton delta: a historical chapter in the sociology of Chinese regional drama, (paper read at a conference held in Taipei, 1980); Regional operas and their audiences: evidence from Hong Kong, in (editor unknown) Popular Culture in Late Imperial China, (Berkeley and Los Angeles, forthcoming, probably 1984); see also John Law and Barbara E. Ward, Chinese Festivals (Hong Kong, 1982).\n\nxxi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "24\n\nintellectual effort of redefining religious aims and methods and it is doubtful whether monks in Hong Kong have embarked on this soul-searching trip yet.\n\nThis article is about how Hong Kong has provided a unique challenge to the Buddhist sangha and a report of its response to these challenges. Hong Kong is unique in the sense that it is a rare meeting point of Chinese and Western cultures and a highly developed city where technology and science have taken hold. One can imagine that because of this Buddhism would have had to make dramatic changes. However, the case is not so simple. The changes made to Buddhism in Hong Kong should be seen in context. Many of the temples in Hong Kong have long connections with those in China. The changes in the sangha are better seen as a continuation of the adjustments to modern life which have arisen in China generally since the latter half of the nineteenth century. Holmes Welch's observation a little over twenty years ago is still basically valid:\n\nWe may say that Buddhism in Hong Kong fits into the pattern of Chinese Buddhism as a whole over the past hundred years: revitalization of faith and practice among laymen, sparked by a few really able monks, whose talents stand in all the greater contrast to those of most of their brethren.1\n\nOf course, the march of time has forced what twenty years ago were recognized merely as tendencies to become vastly more powerful currents, some of which have reached critical proportions.\n\nThe problems confronting the practical aspect of this research are many. The concept of 'self-perception' is not a frequent item within the monk's vocabulary. None of the monks I interviewed could give a satisfactory answer when the question was put to them directly. My conclusions are deductions based on the above interviews and on magazine articles.\n\n11. General situation faced by Buddhism in Hong Kong\n\nWe need a general description of the sangha in order to provide the context in which specific issues can be discussed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209790, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "27\n\nA third development was the considerable growth of interest in the Buddhist faith among laymen. It seems that the growth of affluence and the acceptance of science and technology have not diminished spiritual needs. Devotees come in ever-increasing numbers. They are not limited to the aged, either. Children are taught to bow to images. The offering of incense by young people is a common sight. The more intellectually minded laity are interested in Buddhist philosophy. They are attracted to Buddhism because it has acquired the reputation of having the most abstruse teaching of all religions and because it is believed to be part of Chinese culture. Lay believers have also taken a very active role in organizing a large number of Buddhist activities. They have organized study groups, formed Buddhist associations, printed and distributed sutras, assisted in operating and building schools, charitable institutions and a hospital. They have tried to draw the rather independent groups of monks and nuns together. In all these activities, they collaborated with monks closely. The increase in the numbers of serious laymen contrasts sharply with the decline in the number of monks. This could be a serious point in assessing the appeal of monkhood for the Buddhist laymen.\n\nWith these developments the Buddhist sangha was faced with unfamiliar problems. Many traditional ways of living have broken down. Monks are expected to perform new social roles. Intellectually, the sangha feels a need to respond to an affluent, intellectually sophisticated and science-oriented society. However, the monks' response has been marred by a lack of unity among themselves. Their spirit of independence has made it difficult for any new proposal, however sound that proposal might have been, to be universally accepted. In the following, I shall document some of the major responses the monks have made to modern life and from these responses I shall deduce their self-perception.\n\nIII. Specific Areas of Concern Faced by the Sangha\n\nA. Sangha Recruitment\n\nThe single most critical problem which has confronted the Hong Kong sangha in the past twenty years has been the lack", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "29\n\nare bent on material enjoyment. 3. The sangha system is seen as out-moded. It seems to belong to strange old men who cling on to superstitious beliefs and customs. 4. Military service in certain countries has robbed young men of opportunities to join the sangha. 5. Parents may have discouraged their children from joining the monks.\n\nThe monks made it clear that, while objective causes outside their control do play a part in the decline of young recruits, they put the major share of the responsibility on themselves. They were dissatisfied with the image they projected. This is an important indicator of their changing perception of themselves.\n\nThe remedies they proposed also indicated their perception of the need to change roles. They were aware that their life-style should be seen as attractive and relevant to the present age. Secondly, they felt responsible for communicating this attractive new monkhood to eligible young men through as many channels as possible. They encouraged more contact with young men through education, youth work, study groups, and choirs. Parents were to be exhorted to nurture some of their sons towards the possibilities of entering monkhood. Short-term going-forth-from-home ceremonies were undertaken so that young people could get a taste of monkhood. The last was an innovation borrowed from the Theravada tradition in Thailand and was quite new to the Mahayana tradition. Lastly, someone suggested that, as a last measure, each monk should adopt an orphan so as to train him to become a monk when he grew up.\n\nUnfortunately, such good intentions remain largely on paper and one seldom hears more about them nowadays. The reason for this is that the problem of recruitment has been linked to the issue of re-organization of the sangha, and, as the latter ran into trouble, the former was also dropped from discussion. Nevertheless, the problem of recruitment remains as real as ever.\n\nB. Sangha Re-organization\n\nThe Buddhist community is organized according to rules laid down in the vinaya which claim Buddha himself as the authority.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "39\n\nneed for a solid education, both in secular subjects and in Buddhism. The new education proposed would also support the monks in new professional works, which would fulfill the Mahayana ideal of benefiting all beings. Thus, the monks would have an honourable means of livelihood which would externally win respect from all corners of the society, and internally, would give a new sense of purpose in life. A new orientation towards the world is also seen in the recent institution of a Buddhist marriage ceremony at which the monk acts as the chief witness.\n\nRecent responses of Buddhist monks to the changing social situation have lent themselves easily to a psychological analysis. This is precisely what has been done in the above article. The reason for the shift of self-perception has largely been psychological. That is to say: the changes have not been precipitated by convictions of a doctrinal nature and this fact sets limits of change. From what the Buddhists write about science, it is clear that the sangha does not yet have a clear notion of the implications of science for Buddhism. When such a clear notion arises, the effect would be very serious for the sons of the Buddha. But they may yet emerge chastened, but with the founder's vision essentially intact.\n\nNOTES\n\nHolmes Welch, \"Buddhist Organizations in Hong Kong,\" Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, I (1960-61), 99.\n\n*火頭僧,「偕實延續問題」,香港佛教 (abbreviated to 香), V. 208 (1977), p. 4 :「近二十年來,香港佛教界一部份,是適應的,最明顯一點是各道場佛事興隆, 財政延,做到經濟掛帥。佛事一語,指出家人替人誦經禮懺,超度亡靈,或過生日消災延壽。正因誼種佛事興隆,利之所在,不少投機人士崛起,也替人大做佛事,一樣收得」\n\n*編者(速道),「本月二十週年紀念縱橫談」,香, V. 241 (1980), p. 17 : 「二十年來的香港僧團由聚而散,大有一人一樓的傾向,所謂制度,幾乎成了自治區。」\n\n*高永得,「香港佛教各宗派弦做概況」,香, V.241 (1980), p.4.\n\n7\n\n*ibid., p. 8. 「鑑於香港各佛教團體多數是各自為政,尚未收團結一致之效。」\n\n*白聖「致華附大德法師一封公開信」,香, V.206 (1977), p. 5.\n\nThat monks received 250 precepts at their ordination at an early time can be seen in a Han document Mo-tzu li huo lun, T2102, 2a, line 2.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209805, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "42\n\nattempt to see if the customs were general throughout the New Territories.1\n\nThe Communist army reached Canton in October 1949. Shortly before and after that date, floods of refugees poured into the New Territories, many of them later engaging in agriculture, mostly vegetable farming. Up until then, natives of the New Territories were primarily rice farmers, living in long-established villages with customs and practices that regulated their lives. The only land available for cultivation by refugees tended to be marginal land without water. The refugees dug wells, made new paths, leased land from New Territories natives, and erected shacks all over the place (before October 1949 there were virtually no temporary structures in the Tai Po district). The energy, initiative and desperate attempts by the refugees to earn a living in new communities where neighbours seldom knew each other resulted in their following a way of life without traditional rules of conduct. To some extent, this washed off on the traditional New Territories natives, aggravated by the movement from 1951 onwards of New Territories men to emigrate overseas and to the urban areas of Hong Kong and Kowloon. This movement tended to break down the old indigenous customs.\n\nIn 1953-55, in Yuen Long, I used to have regular discussions with certain village elders who were locally acknowledged as experts on traditional customs; they proved most co-operative when they appreciated my interest in the subject. I always cross-checked the information with other local informants, but had neither the opportunity nor the need at the time to cross-check further afield so as to ascertain how widespread the custom was or the extent to which it applied to both Punti and Hakka communities. It must be accepted therefore that, in the absence of further proof, these customs may not necessarily have been uniformly observed throughout the New Territories or elsewhere in Kwangtung.\n\nFrom September 1953 to early 1954, in addition to my work as District Officer, I was also Police Court Magistrate (in Ping Shan), Assistant Land Officer (holding Land Courts), and Small Debts Court Magistrate. These had always been the functions of the District Officers at Tai Po and Yuen Long. But, during my", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209808, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "45\n\n(f) Cases have been known where a rich landowner during his lifetime has assigned property into the name of a thrifty concubine. Although under the English law of real property, the concubine would thereby be free to dispose of her property as she pleased, the custom is that she may not alienate the land but may enjoy its benefit only during her lifetime, after which the property reverts to the Tso (†) or main family.\n\n3. Adoption\n\nLeaving aside maternal instincts which often lead a childless married woman to adopt a boy or girl, the primary purpose of adoption under Chinese custom is to provide a male for the inheritance of land, and for worshipping the ancestors. It is a business transaction rather than an emotional satisfaction.\n\n(a) Generally, a patrilineal nephew or clansman of a younger generation is adopted. In many cases, however, the generation of the adopted child is not important. He may even be of the same age as the adoptive parents.\n\n(b) Adoption need not take place during the lifetime of the adoptive parents. One or other of the adoptive parents may have died, and I have met a case where both parents had been dead a year before adoption took place.\n\n(c) Adoption is a formal process that not only requires action on the part of the adoptive parents but also requires the approval of the elders of the family and the clan who normally signify it by attending a feast to eat ceremonial pork. This explains an adoption after the death of the adoptive parents.\n\n(d) The adopted person renounces all rights of succession and inheritance in his natural family. Instead, he acquires these rights in the family by which he has been adopted.\n\n(e) Occasionally, an adopted son attempts to renounce his adoption. I have met one case of this where all parties agreed and which was accordingly approved. Whether the renunciation revests in the son the succession rights in his natural family which he lost by adoption is a difficult question and I think must depend on the particular circumstances of each case.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209817, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "54\n\n(h) Ancestral graves are not necessarily in the same vicinity as the village where the descendants live. Sometimes they are far apart. For instance, the large Man () clan of San Tin () has graves at Tsuen Wan () and Castle Peak which are visited at the two festivals by a lengthy motorcade of lorries containing worshippers, a band, and enormous quantities of food and drink. This separation of distance represents only the dictates of good fung shui () and does not mean that the clan has shifted its village at some past stage in history.\n\n11. House Building\n\n(a) It often occurs that an owner of building land or of agricultural land to be converted applies for leave to start building at once without waiting for the completion of formalities, e.g. scrutiny of plans, signature of papers etc. His grounds for wishing to cut procedure short are that a lucky day for building is approaching and that he cannot afford to miss the opportunity. Attempts of this sort, however importunate, can usually be resisted by persuading the applicant to continue with house-building ceremonies without actually doing any building itself.\n\n(b) The ceremonies themselves are of three separate types and need not necessarily take place in any particular order on the same day. There may be a different lucky day for each. They are equally practised amongst Cantonese and Hakka (). Their expenses, particularly of entertainment, are such that they form a large part of building costs and to some extent must be reckoned as a deterrent to permanent buildings, at any rate amongst the poorer villagers.\n\n(c) The lucky day is chosen by the geomancer comparing the applicant's time and date of birth against the Chinese almanac which records which days are luckiest for performing certain things. As this method of selection is employed in various other domestic circumstances, e.g. marriage, opening a business etc., a record of a child's time and date of birth is of particular importance for its future prosperity.\n\n(d) \"On mun\" () consists of setting up the front door on the building site itself. Three lengths of bamboo, to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "60\n\n(f) Finally, in entering business or commerce, a man will frequently assume yet another name, “pit tsz” (筆子), for purposes of business only.\n\n(g) Apart from the milk name, proper name and school name, a girl will at marriage assume her husband's clan name in front of her own, e.g. HO Fung Ling (何鳳玲), on marrying TANG Man Lin (鄧文連), becomes TANG HO Fung Ling (鄧何鳳玲).\n\n(h) The reluctance of married women to reveal their full maiden name often leads them to leave off their final name and instead to add the suffix \"shi” (氏).\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The notes were later amended and in this amended form were put on a file (Ref1/477/54) which is now in the Public Records Office. The notes as given here represent the original form, with footnotes, introduction and minor amendments by the author (Hon. Ed.).\n\n* Wills, of whatever sort, were, whatever the legal position, very rare among New Territories villagers. I remember only one, of a wealthy Cantonese landowner.\n\n* I met such a case in Tai Po where the wife, fortunately, did not contest the husband's claim that she was not a virgin.\n\n* I must have come across up to half a dozen cases of sam p'o tsai, including two or three disputes where the girl refused to marry her intended groom. The groom's family did not attempt to force marriage, but were concerned about a formal separation. The groom's family had of course for some time received the free use of the girl's services as a household worker, and so could not validly demand compensation from the girl's natural parents. A sam p'o tsai is quite different to a mui tsai who was to all intents and purposes a slave girl. (Mui tsai were banned in Hong Kong before World War II.)\n\n* Up till the 1950's, huet chong graves were normally left untouched for 5 years, this being the period needed for bodies to decompose completely. But, from the 1950's onwards, bodies took longer to decompose, and 7 years is now the standard time. I know this, because from 1958-60 I was in the Urban Services Department in charge of disposal of the dead. I was also in the Urban Services Department from 1968-71, when again I was connected with this aspect. In those days, the coffin section at Wo Hop Shek cemetery used to be cleared every 5 years, but there were so many unfit graves that this period was extended to 7 years. The need for the longer period arose apparently from the wider use of antibiotics and other drugs which seem to have the effect of preserving bodies and which were then coming into much greater use.\n\nSee in general on Burial Customs the author's Chinese Burial Customs in Hong Kong, journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 1, 1960, pp 115-124.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "65\n\nII. A detailed account of the language contact situation in Hong Kong. With the question of 1997 looming very large, changes in the language situation and in attitudes to both English and Chinese are taking place, and this is a rich area for further sociolinguistic research.7\n\nIII. An analysis, with illustrations of the methods of naming new 'things'. The exposure to things Chinese inevitably leads to the need to 'name' things which are Chinese and new and alien to the English-speaking expatriate. Hockett writes of 'need-filling' as one motive for borrowing. The methods are:\n\n(i) The adaptation of an existing English term.\n\nThis appears to be a favoured method when the referent is an object with a discernible physical appearance or a distinctly describable function. English speakers have tended in some instances to extend the semantic range of existing terms in their own language in order to give a name to the newly-introduced object. For example, traditional Chinese in Hong Kong are firm believers in the principles of fung shui, literally 'wind and water', or the proper and propitious placing of objects so as to ensure good fortune. While the term has been borrowed locally as a phonetic loan and fung shui appears in local publications and novels with a Chinese setting, an English term geomancy, borrowed, but not from Chinese, has been modified to refer to this Chinese belief and art. The loose unisex garment worn by the working class, the sam fu has been dubbed pyjamas. The individual pieces which make up a mahjong set being referred to as tiles is another example of adaptation.\n\n(ii) A second method of coping with the need for new 'names' based on the use of native resources is operative among the English-speaking expatriates in Hong Kong. They take the English 'name'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209830, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "67\n\nIV. An attempt at analysing the stages of integration of a phonetic loan, from a spoken stage to a written one and in some cases to inclusion in a standard dictionary.\n\nV. A discussion of the linguistic changes, phonological, graphological, grammatical and semantic, which take place when an item from Chinese is borrowed as a phonetic loan into the English vocabulary.\n\nVI. A fairly exhaustive account of all the phonetic loans in the active/passive vocabularies of Hong Kong expatriates, with explanations with regard to dialect of origin, stage of integration, and notes, where relevant, on well-known examples of uses. Some reference will be made, where applicable, to stylistic values.\n\nVII. A survey of 'false loans', words commonly thought, mistakenly, to be of Chinese origin. Examples are 'joss', 'nullah', or 'catty'. Many tend to be words of Eastern, rather than specifically Chinese, origin.\n\nVIII. An Appendix giving a list of phonetic loans with notes on pronunciation, meaning and etymology. I have included a very much abridged version of this appendix, giving only the loan words and the Chinese characters from which they are believed to have been derived together with very brief definitions.\n\nWe have carried out our research through observation, listening and discussions and years of reading local and international publications. More specifically, for this project our corpus is made up of a selected sample of newspapers and journals, published locally, in the United Kingdom and the United States, read regularly, and in the case of two English language newspapers published locally, daily, for a period of two years. Also included in our corpus is a group of novels and works of non-fiction about China and Hong Kong. In addition, we sent out 300 questionnaires to a sample group of expatriates in an effort to discover the loans which were actually in their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209831, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "68\n\nactive and/or passive vocabularies, their attitudes to Chinese culture and the Chinese language. An attempt is made to analyse the extent to which their knowledge of Chinese loan words is conditioned by their life style. Of the 300 questionnaires sent out, 128 were returned. We selected at random 100 as our sample. While we did attempt to find answers to the vexed problem of what constitutes full integration for a loan word partially through the responses, our conclusions were by no means dependent on the subjective answers of the respondents, but were based very much on linguistic criteria. By way of comparison we sent an abridged questionnaire to respondents living in Britain and the United States, most of whom had never been east of Suez; we were astounded by the extremely low rate of recognition by both groups.\n\nGiven the sociological factors, which act as incentives or disincentives to learning a language, and the vastly disparate nature of the two languages, it should come as no surprise although it often does—that the number of loans from Chinese which have entered the English vocabulary, in various stages of integration, is very low indeed, far lower than English words which have entered into the lexicon of Hong Kong Chinese. The exchange has by no means been an equal one to date.\n\nThe list of English loan words in Hong Kong Chinese given in our earlier monograph comprises almost 400 items while our list of Chinese loans comprises only about a quarter of this number, and a larger number in the former list meet our tentative criteria of full integration. What is more, our studies seem to indicate that with a few exceptions like tea, kowtow and tycoon, kaolin, gung ho, Chinese loan words are usually restricted to strictly 'Eastern' or specifically Chinese contexts and are sometimes used on a sort of transliterated 'once-off' basis in novels or journalistic writing with a view to giving stylistic flavour, for example, Tien-tze AF, immediately glossed in Elegant's Dynasty as 'The Son of Heaven' (p. 20). Most Chinese terms have, as in the nature of lexical borrowing in general, been taken over because of the need to find a name for a thing new to the borrowing culture and hence without a name in the borrowing language.\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209836, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "73\n\n(Swatow, Amoy, Foochow). Many expatriates, and most particularly those long resident expatriates most sympathetic to things Chinese, regularly moved up and down the coast, from one ‘dialect' area to another. The expatriate community was essentially one, the 'China Coast community' with intimate inter-port contacts, but the native communities among which this expatriate community was scattered formed not one, but several quite separate communities. In these circumstances, words borrowed by the China Coast expatriate community and so completely assimilated as to appear in writing, had to be acceptable to expatriates in all areas of the China coast. Obviously, the presence of competing models, pronounced differently, from different 'dialects', would slow down assimilation of any one of them severely. It is only since 1950 that expatriates exposed to Chinese have overwhelmingly been exposed to only one dialect - Cantonese, and since the process from initial interest in a foreign model, through use in racy speech, to tentative use in writing to final formal lexicographic acceptance is at best a matter of several decades, it is not surprising that it is only in the last decade that the numbers of linguistic loans from Cantonese in Hong Kong English have become substantial.\n\nMotives for Phonetic Borrowing\n\nCountering the forces acting against phonetic loans are others which encourage them, albeit on a relatively small scale. The motives for phonetic borrowing are various. In the case of lexical borrowing from Chinese into English with special reference to the Hong Kong situation, it seems justifiable to enumerate the motives in the following way:\n\n(1) Economy and precision in need-filling;\n\n(2) The desire for freshness and raciness of expression;\n\n(3) The desire to give exotic connotations; and a sense of local colour;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209840, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "77\n\nborrowed, and may remain on the periphery of the vocabulary, or it could move, through various intermediate stages, towards the core of the English word stock. A.J. Bliss in his Dictionary of Foreign Words and Phrases has this to say about words of foreign origin in the English vocabulary: 'Words of foreign origin form a spectrum graduating imperceptibly from words like faith at one end, the foreign origin of which would be obvious only to the professional student of language, to words like eclat, which no one would consider anything but \"foreign\", at the other; it would be possible to prepare a segment of words each slightly but perceptibly more \"foreign\" than the preceding one, covering the whole range between these two extremes'.15\n\nWhen an expatriate greets his Chinese colleagues with dzou san 'Good Morning', or when he thanks a waiter for bringing his food by saying m goi 'Thank you', he is speaking Chinese, perhaps with an English accent. The expressions are not, strictly speaking, loans, even though they occur in the midst of what is predominantly English speech. For such words and expressions, there are no standardized written forms, and the speaker would, in most probability, not think of using them with other expatriates except perhaps in a humorous context. Other expressions well-known to the expatriate community in Hong Kong include nei hou ma; mm goi? 'How are you?' and tsoi gin 'See you again' or 'good bye'.\n\nRonald W. Langacker uses the example of 'hippie' to illustrate his point that changes in the structure of a language do not come about instantaneously. Take the word hippie for instance, which has spread very rapidly through much of the English-speaking world. Someone must have used the word first, or maybe a small number of people created it independently. In either case, many weeks or months must have gone by between the time it was coined and the time it became an item of general use'.10\n\nIn the case of loans, the words may appear first within quotation marks or in italics, to indicate their foreign origin. Before a word becomes sufficiently familiar, it is customary to provide a kind of gloss or explanation. Of course, many words which have gained currency in Hong Kong are less familiar to readers outside Hong Kong, and writers may feel a need to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209851, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "88\n\nChinese \n\nLoan Word \n\nCharacters \n\nMeaning \n\nPak-choi \n\n白菜 \n\nAnother name for Chinese cabbage, \n\n*Pak pai \n\n白牌 \n\nLiterally 'white label', meaning hire cars which are in fact operating illegally because they are not licenced to carry passengers for a fee. \n\nPekingese \n\n北京(狗) \n\nA small long-haired dog, of the pug type, orig. brought from the Imperial Palace at Pekin. \n\nPekoe \n\n白毫 \n\nA superior kind of black tea, so called from the leaves being picked young with the down still on them. \n\n*Pinyin \n\n拼音 \n\nLiterally 'to write according to sound' \n\nreferring to the romanization system used to write Chinese rather than the traditional Chinese characters. \n\nPetuntse, \n\n白墩子 \n\nA white earth, consisting of pulverized granite; used in combination with kaolin in the manufacture of Chinese porcelain, \n\nPetuntze \n\nA 4-stringed Chinese musical instrument plucked like a guitar and having a large body resembling a lute and a neck with 12 or more frets that leads into the body.\n\nPipa \n\n琵琶 \n\n*Putonghua \n\n普通話 \n\nLiterally 'ordinary speech', the standard dialect of China. \n\n*Renminbi \n\n人民幣 \n\nLiterally 'the people's currency', referring to the currency of the People's Republic of China. \n\nSamfoo \n\n衫褲 \n\nA style of casual dress worn by Chinese women, consisting of waisted blouse and trousers, \n\nSampan \n\n舢舨 \n\nApplied by Europeans in the China seas to any small boat of Chinese pattern. \n\nSamshu \n\n三燒 \n\nAn alcoholic liquor distilled in China from boiled and fermented rice. \n\n*Sharpei, \n\n沙皮 \n\nLiterally 'sand-skinned', referring to the rough and loose skin of this breed of dog, formerly known as the 'Chinese Fighting Dog'. \n\nsharpi \n\nTo drug or otherwise render insensible, \n\nand ship on board a vessel wanting hands. \n\nShanghai \n\n上海 \n\nA soft undressed Chinese silk. \n\nShantung \n\n山東 \n\nA Chinese breed of small dog similar to a Pekingese. \n\nShih tzu \n\n獅子 \n\nOne of the finer varieties of black tea.\n\nSouchong \n\n小種", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209856, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "Chinese call District Officers \"father and mother officers\" because they are in direct contact with the people, and in China carry on nearly every function of Government, except the making of laws. In Hong Kong the District Officer is a land court judge, magistrate, public auctioneer of land and property, director of small public works, county judge for small debts, land tax collector, registrar of land deeds, rates collector, matrimonial disputes officer, forestry officer, agricultural \"expert\" (so called), land resumptions officer, and six or seven other things I can't now remember.\n\nThe District Officer's chief function is certainly to adapt the new 20th century conditions to the ancient agricultural environment of the people he rules. More clearly than anyone he sees the need of going slowly, so as not to break up the rural economy and the whole social order with it, in the name of a badly-thought-out \"progress\".\n\nEconomics of the Islands\n\nFarming, fishing and forestry are the three chief occupations. Rice is the main crop. Owing to the rainfall coming in summer, two crops a year are raised on most fields, with a third crop of sweet potatoes or vegetables in the winter: the first seedlings are planted in February; in March they are planted out; in July this crop is reaped and the second crop sown; in August that is planted out, and in October and November it is reaped and the winter crop planted.\n\nHeavy manuring with everything available alone keeps the soil fertile, and as there is neither meadow nor pasture as we understand it, there is not much animal manure to be had. Milk is not produced except in modern dairy farms, so that very little land is used to support animals. All the conditions favour the production of a dense human population; and this in fact is the object of the whole of Chinese civilisation: not the making of money, but having enough sons to ensure that the father's ghost, and the ancestors, shall always receive due honour and offerings, and so will send prosperity and good luck to their descendants; they can if neglected send the reverse.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209858, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "95\n\nuncommon, always indicates a kiln. Lime-burning boomed after 1918 but slumped badly in 1925 in the great strike in Hong Kong, and never revived seriously. Distilleries for making spirits, generally from molasses, sometimes from rice, are found in the towns, also soy and preserved vegetable factories. Mining of wolframite is done only in North Lantau. There are two or three small granite quarries on Cheung Chau and Lamma.\n\nA good deal of these various products are sold outside the islands and bring in cash and foreign goods of all kinds. Some remote valleys are still, however, living what is essentially a \"subsistence economy\" life, in which the village grows nearly all it needs, and has very little left over to sell. Much rice is exported, and rice imported from Annam to replace it; rice from Annam is cheaper and a profit is made on the difference.\n\nCheung Chau is the biggest business centre of the islands, thanks to its excellent harbour, the ferry service, its big fishing business, and its flat land suitable for building. It does all the business of South and East Lantau and the smaller islands nearby; it supplies a small European settlement; has several factories, numerous shops, and does a very big fish and shrimp paste business; it has distilleries, and boat and junk builders' yards. Its chief drawback is water shortage; water boats bring supplies from Lantau, but the problem is a very serious one for the growing population.\n\nTai O is a port which has grown up to supply the needs of the fishermen in the shallow waters of the Delta, the best fishing ground on this part of the coast. Its harbour is poor and rather silted up, and the deeper part is very exposed. It has not much industry beyond its saltpans.\n\nPingchau is a business centre for North Lantau, many of whose inhabitants cut grass to feed its limekilns; the lime is got entirely from coral and shell, and as the sea near it is almost worked out, coral fishermen have to go far afield.\n\nMa Wan is a village which seems to have grown up round the old Customs yamen, now the school. It has little business and few shops.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209880, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "117\n\nand rocky sides, and there were only a few places where agriculture could be carried on.\n\nThe population was of mixed origin, and for long was largely male. As late as 1911 the number of males to females, including children, was 1,041 to 396. However, like the number of boats and boat people in the anchorage, the numbers and proportions fluctuated. In 1897, the respective numbers had been 783 to 340,14\n\nThis population of landsmen came from the nearby districts of Kwangtung province. Their interests were looked after by three organizations named the Fuk Hing Fong, Luk Hing Fong and Sau Hing Fong (*****). They were formed by the (福祿壽慶坊) men of San On, Tung Kwun and a mixed group of men from other districts respectively.15 It is not known when they were established, but the available evidence points to the earlier part of the settlement's history. For reasons that will be given below, they amalgamated about 1930, when they took the name of Tung Hing Kung She (東興公社), meaning the Society of the Combined 'Hings', retaining the common part of their old names.10\n\nThe leaders of the three Fongs managed the affairs of the small Ap Lei Chau community. They looked after the structure of the local temples and came together to discuss district affairs whenever circumstances warranted. It was to the shops of the leaders that persons in need of assistance went in time of need. The connection between the main temple, the Fongs, and the Kaifong (街坊) of Ap Lei Chau is shown in a petition to the Director of Public Works dated 17 April 1893, which is styled 'the petition of Chung Tat Chi and others, Committees of the Hong Shing Temple at Aplichow and the Kaifong of Aplichow' (English translation of a Chinese text not now available). Chung is recalled locally as a prominent shopkeeper and the leader of one of the Fongs. Again, at a hearing to determine ownership of the Hung Shing temple in 1893, one witness said 'The Kaifong are the shopkeepers', and for our present purposes he might have added \"The shopkeepers are the leaders of the three Fongs.\"17\n\nHowever, I am more concerned here with the three Fongs. Religious duties were the most regular of their functions, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209884, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "121\n\ntemple repairs. Ap Lei Chau was a fishing port and its temples were very popular with the boat people in the anchorage. They thronged to them at the festivals and to the performance of opera and puppets organized by the chik lei, but it seems that they were not allowed to share in the management of these events. My informants recalled that at one time, even, because of a dispute over seating arrangements at an opera performance, it was decided not to seek donations from boat people in future at festival times. This happened before the Pacific war, and from that time on, the decision has been followed. On the other hand, the boat people's contributions have been sought for temple repairs whenever these have become necessary.\" The tablets in both temples on the island show that, as at Tai O and Cheung Chau, other large centres of boat and land populations, both communities have combined on these occasions, no doubt because the high cost of the work made it necessary to get contributions from every possible source.\n\nThe Earth God Shrines at Sai Ying Pun and Tai Ping Shan\n\n(1) Sheung Fung Lane (4)\n\nAt Sheung Fung Lane in the Sai Ying Pun district of Hong Kong Island there is an old shrine to the Fuk Tak Kung, the earth god of that locality. It has a large granite altar, carved with figures at each end, which has corners cut to simulate bamboo trunks and is inscribed with Chinese characters. These give the names of the persons (listed by their shop names) styled tai chik lei who contributed the costs of erection in the year 1910-1911, together with the name of the overall organiser, styled chung lei (1) dated the year before. However, this was a reconstruction, as the present managers have in their possession, dated from the year 1905-1906, a large banner, a hanging cloth and an umbrella, all well-preserved and made for use in processions round the area in time of need of spiritual protection*. Local tradition supports an earlier origin of the shrine, and traces its beginnings to a great epidemic that caused many deaths in the district at \"an earlier time\". This might have been the great\n\n* Plates 1 to 5 illustrate this section.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209911, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "148\n\nperhaps half of their salaries and tell them not to come. would also be fair to them as they do not do any work.' \n\nIt \n\nThis concern for long term economic interests was rooted in a strong sense of vocation. As A17 declared in a different context, 'my whole career is in textiles. I don't want to lose my mill'. It is this vocational devotion that led to industrial strategies that appeared akin to the socially responsible orientation. The spinners provided dormitories for the workers, protected them against redundancy, took heed of public opinion not because these measures were intrinsically right, but because these would 'pay' in the long run. \n\nIt would be naive to assume that long range business interest and social responsibilities can always be reconciled. There is obviously a limit to the feasibility of synchronizing the two. The degree of incompatibility will vary according to how social responsibilities are collectively defined. In other words, the nature of the political system in which industry has to operate is relevant. \n\nIdeal political environment \n\nBecause of the colonial set-up and the co-existence of Chinese communist and nationalist organizations in Hong Kong, political issues concerning colonialism and communism were regarded as sensitive matters by many inhabitants. Sometimes, discussions of these topics were avoided in public. One of my respondents glanced at the group of statements on the relation between politics and business and simply refused to make a choice. 'Politics no, I would not even look at them. No politics'. In order not to risk massive non-responses, I asked an open-ended question on their conception of the ideal political environment for industry. Their replies reaffirmed the findings on their attitude towards social responsibility. A number of them championed the classical capitalistic vision of free enterprise. The answer by B1 was illustrative: \n\n'No social welfare for able-bodied persons. All welfare for the handicapped and the old only. Lower the tax. We don't want government help or government intervention. No government interference that would be utopia.'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209915, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "152\n\nmodernization of China as a whole. In short, the bourgeoisie believed that China's revival could be achieved by nonpolitical means, that is, by practical actions which had no need of an accompanying ideology.\n\nHarmony and conflict\n\nHow did the cotton spinners regard politics internal to their enterprises? Did they regard the company as a big family where management and labour have essentially similar interests? Or did they believe organizational dissent and conflict to be healthy and normal? Or were they convinced that disruptive conflict of interests are unavoidable in an organization? Their responses are presented in Table 5. The most significant feature in the distribution of choices is that none of them regard disruptive conflicts to be inherent in an industrial organization. Although 58 percent of them agreed that differences in opinion and conflict were good for the company, they made a clear distinction between dissent expressed in words and deeds. Their attitude was summed up by A19: 'Conflicts in opinion, yes; but conflicts in action, no.' Therefore, in effect, their position was not very different from those who held that the company was like a family and there should be no conflicts. Only that they did not view organizational harmony in terms of homogeneity and complete conformity. They allowed for divergencies in opinions. Some of them even insisted on disagreements because they were wary of the danger of compliance among employees. The 'yes man' was a target of criticism. A19 said:\n\nTable 5: Hong Kong Cotton Spinners' Attitude Toward Organizational Conflict\n\n \n Choice\n Number\n Percentage\n \n \n Similar interest, no conflict\n 14\n 42\n \n \n Dissent healthy and normal\n 19\n 58\n \n \n Conflict harmful but unavoidable\n 0\n 0\n \n \n No answer\n 2\n \n \n \n TOTAL\n 35\n 100\n \n\nSource: Interviews, 1978.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209917, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "154\n\n'There will be hard negotiations. But we do not believe in voting. It is not a good way as it would create a split among directors. If you and I were in the minority, it was human nature for us to find faults [with the majority]. If we could not compromise, we would leave it to next week. Within three or four months, we were bound to have a solution. Not everybody would be happy at the end, but at least there is no bitterness.'\n\nThe specific method of reaching a compromise might vary from mill to mill, but the direct confrontation integral to the voting process was generally avoided. The emphasis was on persuasion, or as A22 expressed it, 'it is always one party educating the other'.\n\nThus far, the spinners were only reacting to the general idea of dissent and conflict. To make the discussion more concrete, I raised the issue of trade unionism. They were given the following alternatives to show their preferences: there is no need for employees to form unions when management implements fair policies; it is the workers' right to organize themselves; or that joint consultation between management and labour is necessary for workers' opinions to be heard. Table 6 indicates that two-thirds of them preferred some form of joint consultation. Their justification for this preference was two-fold. First and foremost, it was because 'pure, independent, innocent labour unions' were not to be found in Hong Kong. This argument had some factual basis. Many unions in the Colony were politically motivated and owed allegiance to either the People's Republic of China or the\n\n \n Choice\n Number\n Percentage\n \n \n Unions not needed\n 3\n 9\n \n \n Workers' right to organize\n 5\n 16\n \n \n Joint consultation desirable\n 24\n 85\n \n \n No answer\n 3\n \n \n \n TOTAL\n 35\n 100\n \n\nSource: Interviews, 1978.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209927, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "164\n\nHong Kong workers are dexterous, and hard working. They are willing to work overtime. Our recent success in denim manufacture is an example. In the United States, large factories usually carry out the entire process of production. They cannot take on sudden increases in orders or special requests because everybody is an employee, and workers are not enthusiastic about overtime pay. In Hong Kong, there are numerous small owners. Therefore Hong Kong can take on special production. It is beneficial to existing spinners. We can make goods of uncommon specifications even for relatively small orders. Only Hong Kong can do this. After the yarn is spun, there are specialized factories to do the dyeing. Afterwards, we can take the dyed yarn to yet another factory to be knitted. The whole is divided into parts, and this increases our flexibility.'\n\nThe nub of his observation was that people in Hong Kong were prepared to try their best and put in extra effort when they were working for themselves or when it gave them the chance to accumulate future business capital. But for individual firms, this urge to strike out on one's own undermines team work. In Hong Kong business establishments, according to a Shanghainese management specialist,\n\n'The number 2s are impatient to be number 1s and number 1s are impatient to get out and start their own business, no matter how small. The result is the atrocious downgrading of standard and quality.'\n\nLocal employees, he says, 'curse the jobs they are paid for', (Pan 1974: 4-5). Entrepreneurs have to find some ways to cope with this low motivation among their subordinates and the threat posed by their desertion. Most spinners appeared to adopt a defensive strategy based on a distrust of their staff. The areas of executive initiative and responsibility were deliberately curtailed. The low degree of delegation of authority was unwittingly shown by the general manager of 'Hong Textiles, Ltd,' (Espy 1974: 279):\n\n'Since my father and I handle all the negotiations with our buyers, we don't need any sales or marketing departments. Our Export Manager handles all routine correspondence with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209929, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "166\n\nmanagerial succession is made more difficult. Patronage cannot easily be transferred to ensure the perpetuation of the enterprise.\n\nThe ideal of self-employment is not uniquely Chinese. It is also found to be an essential part of the American 'dream' in a land where social ascent is similarly treasured, (Mayer 1953: 160-180). How is this dream reconciled with the need for stable and dedicated corporate personnel? The chairman of Mill 22 was aware of the Western solution to this problem, but he did not think it practicable in Hong Kong:\n\n'In the West, there is a contract system to control the subordinates. Contracts are made for, say, two years and then renewed. This will check the managers, and they will watch their step because of the uncertainty. I am sure you have read the news recently of the dismissal of the top executive of Ford. I saw it work in the West. In the Brussels' Fair in the 1950s, I was struck by the maxim written on the banner of a display counter: \"If Heaven should fall tomorrow, I would still plan today\". But the Chinese don't act like that. If you don't know whether you will be fired next year, why should you work like hell? This is a difficult management problem.'\n\nThe Western system of contracts for senior executives is often accompanied by a profit-sharing scheme as an incentive for the executives. This tends to reduce the attraction of self-employment and enable the firms to recruit and keep ambitious and capable employees. How did the spinners regard the admission of senior executives to the circle of owners in their companies?\n\nProfit sharing\n\nThe desire to confine ownership rights to a chosen few emerged when I asked the spinners on their preferences for the public and private form of company organization. They were evenly divided in their opinions on the relative merits of these two forms, as shown in Table 10. The reasons they gave for their decisions indicated that the notion of a diffused 'public' as owners and the related idea of a 'corporation' as an independent and enduring entity have not taken hold among them. Those", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209932, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "169\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The shortcoming of this approach is that it assumes the three statements in a particular area to be mutually exclusive and of roughly equal ideological distance to one another. It is better to ask the respondent to react to each statement and indicate his agreement or disagreement with it along a three-point or five-point scale. This can avoid the problem of unwarranted assumptions, and make possible the application of more sophisticated statistical techniques to extract information from the data. But for the sake of comparability, I follow Nichols' approach in the present study.\n\nNichols' sample includes 65 directors and senior managers in 15 private companies employing over 500 workers in 'Northern City'. These companies were engaged in various lines of manufacture: chemicals, heavy engineering, light engineering, pharmaceutical, flour milling and animal foodstuffs, distribution and allied business, and packaging. See Nichols 1969: 247-248.\n\n* I use an alphabet and a number to denote the respondents. The former indicates whether the respondent is a chairman/managing-director (A) or just one of the directors (B). The latter stands for a particular spinning mill.\n\nA 'can-I-have-more' incident occurred during the 1973 annual general meeting of Mill 16 in which a share-holder protested, to no avail, against what he regarded as meagre dividends after successive profitable years for the company. See South China Morning Post, 31st August, 1973.\n\nList of References\n\nBendix, Reinhard, 1954. \"Industrial Authority and Its Supporting Value System\". In Industrial Conflict, ed. by A. Kornhauser et al., New York, MacGraw-Hill, pp. 170-175.\n\nand Social\n\n1956. Work and Authority in Industry. New York, Wiley.\n\n1959. \"Industrialization, Ideologies, Structure”, American Sociological Review 24, No. 6: 613–623.\n\nBergere, Marie-Claire. 1968. \"The Role of The Bourgeoisie\". In China in Revolution: The First Phase 1900-1913, ed. by Mary Clabaugh Wright, New Haven, Yale University Press, pp. 229-295.\n\nChrist, Thomas. 1970. \"A Thematic Analysis of The American Business Creed\", Social Forces 49, No. 2: 239-245.\n\nChu, T'ung-tsu. 1957. \"Chinese Class Structure and Its Ideology\". In Chinese Thought & Institutions, ed. by John K. Fairbank, Chicago and London, The University of Chicago Press, pp. 235-250.\n\nEngland, Joe, and John Rear. 1975. Chinese Labour Under British Rule: A Critical Study of Labour Relations and Law in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nEspy, John L., 1974. \"Hong Kong Textile Ltd.\". In Managerial Policy, Strategy and Planning for Southeast Asia, ed. by L.C. Nehrt, G.S. Evans, and L. Li, Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong Press, pp. 273-282.\n\nFei, Hsiao-tung. 1946. \"Peasantry and Gentry: An Interpretation of Chinese Social Structure and Its Changes\", American Journal of Sociology LII, No. 1: 1-17.\n\nFox, Alan. 1966. “Managerial Ideology and Labour Relations\", British Journal of Industrial Relations 4, No. 3: 366-378,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209933, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "170\n\nGlassburner, Bruce, and James Riedel. 1972. “Government in The Economy of Hong Kong\", Economic Record 48, No. 1: 58-75.\n\nHeilbroner, Robert Louis. 1964. \"The View From The Top: Reflections on a Changing Business Ideology\". In The Business Establishment, ed. by E.F. Cheit, New York, John Wiley and Sons, pp. 1-36.\n\nHirschmeier, Johannes. 1964. The Origins of Entrepreneurship in Meiji Japan. Cambridge, Harvard University Press.\n\nHo, Ping-ti. 1962. The Ladder of Success in Imperial China: Aspects of Social Mobility, 1368-1911. New York and London, Columbia University Press.\n\nHong Kong Cotton Spinners Association. 1973. \"Annual Reports of The General Committee\". Hong Kong, The Association, mimeographed.\n\nKing, Ambrose Y.C., and Davy H.K. Leung, 1975. \"The Chinese Touch in Small Industrial Organization\". Hong Kong, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Social Research Centre, occasional paper.\n\nLevy, Marion J., Jr. 1955. “Contrasting Factors in The Modernization of China and Japan\". In Economic Growth: Brazil, India, Japan, ed. by S. Kuznets, W.E. Moore, and J.J. Spengler, Durham, Duke University Press, pp. 496-536.\n\nMcClelland, David C. 1963. \"Motivational Patterns in Southeast Asia with Special Reference to the Chinese Case\". The Journal of Social Issues 19, No. 1: 6-19.\n\nMannheim, Karl. 1936. Ideology and Utopia. London, Routledge & Kegan Paul.\n\nMarx, Karl, and Friedrich Engels. (1888) 1967. The Communist Manifesto. Harmondsworth, Penguin Books.\n\nMayer, K. 1953. \"Business Enterprise: Traditional Symbol of Opportunity\". British Journal of Sociology 4, No. 2: 160-180.\n\nMiners, Norman, 1981. The Government and Politics of Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nNichols, Theo. 1969. Ownership, Control, and Ideology: An Inquiry Into Certain Aspects of Modern Business Ideology. London, George Allen and Unwin.\n\nOksenberg, Michel. 1972. \"Management Practices in The Hong Kong Cotton Spinning and Weaving Industry.\" Paper read at seminar on Modern East Asia, Columbia University.\n\nOlson, Stephen M. 1972. \"The Inculcation of Economic Values in Taipei Business Families\". In Economic Organization in Chinese Society, ed. by William F. Willmott, Stanford, Stanford University Press, pp. 261-296.\n\nOwen, Nicholas C. 1971. \"Economic Policy in Hong Kong\". In Hong Kong: The Industrial Colony, ed. by Keith Hopkins, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nPan, F.K. 1974. \"The Simple Truth of Management and Maintenance”, a lecture delivered on 21st June, Hong Kong.\n\nRyan, Edward, 1961. \"The Value System of a Chinese Community in Java\". Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University.\n\nSeider, Maynard S. 1974. \"American Big Business Ideology: A Content Analysis of Executive Speeches\". American Sociological Review 39, No. 6: 802-815.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209934, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "171\n\nSmith, Henry. 1966. \"John Stuart Mills' Other Island. A Study of The Economic Development of Hong Kong\". London, The Institute of Economic Affairs.\n\nStokes, Randall G. 1974. \"The Afrikaner Industrial Entrepreneur and Afrikaner Nationalism\". Economic Development and Cultural Change 22, No. 4: 557-579.\n\nSutton, Francis X., Seymour E. Harris, Carl Kaysen, and James Tobin. 1956. The American Business Creed. Cambridge, Harvard University Press.\n\nWeber, Max. 1930. The Protestant Ethic and The Spirit of Capitalism. London, Unwin.\n\nWong, Siu-lun. 1975. \"The Economic Enterprise of the Chinese in Southeast Asia: A Sociological Inquiry with Special Reference to West Malaysia and Singapore\". B. Litt, thesis, University of Oxford.\n\nYamamura, Kozo. 1974. A Study of Samurai Income and Entrepreneurship. Cambridge, Harvard University Press.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209944, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "181\n\nConclusion\n\nThis paper has illustrated how techniques of variation are used as the fundamental means of achieving balance of unity and variety in the formal structure of the music of Jiao-shi in Hong Kong. Variation is particularly important in the instrumental prelude, interlude, and postlude because it provides flexibility in the duration of playing which is very much dependent on the readiness of the Taoists and the spectators to begin or continue sessions of Jiao-shi. The structural basis of Jiao-shi music is that of the unit-pattern, which, as shown in the four excerpts, can be composed either with a single motif or by stringing together several motifs. Techniques of variation applied to those motifs through the use of alteration, addition, and reduction of pitches as well as alteration and diminution of rhythmic details have been discussed. In addition, re-arrangement of the order of appearance of motifs is yet another variation technique. Finally, aspects which are beyond the scope of this paper but of primary importance need to be mentioned. Stylistic differences are evident in the music of Jiao-shi practiced in various localities with varying degrees of complexity in their structure. The music of Taoist Jiao-shi is regionally oriented and reveals close mutual influence with other musical forms of that region. Furthermore, linguistic characteristics of the dialect used during Jiao-shi is another important factor in creating this regionalism.\n\n9", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209965, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "202\n\nAN IMPERIAL CHINESE BANNER PRESERVED IN KENDAL, ENGLAND\n\nP. BRUCE\n\nA unique memento of the First China War is slowly disintegrating in an English parish church due to lack of money to restore it.*\n\nThe war led to the establishment of Hong Kong and one of the British regiments which took part was the 55th (Westmoreland). At the second taking of Chusan, on October 1, 1841, the regiment seized an Imperial Chinese banner. Today it hangs, alongside the disbanded regiment's colours, in a glass case to the left side of the altar of Kendal Parish Church. This banner was the only Imperial Chinese banner seized by British troops during the First China War.\n\nThe vicar of Kendal, and the Border Regiment, which includes the old 55th in its genealogy, are well aware of the urgent need for the banner to receive conservation treatment. The problem is, as ever, money. Estimates of the cost of restoring the banner range somewhere around £2,000 and neither the church nor the regiment can offer any immediate hope of it being raised.\n\nThe episode in which the flag was taken is described in a verse history of the campaign prepared some years afterwards for the 55th. After 20 years service a soldier named Duell had gained a commission. He was given the honour of bearing the regimental colours that autumn day:\n\n\"Ensign Duell holds up our Colour, then falls, shot through the breast.\n\nThat morn had seen the ambition of a life fulfilled.\n\nAn honour borne but for a day, the day that he was killed. For twenty years or more he had well and faithful served, Winning his way, step by step, to a Commission well deserved. And when his name appeared in the previous night's Gazette, All wished him, health, long life, success, to wear his epaulette;\n\n* See plate 11.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209966, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "203\n\nAnd like a brave and gallant soul he pleaded for the honour, To carry in the coming fight the Regimental Colour. Into his willing hands they gave the sacred trust;\n\nThat night the Colour still remained, but, he was as the dust. As Colour Serjeant Davison took the colour from the dead, Another well-aimed shot takes off the gilt spear-head. The first upon the hill was the gallant Lieutenant Butler, Who attacked, and took a Flag from a Chinese soldier; The Standard-bearer falls but we preserve the trophy, In Kendal Church it now hangs up, a record of our glory.\"\n\nThe colours, which fluttered in Hong Kong when the regiment was stationed here after the hostilities are also in urgent need of conservation.\n\nModern viewpoints have assessments of glory or otherwise which differ from those of the 1840s. But the banner in Kendal church is unique and it would be a tragedy if it were allowed to disintegrate. Lt. Colonel Ralph May, Curator of the Regimental Museum of the Border Regiment and Kings Own Royal Border Regiment, Queen Mary's Tower, The Castle, Carlisle, would be delighted to hear of any offers of help in preservation. Given the uniqueness of the banner and the circumstances of its seizure, is it too much to hope that the money to permit that preservation might be found in Hong Kong?\n\nNOTE\n\n1 The action in which the 55th gained the Imperial banner, and in which Ensign Duell was killed is described also in The Border Magazine, September 1955, pp. 178-179, and in the Historical Account of the 34th and 55th Regiments (publ. in the 1870s) pp. 78-79 (information by courtesy of The Curator, The Regimental Museum of the Border Regiment and the Kings Own Border Regiment).\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209983, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "220 \n\nand loved the hills, a keen shot and a good one, above all a very good sport who took his failures with a grin and exposed all his mistakes with an engaging candour. There were little gems of descriptive story-telling that made you feel you were with him in all his adventures, and you got to know his favourite spots by his brief and vivid descriptions and little sketches.\n\nI came eventually to several stories about a mystery pig he called the Old Grey Boar, a hermit who was never seen in company with other pigs or who, as he explained it, had been thrown out by the other pigs because he was too bad-tempered. Now this pig could apparently carry without discomfort all the lead the hunters could pump into him, and he had given them the slip on several occasions when they felt sure they had bagged him. Currie always went out with three companions, but he alone wrote up the day. Finally he mentioned that the Chinese beaters firmly believed this was a Joss pig that could not be killed. They were also afraid of him, for after he had been wounded he terrorised the villagers, especially the grass-cutters, and had killed several of them. I did not pay much attention to the story at the time, but I was fascinated by Currie's general descriptions and sat up reading till after midnight, I think I got pig fever that night, a great urge to roam those hills with a few good companions like Currie and, like him, to find new strength up there. Finding good companions was the rub, and the only one I could think of was Hunter. The others had given up the struggle and would not move out of the Club; the hills were too far out and pig-shooting too much like hard work.\n\nThe next day I explored the country around and made myself familiar with the various ranges of hills. To the south was a long range called Chang Shan, on the top of which was a small temple. In between the two main mountains were rolling hills with the main road to Chinkiang twisting through the valley, past a solitary hill like a hog's back, sticking out of the flat country to eastward. This was called Tung Shan, and close to its northern base lay Chakamen, or the beaters' village, as we called it, for most of the beaters lived there.\"\n\nThose readers who wish to read more should turn to page 51 of Rasmussen's fascinating book. My own interest is in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210009, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 268, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "246\n\nplough back as possible. The first rice crop was harvested as close to the soil as possible as the ploughed back straw was of less value; it was the straw of this harvest that was kept as cattle feed and for other similar purposes.\n\nFallowing of fields and crop rotation to permit natural regeneration of fertility was not regularly used, and seems to have been extremely rare in valley padi or even moderately good hillslope padi. Dry ground and poor hillslope padi was, however, fallowed intermittently, but with little regularity or customary detail.\n\nThe practices noted here represent the major, but by no means the only fertilisers in regular use in New Territories villages before modernisation. Other organic wastes were used as and when opportunity arose. They represent the practice of the New Territories area, but not necessarily that even of other parts of Kwangtung. In Swatow and parts of Waichow, for instance, feces and urine were, it would seem, stored up together and used as liquid fertiliser when they had broken down and matured into a black oily liquid; in these areas ashes are collected separately and form the only dry manure used. J. Dyer Ball, in his article quoted, speaks of slow burning of vegetable wastes in clamp fires under turf to form a charcoal-like rich ash used particularly to prepare seedbeds; this seems to be a practice of the Canton area and would seem to be unknown in the New Territories area.\n\nThese practices, which alone accounted for the continuing high fertility of rice fields even in the face of relentless year-in-year-out cropping, while unsavoury, are obviously important and warrant further study: this Note aims only at indicating the types of information to be found.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1982, (reprint of 5th Edition, 1925, Kelly and Walsh, Shanghai), pages 22-23, \"Agriculture\", partly quoted from other writers.\n\nVillagers from Sha Tin, North Sai Kung, and Sai Kung were questioned, with about 6 villagers assisting. The Note does not attempt to identify particular points with particular contacts: the points made represent the general consensus view. Most points were confirmed by several contacts.\n\n8\n\nPersonal observation of the author in 1982.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 279, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "Plate 11: The banner seized at Chusan in October 1841. Now in Kendal Parish Church it is in urgent need of conservation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210044, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "I do not deny that change is necessary and this may even involve a change in title, but what is in a name? Surely it is the content of what one does which is important, and whether there is a continued need for work in the English language on the Hong Kong region past and present in all its interesting complexity. We can surely expect there to be an ongoing curiosity in the subject among Hong Kong residents. If a name is the only barrier to progress, we could become the Asiatic Society of Hong Kong, and I am sure the mother society would not sever our association for such a trifle.\n\nPerhaps more to the point, we should be considering now whether to move towards a bilingual presentation in our lectures and publications for it is arguable that, through creating a wider potential interest, our membership, and thus the resources of the Society, would broaden and extend so as to enable us to move away from the narrow base of the first twenty-five years.\n\nIn short, we should be assessing our situation and the options open to us, and be taking steps to move in the right direction like other bodies faced with similar problems. In this way, we can look forward more confidently to celebrating our fiftieth anniversary in 2010, which will also be the 163rd anniversary of the founding of the first branch of our Society in Hong Kong, 1847-1859. I have in mind to organize a special seminar over the next few months in which members can take up these matters more fully.\n\nFinally, I have to report some changes in Council personnel. In August 1984, our Assistant Secretary of six years' standing, Mrs. Debbie Hodgkiss, left Hong Kong, and in February 1985, our Vice-President, Mr. Ian Diamond, M.B.E., Government Archivist since 1971, returned to his native Australia on retirement. Both were sorely missed. The Society presented Mr. Diamond with a book token to commemorate his long association with and work for the Society, and I gave farewell lunches for each of them. Mrs. Hodgkiss' successor is Mrs. Anne Porter and Mr. David Gilkes, our treasurer and long-standing Council member, has taken up the second Vice-President post. Another loss was Dr. Allan Birch, Reader in History at the University of Hong Kong who also\n\nXiv\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "8\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\nI\n\n1988\n\nfil\n\nThe advice given by the deity is read and analysed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210065, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "15\n\nThe Present-day Temple Oracles\n\nThe temple oracles, described in modern historical writings and still found in contemporary practice in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore, etc. can be traced back as far as the Sung dynasty. Yet such a long interval between the milfoil-I Ching oracles of early Chou and the Sung practice does not necessarily mean a historical continuity. But although today the literary links are missing, some scholars have assumed a continuous line of development. J. Needham is very definite when he states that \"The milfoil, ... has descended continuously to the Taoist temples of the present day, where simple folk choose a stick from a box ...\" This method of using sticks is, in Needham's opinion, different from the use of the I Ching symbols, although he admits that, in the latter, milfoil sticks were also used.\n\n14\n\nMore recently a German anthropologist Werner Banck, has focused his attention on the study of temple oracles. A first volume of his work, a large collection of temple oracle texts, was published in 1976.1 (A second volume is promised in which the author will analyse and evaluate the collected source materials). In his foreword to Banck's work, Wolfram Eberhard clearly expresses the belief that there is continuity between the contemporary oracles and the tradition of the I Ching and the Han alternative version, embodied in the T'ai-hsuan ching. W. Banck himself shares this opinion and plans to examine the literary tradition of China for more exact information.\n\nA possible reason why direct evidence is not easily available consists in the very nature of the contemporary temple oracles: they are used by the people in the temples. Two conditions make such a practice possible: the existence of temples and the availability of printing. This double factor only started to materialize toward the T'ang period and therefore it seems plausible to look for the origin of temple oracles in the middle or later T'ang era. Before that time, people who wanted to consult the oracles in private matters, could visit diviners, who did not need temple oracles since they could read the I Ching and similar texts and cast the oracles for their clients.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210067, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "17\n\ngeographical areas of China: none of them with the exception of one has been so far spotted in Taiwan or other places outside China. Although the number of oracles in each series can be almost anything between a minimum of 24 to a maximum of 365, it appears that some numbers are favoured more than others. In the Banck collection and my own samples the favourite numbers are:\n\n28: 8 different sets\n\n32: 6 sets\n\n60: 12 sets\n\n64: 3 sets\n\n100: 11 sets\n\nThe Taotsang has, moreover, one set of 64, and one of 100, plus two sets of 49. In some of these cases, the numerological symbolism is evident: 64 is in imitation of the I Ching (32 just half of it); 60 is in imitation of the classical time-cycle of 60, while 49 is the number still used today for I Ching consultation. It will take a prolonged effort to compare all those sets, not merely in their material appearance, i.e., the number of characters for each verse, number of commentaries added, etc., but more importantly from the viewpoint of contents and from the mathematical viewpoint of their divinatory forecasts. As W. Eberhard indicates, the 100 oracle series has 25 oracles that are very favourable, 25 very unfavourable and 50 that are average.\" Not every series has the same statistical probabilities, but it would be worthwhile to test and compare all of them in this regard.\n\nThe presumed probability of a historical link between the I Ching related divination methods and temple oracles is strengthened by some of the numbers of oracles: especially 64 and 49. The former is too obvious to need further comment, but it should be mentioned that one series of 64 oracles is somehow a simplified I Ching text: it is the set found in the Taipei temple of Huang Ti (Huang Ti Fu Kung, Banck #32),\" in which each oracle starts with one of the 64 hexagrams, followed by a stanza in four lines of 7 characters. The number 49 also has a strong affinity with the I Ching or even milfoil technique: nowadays when one consults the I Ching, one takes 50 milfoil stalks, and after some preliminary rituals of worship and incense offering, one stalk is taken away and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210076, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "26\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\ntion is divinely pre-ordained and therefore contains a message which is the best possible in the particular circumstances. That even applies to medical temple oracles, which at first view is rather shocking. Some devotees will hardly consult a medical doctor when a health problem arises. They will go to the temple, usually dedicated to one of the deities of healing (for example Pao-sheng Ta-ti, Shen-nung Ta-ti), where medical divination slips are still being used. The pattern of consultation is the same as for ordinary temple oracles, but the end result is different: the devotee will receive a divination slip which contains a herbal recipe. This is taken to a traditional drug store where the divine prescription is filled and if followed with confidence and trust in the deity, health will supposedly gradually be restored.\n\nWhether or not the results of divination are authentic, i.e. whether or not there really is a deity behind the scene who makes a decision in each individual case concerning the best solution, is psychologically unimportant: the worshipper accepts the premises of divine guidance and with one stone hits two birds: he believes in the supernatural outcome of his consultation, and also circumvents the painful process of decision-making on his own. As a psychological support for action, as a method of divine counseling, divination appeals to a great number of people. Since the temple oracles are easy to manipulate, they are very popular, just as the I Ching consultation keeps its strong appeal also in the West for more educated people.\n\n—\n\nThe Chinese temple oracles have, moreover, another way of exercising a strong attraction: most of the sets included in this survey are rather complex in that they contain various appendices to their basic texts. The oracles are usually written in verse form: four lines of either five or seven characters. What happened to the I Ching, has happened here in a similar fashion: commentators added their own interpretations or characterizations to the text (the \"wings\" of the temple oracles?) Two types of these commentaries need further elaboration: first, areas of concern and secondly, historical precedents.\n\n1. Most sets of oracles list out the areas of vital concern which for most worshippers cover the majority of cases about which they", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210080, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "30\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\nalso different in other sets. This point, however, needs further detailed study. One example may serve as a warning to prevent rash conclusions: in set B-11 (or 12), there is reference to a play or story which is at first view similar to the one quoted above (no.10 of the B-2 set):\n\n\"No. 47: Lady Kao Ta becomes famous at fifty.\"23\n\nAlthough the story referred to is different, still the moral drawn from it may be similar. Therefore a detailed analysis of all the story/play types should be undertaken.\n\nFrom all this it is obvious that Chinese history is here used as a rich source for moral examples, or for predictions concerning one's future. Human life in its endless chain of apparently personal events, still can be reduced to a number of prototypes; although the exact details vary ad infinitum, the models resemble each other in their basic orientation. What happened 2,000 years ago to so and so, may happen again to me right now, if my action follows the same pattern, and is inspired by the same intention. Chinese history has been well known to all levels of society through drama performances at the community stage or in the temple precincts, and through story telling or reading. Good and bad examples abound in the rich heritage and are used in divination as promises or warnings in our present situation.\n\nReligious literatures of other traditions offer parallel examples, where past events are used as models for action or even for divining purposes. St. Augustine describes his own experience in his Confessions (Book 8): during his 32nd year he passed through a painful crisis of doubt: The Christian way of life attracted him strongly but his old habits of worldly attachments kept him back. In this intense struggle a special event shook him up: he divined the Scriptures and the answer he received helped him to overcome all further obstacles.\n\nSo was I speaking and weeping in the most bitter contrition of my heart, when, lo! I heard from a neighbouring house a voice, as of boy or girl, I know not, chanting, and oft repeating, \"Take up and read; Take up and read.\" Instantly, my counte-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210081, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "31\n\nnance altered, I began to think most intently whether children were wont in any kind of play to sing such words: nor could I remember ever to have heard the like. So checking the torrent of my tears, I arose; interpreting it to be no other than a command from God to open the book, and read the first chapter I should find. For I had heard of Antony, that coming in during the reading of the Gospel, he received the admonition, as if what was being read was spoken to him: Go, sell all that thou hast, and give to the poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven, and come and follow me: and by such oracle he was forthwith converted unto Thee. Eagerly then I returned to the place where Alypius was sitting; for there had I laid the volume of the Apostle when I arose thence. I seized, opened, and in silence read that section on which my eyes first fell: Not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and envying; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not provision for the flesh, in concupiscence. No further would I read; nor needed I: for instantly at the end of this sentence, by a light as it were of serenity infused into my heart, all the darkness of doubt vanished away.\n\nMaybe the official teaching of the Christian Churches would not approve of such an approach but I see the definite possibility of composing a set of 60 or 100 oracles based on Biblical stories: the books of the Bible, Old and New Testament, abound with events and actions which can be used as models for the present. If one maintains a strong belief in divine guidance, it is not a priori unacceptable that one would cast a Christian oracle and obtain a Christian answer parallel to those of the Chinese temple oracles. To mention just a few random examples, first from the Old Testament: Abraham leaves his home: obedience to God's will; Abraham sacrifices his son: God tempts the faith of his devotee; Joseph in Egypt: virtue is sometimes tested, but will ultimately triumph. From the New Testament: John the Baptist's message: if you do not repent, you will perish; Mary's acceptance of a superhuman mission; the poor widow's contribution to the temple; the healing power of Jesus for those who have faith.\n\nSuch an experiment may not be welcomed by the Church authorities, not because the examples are not relevant, but because of the divination approach involved. However, it could be interpret-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210082, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "32\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\ned as a particular method of prayer and if the right belief in God's guidance is maintained, we could have a new and popular way of Christian prayer, adjusted to the need of many Christians.\n\nOne final concern about the validity of I Ching and temple oracles has to be expressed: it is assumed and often clearly stated that the 64 hexagrams of the I Ching summarize and symbolize all human situations and contain advice for all possible conflicts. If that is correct, it also follows that the temple oracles do likewise. In other words, the value of all these oracles depends largely on their completeness with regard to human life. A city map which leaves out important roads or central buildings would not be very useful. So the question arises: do these oracles actually fulfill this condition? So far as I am aware, no one has ever checked and questioned the I Ching in this regard. But in the case of the temple oracles, it seems that in modern times which create new situations and therefore result in new decision making problems, the oracles may need to be complemented. One example will illustrate this: when a devotee questions the oracle about marriage, it refers to customs of traditional China, where matches were made by the families, not by the individuals concerned. This has now changed. Furthermore, the question about marriage, as expressed in the temple oracles, always assumes that a marriage has not yet taken place: the question is whether it will be advisable to proceed; whether it will work out all right. There is an implicit assumption that marriages will last. If a conflict arises 5 or 10 years later, and husband and wife doubt whether they should stay together or not, there is no answer to be found in the oracles. This is a case where the oracles need adjustment in order to keep serving a truly advisory purpose for the benefit of the believers today.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210090, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "JULIAN PAS\n\nAPPENDIX II: CHINESE DIVINATION TERMINOLOGY\n\nThe terminology used in the context of ancient Chinese divination practices is often conflicting and confusing. It is therefore appropriate to define the terms, both in English and in Chinese.\n\nA. English Terminology\n\nThe two basic types relate to bone divination and to plant (stalk) divination.\n\n1. OSTEOMANCY, general term for Bone Divination\n\nDates from the Shang period or even from earlier times, and includes divination types using a variety of animal bones, especially bovines, sheep or pigs, later also tortoises. Subdivisions, using specific kinds of animal bones:\n\n(a) SCAPULIMANCY or SCAPULOMANCY: using the shoulder blades of sheep, oxen, etc. This term is often inaccurately used for bone divinations in general,\n\n(b) CHELONIOMANCY: using the carapace of tortoise or turtle;\n\n(c) PLASTROMANCY: using the 'plastron' (lower bone) of tortoise.\n\n2. ACHILLEOMANCY: divination of Chou origin (probably) using a number of stalks derived from the milfoil plant, also called yarrow. One of the methods using stalks is the ICHING consultation, which is perhaps an early ancestor of the popularized temple oracles.\n\nB. Chinese Terminology\n\n卜 pu (Karlgren or K. no. 757) to divine by tortoise shell; to divine (shows fissures in heated shell).\n\n兆 (K. no. 1182; Mathews or M. 247) prognostic, omen (cracks in burnt tortoise shell, read as prognostics) a sign, omen.\n\n爻 (K. no. 217; M. 2583) Yao— intertwine; change; lines in the hexagrams of I-ching.\n\nMiyazaki (p. 162); this character yao \"is nothing else but the figure of two of those crosses\", obtained by counting divination sticks, to see whether their number was odd or even.\n\n夬 (K. 161) (accident), calamitous, unfortunate, sad; of bad omen; cruel [a man falling with legs upwards into a pit]\n\nMiyazaki: (p. 162); two sticks remaining in a box or container: means \"bad omen, unlucky”, since representing an even number.\n\n吉 (K. 325) auspicious, lucky, good, (an affair: which may be spoken of, not taboo).\n\nMiyazaki: three sticks (odd number) remaining in divination: therefore 'good omen, lucky'. For unknown reason, \"container' replaced by 'mouth'; perhaps pronounced aloud.\n\n卦 (K. 433): 8 trigrams, basis of I ching (from 2 x three yao plus 'divination')\n\n占 (K. 1162; M. 125) to discern omens, inquire into prognostics, prognosticate, to divine; a lot (to interpret prognostics); to divine by casting lots; to observe signs, to foretell", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210161, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "111\n\nAnother Ip (Yip), a man of 60 who was a Lukong or Chinese policeman and owned two houses, said he was 10 years of age when the Colony was annexed and that \"the village was the same when I was a boy as it is now. All the families mentioned in this paragraph were Cantonese.\n\n+20\n\nAs already stated above, it would seem that the inhabitants of the market towns were of mixed origin. The American Baptist missionary, Revd. Issacher J. Roberts of the Hong Kong Mission, reported from “Check Chu” on January 1st 1843 that the village contained \"eight or ten hundred Chinese who are divided among the Canton, Kek [Hakka] and Teichau [Chiu Chow] dialects.”21 In an earlier report, undated save “1842\", he gave a fuller account which, however, placed the population at a considerably lower figure:\n\n“Have gone around and counted families of Check Chu (note: present Stanley) three kinds of inhabitants\n\n1) Punti, the dialect I learned\n\n2) Hoklo [probably the Teichau dialect spoken of in 1843],\n\ndialect of Dean [another Baptist missionary]\n\n3) the Hak-kah\n\nCheck Chu including all the shops without families and hence not reckoned as citizens and some scattered families in the suburbs has:\n\nPunti, 63 families and shops at\n\nan average of 4 to each\n\n252\n\nHoklo, 27 families and shops at\n\nan average of 4 to each\n\n108\n\nHak-kah, 55 families and shops at\n\nan average of 4 to each\n\n220\n\nTotal 145 families\n\n580 persons\n\nHalf or more of the 145 are shops leaving less than a hundred citizens families. Of the 580 perhaps 100 can read. The wom-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210162, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "112 \n\nJAMES HAYES \n\nen are all of the sort that go barefooted and work in the field. I have not seen one small-footed woman here. At least 8/10 of men here smoke opium.' \n\nAs we have seen, Aberdeen, about the same time, was, as Collinson reports, also a fishing port. According to another military observer, Captain Cunynghame, it contained about 200 buildings, and had “a very respectable appearance”. It is thus very likely that it engaged in the same mixed business as Stanley, and contained a similar size of population and a similar mixture of people.24 \n\nThe villagers were essentially farmers and fishermen relying on their padi fields for a subsistence rice crop twice a year, supplemented by coastal fishing. The old style of village life, that must have characterized Hong Kong's settlements before British rule, lingered on in its essentials well into this century until squatters and development ended the old life style. Even as late as 1967, at Little Hong Kong, Old Village, an old lady then aged 80 told me that her's had been the first family in the village to apply for a mains water supply ten years before, and some villagers were still in 1967 cutting grass to use as fuel to heat water, cook pig food, etc. and going to the foreshore to find edible items. \n\nIn earlier days, the hillsides were apportioned for grass cutting between clans and their member families as in the New Territories, and she had changed areas where she married a man in another clan from the New Village. Besides being cut for fuel at home, grass was taken to Aberdeen and Deep Water Bay to sell to the boat people anchored there. They used it to burn the marine growth from the underside of their craft at regular intervals (usually twice a month), as was done in many coastal villages in the area. \n\nThe villagers used the adjacent sea shore to supplement their diet, waiting for the tide to go out and spending up to four or five hours daily in the 2nd, 3rd and 4th lunar months (March till May or June) gathering sea eggs, digging in the sand for clams, looking for other shell fish among the stones and gathering sea weed to feed the pigs. Both men and women engaged in the work, and she recalls both her mother and father carrying large baskets of sea", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210168, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "118 \n\nJAMES HAYES \n\ninterior; and it is considered a profitable trade, because stone blocks are constantly in demand, and will always fetch a good price in proportion as buildings are in course of erection.\" \n\nThe clearest evidence of this trade in granite blocks comes from the Hoi Sam Temple in Shau Kei Wan. This temple was built in 1845, the year before Gutzlaff's report, and the tablet in the temple stresses that the construction was a community effort extending over some time. The tablet records 232 donors whose names can still be read, of whom no less than 48 were identified as quarries (E) who donated about 28% of the total sum raised. Of the 14 most generous donors to the temple construction project 5 were identified as quarries, with 6 out of the next 14, and 5 out of the next 17. Collinson's survey of 1843-45 shows the coast pock-marked with quarries all the way from Quarry Bay through Quarry Point (both so named by Collinson), to Ah Kung Nam, with each group of quarries with a few houses for the quarry workers and a landing place for boats. Some of the quarries contributing to the Hoi Sam Temple project may have been from the Kowloon side of the bay, where there were numerous quarries in the Kwun Tong area, but most undoubtedly came from the Shau Kei Wan area. 30 quarries donated to the restoration of the Hau Wong temple in Kowloon City in 1822, of which only 4 also donated in 1845, strongly suggesting this.\" There can be no doubt that quarrying was the dominant economic activity of the whole north-east coast of Hong Kong. The importance of long-distance trade in the blocks is, perhaps, shown in the eagerness of the quarry operators to contribute generously to the construction of a temple to the seaman's goddess. \n\nIn the same report, Gutzlaff speaks of the fish trade: \n\n\"The fisheries carried on from Aberdeen and Stanley are in a flourishing condition, and consequently, also the trade in salt fish, which the mass of the people use generally for seasoning their rice. How many smacks belong to these places has never been ascertained; but at New Year, when they make up the accounts with their partners and owners, the harbours are full of them.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210175, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "125\n\nowned by local people were demolished for the construction of a fortress; also that investigation should be made as to whether there were other land taxes, apart from those of Tang Chi-cheung, which had not been paid.\n\n+61\n\nThis decision was passed to the British Plenipotentiary, Sir John Davis, in a communication from \"Hwang, Treasurer of Kwang-tung\" towards the end of this same 24th year of Tao Kuang, to the effect that\n\n\"as the said Tang's fields are situated within the jurisdiction of Hong Kong the Chinese high officials consider it not proper to exact the [land] tax from Tang, because Hong Kong is made a possession of your Honourable Country.\n\nThe Tang clan's tenants on perpetual leases were thus freed of their payments to the sub-soil owner, and held land on payment of Crown Rent to the Hong Kong government thereafter. I have given the story only as it is contained in the Tang family records; but as expressed on the tenants' side and handled by the Hong Kong authorities, it is elaborated in official British papers contained in the Public Records Office, London.63\n\n64\n\nThe Tangs' claims to be the sub-soil owners cannot have been exclusive; or else there had, by one means or another, been inroads into their rights over the years. Very few Chinese land papers indeed seem to have survived from Hong Kong island from before 1841, but among them is a red deed issued in 1797 to a resident of one of the Chai Wan villages.** The nature of a red deed is such that it is either an initial direct grant of the sub-soil or the official recognition of a transfer from the person previously registered as the taxpayer of the land in question. Also, and as mentioned above, the Wong family of Nam Tau and Cheung Chau leased out 13 fishing stations on the south side of Hong Kong to local people: a right which would usually have gone with ownership of the sub-soil or would have been appropriated by its owner.\n\n65\n\nI turn now to the boat people of Hong Kong, for it is certain that the local population before 1841 comprised boat families as well as villagers. The Tanka or boat people of South China have long", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210189, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "139\n\n58\n\nPetition dated 23rd day of 4th lunar month, Tao Kuang 24th year i.e. 8th June 1844.\n\n59\n\n60\n\nSee notes 19-20 above and relevant text.\n\nResponse or comment, presumably again by the District Magistrate, following the petition of 8th June 1844.\n\n61 Instruction dated sometime in Tao Kuang 24th year, but date and originator not clear to me.\n\n62\n\nCommunication dated 15th day of 11th month, Tao Kuang 24th Year, i.e. 24th December 1844 (from Series CO129/7/9807, p. 326). See also Mayers, Dennys and King, op cit., p. 57.\n\n64\n\nPublic Records Series CO129 and FO233.\n\nCopies of this deed, together with a few other papers from Chai Wan, belonging to Mr Law Wan-yeung(c) of Chai Wan, are available in the Public Records Office of Hong Kong.\n\n65 See note 26 for the Wong holdings. The Tangs leased out similar properties on Tsing Yi Island in the present New Territories, where they apparently did hold the sole rights to the sub-soil up to 1899.\n\n66\n\nSee the account given in J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op cit, p 32 and in J.W. Hayes The Rural Communities of Hong Kong op. cit., pp. 34-37 and 244-246.\n\n67 For accounts of these places see chapters 2 and 3 of J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region, op. cit.\n\n6. See J.W. Hayes The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, op. cit., pp 68-9 and relevant notes on p. 254.\n\n69 See the information on settlement in north-west Kowloon and Tsuen Wan in J.W. Hayes The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, op. cit., chapters 5 and 7.\n\n70 Kuo Fei(部) Yueh Ta Chi 與天記三十三政事類渗防廣東沿潮閣\n\n71 This is perhaps misleading and more information is required. The list of places where land was claimed to be in the private ownership of the Tangs, with dates of purchases and names of sellers is given in a petition to the Hsin-an District Magistrate dated 18th day of the 10th moon in Tao Kuang 24th year, i.e. 25 November 1844. This shows that part of those Hong Kong lands registered in the Tung-kwun district yamen, presumably before 1573, had been purchased by the Tangs from another family in the Ch'ien-lung reign, and therefore cannot be used to show Tang ownership in or before the Ming dynasty, although they do suggest that the lands were cultivated and of value in the Ming. Nor do we know whether land registered in what later became Hsin-an had earlier been registered in the Tung-kwun yamen but with the relevant registers transferred to the new district yamen in 1573.\n\n72 For the dates of these temples, and especially for the items mentioned in the Table, see 陸鴻基, 吳偏霞霞, 合编, “香港伸銘彝術 op. cit. (D. Faure, B. Luk, A. Ng, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong), passim.\n\nI\n\n71 See J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op. cit. chapter 7.\n\n74\n\n**\n\nA.R. Johnston “Note on the Island of Hong Kong” in London Geographical Journal, XIV, reprinted in the Hong Kong Almanack and Directory, 1846,\n\n75 Endacott, op cit., p. 59\n\n76 E.J. Eitel, Europe in China op. cit. p. 215.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210197, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "147\n\nThe continued existence of a system of licensed prostitution in Hong Kong soon came to the notice of the moral reform societies in Britain which had succeeded in abolishing such houses at home and were determined to end the system overseas as well. Pressure was brought to bear upon the Colonial Office by written appeals from the societies and by questions and speeches in parliament. So in 1893 a new Secretary of State, Lord Ripon, sent instructions to Hong Kong that the registration of brothels and the periodic examination of their inmates, whether nominally voluntary or not, must cease forthwith. Once again the Governor expostulated, forwarding a petition from the leading Chinese who objected that with the abolition of registration prostitutes would have no opportunity to complain about ill-treatment and that brothels would proliferate in respectable residential areas. The Colonial Surgeon also added his views, claiming that it would be cruel to forbid the women to attend for regular examinations; they were well aware of the need for early diagnosis of venereal disease and came of their own free will. But the Secretary of State, under pressure from moral reformers in Britain, was obdurate, and a bill to repeal the 1890 ordinance and abolish the whole system of control was introduced into the Legislative Council in 1894 and passed by the official majority against the unanimous opposition of the unofficials. Hong Kong's long delaying action to avoid reform was apparently at an end.\n\nThe results of this measure were soon evident: prostitutes ceased to attend for their weekly examinations; a large number of new brothels were opened in areas of the city which had formerly been free of them; and the incidence of venereal disease in the garrison soared. In 1897 half the soldiers in Hong Kong were under treatment for venereal diseases, compared to 15 per cent ten years earlier. In Singapore, which had been given the same directive to abolish registered brothels as Hong Kong, the incidence of venereal disease among troops reached 60 per cent. Faced with this situation the governors of the Straits Settlements and Hong Kong submitted a succession of reports to London and proposed draft legislation which would broadly have had the effect of reintroducing the legal system of control that had existed before 1889. The China Association in London and its branches in Hong Kong and Singapore strongly supported the Governors' views and se-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210199, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "149\n\nthe repeal ordinance of 1894.23 Fear of being forced to close down business could be used to compel brothel keepers to register their inmates and submit them for medical examination, just as had been done in the past, without the need to rely on any other legal enactment or penalty. Since there is no documentation available it is impossible to trace the development of the new system of tolerated houses, but by 1923 a highly complex system of regulation had been elaborated. The system was so well established that when the Colonial Office asked for information in that year in order to reply to a parliamentary question a full account was sent to London.24 The Hong Kong government was quite open in describing its system of regulating prostitution and was obviously unconcerned or ignorant of the fact that the Secretary of State had ordered an almost identical system of control to be abolished thirty years earlier.\n\nThe administration described the arrangements as based on the recognition both of the impossibility of stopping prostitution but also of the need for a broad supervision to prevent abuse.25 The Secretary for Chinese Affairs (the official who had formerly been entitled the Registrar-General) kept a full list of tolerated houses, their mistresses and their inmates. Brothels were classified into those catering for Europeans (with subclasses of those with European, Japanese or Chinese prostitutes), brothels for Indians, and brothels for Chinese (subdivided into first class, second class and third class houses). The Secretariat fixed charges which the mistresses might levy on their girls for board and lodging. All those wishing to practise the profession had to attend before the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, bringing three photographs with them, and were closely questioned to ensure that they were entering the profession of their own free will. When the authority was satisfied on this point, and that the girl was over nineteen, she was given a card with her number, name and address, and photograph attached. One photograph was retained by the Secretariat and the other by the brothel mistress who pasted it in a record book kept in the brothel. The girl was also given a card informing her that she was free to leave the profession at any time and could appeal to the authorities for protection in the case of any ill treatment. If any client complained to the Secretariat that he had been infected with venereal disease by a licensed prostitute the girl would be instructed...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210201, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "151\n\nHong Kong authorities saw no need to take active steps to improve the situation.\n\nParliamentary pressure over social hygiene in Hong Kong largely lapsed after 1894 once the legal framework for the licensing of prostitutes and the registration of brothels had been repealed by the Legislative Council and thereafter Hong Kong was left free to set up its new extra-legal system of control without further interference from London. But after the end of the First World War agitation on the subject revived. The League of Nations appointed an Advisory Committee on the Traffic in Women and Children which published reports highlighting the connections between state regulation of prostitution and the procurement of women. The first warning to Hong Kong of the revival of concern in Britain was the arrival in the colony in 1921 of a Commission from the National Council for Combating Venereal Disease which had been sent out to report on conditions in the Far Eastern Colonies. The Governor, Sir Edward Stubbs, had objected to any such visit and forbade government officials to give the commissioners any assistance; he also informed them when they arrived that they were not to hold any public meetings or advertise their presence in the press. In spite of this studied discourtesy the commissioners, Mrs. Neville-Rolfe and Dr. Hallam, set out upon a thorough exploration of the seedier areas of the city and various medical institutions, and were able to make contact with some business and religious groups and with some of the leading Chinese. On their return to London they submitted a scathing report to the Colonial Office on medical and social conditions. According to the commissioners, no serious attempt had been made by the government to improve the standard of health of the native population in 85 years of British rule; the infant mortality figures were disgraceful; the Tung Wah hospital was very dirty and badly equipped; the Po Leung Kuk, a place of refuge for Chinese girls, was largely used as a recruiting ground for cheap supplementary wives by members of the committee. The Colonial Office was given its first description of the working of the system of tolerated brothels, which Mrs. Neville-Rolfe dismissed as ineffective in preventing the kidnapping of girls into brothel slavery; on the contrary it was alleged that the artificial value put on the Chinese girl by the system of recognised brothels is the main inducement to the kidnappers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210224, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "174\n\nR.A. BOWLER, D.S.C. YANG AND A.J.E. SMITH\n\nfattened. Oysters are also placed directly on the sea bed, particularly close to the shore. This practice seems to provide an accessible \"store\" for marketing purposes.\n\nThe choice between tile or post seems to be one of personal preference or perhaps supply so far as Hong Kong oyster farmers are concerned. The posts have about 0.01 m2 available for spat collection compared to 0.02 m2 with the tile. These areas are an average estimated from inspection. The posts do not need to be raised so often as a result of deposited sediment, which may account for their predominance in parts of the Chinese oyster beds. Cultches are replanted about 2-3 times a year (see plate 6), but storms and typhoons often cause an increase in siltation. In the event that the oyster beds are covered following a storm, the cultches have to be lifted within 72 hours and perhaps less if mortality is to be avoided. Suspended solids concentration following a storm with 18 m/s wind speed increase to 2000 g/m3 (Binnie & Partners, 1984) compared to a normal range of 1 to 164 g/m3.\n\nIn deeper waters two techniques are currently in use, the traditional sea bed practice using concrete blocks or stones, or the rafting technique.\n\nLoads of concrete blocks or stones are dumped annually into deeper waters and no further attention is paid to these until harvest. An undefined area in Deep Bay is controlled by the Shajing group of oyster farmers using this somewhat random method. Oysters may be gathered by any farmer paying a small daily fee of RMB$5 to the Shajing group. This virtually common area of deep-water bed may explain the overlap of beds shown in figure 1. A more organised system is carried out by the Nantou group of oystermen with the cultches rearranged after dumping, either by using long tongs or by diving. As visibility is poor and the beds are permanently submerged, rearrangement has to be by touch.\n\nRock cultches still make up about a third of the total oyster beds. In intertidal areas the rock cultches are less densely packed than the concrete type with rows 1.2 to 1.6 m apart, spaced at 0.45 to 1.0 m intervals.\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210263, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "213\n\nFEARON, Charles Augustine 1854-1855\n\n46\n\nArrived in China probably 1836; lived in Shanghai from 1846;44 at first partner in Fearon & Co.,* later in Aug. Heard & Co.; agent for Heard in London from August 1856.\n\nFORBES, Frank Blackwell 1864-1865\n\nBorn 1839, died 1908.\n\nCame to China as private secretary of the American envoy William Reed in 1857.\n\n48\n\nPartner in Russell & Co. from January 1, 1863.\n\n49\n\nConsul-General for Sweden and Norway from September 13, 1864.5\n\n54\n\n$1\n\nMember of the Conseil Municipal of the French Concession 1868-1869, 1869-1870, 1870-1871, 1871-1872, 1872-1873. Trustee Recreation Fund;7 member of the NCBRAS 1864 until 1874 (as resident), until 1882 (as non-resident);53 Vice president NCBRAS 1872, president NCBRAS 1873 and 1874;5 member of a committee of the NCBRAS to study the \"feasibility of establishing a Public Library\", 1868;56 member of a committee of the NCBRAS “appointed for the consideration of the expediency of publishing a reprint of the Chinese Repository\", 1868.7 Portraits.** Author of, among others, botanical works.\n\nGIBB, Hugh Bold 1857-1858, 1858-1859\n\n$9\n\nAuthorized to sign for Gibb, Livingston & Co. from March 8, 1855;6 later he became a partner.\n\n61\n\nTrustee British Episcopal Church 1858.62\n\nUnofficial member of the Legislative Council in Hong Kong 1860-1870, 1879.63\n\nGRAY, George Griswold 1856-1857\n\n64\n\nAuthorized to sign for Russell & Co. January 3, 1854, partner from January 1, 1855 till December 31, 1859.4\n\nHe took part in the Battle of Muddy Flat, April 4, 1854, and was reported wounded.\n\n66\n\nPortrait.\n\n67", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "234\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\nof water (Kan Lu #), the chief priest passed the dish to the priest on his right-hand side, who then used a small pine leaf to sprinkle water as he walked through the festival area himself. (See routes 1 and 2 in the plan of the Festival Area at the Appendix to this article.) The participating worshippers regarded the former walking ritual as one to show respect to their 'Ancestors', and the latter one as a kind of offering and purification of the area.\n\n13\n\nThe 'Reporting' ritual, which took place between entrance A and entrance C, started with the throwing of several Man Tau (Man-Juu in Japanese, a kind of bread) and ten-yen coins to those attending. It created a lot of excitement among those attending as well as the priests. Then the chief priest, who was standing on a table, read a Pang (a name list =, yellow in colour, which was burnt on the last night) of 165 names, and then a Shi-ma (a paper-made figure riding on a paper-made horse), the supposed messenger to Heaven, was burnt with paper money and incense sticks. The 'messenger' was to report to Heaven that this place was now holding a festival for (a) all the soldiers who died during the World Wars, (b) the Ancestors of all surnames, and (c) all wandering spirits. It was hoped that through this generous offering (Gong De), the worshippers could obtain family happiness and good luck.\n\n=\n\n16\n\n=\n\n17\n\n#3). At about 3 p.m. on Sept. 2, a bus took fifteen Hokkienese committee members (including 3 females, 1 boy, 2 youths in their 20s) and six priests to the Shumanoura beach, which is in Hyogo Prefecture. There, 21 lotus lanterns (Lien Dan, each with a burning candle inside) were sent out to sea. At the same time, two women put 60 sets of 3 small incense sticks and 2 sets of 3 middle-sized incense sticks into the sand, while the priests chanted facing the sea. After that, the committee members threw vegetarian food around the site. The whole ritual took fifteen minutes. The ritual, according to the Japanese priest, was to send off the ghosts and the ancestors, and some committee members said that it was to send off the orphan ghosts (Wu Zhi Gui 無杞鬼 = Muen butsu in Japanese, meaning ghosts which have no worshippers).\n\nDuring the night offerings, the chief priest first made some\n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 296, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "275\n\nA large clump of such \"public\" trees (HAB) exists, for instance, on the north-east slope of Kowloon Peak.\n\n10 See, however, section 2 of this Note. The late Mr. T. S. Woo, MBE (formerly of the Agriculture and Fisheries Department and the Kadoorie Agricultural Aid Association) stated that local “Hill Tea” was once dealt in by Gibb, Livingston, but that this later died away, probably as a consequence of the great growth in Indian and Ceylonese tea exports in the late nineteenth century (Note by K. C. Iu).\n\nPlate 39.\n\n12 Elsewhere in this journal, D. Faure in \"Notes on the History of Tsuen Wan\" mentions tea growing on Tsing Yi and at Chuen Lung in the earlier part of this century.\n\n11 Section 3 of this Note discusses this \"tea\" more fully.\n\n14\n\nPlate 40.\n\n15\n\nSessional Papers 1907, p. 221.\n\n16 \"A Notice of the Sanon District\" reprinted JHKRRAS, Vol. 7, 1967, p. 122.\n\n17 The Mau Tso Ngam Village Representative, Mr. Cheng Kau-hung, has also spoken to me (PHH) about herb collection. He stressed that knowledge of herb collection was kept as a secret and handed down from father to son, the father going to remote spots on the hillside to point out herbs to his son where prying eyes could not see what was done. Only some of the Mau Tso Ngam village families knew how to collect herbs, and this information was kept even more carefully from villagers from other villages. The prepared herbs were sold to shops in Kowloon City, a few cents being paid before the War for a well-prepared catty of the less frequently found herbs. The herbs were usually not those found in the Standard Pharmacoepia but \"Mountain Drugs\" (山藥), representing local folk remedies. Sellers of “Mountain Drugs\" can still be found in the New Territories Market towns. Mr. Cheng stressed the difference between medicinal herbs the identification and preparation of which was kept secret, and those herbs usable as food in famines, which it was the duty of the elders to ensure every villager could recognise, and know how to prepare, in case the need ever arose (Note PHH).\n\nDr. Chong Siu-cheung, with a group of local herbalists, has prepared a 5 volume book in English and Chinese “Chinese Medicinal Herbs of Hong Kong\" (Commercial Press, Hong Kong, 1978-84) describing and discussing the uses of about 1,100 species of plant with medicinal properties found in Hong Kong. This book, however, does not cover the place collection or preparation played in the village society or economy (Note KCI).\n\nPlate 41.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210332, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 303, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "282\n\nCHEUNG AH-LUM, A BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE\n\nCHOI CHI-CHEUNG\n\nOn February 2, 1857, Cheung Ah-lum, proprietor of the Esing Bakery, was charged with administering poison in bread with intent to murder on January 15 that year. The charge, defended by Dr. Bridge, who was Acting Colonial Secretary, was found unproven. However, Ah-lum was \"re-arrested as a suspicious character and detained in gaol until July 31, 1857\". He was released \"on condition of his not resorting to the Colony for five years\".\n\nThis Cheung Ah-lum was a member of the Cheung lineage of Heung Shan County (Hsiang Shan) (= now Chungshan). The Clan Record of this lineage was published in 1934, and contains a lengthy biography written by an old colleague, Chen Chao-ch'ang, in 1904, four years after Ah-lum's death. Since this biography gives a very different view of Ah-lum to that more frequently found, it is felt that a translation of this biography might be of interest, and it is, therefore, given below.\n\n“An Account of Ancestor Wu-sheng of the Chang (Cheung) Clan, granted the Honour of a High Official Title”\n\n\"His death name was Pei-lin, his style was Han-hung, and his assumed name was Wu-sheng. He was a native of Ya-kang of Heung Shan. His great-grandfather was Chiao-chin, his grandfather was Huan-pi, and his father was Wei-kang. He had two younger brothers, the first was Yu-hung, and the second was Tsan-hung. He was the eldest of the three sons of his father. From his youth, he was eager to excel. He could read the books his father gave him, and he had an excellent memory. However, because of poverty, he had to give up studying and followed Yung-yin, a man of the same surname whom he called uncle, to do business in Macao at the age of 13. From there, he learnt the ways of doing business with the foreigners. Knowing that Hong Kong was a newly opened port and that there were chances to develop business there, he decided to go to work in Hong Kong when he was 18. He became chief comprador of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 326, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "305\n\nTHE SOLDIERS AT THE TUNG CHUNG FORT ON LANTAU ISLAND IN LATE CH’ING TIMES\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nIn the 1968 Journal (Vol. VIII, pp. 165-167) I gave an account of the naval and military garrison at the Tung Chung Fort, taken from an old lady born at Tung Ching in 1877 and married into another village in the area. A few years later I found, and was able to speak several times with, another old lady from the Tung Chung valley. She was born at Ngau Au village in 1879 and like the other had married into Sheung Ling Pei (at age 22 sui). She had this to say about the fort and its garrison, and her account both corroborates and adds to the earlier account. I have run the text of our conversations together, and they amount to the following:\n\n\"The fort was there to protect us villagers. They were successful in this. When I was young there were no robbers and pirates, though I heard that there had been many before I was born. There were lots of soldiers, about 70 to 80, under an officer called a sau fu (少府). The soldiers wore robes. Their superiors were better dressed and had horses to ride. These officers had some contact with the elders of the villages of Tung Chung area, but did not speak with the younger men or the women. The soldiers' supplies were brought in. There was no need for us to give or sell foodstuffs to them, and the soldiers didn't have to do any cultivation themselves. They were all Kwangtung men and spoke in Punti. Some were even local villagers. The soldiers had many flags, over ten of them at least. The men of the garrison went to worship at our Hau Wong Temple on the 1st and 15th of each month, and joined in the opera show that was held yearly at the temple on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month. There were wind and steam driven military vessels in the anchorage, and I remember that some were blown onto the adjoining San Tau beaches in a typhoon.\"\n\nThis old lady also had interesting things to say about the temple inside the walls of the fort. It was, she said, a Sham Shing Miu (神聖廟) but only worshipped by the officers and troops of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210358, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 329, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "308\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nthem, this title was given to persons who would later be called the headman (†) or village representative (††). Their main job was to stop or settle petty squabbles and secure the adjustment and payment of compensation for damage to crops caused by straying cows and pigs. These leaders consulted each other by mutual visiting, and by occasional meetings in the Hau Wong temple (i) when the occasion was serious enough to warrant this. Even persons of 30-40 years of age could serve, if they were capable and had the time.\n\nWritten proof for the Sha Kok Mei wai cheung comes from a sale of land recorded in 1942 during the Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong. The buyer and seller and wai cheung were all from the village (local testimony) and the fact that the post was, as stated above, held on a yearly term of office is confirmed by the expression ... . The deed reads as follows, in translation:\n\n2\n\nI, CHU Hei, executor of this sale of paddy field for want of money at home, hereby sell of my own free will thirteen pieces of paddy land that have come down to me from my ancestors. Of different sizes, they total two tau chung, and they are situated at Kang Lau Ha. Sold for the sum of Two Hundred and Fifty Dollars, they pass into the perpetual ownership of TSANG HO Sze as of this day without possibility of redemption. This deed is final and binding between the two parties.\n\nThe hand of seller of land; CHU Hei\n\nWitnessed by: CHU Kat-hing\n\nLAU Kei-yau,\n\nWai cheung of current-year.\n\nDated the 8th day of the first lunar month in the 31st year of the Republic of China (1942)\n\nThe fact that the wai cheung who witnessed the transaction was not of the seller's clan is probably accounted for by the fact that the CHUs were among the smaller clans in this large, multi-clan village.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210362, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 333, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "312\n\nHONG KONG HILLTOP RETREAT FOR CROSS AND LOTUS\n\nHUGH WITT*\n\nThe town of Shatin in Hong Kong's rural New Territories is a mushrooming area of rapid growth. High rise apartment blocks, factories, shops and offices are rapidly transforming this valley community into a major urban district. Shatin is one of six new town developments designed to reduce the heavy concentration of Hong Kong's population in densely congested Hong Kong Island and Kowloon. It is a typical example of Hong Kong's ability to keep pace with the need for progress and expansion in a highly competitive world trading economy.\n\nBut there is more to Shatin than a reflection of Hong Kong's material needs. It is also a monument to more lasting values. For Shatin holds a unique place in east-west religious thought; it is the place where Christianity and Buddhism blossomed side by side in the teachings of a far-sighted Norwegian missionary. High on a hill, overlooking the changing landscape below, is the Christian mission of Tao Fong Shan the Mountain of the Wind of the Way. Hidden by trees from view below, the site of the mission is marked by a 40 feet (12 metre) cross which can be clearly seen from afar.\n\nToday Tao Fong Shan is a study centre dedicated to ecumenical work and the role of the Christian church among the Chinese. But it continues to carry the influence of its founder, Dr. Karl Ludvig Reichelt, who perhaps more than any other missionary to China, sought and found common ground between the ideals of Christianity and Buddhism.\n\nThe church, its dormitories and the other buildings erected by Reichelt, are set in peaceful tree-lined gardens. And although the\n\n* This article, originally published in a number of Scandinavian theological publications, and in some newspapers in Norway, is printed here as background to the visit to Tao Fong Shan by the Society in the Spring of 1984.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210366, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 337, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "316\n\nHUGH WITT\n\nSverre Holth, a leading authority on Reichelt, wrote: “His vision of the cosmic Christ had opened his eyes to the need for a special type of missionary work in the Far East, namely to reach with the gospel those religious people whose hearts had already been prepared by God's logos. His experience had convinced him that Christ had been there before him and that his footprints were to be seen even in the non-Christian religious systems, or even specially there. He also believed that it had been one of the gravest blunders of modern missionary endeavour that these divinely prepared points of contact had been neglected.”\n\nDid this belief in \"preaching to the converted\" conflict with the traditional approach of missionaries to preach to the Godless?\n\nDr. Lee commented: \"Chinese are not really secular people. In Hong Kong today religion is there much more than it appears on the surface. Most Chinese people have some kind of religious influence. Reichelt's approach was not a denial of the truth of other religions but an affirmative statement that Christianity fulfils other religions.\"\n\nAfter Reichelt's death his followers did not have the same outlook and there were inevitable changes of course. The Christian Mission to Buddhists became the Tao Fong Shan Christian Institute.\n\n\"That Reichelt's followers did not have the same outlook was partly due to his unique personality. There was also a gradual growth in resistance to Western influences during the years after his death,\" said Dr. Lee. Buddhists coming from China in the late 1940s found hospitality here but by the mid-1950s not so many people were coming out.\"\n\nA transitional period followed, when in 1957 the institute became the Tao Fong Shan Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture. Reichelt's son became its first director and the Right Reverend R. O. Hall, then Bishop of Hong Kong, who lived at Shatin and had been a friend of Reichelt, became its first chairman.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210378, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 349, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "328\n\nThere are quite a few mistakes in Chinese characters and I assume that there may also be mistakes in Japanese or other words.\n\nTHOMAS H. C. LEE The Chinese University\n\nThe Rural Communities of Hong Kong, Studies and Themes, James Hayes, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1983, x + 308 pages, 19 plates.\n\nJhat zaak vronq ngraw ngrap daem ghuk\n\nJhat zaak sue ngraw jhat ghaenn vhuk\n\nIf Dr. Hayes had lived in China, as I did, when sycee silver was still used for large, and copper cash for small transactions, he would never have passed the egregious error which occurs on page 184 of this splendid compilation. But since the younger generation of scholars who (as I shall mention) I hope will complete the study of Hong Kong's rural communities while there is yet time have not only not lived in war-lord China, but probably also not been taught mental arithmetic, I had better tell them at once that one tael = 1.19 troy ounce (in this context, of silver) and the formula should read not $1 = 72 tael = 1,000 cash, but $1 = 0.72 tael = 1,000 cash. Quite a difference.\n\n=\n\n=\n\n(When I lived in Canton the rate was of the same order of magnitude. The relative values of copper cash and of the ten-cash copper called \"cents\" vis-a-vis the silver currency varied from day to day and from hour to hour; the rates were displayed in money-changers' and other shops, markets and on buses, and varied around 120 \"cents\" (1,200 cash) = 1 Canton dollar of 5 silver 20c pieces: the Canton dollar itself stood at about $1.40 = 1 Customs tael and $1.30 = 1 Hong Kong dollar.)\n\nWith this single exception I heartily recommend this book, both to the general reader (if the species be still extant) and, more particularly, as a reference manual and vade mecum to any serious", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210380, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 351, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "330\n\nShayuchung: just as it took the Northern pundits half a century to recognize that the Cantonese (ex-Yao) word \"I\" was to be rendered \"zhun\" and not \"ch'uan\", so they will not yet be told that in Cantonese usage \"東\" and \"北\" are not, as they are in North China, the same word, but different words of which the latter is pronounced like \"dung4)\". Likewise, to write Blacksmiths' Street (p. 80) \"Ta T'ich Chich\" is, pardon me, sheer barbarism, and a mixture of two systems like \"Po Kat in ... Paoan\" (p. 40, for either \"Po Kat in Po On\" or, if we must have this wretched Northern jargon, \"Buji in Baoan\") is ridiculous.\n\nAnd if there be any who will take up the challenge for Sha Tau Kok, & c., they cannot do better than emulate Dr. Hayes's Chapter 2 (Peng Chau) and Chapter 4 (Tai Tam Tuk — even though he does mistranslate the second word of the name). Both chapters are models of how this kind of study should be written up. And the same applies to nearly every part of the book. I wish I had written it!\n\nThe quotation with which I opened is, by the way, in one local variety of Naam T'au dialect, and means\n\nOne shagoo (small humped cattle) is worth 20 piculs of unhusked rice;\n\nOne water buffalo is worth a house,\n\nSuch mnemonic jingles used to be common in the rural areas. Can anybody be found to collect them, while they are still remembered? I read recently that the Hakka \"shan-ko\" had been rediscovered in N.E. Kwangtung. Is anybody collecting them? And how about itinerant story-tellers? All right, all right, I was only asking. There is so much to be done.\n\nK.M.A. BARNETT\n\ni", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210406, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "Treasurer's concurrence. In this connection I wish to report that our former Assistant Secretary, Mrs. Anne Porter, after a year in post has returned to New Zealand for further study. She has been succeeded by Mrs. Rukhshana Daroowala who has quickly got to grips with our problems and is helping us to improve our situation daily.\n\nThe Nixon Scroll and the MacMullen Bills of Lading\n\nThese important items, which have been already in safe deposit since presentation many years ago, have now been presented to the Fung Ping Shan Museum and the University of Hong Kong Libraries respectively, and are now held by these institutions, following a council decision in the matter to place them where they would be useful.\n\nSale of Publications\n\nI have mentioned the need to sell as well as to produce publications. In this regard, I am glad to report that Dr. David Faure has produced a revised list of our publications, copies of which are available to-night. This list is being despatched to overseas members, and to universities and similar institutions with a known interest in Chinese and Far Eastern studies throughout the world, in an endeavour to improve sales, and increase our income.\n\nIncreased Membership\n\nLast year I reported that membership was down. 12 months ago there were 475 members compared with 543 the year before. I am happy to report that, as a result of increased publicity and a membership drive by councillors, the number of members now stands at 530. This comprises 4 Honorary Members, 99 Local Life Members, 297 Local Ordinary Members and 130 Overseas Life and Ordinary Members. The present number of local Ordinary Members is 297 compared with 263 last year and 311 in 1983.\n\nWe have every reason to think that this increase will continue. There is clearly an interest in our programmes, and it is only\n\nxii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210436, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "24\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nprofessing the Christian religion could be buried and that such sections be consecrated. An area in an isolated part of the cemetery would be designated for the burial of non-Christians. The Ordinance set apart certain Crown Land to be used as a burial ground for persons professing the Christian religion and had its first reading in Legislative Council in November 1909.\n\nThere was some ambiguity between the title and the memorandum which accompanied the proposed bill. One spoke of the Colonial Cemetery, the other of the Protestant Cemetery. The original draft of the bill also excluded the burial of Roman Catholics. The Attorney General explained that they had been excluded because \"The Church of Rome had been in possession for years of a portion of the English Cemetery.\" A separate piece of ground under the administration of the Catholic Church was immediately to the north of the Colonial Cemetery.\n\nAs an explanation for the introduction of the Bill, the Governor told the Council, “I think everybody is aware of the fact that there has been a good deal of discussion at the Sanitary Board and elsewhere on the subject of Chinese interment in the Colonial Cemetery. The Colonial Cemetery, so far as I can ascertain from a study of the archives, has always been open to any person irrespective of race or creed. It has now been desired that there should be a certain portion set aside for Christian interment. The Bishop presented to me a joint request from the representatives of the Church of England and various denominations of the Colony that a portion of the Colonial Cemetery should be dedicated for Christian burial”. A member of the Council asked if Christians other than Protestants would be excluded, such as Nestorian and Armenian Christians. The Governor replied that this was an ecclesiastical problem which should be left to the ecclesiastical authorities. At a subsequent meeting of the Legislative Council the Governor stated that he had been approached privately regarding the situation of Roman Catholic who were Freemasons and who were not allowed to be buried in the Roman Catholic Cemetery. He consulted the Anglican Bishop who assured him there would be no difficulties regarding their burial in the proposed consecrated section of the cemetery. A question was asked if in the separation of sections", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210455, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "43\n\nunease until, or unless, they had been identified as being known to at least one Kau Sai resident.\n\nA set of moorings on the western side of the bay was especially set aside for “quarantine\". This did not refer to physical sickness of any kind, but to risks of spiritual pollution. Any junk on which a death, a birth or a miscarriage had occurred anchored there (with its partner, if it worked in partnership) for a required number of days. During this period of ritual quarantine, which varied according to the seriousness of the pollution, no-one living on board any other junk would board the polluted ones and no member of the polluted junks' company would board any other.\n\nThe diagram depicts an “ideal” arrangement of straight ranks which was hardly ever achieved in practice. Wind, currents, fishing plans, shore jobs, threats of bad weather to come, might bring about alterations. But in a dead calm, if everyone was at home and in his proper place, both informants and observations agreed that the lay-out would conform to the diagram.\n\nAmongst other things the diagram indicates a tendency for agnatic kinsmen to moor near one another. It does not follow that all bearers of the same surname moored side by side. As later pages will show, the fishermen of Kau Sai did not maintain a lineage organization and their genealogical memories were shallow. Only those who recognised each other as close agnatic kin moored together. The few exceptions occurred when, as for example in the case of the Lo surname group, one recognised relative practised a different kind of fishing and was frequently absent from the anchorage.\n\nFor it is important to note that different types of fishing method required differing uses of the anchorage. Briefly, purse-seiners, who fished at night and needed space ashore to sun dry fish and nets by day, were normally present between sunrise and sunset every day, whereas liners and others who fished by day and had no such regular need for shore work used the anchorage mainly after dark and much less frequently.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210457, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "45\n\ntime in hand-lining. Specialist trappers and hand-liners also existed. In the spring one variety of fish was caught by spearing with a four-pronged spear. This, like much of the hand-lining, was done mainly for sport. In the summer both fish and shell-fish were occasionally taken by diving.20 Twenty years later the same types of fishing were still to be observed, but one concomitant of mechanisation appeared to be a breakdown in strict specialisation: some purse-seiners were now practising gill-netting in the appropriate season and at least one had also tried long-lining.\n\n21\n\nHand-Lining need not be described. In 1970 all lines were of nylon, unheard of in 1950 but cheaply and easily available from about 1959 onwards. The trapping most commonly practised was done by means of beehive-shaped traps of various sizes into which the fish, attracted by a bait usually made of crushed fish, entered through a non-return valve at the side. Traps were laid in suitable waters and normally collected the next day. All traps were made out of rattan by the fishermen themselves. My returns in 1953 list 8 boats in this general category.\n\nLong-Lining is a method of catching fish on baited hooks hanging from a series of short lines (snoods) attached to a long line each end of which is fastened to a marker. Kau Sai's long-lines are normally 100 fathoms in length, and carry 100 baited hooks.22 Floats at regular intervals hold the long line steady in the water. Shooting takes about twenty minutes. The line is then immediately hauled in, starting at the end first shot. Long-liner catches are often good quality fish of varieties in high demand for the table. They are usually sold fresh, often kept alive in special watertight holds. In 1953 the number of small long-liners claiming to be based at Kau Sai was 15. There was also 1 medium-sized long-liner.\n\nFloats and markers are also used in gill-netting, but here it is a wall of net some 6 or 7 fathoms deep that is shot over the side of the junk. The mesh of the nets and the depth at which they are set vary with the seasons and types of fish. Nets are laid in such a way that fish swimming towards them thrust their heads through the meshes, their own gills then acting as valves to prevent them\n\n: \n\n:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210486, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "74\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nfor stealing, was a lay-about on the streets of Sai Kung; the son in the other family had made good, found a husband for his sister, and a wife for himself whom he had installed with his mother in one of the newly built houses ashore in Kau Sai).\n\nNumbers of boats and persons on board\n\nBecause of the constant movement in and out of the anchorage, the number of boats actually present in Kau Sai fluctuated not only from day to day but also during the day. This makes it difficult to determine exactly which, in pragmatic terms, were \"really\" Kau Sai boats. The diagram on p. 42 above should not, therefore, be read as a definitive statement of the size of the boat population, but simply as a description of the pattern of the anchorage. The total of 43 boats depicted therein (of which 24 are purse-seiners, 14 liners of one kind or another, and 3 cargo-carrying boats) is both less than the \"ideal\" number of those claiming to belong to “our bay” in 1953 and 1970 when counts of this kind were made, and more than the average daily attendance recorded in the register I kept for 18 months in 1952-3. I have already hinted at the sociological aspects of this problem, which will be considered in detail in the chapters on village government and politics,3a for the analysis of which it is crucial. At the level of the practical day-to-day organisation of living on board the junks, however, it was of little or no significance. For our present purposes, it is enough to state that over the whole period under review, the maximum number of boats claiming Kau Sai as their base was a little above 60, the number normally present by day being about half that.\n\nOne point, however, does stand out: in all the counts made, the purse-seiners were in the majority. Thus, not only were they more regularly at home than the long-liners and others, they were also more numerous. Being more or less daily in the bay, most of them had also made a habit of storing certain things ashore. Bundles of firewood, whether bought or cut and bound by themselves, lined much of the waterfront; spare nets, baskets, tubs, drying mats, and so on used to be kept in small fish huts by those who were lucky enough to own them. Purse-seiners were also the first to build the new houses in Kau Sai and move parts", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210496, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "84 \n\nBARBARA E. WARD \n\nwent out fishing, nearly all took in out-work for city-based manufacturies, making plastic flowers or hand-bags or stringing beads for cheap costume jewellery. At the same time, with the new methods purse-seining was tending to become more and more a man's job: of course it was still better to use family women than engage hired men, but family women were not quite so much needed for fishing as they had been when the older methods were in use. However, a crew of 6 to 8 able-bodied men could hardly be provided by the ordinary nuclear family, especially as education was now valued enough to keep 10- or even 12- and 14-year-olds at school. So inshore purse-seining remained essentially an extended rather than a nuclear family business, and where even the extended family unit was quite small women were still likely to be called upon to take an active part. \n\nGenerally speaking, the family situation on small long-liners and others was straightforward: as we have seen, the group comprised either a nuclear or a stem family. In the latter case, it was almost always the eldest son who continued to live on board his father's boat with his wife and young children, his younger brothers remaining there only while they were still too young to find paid employment elsewhere. A younger son on a small liner could get a job as a hired hand on a purse-seiner or other type of fishing boat, either locally or in one of the larger fishing centres, at the age of about 16. It was usually more profitable for a small liner family to put its younger sons out to work than to continue to feed them at home where their contribution to the fishing operations would be at best superfluous. This topic is discussed at fuller length in the section on hired labour below. \n\nPurse-seine arrangements were usually more complicated, especially in the days when purse-seiners worked in pairs. Most commonly the pair was run as a joint venture by members of an undivided, agnatically extended family. Thus for many years after 1939-40 when his old father Shek Ch'uen Foon (who died in 1956 aged 87) retired, Shek Kwai Hoi and his son Shek Cheung Hei ran a pair of purse-seiners together until in 1960 Kwai Hoi in his turn retired also and decided to move ashore, whereupon his second son, Cheung Woh, took his place. A little", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210502, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "90\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nrespectively. In each decade the male population is halved or almost halved. Row 2 in the same table makes it clear that the differences cannot be explained by an unusually larger number of hired men (many of whom may be presumed to have been temporary residents) in the preceding box.\n\nTable 2\n\nKau Sai Boat Population 1953: males by age group and incidence of masters and hired men, all types of fishing.\n\n \n 9 years & under\n 10-19\n 20-29\n 30-39\n 40-49\n 50-59\n Over 60\n Totals\n \n \n Total males, 1953\n 74\n 48\n 62\n 40\n 24\n 12\n 8\n 267\n \n \n Some children not recorded, and excluding 2 long-liners\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Of Whom Hired men\n 0\n 2\n 20\n 2\n 3\n 0\n 1\n 28\n \n \n All but 2 on purse-seiners\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Masters, boats\n 0\n 0\n 4\n 23\n 19\n 11\n 2\n 59\n \n \n Excludes 2 long-liners ages not recorded\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Of Whom Masters, firms1\n 0\n 0\n 1\n 15\n 14\n 8\n 1\n 40\n \n \n 1i.e. Operating units working as a single business. In 1953 among purse-seiners this was normally a pair of boats; among liners and others a single boat. This row contains an element of double counting, masters of firms being also masters of boats.\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\nIn the following table [Table 3], which should be read in conjunction with the last, the word eligible means 'with family status', that is, hired men are excluded. The element of double counting occurring in the last table is not repeated here, purse-seine masters being divided into those who were merely masters of single boats and those who were leaders of their pairs as well as masters of single boats. In practice, as we shall see, the degree of independence of the former varied quite widely.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210518, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "106\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nPurse-seining was a two-boat operation; the fokis' wages were calculated on the gross total takings of the pair of boats. Actual payment was, however, made by each boat master separately to the employees on his own junk out of the cash remaining after division with his partner and payment of other expenses. If for any reason a foki did not go to sea, then the proceeds for the period of his absence were not included in the total on which his share was calculated.\n\nIn general conversation and in answer to casual questioning, the share was always described as “4%” or “about 4%”. In fact, it was sometimes rather less than this, and I have examples ranging from 3.5% to 4%, the differences being explained to me in terms of competence and/or need. Thus, on Chung Fuk Hap's pair of purse-seiners in the first half of 1952, there were as many as 5 hired men and 1 hired woman. Three of the men received shares of 3.5% each, one received 3.8%, and one the full 4%. The three on 3.5% were all unmarried youths between 18 and 24 years of age. One of them was Fuk Hap's qualified coxswain-engineer nephew (brother's son). The 3.8% share went to a man a little older, and the 4% to a man nearly 40 years of age with two wives and several children, who was Fuk Hap's full brother and acting master of the second boat of the pair. The woman, who was the elderly mother of one of the 3.5% men, was given $15 a month and described as being “looked after” by Fuk Hap because she had nowhere else to live. On Ma Wing Toh's boats at the same period, there were 4 fokis, 2 on 4% and 2 on 3.8%. During the first six lunar months of 1953, Chung Fuk Hei's literate son, Fu Tak, kept full records of income and expenses, including all payments made to the 2 fokis his father employed at shares of 3.8% and 3.5% respectively; the amounts totalled $541.20 cts. and $373.95 cts.\n\nPublic opinion might react strongly to rumours of underpayment. Early in 1953, it was being said that Fuk Hap was treating one of his men unfairly by paying only 3.3%. The man concerned happened to be younger brother to the wife of one of Fuk Hap's own younger brothers, Fuk Shun, and, although it was the unfairness in general that aroused unfavourable comment, I do not know whether I should have heard so much about it had I...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210524, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "112\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nested shrug: “Oh, he's just one of the fokis”. The surnames of those not related to local or locally known people were usually not known. Rationalised, the above believed-in characteristics were explained as the inevitable concomitants of having no stake in the family's business. Fokis took no risks and had no responsibilities, it would therefore be unrealistic to expect them to act responsibly. Above all, they were an expense. If only one had enough sons one need not employ outsiders. Fuk Hei's almost daily mutterings about his lazy fokis were balanced by his frank delight in the birth of his grandsons and unconcealed impatience with the very existence of his granddaughters. In this he was only more extreme and more outspoken than his neighbours. There was no disagreement. Sadly, he did not live to see the foki-less Kau Sai of the late 'sixties.\n\nFundamentally, these views reflected sound common sense economically and domestically. As we shall see in Chapter 8 purse-seine families with enough able-bodied members not to have to employ fokis did in fact make a better profit, and even in Kau Sai there was at least one example of a fisherman having to go out of business altogether because he could not meet his expenses. If only he had had enough sons, he said, this would not have happened. At the domestic level there were other hazards. The only scandal in Kau Sai for many years occurred during the last months of my stay in 1953. The hitherto barren wife of the harmless but sub-normal and allegedly impotent brother of [name withheld] was found to be pregnant. After fifteen years of marriage this was odd, to say the least. Imagination boggles at the practical difficulties in such small, crowded boats but the guilty parties confessed to having committed adultery in the presence of the unsuspecting husband. Perhaps fortunately, the [surname withheld] family have not needed to employ another foki since then.\n\n \n The official census of China in 1953 did not enumerate the Boat People as a separate group.\n \n \n 2 Ref: to Chan's and Ho En's books et al.\n \n \n [Ch'en Hsü-ching, Tan-min ti yen-chiu (Shanghai, 1946), and, probably, Ho Ke-en, \"The Tanka or boat people in South China,\" F.S. Drake, ed. Proceedings of the Symposium on Historical, Archaeological and Linguistic Studies on Southern China, South-east Asia and the Hong Kong Region (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1967), pp. 120-123.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210526, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "114\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\n22 All but one of Kau Sai's long-liners fall into the category Small long-liner. A small long-liner shoots his lines direct from his junk, which is on average about 30-35 feet in overall length. Bigger long-liners (classed as Medium or Large Long-liners) carry sampans for the shooting and hauling of lines. Baiting-up is always done on the mother ship. In 1950 the Large Long-liners based mainly on Shaukiwan were the aristocrats of the Hong Kong fishing fleets, wealthy men, employing large crews. Informants claimed that before the Japanese occupation two or three of these large boats had been based on Kau Sai anchorage. By 1970 shortages of labour had driven nearly all of them out of business. Kau Sai then boasted one Medium Long-liner.\n\nThe nylon line, which everywhere replaced the old ramie during the early 'sixties, was greatly appreciated for lightness, strength and quick drying, but it tangled easily and so made baiting-up an even more finicking job than before. 23 Note on this and role of F.M.O. (N.B.) and on numbers of pupils etc: 84 in 1970. [Note not written; for related information, see T.A. Acton, \"Education as a by-product of fish marketing,” JHKBRAS vol, 21 (1981) pp 120-143.]\n\n24 In 1969 a special typhoon shelter, with concrete break-waters, was constructed at Government expense at Yim Tin Tsai a well sheltered cove to the north of Kau Sai island.\n\n25 The Fish Marketing Organisation, a non-government trading organisation controlled by a Government Servant, the Director of Marketing, was established in 1945. The Director is empowered to control the landing, movement and wholesaling of all marine fish (except shellfish and marine fish 'alive and in water'). For further detail see Chapter V below. In 1950 controlled wholesale markets existed at Shaukiwan and Kennedy Town on Hong Kong Island, in Kowloon, and at Tai Po in the New Territories. The Kennedy Town market was transferred to Aberdeen in 1952 and the Kowloon market to Cheung Sha Wan in 1966. A fifth market was opened at Castle Peak in 1969. The Organisation also maintains collecting depots and/or other offices at Cheung Chau, Castle Peak, Tsun Wan, Sha Tau Kok and Sai Kung.\n\n26 A male recreation; women in 1950 always wore long hair, shampooing their own or each other's with... [note incomplete]\n\n27 On this and the whole question 'What is a real Kau Sai person? see below Chapters 5 and [p. 75]. [The following indicates how this question might have been answered: \"The non-kin groups to which he sees himself belonging are also few. First there is the village as a whole: Kau Sai. He may describe himself as a Kau Sai man, or refer, as he does very frequently, to 'our bay' as a membership unit. This includes all people for which Kau Sai bay is a permanent anchorage, or who have houses ashore there.\" \"Sociological self-awareness: some uses of the conscious models”, Man (1966), vol. 1, p. 203.]\n\n28 [G. William Skinner, \"Marketing and social structure in rural China, Part 1,” Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 63 (1964), pp. 21-50.]\n\n29 See also Ward 1967 and 1968. [Probably reference to articles cited in note 4.]\n\n30 One most important aspect of the territoriality of all the fishermen was their inescapable need for credit. See below pp.\n\n31 boon wan ge yan this expression which was used synonymously with \"Kau Sai\" was the more usual in colloquial speech.\n\n32 [The next paragraph in the manuscript summarizes the argument here: \"These", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210531, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "119\n\nTHE CULT OF THE DEAD IN ANCIENT ROME AND MODERN CHINA:\n\nA COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS*\n\nIntroduction\n\nAmong the thousands of Latin sepulchral inscriptions so far discovered in Rome and its environs, there are many which strike a profoundly pessimistic note. A certain Scaterius Celer, for example, directed that the following four lines be inscribed on his gravestone:\n\nWe are nothing, we who were mortals. Consider, reader, how quickly\n\nWe return\n\nTo nothing from nothing.'\n\nSuch nihilism was sufficiently widespread that Roman stone-cutters eventually reduced it to a series of simple abbreviations. In the Museo Civico at Padua, one may still read a Latin epitaph whose last line is N.F.F.N.S.N.C, which is short for non fui, fui, non sum, non curo “I did not exist, I did, I do not exist, I don't care\" (CIL 5.2893 = ILS 8164). This particular thought occurs, however, not only in Italy and among the Romanized inhabitants of the west,' but in Greek inscriptions as well. Thus the physician Nicomedes, who was also buried at Rome, has left us a lengthy tomb inscription, which closes with this expression:\n\n2\n\nHaving saved many with drugs that gave release from pain,\n\nNow in death his own body is free of suffering.\n\nI, Nicomedes, am in good spirits.\n\nI was not, and I became; I am not, and nothing hurts me.4\n\n* John Karl Evans is Professor for Roman History at the University of Minnesota. His particular interests are Roman social and family history, which he approaches within a comparative anthropological framework.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210536, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "124\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\ncapacity to generalize from a body of work notable alike for the sophistication of its methodology and the sheer quantity of data unearthed.\" Nevertheless, used with appropriate caution, the issues raised and methods employed by these anthropologists may still provide the bridge that we so badly need to pass from recapitulation of the forms of Roman institutions to critical analysis of their contents. The balance of this paper will elaborate on this point by focussing on a component central to both systems, namely the cult of the dead.22\n\nThe afterlife in ancient Rome\n\nWhile death is an inescapable part of the human condition, the attitude of the living toward death and the deceased is a cultural response subject to considerable variation. Happily, at both of these focal points the Roman and Chinese response is capable of precise definition.\n\nAs the inscriptions briefly invoked at the outset of this paper make clear, some Romans firmly maintained that death did indeed mark the end of all things. The quantity of literary, epigraphic and archaeological material endorsing the concept of a continuing existence after death is far more impressive, however, and it is quite clear that in all periods the overwhelming majority of Romans subscribed to this view. In addition, it should be remarked that this same body of evidence makes it no less clear that, while this continuing existence was spiritual, it was typically associated not with the ghostly underworld of Greek myth or the celestial realm of certain of the philosophic sects, but with the grave in which the ashes or remains were interred. Hence Trimalchio's remark, in Petronius' Satyricon that \"it is assuredly wrong to embellish the houses in which we live, and not to trouble about those which we must inhabit for a far longer time.\"23 The Latin term which Petronius uses is domus, and sepulchral inscriptions also routinely describe the tomb as one's domus aeterna, or eternal home.24 It is this which explains the appearance of the stock phrase sit tibi terra levis \"may the earth rest lightly upon you\" on so many tombstones,\" and it is similarly the rationale for the many epitaphs which petition, threaten, or even attempt to engage the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210537, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "125\n\npasser-by in conversation! The following example, which was discovered in Rome, is no more pungent than most:\n\nStranger, the bones of the man buried herein Entreat you not to piss upon\n\nThis tomb. If you are a kind-hearted man, Mix wine, drink of it, and give some to me.\n\n26\n\n27\n\nThis last thought invites us to shift our attention to the second question which needs to be considered at this point, namely the attitude that the Romans adopted toward their dead. Collectively, the deceased were referred to as the manes, which we may translate as shades or spirits, and Cicero leaves us in no doubt that they were to be numbered among the gods. He makes the point twice in his essay On the Laws, first decreeing that \"kinsmen who have died shall be considered gods\" (Leg. 2.22), and later commenting that the nine days following immediately upon the funeral, when the house of the deceased was ritually purified, would not have been considered holidays \"if our ancestors had not desired that those who have quit this life should be numbered among the gods” (Leg. 2.55). This belief is the source of the expression dis manibus — \"to the divine spirits of the dead\" that may still be read on literally scores of thousands of Latin tombstones. This always appears in the plural, and it is only in the course of the first century B.C. that it is conjoined with the name of the individual or individuals whose remains have been interred. For this reason, it is generally accepted today that before this date the individual was not venerated as such by his descendants, but blended insensibly into the assemblage of earlier ancestors, who were tended collectively. This may well be the case; several other aspects of traditional Roman behavior that touch upon the cult of the dead also experienced convulsive change during the late Republic, a point to which we shall return later. For now, let it merely be observed that in the following three centuries this cult not only persisted but actually grew steadily more elaborate.\n\nHow did the Romans attend to these divine spirits? At the heart of their system lies a belief common to many cultures, the notion that the dead neither require nor benefit from prayers to the celestial gods, but are sustained by the necessities of life itself,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210554, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "142\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\ninherit more than a portion of his estate would not harbour strong feelings of guilt about his death, and would thus be less inclined to view his spirit as potentially malevolent. Although more work needs to be done in this area, there is some evidence that suggests that the punitive capacity of the manes did wane during the Empire. In Ravenna, for example, an impressive number of gravestones are extant which clearly show that, late in the second century A.D. and thereafter, it was no longer the ability of a spirit to avenge itself that protected the tomb from desecration, but the threat of a municipal fine. There are many variations on the warning to be read on the tombstone of L. Baebius Silvanus: siquis post obitum eorum qui supra scripti sunt has plancas aperuerit dare debebit rei publicae Ravennatium sestertium duo milia nummum \"if anyone opens this tomb after the interment of those who have been named above, let him pay 2,000 sesterces to the municipal treasury of Ravenna” (CIL 11.43 = ILS 2863).81 This takes up too much of the stone to be practical, but then everyone seems to have understood what the abbreviation S.P.OBIT.E.Q.S.S.S.H.PLANC.A.D.D.R.P.R. HS...Ñ stood for. We end, as we began, with the stock epigraphic phrase.\n\nConclusions\n\nThe cult of the dead in Rome and China, two societies far distant from one another both in space and time, have now passed in review, and several striking similarities have been observed. In each, there is an afterlife conceived in material terms, and a ritual centred on sacrificial offerings considered essential for the well-being of the deceased. The spirits of the deceased are commonly thought to be capable of punishing individuals who neglect these rites, but in so doing they infringe upon the larger sphere of the hostile and aggressive ghosts. In both societies, it can be argued that men and women cease to receive offerings as individuals when there is no one left who knew them at first hand, and that property can play as decisive a role in fixing responsibility for the maintenance of the dead as kinship. Finally, in both Rome and China the capacity of ancestral spirits for punitive action may be due at least in part to the postponement of the ritual and economic emancipation of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210556, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "144\n\nLattimore (1942)\n\nOgilvie (1969)\n\nRel. & Rit.\n\nToynbee (1971)\n\nWolf (1974)\n\nWolf (1976)\n\nWolf and Huang (1980)\n\nYang (1945)\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nR. Lattimore, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs (Urbana, Ill., 1942)\n\n= R.M. Ogilvie, The Romans and Their Gods in the Age of Augustus (London, 1969)\n\nA.P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1974)\n\n=\n\nJ.M.C. Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World (London, 1971)\n\n=\n\nA.P. Wolf, “Gods, Ghosts and Ancestors”, in A.P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1974), pp. 131-182\n\n=\n\nA.P. Wolf, \"Aspects of Ancestor Worship in Northern Taiwan\", in W.H. Newell (ed.), Ancestors (The Hague and Paris, 1976), pp. 339-364\n\n- A.P. Wolf and Chieh-shan Huang, Marriage and Adoption in China, 1845-1945 (Stanford, 1980)\n\n=\n\nM.C. Yang, A Chinese Village: Taitou, Shantung Province (New York, 1945)\n\nTranslations have been provided by the author for those passages quoted from the Greek and Latin.\n\n2 Cf. CIL 5.1813 (Gemona), where the formula has been shortened to N.F.N.S.N.C; Lattimore (1942), 84 n. 473 plausibly suggests that the second F has been carelessly omitted.\n\n3 The formula appears in slightly modified forms in such disparate communities as Lambaesis in Africa (CIL 8.3463 = ILS 8162), and Lactora in Aquitania (CIL 13.530 = ILS 8163).\n\n4 Epigr. Gr. 595 – IG Rom. 1.313. Cf. Epigr. Gr. 1117 (Bologna), and IG 14.2190 (Rome), where the translation of the Latin formula is still more precise. All of these despairing epitaphs are reminiscent of the teachings of Lucretius, and will remind students of Chinese philosophy of the views on life and death espoused by Wang Ch'ung (A.D. 27 - 97?). He also scoffed at the notion of consciousness after death: \"if we suppose that after death a man becomes a ghost, there would be a ghost on every road, and at every step. Should men appear as ghosts after death, then tens of thousands of ghosts ought to be seen. They would fill the halls, throng the courts, and block the streets and alleys, instead of the one or two which are occasionally met with.\" See A. Forke, Lun-Heng 1. Philosophical Essays of Wang Ch'ung, 2nd ed. rep. (New York, 1962), 193. It therefore follows that sacrifices are useless: \"ghosts and spirits are insensible of joy and anger. People may go on sacrificing to them for ever, or completely disregard and forget them, it makes no difference.\" (Forke 1.524). One Greek inscription, from Astypalaea, requests that food and drink not be brought to the grave, for \"corpses have no need for the things of the living:\" see J. Geffcken, Griechische Epigramma (Heidelberg, 1916), no. 209. Forke discusses the similarities between Wang Ch'ung and Lucretius at length (supra, 1.13-29); readers unfamiliar with Han philosophy will profit from the brief discussion of Wang Ch'ung in M. Loewe, Chinese Ideas of Life and Death: Faith, Myth and Reason in the Han Period (202 B.C. — A.D. 220) (London, 1982), 12-14, 35-36, 68-70, and 89-90.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "152\n\nFOUND IN A PENNSYLVANIA ATTIC –\n\nLetters from China 1903-1906*\n\nWEI PEH T'I\n\nWhile cleaning out his mother's attic in Bala Cynwyd, Harry V. Ryder Jr.' found a bunch of letters that had been sent from Taiho. Bala Cynwyd is an affluent suburb of Philadelphia in Pennsylvania; Taiho a river town in the northwestern corner of the interior province of Anhui in China.\n\n2\n\nThe letters were dated between January 1903 and April 1906. They were written to Harry's maternal grandmother, Louese Hedges Strawbridge, by Edith Rowe, who was a classmate at a \"finishing school” in Philadelphia. Both Louese and Edith were Baptists. Edith's letters reflected the high standard of private school education in eastern United States at that time. Her command of written English was more than respectable. Scenes and events were vividly described; ideas eloquently expressed; and grammar and spelling impeccable. Except for one or two words, her handwriting can be read without any difficulty. Two of the letters contain charming line-drawings, an old-fashioned practice still favoured by young students in American schools today.\n\nLouese Strawbridge was the only child of Samuel and Ann Hedges, who had come originally from Ohio. Samuel Hedges had served as a colonel in the Union Army during the American Civil War. After the war he brought his wife to Philadelphia where he became a successful horse trader.3 Bala Cynwyd is near Devon, in the heart of the Pennsylvania horse country. After graduating from the Friends School, Louese went to a “finishing school\", then was married to George Strawbridge, scion of a family that had founded and operated the prestigious department store, Strawbridge and Clothier. Louese and George had four children. Catherine was born in 1896, Helen in 1900, Janet in 1903 and Benjamin in 1907. Except for Benjamin who died in\n\n* Lecture delivered to the Society on 6 October 1986. The author is grateful to Harry and Phyllis Ryder for making available the letters and for information on Harry's grandmother and her family.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210569, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "157\n\nthe letter back to Wuhu. I was explaining the delay in answering to you. Indeed your letters are worth the extra postage but I have never had to pay any on yours. This postage due system we have now takes a good many of the extra pennies and they are not always fair and square is why I sent your letter back.\n\nThe letters on the average took five to six weeks to travel between Taiho and Bala by land and sea not slow progress even by today's standard of speed. They went by way of Wuhu, Shanghai, San Francisco or Seattle, and Philadelphia. One letter went by way of Nagasaki; another by way of New York. It usually took overnight between Philadelphia and the post office at Bala. One envelope bore the cancellation stamps of both Shanghai in English and that of the French Concession of Shanghai in French. Another envelope showed that the post office at Bala had forgotten to change the date on the cancellation stamp, since it had the letter arriving at Bala before it was even sent out of Philadelphia.\n\nMissionaries of the China Inland Mission were to learn the Chinese language before they were sent to their assigned stations; then the local dialect as well since they were to live among the populace in the interior provinces. Their primary objective was \"to diffuse as quickly as possible a knowledge of the Gospel.\" Conversion to Christianity was not an essential part of their mission. In order to be as close to the populace as possible, lifestyle of the missionaries was \"to conform as nearly as possible to the social and living conditions of the Chinese\" around them. Until way after 1900, women missionaries of the China Inland Mission wore Chinese dresses. Edith Rowe's life at Taiho conformed to this pattern.\n\nImmediately after arrival in China, Edith went to the \"Yang-chow House\" of the mission to study Chinese. Her lessons continued at Taiho. Learning Chinese meant reading and writing the language as well as conversational Chinese. Commenting on a drawing she did of six Chinese men with pig-tails sitting on two benches listening to the Bible being read to them, Edith wrote that \"my teacher... has a very nice tail indeed,\" indicating that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210589, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "177\n\npeople all give themselves up to visiting and having a good time and rig themselves out in as gay clothes as they can afford. We too dress in our best to receive them.\n\nI have been quite busy for a long time. Before Christmas Mr. and Mrs. Malcolm just came back from their little trip to Honan where they had gone after our Native conference. In their absence Miss Trüdinger and I were left in charge, she as housekeeper and I as “missionary in charge”. And I felt the force of a friend's words \"that being left alone in a station made one feel the need of more workers more than a dozen addresses.\n\nWe had a jolly Christmas, a real happy time. Then I took my second examination in the language, and after that we all changed our abodes as Miss Trüdinger was going West to join her beloved. It was best for me to live in the Malcolm's little two-roomed house and they do have the two-story house, as I am just one and they, though they are one in heart, are still two in body. That took a week, about, for the place is so small we could not all move at once. After that Mrs. Malcolm accompanied Miss Trüdinger to Hankow and was gone over three weeks. This time I had all the responsibility, the women's and children's work as well as the housekeeping. The last month of the Chinese year the women are too busy to come very much and too busy to entertain us in their houses, so I did not go out and had very few to come in, but the regular ones came to the meetings. I had two classes to prepare for on Sunday. I merged my usual one into Mrs. Malcolm's in the morning, and then the Wednesday morning class and from fifteen to twenty children every Tuesday and Friday. So you can see it kept me busy preparing for them. Then at New Year twice we have to supply ourselves with food enough to last two weeks or more, as all the shops are closed and we are not able to buy anything. So the housekeeping gave me a little concern. I was glad to have Mrs. Malcolm back just before New Year. Although I did feel lost when I had handed all the responsibility back to her. I am in my element keeping house, for it's the one thing I feel I can do.\n\nAt New Year our friends, or those we have done anything special for, send us presents in the way of native sweets, and we", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210590, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "178\n\nWEI PEH TI\n\nare expected to return the value in something else. So I am going to be Chinese and send you a calendar, but I am afraid it will not be as useful to you as the one you sent me. This will tell you the Chinese large and small months, the seasons and festivals and the Sundays throughout the year with a topic and Scripture reading for each Sabbath. These small ones (calendars) are just to let the Christians know when the Sabbath comes. We have large ones giving every day too. Begin at the top right hand and this 月 is month, this is large shio, small, So you can\n\nsee which are the large months and which are the small. The characters on the top are just 1,2,3,4, etc. Can you read it? They have a very familiar look to me now.\n\nI have a little house all to myself now, but continue to board with Mrs. Malcolm as usual. We are just separated by a tiny little garden. At first it was very cold over here, for my floor is just a few inches above the ground and my ceiling or roof is very high and my stove is so tiny it cannot begin to heat even one room. But we have had a very mild winter, only two snows, and it really is Spring now. The violets brought up with me are just beginning to bloom in the garden. I have lots of company over here in the way of rats and bats and in the summer scorpions and mosquitoes. Last summer Mrs. Malcolm killed ten scorpions over here and caught about half that many rats. The bats are here still and that's my fault. When the room was being cleaned for me we found three bats wintering behind some stools, which the women wanted to keep for medicine. The Chinese do have some horrible concoctions, and she wrapped them up in paper and put them under a stone in the yard. Mr. Malcolm spied them and thought some one was trying to hide a piece of soap in the mix-up of moving. So opened the paper and to his amazement found nothing but bats! As he hates anything of the mouse-kind, you could not expect him to wrap them up again, so they began to escape but hadn't gone far, because the sun was on them. When I passed by and very kind-heartedly gathered them up and put them in a box back in my room again. That night bats flew about my head but I just thought we had not caught them all. Imagine my disgust the next day at finding them all escaped out into the room again! And I pondered over the moral to the story of the man who nourished a frozen snake in his bosom and resolved", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210591, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "179\n\nnot to assist again in their medicine mixtures, especially if any of the ingredients are alive or have any signs of being.\n\nMiss Amy wrote me that you had had a little daughter. That is three little girls now isn't it? How I would like to see them. Little Chinese children are nice but they can't be hugged nor kissed. In the first place it would be too much of an amazement to them, and in the next some are too dirty.\n\nPlease give my love to Florence when you see her and remember me kindly to your mother. Please pray for my work, it is not easy and the Native Christians need the prayers of all God's children. I do too for I have no power of my own. It is only as He works.\n\nWith much love\n\nEDITH\n\n(4)\n\nTaiho, January 4, 1905\n\nDear Louise:\n\nThe photographs came a little time before Christmas and I do thank you for them. They are little darlings and I just wish I could hug them. I have the two pictures standing on my table and it's a real pleasure to look at them. I can see a bit of you in Janet, but not in Helen. I still have a vision of you as a Syrian woman, do you remember that evening in the Baptist Church? Herbert Cushing thought it was the prettiest picture he had ever seen. You I mean. Have you ever heard anything more of Herbert? I must inquire, for after his wife's death they said he had consumption too.\n\nIt is warmer these few days, we have been having some real cold weather but only one snow so far. Snow is to be dreaded in China for there are no pavements to walk on so the roads get in a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210593, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "181\n\nChinese New Year comes this year February 4th and that means a very busy time for us. It's the women's gad-about time, the only time that they have a free foot, some are never allowed on the street except at New Year, so they all come to pay their respects and have a look around. Last year I could not say much but this time I will have to do my share of the preaching. Please write to me when you have the time, and I shall be looking for the picture with all the babies together. With love and thanks,\n\n(5)\n\nEDITH\n\nTaiho\n\nMarch 2, 1905\n\nDear Louise:\n\nThank you very much for the dainty Christmas gift. I have really needed an indexed address book so I hope you are as pleased as I am to know that my need is supplied.\n\nI would have written before but my time has been so taken up and when evening comes, my time for writing, I am too tired to do anything but go to bed. I have even been tempted to go to bed with my clothes on. As I said to Mrs. Ferguson, all our troubles seem to have come at once, it never rains but it pours, you know.\n\nI have broken my record too, and had my first day in bed since coming to China. We are always as busy as can be receiving guests at Chinese New Year time, last year we reckoned we had a thousand the first day, but this year we did not have nearly so many and I was glad as I had the entertaining to do alone. The melting snow and consequent deep mud kept the country people away. But the city people came and some of them several times. The cookies etc. are an inducement but the Ferguson children are the special magnet for continued coming, to bring the different members of the family to see the little curiosities. Some seem quite astonished and say why they are just like our children!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210594, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "182\n\nWEI PEH TI\n\nSitting in the cold room with brick floor and talking so much and the melting snow outside gave me as bad a cold as I ever had in my life, so I had to go to bed. For two weeks I was about as sick as I care to be, but I got up and went around to my usual duties, as there was no one to help me there. Mrs. Malcolm let the housekeeping take most of her time and her packing the rest and Mrs. Ferguson had her little ones beside not having our pronunciation so the women do not understand her very well. So I was needed. When Mr. and Mrs. Malcolm went down to Ingcheo [Ying-chou] Fu to the native conference and Mr. Ferguson too. I stayed to help Mrs. Ferguson, and the children have each one had a turn at being sick too, first Mary (4 years), then Henry (5½ yrs), then Lillian (2 yrs), who is just getting better now. The children are dear and sweet but the mother is very dependent and I am sort of deputed nurse. The usual thing where a single lady worker lives with a family.\n\nI am thinking of going down to Wuhu to the Provincial Conference and have some teeth attended to and take a rest all at the same time, killing three birds or more with one stone. Mrs. Ferguson wants me to hasten and be back in plenty of time as she expects to be confined in June. I need to get some extra strength for that and the hot weather. Although I do not expect to be nurse.\n\nAnother anxiety too has been the Evangelist's wife who has just had a little daughter. She was very ill and the child too who is still in a precarious condition. As they are Christians the little girl is as precious as a boy, in any other family she would be left to die. But we have tried to do what we could and they are very carefully feeding the little thing, so it may pull through. I have not told all my troubles and I did not mean to tell this many. I am sorry not to have anything interesting this time.\n\nI want to tell you how much I have enjoyed the children's pictures. They stand on my table and I have had real pleasure out of them. They have such sweet bonny faces it just does me good to look at them. The real little children that have come have not detracted from them either. I will be glad to get the picture of the four. Do you remember your desire to be a ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210595, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "183\n\nmissionary? Can't you spare one of these darlings and consecrate one for Foreign Service? May the Lord bless you in all your guidance of these His little ones as well as yours.\n\nWith much love and please do not say you wish Edith would write so you could read it; but say something nice if you can, and write to me when you have time.\n\nLovingly\n\nEDITH\n\n(6)\n\nTaiho, via Wuhu, China August 24, 1905\n\nDear Louise:\n\nPerhaps I can buy you off from scolding me for not writing all this time to thank you for the photographs by telling you that I have sent a little parcel of dolly shoes for the children. They are exact models of children's shoes as they are worn every day and holidays and I hope they will fit some of the dollies.\n\nI appreciate your letters and very much the photos. They are the next best thing that is possible to me in the way of seeing the children. The letter enclosing them came to me while I was down south on a little holiday. The next letter came after I returned and I meant to write immediately but sickness and one thing and another kept me from letter writing. The last letter had twenty-cents due on it and I sent it back to Wuhu to be reweighed, as according to my scales it was just half an ounce. The letter came back before I had kept my intention and now I am almost ashamed to acknowledge them so late. My conscience is clear that I have done what I could although that may not have been much.\n\nMy holiday was not the rest it should have been, only consisting of two weeks at Shanghai and Chinkiang. But I was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210596, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "184\n\nWEI PEH TI\n\nmonth on the way down by native boat and a month back. When I returned there was so much to do and before long we had Mr. and Mrs. Williams come, and July 5th Mrs. Ferguson had a little son. It all meant work and if I had been well would have been equal to every emergency, but I wasn't and gave up and consulted the doctor. For a few days only the necessary things were attended to, then after the doctor and Mrs. Williams left Mrs. Ferguson became alarmingly ill and I nursed her for two weeks and had the baby to bathe and look after generally, besides the housekeeping, not to speak of my regular work of classes, etc. I have only these last few days given the little one over to the mother but I always help with the morning bath and putting to bed. So you see my time has been fully occupied, besides, at times, not feeling up to much myself. I am feeling the need now of getting away for another rest as it is simply impossible here. Dr. Williams made general the knowledge that I dispensed a few medicines when he was here and doing medical work. So my \"medical practice” has doubled and redoubled till I feel myself in kind of a predicament, as I know absolutely nothing about some of their ailments. And they think I ought to know it all. But I haven't killed any yet and the majority seem to get well!\n\nJust so it is a help in the work and more hear the Gospel and I am satisfied. I am willing to spend and be spent for the people whom I came out to help, but I must confess I begrudge the time and strength spent for fellow missionaries, except when there is no one else to do it and a native cannot be trusted. A single lady worker has a bad time living with a family as she is looked upon as general nurse and companion and seamstress. But I do not mean this as complaining. I don't know why I let it slip out of my pen. I hope you have had a good summer and all is well with you.\n\nWith much love,\n\nEDITH", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210599, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 206, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "ANTHONY FARRINGTON\n\n187\n\nA NEW SOURCE FOR CHINESE TRADE TO JAPAN IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY\n\nANTHONY FARRINGTON*\n\nI must confess that the word 'new' in my title is a slight exaggeration; 'neglected' might be more accurate, because the source which forms the basis of this paper has been known from at least the beginning of the twentieth century.1 But my contention is that one of its more interesting features has been overlooked and the general context has been partly misinterpreted.\n\nIndia Office Records: G/12/17 comprises the diary and consultations of the English East India Company's factors in Tongking from 25 June 1672 to 30 November 1697. The volume is a composite one, made up in the nineteenth century from ten separate 'books' representing the sequence of transmissions back to London, and it contains some 500 folios of varying size. Neither a calendar nor a transcript of the text has been published, and I can claim to be one of the few to have read through it.\n\nCromwell's charter of 1657, broadly confirmed by Charles II in 1661, rescued the East India Company from a period of financial confusion and commercial difficulties.2 The 1660s then saw the growth of serious interest in the possibility of reviving trade to Japan. The subject was discussed by the Company's Directors at the end of 1658, a report was compiled for the Deputy-Governor in 1661,3 and in 1664 a plan was put forward. A ship would leave London in September with a cargo of English manufactures, take in pepper and Indian piece goods at Bantam, call at Cambodia for any suitable commodities, sail on to Japan and finally, leaving there in November 1665, return to England via Bantam.4 The plan had to be shelved with the outbreak of the Second Anglo-Dutch War in 1665, while in any case the Agent at Bantam pointed out that a base in Tongking, not Cambodia, to secure raw and finished silks for the Japanese market, would be\n\n* Mr. Farrington is Curator, India Office Records, London.\n\nI\n\ni", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210626, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "214\n\nMuch later in 1958, Foulden learned of the Victoria Cross and the brave deeds of one of its sons, who had been born in a caravan, and who had become legend. However nothing appears to exist in writing in the village, and his name is not on the war memorial. Few people remember him. Nevertheless Mr. B.W. Billman, who was born in 1901 and is the oldest inhabitant, was proud to tell me:\n\n\"Of course I remember him! We sat in the same class. But I did not realise, at the time, he was so 'special'. He was just a quiet, likeable, country boy...\"\n\nWarrant Officer Osborn was officially listed as \"missing\" and there is no known grave.\n\nHis name does, however, appear on the memorial at Sai Wan Bay War Cemetery in Hong Kong. Also, on November 5th, 1981, a statue of a World War I soldier, which had formerly stood in the grounds of Eucliffe Castle, at Repulse Bay, the site of a brutal massacre of British and Canadian soldiers, in World War II, by the Japanese invaders, was unveiled in \"Osborn Barracks\" in Kowloon Tong. These barracks are named after Hong Kong's only recipient of the Victoria Cross.\n\nThe statue was donated by the Eu family, and the plaque, which was unveiled by Mr. Allen Kilpatrick, past Canadian High Commissioner, reads:\n\n\"Erected here in memory of WOII John Robert Osborn VC, Winnipeg Grenadiers, and through him all those men and women, service and civilian, and of every race, colour and creed, whose secret acts of gallantry and self-sacrifice in the defence of Hong Kong, December 1941, went unnoticed and unrecorded\".\n\nOf the Canadians I spoke to in early December 1985, who had returned to the scene of the battle, probably ex-Sergeant Robert (Bob) Manchester remembers Osborn best.\n\n\"He was a determined man and an experienced soldier.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210676, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "The political issue of 1997\n\nHELEN F. SIU\n\nJust as Liang was eroding prejudices against his immigrant status, he encountered anxiety from a rather unexpected angle. His gradual absorption into the working-class environment of Hong Kong was truncated by a series of political events in the 1980s. Mrs. Thatcher's visit to Beijing in the fall of 1982 thrust the issue of 1997 in front of the five and a half million Hong Kong residents. Living in a borrowed place with borrowed time, every wave of emigrants who had settled in Hong Kong since the war had pretended that the issue did not exist. The issue now rang loudly and urgently, and various social categories were faced with dilemmas of their own. Leaks of details in subsequent negotiations between the British and Beijing governments, plus speculations over the political uncertainty, created one panic after another in Hong Kong's economy. While liberal intellectuals debated the issue of political mobilization, and while professionals desperately sought means to emigrate, working youths like Liang suffered the economic consequences of a panic the political causes of which they had little anticipation or control.\n\nAs both governments started the long-overdue process of building up a political infrastructure for future transition, major efforts were made to shape public opinion through the media. While vocal elite groups emphasized the need to develop a commitment toward Hong Kong's future, pro-Beijing organizations in Hong Kong hastened the planting of their representatives in the colony. Every Hong Kong resident was quite aware that Chinese personnel had been sent to Hong Kong with increasing frequency. Numbering about 50,000 (in 1985),* and easily recognized on the streets of Hong Kong with their grey suits and shopping bags, the \"maternal uncles\" (jiujiu) heightened the anxiety of the local elite toward China's political advances.\n\nAfter four years of hard work, Liang was just coming to terms with settling down. In three more years, he would receive his status of permanent residence. His position in Hong Kong would also make him useful for joint ventures with his friends in rural Guangdong. However, the political problem of 1997 upset his plans. His keen political sense taught him not to trust China's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210700, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "34 \n\nWALTER GREENWOOD \n\nForeign Community. Self interest as well as sympathy attached him to Hennessy\" (reference was then made to his acting judicial appointments and that of A.D.C.). \"Mr. Francis is a clever reasoner and skilful logician but he cannot persuade the community that their memories play them false. Either he endorsed the policy of Hennessy or he did not act with independence of mind and judgment. Whichever impeachment he chooses to admit the Justices will reject him\". \n\nFrancis wrote in answer to this that he was not in collusion with Hennessy and did not support him on the issue of corporal punishment. “I stood up for fair play for him in the face of a very hostile meeting of my fellow citizens on whose goodwill I was mainly depending for my bread\". He said he was at odds with Hennessy over corporal punishment when he sat as a magistrate and was very nearly removed for that. His appointment as Puisne Judge was on the recommendation of the Chief Justice. His acceptance of the appointment of A.D.C. was purely personal, Hennessy being in difficulties with the military authorities, and it was the temporary filling of a gap. “Although Hennessy honoured me with some degree of his friendship and patronage and I sympathised and fought for him in some things I never hesitated publicly to dissent from his policy when I was not in accord with it\". \n\nWhen the Justices met Francis was proposed by P. Ryrie who said \"the meetings of the Council will be made very much more interesting by his presence\". In the event Chater was elected by 35 votes to 15 and afterwards said of Francis \"I admire his abilities. His fluency in addressing meetings is undoubted”. The Daily Press had the last word saying that the majority in favour of Chater was even larger than expected. In 1887 Francis seconded A.P. MacEwan as the member for the Chamber of Commerce. In January 1888 Chater was again elected as the Justices member, Francis being out of Hong Kong at the time. In May 1888 Ryrie proposed Francis as the Chamber of Commerce member saying that the unofficial members felt the need for someone who could advise them on legal points of order. However B. Layton, a merchant, won the contest by 20 votes to 16. The Daily Press in an editorial said that Francis was a man of wide experience outside", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210704, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "38\n\nWALTER GREENWOOD\n\nThe members elected in 1899 resigned in April 1901 on the ground that the Board could do nothing effective until it received adequate and independent powers, a view that Francis always held. Hong Kong had to wait until 1936 and the creation of the Urban Council for any further advance toward democratic local government.\n\nThe passing of the plague was followed not only by a post-mortem but also by a consideration of who should be rewarded, and how, for services rendered during the plague. The two outstanding candidates were F.H. May, the Captain Superintendent of Police, who served on the Permanent Committee, and Francis. In September 1894 at a public meeting a committee was appointed, with Edward Ackroyd as chairman, to decide on awards to be made on behalf of the community. In December Ackroyd wrote to the Governor \"The Committee consider that to Mr. Francis their best thanks are due for all his exertions and the time he devoted to the wants of the Colony for so many weeks. As Chairman of the Permanent Committee Mr. Francis had a heavy, troublesome and laborious task to perform, and throughout the duration of the epidemic he was unremitting in his devotion to his duties and gave up a great portion of his time, no doubt to the detriment of his extensive practice, to carry on the work he had voluntarily undertaken. Your Excellency is too well acquainted with his services for any need of further mention. Our Committee decided that his actions are deserving of the fullest recognition, that the best thanks of the community, with a good medal, should be tendered to him, and that his valuable services and useful work should be brought, through Your Excellency, to the special notice of the Secretary of State\". Meanwhile the Government was considering what recommendations it should make. It was chiefly concerned with officials but also considered non-officials including Francis. In September the Governor in writing to the Secretary of State expressed the hope that the latter had not failed to notice the untiring and energetic effects on behalf of the public weal of the medical staff and of Francis. However he seems to have been lukewarm to the suggestion, apparently favoured by May, that Francis should have the C.M.G. saying that he had no objection but \"it was easily earned\". He appears to have suggested that silver inkstands be given to the Colonial Surgeon and Francis but to no", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210706, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "40\n\nWALTER GREENWOOD\n\nHis letter received wide publicity. The Daily Press wrote \"The community will sympathise with Mr. Francis in the treatment to which he has been subjected. It was generally understood that he would at least be made a C.M.G., and to ask him to accept a paltry inkstand while conferring a C.M.G. on Mr. F.H. May can only be construed as a marked intentional insult. The explanation is perhaps not far to seek. In the first place Mr. Francis is not an official and in Crown Colonies the Government is very chary of conferring honours outside the charmed circle; and in the second place he has on certain points deemed it his duty to oppose the Government sometimes with what may have been considered unnecessary warmth. Whoever is at fault the omission of his name is a disappointment to the whole Colony”. In a letter signed Honoris Causa (anonymous letters have always been a feature in Hong Kong) a correspondent wrote “In common, I fancy, with most of the Hong Kong community I thoroughly agree with the letter of Mr. Francis to the Governor except that knowing some of the men the honour of C.M.G. is bestowed on I must congratulate him in not having been created a Colonial Made Gentleman”. The expectation that Francis would be honoured was not confined to Hong Kong. The Straits Times wrote \"The great public services of Mr. Francis would entirely warrant a C.M.G.” Indeed it was believed at first in Singapore that he had got one because the official telegram reporting the award to May read \"Francis May Hong Kong Companion Michael”. However there was reaction the other way. A piece in the Straits Times said “Mr. Francis has succeeded in making what is almost a record in bad taste. The provocation was no doubt great but it was inexcusable for him to publish his letter to the Governor. He had no right to an honour, he only did his duty. The habit of living in small societies tends to throw men off their balance. Mr. Francis lacks self-restraint, dignity and a saving sense of humour. He has taken himself so seriously that no-one else can do ought but smile\". The Japan Mail wrote \"There is one thing that no man has ever succeeded in achieving with grace; it is a return of a gift on the ground of its inadequacy. Mr. Francis has made the essay and has accomplished it after a fashion not certainly wanting in ability but altogether wanting in grace. We may infer from the Governor's extolling the beauties of the gift that he had doubts of its suitability for Mr. Francis' most substantial and praiseworthy services. It is impossible not to sympathise", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210723, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "57\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society on July 4th 1848. Mr. Gutzlaff's suggestion, in the form of a letter to the Governor, was read to the Society on August 8th of that year, resulting in the suggestion \"that a committee be appointed to make enquiries as to the best site, the probable expenses etc. etc. and to report generally on the subject”. At a meeting of the Society, on November 7th later in the same year it was proposed, \"That the Garden Committee be authorized to draw up a memorial to the Colonial Government and to the Royal Asiatic Society for assistance, either by funds or otherwise, towards establishing a Botanical Garden in Hongkong; and also to correspond with such of the Botanical or Horticultural Societies in England as may be likely to assist in furthering the object in view.”\n\nThat the idea that a Public Botanical Garden in Hong Kong was generally discussed in both government and commercial circles about this time can be gleaned from the correspondence of one C.T. Braine, an employee of Dent & Co., a property firm, who offered his house, “Greenbank”, and its attendant garden to the government both as a suitable government house and as a well-stocked garden that was ripe for development and expansion as a public garden. Braine took the unusual step of writing on June 26th 1850, with his offer direct to Earl Grey as Secretary for State to the Colonies, who redirected Braine's letter to the Governor of Hong Kong for comment. The Governor, in turn, replied to Earl Grey on September 25th, 1850 emphatically refusing to accept either the grounds or the house as being suitable:\n\n\"In reply I beg to report to your Lordship that I cannot recommend the garden in question be taken over at the expense of the State, reference being had to the financial resources of the Colony, as well as to the absence of any person to whom it would be possible to confide the charge of such an establishment: it must be remembered moreover, that independently of the original cost of the ground, a Superintendent and several Assistants must of necessity be maintained at a permanent expenditure, which, I am satisfied, would in the end prove by no means inconsiderable.\n\nFrom Mr. Braine's letter I find he has informed your", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210752, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "86\n\nCHAN WING HOI\n\nevents of the festival. A committee consisting of the officers (lei-si) of the residents' association was set up to organize the celebration.\n\nIn the jiu festivals in the New Territories, only indigenous residents are eligible candidates who may be chosen to serve as ritual representatives. Sometimes in the New Territories each participating village has a quota of ritual representatives. Neither restriction applied in the Shek O celebration. More than 70 families, mainly those of Shek O, sent their members to compete for the places of yn-sau this time. The main yn-sau for this celebration had lived there for about 10 years. One of his deputies was a local Punti and the other a Chiu Chau. When I asked if three people were too few for the many tasks in the festival, the yn-sau replied that they did not have much to do. It was the priests who did things. The yn-saus had only to be present. I learned that the ritual representatives were not required to contribute more money. They were also given positions in the organizing committee.\n\nMany came to make offerings of incense at the temple and the different compartments of the temporary structure set up for the festival. Many of the older indigenous residents knew the names of the gods in paper images. A woman probably in her mid-sixties told her younger companions the names. She knew the name of Daai Si Wong, Yuk Wong and Yat Gin Fat Choi, and even though those names were indicated in characters she did not have to read them. She was illiterate. Descended from a Shek O family she was married to one of the newcomers to the village. She explained that this was the sixteenth celebration. They held the festival once in every ten years. Once they had had the first celebration, they had to do the same every ten years. The festival was a ping-on jiu. It was for the well-being (ping-on daai-gat) of everybody. For that purpose everyone abstained from meat during the festival. Those who could afford it bought new bowls and chopsticks to ensure a perfectly vegetarian diet.\n\nSpecial attention was given to the Daai Si Wong. I overheard one boy telling his companion to walk under the hips of the paper image. As a result, a child would “grow faster” (Faaigou jeungdaai).\n\nT", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210756, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "90\n\nCHAN WING HOI\n\nDaai Si Wong and Baak Mou Seung, an altar for the dead to receive blessings, an altar for Tin Hau and local earth gods, paper images of Yuk Wong and his underlings, and the festival office. Except for the dead, the spirits noted on the altars were the usual ones found in jiu festivals. Among Tin Hau and her companions were gods of Shek O itself. The Daai Si Wong, a deity related to the underworld like the Baak Mou Seung, had the important role of overseeing the ghosts which came for the offerings.\n\nOn one of the altars, there were 105 spirit tablets of ancestors to whom offerings were to be made. Mr. Lau, the restaurant owner I talked to, did not think this a new feature of the festival. But he associated the spirit tablets with the Chiu Chau and Hoklo newcomers. Those immigrants had left their ancestors at their native places. Because it was not easy to return to these places to sacrifice to them, it was necessary to entertain and make offering to the ancestors through the festival. The indigenous villagers had no need to set up the spirit tablets of their ancestors there. They worshipped their ancestors at home where they had set up their altars. Whatever the validity of the reasoning, what Mr. Lau said suggested that very few of the locals had put up spirit tablets for their deceased relatives in the ritual. More than half of these tablets bore only the characters hin-hau or hin-bei, indicating they represented only either the father or the mother. I think this indicates that the other parent was living, and this must mean that these tablets were set up for the recently deceased rather than ancestors of old. In the case of many jiu festivals in single surname settlements, the spirit tablets of the common ancestors were included on one of the festival altars. Here the ancestors were parents of people who had paid for the privilege of leaving the tablets there.\n\nIn a broader sense the ritual site should also include the other areas delimited by flag posts (faan-gon). There were four of those posts at Shek O, marking out the north, south, east and west corners, I was told. In addition, there were two each at Tai Long Wan and Hok Tsui. We learned from the New Territories that faan-gon posts were indications set up for wandering ghosts to inform them they might enjoy offerings at the jiu. However, responding to my question about the faan-gon posts, a local woman replied that the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "97\n\nsaw a young man carrying the paper image of a horse, and another young man chasing him. Both were running in the direction of Tai Long Wan. This was part of the se-su (letter of pardon) rite. I learned subsequently from one of the ritual representatives that the two were expected to pass the same spots as the procession of the previous day did. The priests read the memorial after the horse and chaser returned. The rite was followed immediately by a brief performance of Floating the Water Lanterns, the usual rite preceding the final Offering to Ghosts.\n\nThere were more than a dozen middle-aged women preparing paper offerings for the Offering to Ghosts. They claimed to be indigenous residents. This was confirmed by another person I asked. The villagers present were well aware of what was going to take place: \"This evening the daai-si-wong is going to be paraded to as far as Tai Long Wan, and the priests will chant until midnight.” At Tai Long Wan where I went with the priests and the ritual representatives for the haang-chiu procession in the early afternoon, I overheard one young man telling somebody to send someone to Shek O to prepare the Tai Wong Ye [daai-si-wong] for the procession.\n\nThe procession started at about 6:15 in the evening. The daai-si-wong was carried by young men down the main streets of Shek O and then to Tai Long Wan. I later noticed that Mr. Wong and the other leaders in the festival were in the crowd. Most of the participants were young men. At Shek O a few women came out from their homes to greet the procession. Mr. Lam, the seaman, was among the crowd with his wife, but only as an on-looker. He told me that half the participants of the procession were indigenous villagers and half more recent settlers, and that the man who gave command through a loudspeaker was a Tanka whose parents had moved here almost 20 years ago. (He said descendants of newcomers like him mostly worked in the civil service. \"They are indistinguishable from us the indigenous boys.”) Many children and some married women followed. I heard some of the latter making the remark to themselves \"gan-jy haang, haang hou-wan” (follow the daai-si-wong and have good luck). When the procession started for Tai Long Wan one woman came to relay the warning that women were not to follow the daai-si-wong, or at least not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210764, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "98\n\nCHAN WING HỘI\n\nto see it face to face. Some of the others replied that there was nothing to fear, as it had been the practice for several hundreds of years for women to take part. Later when the procession was returning to Shek O I noticed a little boy with his ball and a young couple with their children in a pram. The comment was heard: “gou-hing, tai-ye” (Have a nice time and look at interesting things). The women were chatting all the way, and there were many young girls too.\n\nWhen the procession had gone down Tai Long Wan Road, I heard three or four women talk among themselves about Seung Wai, where their homes had been. A young one recalled that they used to have banana trees there, which produced good bananas and some rice-like stuff, which, her grandmother had told her, was good as chicken feed. The place being more spacious, they had been able to raise chicken too. Her grandmother had pointed out to her where the daai-wong-ye's place was — near where the paddy fields were.\n\nAt one point the bus from Shek O approached, and the young man with the loudspeaker called out to the driver by name “Come on, it is all right if you want to switch on the headlights.\" I noticed many cars were hindered from proceeding before the bus, but this did not seem to have bothered the young man at all. The procession made way for the bus to pass, neglecting the other vehicles.\n\nWhen the procession reached the edge of Tai Long Wan village, the daai-si-wong was put down on the ground facing the village. Many individuals, mainly middle-aged and young women, came to make offerings of incense. A table had been set up for the purpose. Some older women and men looked on. Children were led to walk around the legs of the paper image for good luck. Someone said, “Walk around the legs and you will win the Mark Six lottery\".\n\nThe procession was back at the main ritual area at about 8:30. The daai-si-wong was left facing an altar used by the priests, where an extra table had been set up for the concluding rite. Many came to make offerings at all the altars, but they paid more attention now to the daai-si-wong. Many more, not only small children, but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "107\n\ncertain conditions official policy may have tended to discourage it and local prejudice inhibited it (particularly since the prohibitions of minority languages and costumes during the Cultural Revolution, which resulted in violent confrontations between members of the same ethnic groups, as had occurred earlier during the 1930's), an aspiration to the Han economic condition and a desire for full participation in the workings of the Chinese state have proved constant features of minority history, which continue despite official policies which would seem to encourage localism, perhaps because Sinicisation is an inevitable process which neither official policies nor localism can effectively contain. At the same time and to present again the opposite picture, I was reassured by Miao cadres as to my fears for their loss of culture: ‘these things are very difficult to lose', they maintained, referring to their fengsu, or customs.\n\nGreater-group formation\n\nA second major trend evident in the development of the national minorities since Liberation has been the tendency towards greater-group formation and the fusion, rather than the fission, of smaller ethnic and cultural groups. This again has resulted partly from official policies of designating and classifying certain selected ethnic national minority groups, but owes more perhaps to the need to achieve some form of political consolidation in the face of greater centralisation of authority under the state after 1949. The classification of ethnic groups has long been a problem for Chinese ethnographers. Influenced by the example of Soviet ethnographers (Lemoine 1986), Chinese ethnographers have adopted the criteria of a common language, an area of habitation, a unique set of customs, attitudes and beliefs, and a traditional means of livelihood, as a means of classifying minzu, or national minorities, which as Hsieh (1986) points out, itself represents a uniquely different concept to the Western concepts of either ‘nationality' or ‘ethnic group'. In a seminal article written in 1980, Fei Hsiao-Tung outlined some of the problems relating to the classification of national minorities. Among the problematic instances he described were cases where opinions differed within a single national minority as to whether it was an autonomous ethnic group or part of another, or where class differences led to their refusal to identify", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210775, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "109\n\nfor the children of mixed marriages for such reasons. Thus the fusion of ethnic identities caused by an official policy of ethnic parsimony has resulted in confusions and uncertainties for members of (self-designated) smaller ethnic groups, and this in turn has resulted in the strengthening of an overall ethnic politicisation and polarisation.\n\nReligiosity\n\nSince 1978 and the ending of the Cultural Revolution there has been a very great revival of religiosity in China indeed (cf. Tapp 1986), and this has particularly affected many of the minority peoples for whom religion has become a means of expressing their newly politicised ethnicity. In the development of the minority nationalities, this has formed a third major theme. While down-playing the importance of neeb (shamanism), in Hmong villages in China, Hmong informants at the same time fervently denied that its origins might have been in Chinese Daoism, emphasising that 'it comes from the spirits of our ancestors'. Not only shamanism but the domestic propitiation of ancestral and household spirits persists in many Hmong villages, in what seems to be in direct proportion to their distance from areas of development. In some underdeveloped areas, however, where local attitudes have not seriously changed since the days of the Cultural Revolution, rituals are still performed secretly and at night for fear of party censure. Other ‘Miao' groups, such as the A Hmo or 'Flowery Miao', have demonstrated an astonishing revival of the Christianity first introduced to them at the turn of the century by a missionary named Samuel Pollard (Tapp 1982, 1985). One of the extraordinary features of this recent revival, which has divided communities of the A Hmo along Christian and non-Christian lines, in many cases involving conversions of the grand-children of original converts whose own children had already surrendered their beliefs in Christianity, and which has parallels in the great interest in Christian theology currently demonstrated among China's youth as a whole, is that for many of the A Hmo Christianity is not felt to be, indeed is denied to be, an alien creed, but rather one which has always been peculiarly their own. This would indeed appear to be in conformity with official Chinese policy on the 'indigenisation' of Christianity! Among the (mostly Tai-Lue) Dai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210821, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "155\n\nDr. Legge arrived at Malacca in 1840 as a young missionary teacher. He came having read the glowing reports of the school's progress written by its Principal. Dr. Legge expected to find a school of high standards on the lines set forth in Dr. Morrison's original prospectus. What he came to was something quite different.\n\nWhile the school operated under the name of a college, it was actually little more than an elementary school.\n\nDr. Legge was critical. This naturally did not endear him to his superior, the Rev. John Evans, the man who had been in charge of the school for more than six years.\n\nMr. Evans attributed the criticisms to the inexperience and brashness of a young man unacquainted with the local situation.\n\nBut Dr. Legge was not the only person to criticise.\n\nA Singapore missionary wrote to his board in America: “They have made much noise and excited large expectations as to the prospects of usefulness of the college. A strange sort of reserve and mystery was kept up about the Establishment. Part of this has probably been due to the haughty manner and uncourteous deportment of Mr. Evans.”\n\nOne of Mr. Evans' innovations was to prohibit the students from visiting their homes. He felt that if they were away from the school even for a brief time, they would be exposed to bad influences.\n\nThe principal of a missionary boarding school at Singapore thought Mr. Evans' policy very unwise as it ran counter to traditional Chinese practice.\n\nHe explained: “The ties which bind parents and children together cannot be rudely torn asunder, where they are as fully developed as they are among the Chinese, without great danger to the child. Should the boys ever become able to think for themselves, and have the Bible in their hands, they will find it difficult to respect the authors of such a system.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210822, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "156\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nWhen Dr. Legge took charge, he immediately changed the system. When he arrived at Malacca, Mr. Evans was already suffering from a fatal illness and he died some months after.\n\nThis change gave Dr. Legge the opportunity to put his own ideas of management and teaching into practice. The student body had dwindled from seventy students in 1837 to twelve in 1840. Six more left after Dr. Legge took over. With the remaining six, he began to build anew.\n\nAfter two years he wrote: \"I have about thirty boys from ten to sixteen years of age, and four young men . . . My maxim is to communicate ideas to them, to call their faculties into exercise, and to make them teach themselves, just as they feed themselves, it being my task to furnish them with the appropriate nourishment.”\n\nPrompted by the suggestion of John Morrison, the son of Dr. Morrison, Dr. Legge began to think about the removal of the college to China. Political events were leading to the opening of China for foreign residence and the British possession of Hong Kong.\n\nWithin days of the planting of the British flag on Hongkong Island Mr. John Morrison was writing letters anticipating the transfer of the Anglo Chinese College.\n\nHe believed that neither money nor support would be a problem, for he wrote: “On a settlement of commercial and political affairs... there is no object that will so much open men's purses here as the Anglo Chinese College. Can we but give a fair ground of assurance that it is to take new life, and progress as rapidly as for some years past it has been retrograding.”\n\nDr. Legge responded to Morrison's suggestions with enthusiasm. Both men wished to revive the college in accord with original plans.\n\nBy the time Dr. Legge was prepared to move, there was the prospect of amalgamation with a school already established in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "162\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nSociety's Mission in China did not seem proper as there were no theological students. In addition it was cumbersome.\n\nDr. Legge rather evaded the question of name by stating, “we shall build a house and call it the London Missionary Society House.\" After the building was up, it was variously referred to as the Mission House, the London Missionary Society's Institute, Dr. Legge's school, the Malacca College and, by the Chinese, the Ying Wa Shue Yuen.\n\nAfter all the initial difficulties, the school did begin the Hong Kong phase of its history. Dr. Legge fell ill and the doctor advised that he should return home. He left Hongkong in November 1845 and did not return until August 1847. Upon his return the school took on renewed life.\n\nWHEN THREE CHINESE STUDENTS \"FOUND GOD IN BRITAIN”\n\nDr. James Legge did not have the opportunity to build a solid foundation for the school he established in Hongkong. He had just got it under way when the doctor ordered him home to Scotland for a period of rest. He and his family left Hongkong in November 1845.\n\nLee Kim-leen,\n\nIn the party were also four young Chinese Song Hoot-kiam and Ng Mun-sow, three of his students, and Jane A-sha under the care of Mrs. Legge.\n\nNg Mun-sow was an orphan boy the Legge family had brought with them when they moved from Malacca to Hongkong. Lee and Song had been former pupils at Malacca. They had not left with Dr. Legge because of parental opposition. They overcame this in time and joined Dr. Legge in Hongkong in 1845.\n\nBefore leaving Hongkong, Dr. Legge had asked the Directors of the Mission Society in London if he could bring the boys with him, but he had not received a reply. When he arrived in England, he found the Directors had not approved, but the deed was done.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210836, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "170\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nstrengthened by his baptism and resolve to study theology.\n\nAs a theological student, A-sow was soon preaching and in 1849 Dr. Legge noted that he began to show considerable ability in public speaking. The following year the missionary committee agreed that he should continue his studies for two or three more years. He was urged to improve his Chinese. At the same time he was to assist at the school in teaching English.\n\nIn December 1850, Dr. Legge received a shock, A-sow appeared in a hearing before the Police Magistrate. The case concerned the loss and reappearance of bills of exchange worth about $50,000,\n\nIn the summer of 1849, the agent of the P and O Shipping Company reported the loss of a valuable parcel from one of its ships. It had been addressed to the firm of Gibb, Livingston and Co, a firm that is still doing business in Hongkong today. About this time a cook's assistant picked up a bill for some £300 near Union Chapel in Hollywood Road not far from the London Mission House and School. Being written in English he could not read it. So he showed it to his employer. It was from the lost parcel.\n\nNow more than a year later A-sow turned up at the police station with two bills worth about £2,000, asking if the owner was known. He told the police he had received these bills and others from a former coolie in Dr. Legge's employ. The coolie in turn said he had received them from two other people, one who had left for California and the other was the same man who claimed to have picked up the £300 bill the year before.\n\nOn the basis of this testimony, the latter was charged with robbery. Under oath A-sow deposed that the London Mission Society coolie had brought the bills to him some ten months earlier asking if they were of importance.\n\nA-sow said he took them to the Rev Ho Fuk-tong for his opinion. The reply was they were worthless, whereupon A-sow put them in a drawer in his desk and forgot about them. Ho Fuk-tong at the hearing denied ever having seen the bills, thus putting into question A-sow's credibility.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210837, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "171\n\nWhen a few days past A-sow had been hunting for some paper in the drawer, he came across the bills and decided to make further inquiry. Hence his appearance with two of them at the police station. The others he had sent to the Oriental Bank to find out what they were worth.\n\nThe magistrate asked A-sow some pertinent questions. Why had he put the bills away in the drawer if he thought they were of no value?\n\nWhy now did he think they might be of value? Inasmuch as A-sow could read English readily, he must have noted that they were the property of a firm in Canton. Why, therefore, had he not spoken to Dr. Legge about them so they could have been sent to Canton?\n\nA-sow denied he knew the man who said he found the £300 in 1849, and who now stood charged with robbery. However, a police officer said that previous to the hearing A-sow had acknowledged knowing the prisoner. Upon being faced with this contradictory statement, A-sow said he had heard some of the boys in the school speak of him and his desire to find out the value of what he had found.\n\nA-sow, however, was unable to remember who the boys were, but under further questioning he mentioned the name of A-hone. A-hone was sent for and testified that about a year ago the prisoner had come to him asking about the paper he had found. A-hone had told him it was worth £300. The coolie who, as it was claimed, had originally given the bills to A-sow had absconded, so his account could not be heard.\n\nThe changes in A-sow's evidence put an unfavourable light on his role in the affair.\n\nThe editor of the Friend of China used the incident to inveigh against giving an English language education to Chinese youth. He had a sharp pen and was not in sympathy with the missionary enterprise. In his attack he used language which reflected a warped view of Chinese people.\n\nI\n\n·\n\n---\n\nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "175\n\nJust because Ng Mun-sow was implicated in dubious activities in Hongkong it does not warrant our accusing him of profiting by corruption that might have been operative in the Customs Service, but it does suggest the possibility. At any rate he remained with the service until his death in 1881.\n\nIn 1850 he had married Oi-lin, the eldest daughter of Ho A-sun, also known as Ho Ye-tong. He had been a printer at the Malacca press and accompanied the mission to Hongkong in 1843. He was a devout and earnest Christian, an original member of the London Missionary Society's Chinese congregation in Hongkong.\n\nThe waywardness of his son-in-law grieved him. Just as Dr. Legge had hoped A-sow had turned over a new leaf after the episode of the bills of exchange, so in 1859 his father-in-law had expressed a similar hope. At a prayer meeting, he arose and with tears in his eyes spoke in a voice trembling with emotion. “You know my son-in-law, A-sow. Formerly he was one of us, but we had to expel him from the church. Of the life which he has been living for several years I need not now speak. He has been very bad, and he was as hardened as he was dissipated, and repulsed me when I tried to advise him. Lately he was taken ill, and thinking his heart might be softened, I ventured to speak to him about his soul. He heard me quietly, and today he rose and came to this place of worship.\n\n\"It is the first time he has been in God's house for years. Far as he was gone astray, and deeply as he was sinned, perhaps God will have mercy upon him yet. I feel it is in my heart to ask you all to pray with me that he may be brought back to the fold.”\n\nDr. Legge remarked: “May it be done for the backslider as we asked.”\n\nUnfortunately, for all the interest and concern of those who had known A-sow as a boy and young man and had such high expectations for him, there is little evidence that his resolve to change his ways was permanent.\n\nOne wonders what A-sow's life may have been like had...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "177\n\ndismissed as he would be freed from the obligation to refund money. He became insubordinate and tried to excite the same feeling among others. ... After much expostulation and forbearance I was forced to dismiss him. This and public and private admonitions to others led all the rest to return to their duties with their usual alacrity.\n\nThus the student rebellion had been successfully crushed, but at the cost of Ng A-fat, a student upon whom Dr. Happer had placed great hope of his future usefulness as a mission helper. After leaving the missionaries A-fat, like Ng Mun-sow, became an interpreter in the Chief Magistrate's office in Hongkong.\n\nDr. Legge had similar trouble keeping his students. Some of their classmates who had left the school had already gone overseas. The reports sent back were full of the ease money could be made, especially for those who understood English.\n\nIn 1852, Dr. Legge reported that one of his former students, Ho Cheong-kow, was in San Francisco working in a store where he made $100 a month or £250 a year, which Dr. Legge noted was the same salary as that of a married missionary.\n\nThe boys were not only tempted by reports from former classmates, but their friends and relatives urged them to leave school and, as Dr. Legge phrased it, “engage in the race for gold.”\n\nHe particularly mentioned Ng Mun-sow and O Soey-cheong as having rejected large sums offered to them by their friends if they would become partners in overseas business ventures.\n\nO Soey-cheong was especially under pressure from both family and friends. A-cheong's father had brought him to Dr. Legge's school in 1848 with the idea that if his son were taught English he could get a good position, make money and contribute to the support of the family. When several years later, A-cheong had wished to be baptised, the father did not oppose for he was sure it was but another step towards financial advancement.\n\nAs soon as A-cheong was taken on as a theological student and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "180 \n\nCARL SMITH\n\nMacau by its first Principal, the Rev. Mr. Samuel Brown, the boys' father enrolled them. Several years later the father admitted that it took some courage to hand his boys over to foreigners.\n\nMr. Brown quotes him thus:\n\n\"We could not understand why a foreigner should wish to feed and instruct our children for nothing. Perhaps it was to entice them away from their parents and country, and transport them by and by to some foreign land. But I understand it now. I have had my three sons in your school steadily since they entered it, and no harm has happened to them. The eldest has qualified for the public service as an interpreter. The other two have learned nothing bad... I have no longer any fears; you labour for other's good, not your own. I understand it now.'\n\nThe eldest of the three sons, Tong Mow-chee, was enrolled under the name A-chick, aged 11, on November 4, 1839. He was received along with four other boys on this date as the first students on the school roll.\n\nIn November 1841, his brother Tong King-sing was enrolled as A-ku, aged 10, as a member of the second class, and in April 1843 the youngest brother, Tong Ting-keng, entered the third class as A-fu, aged eight.\n\nA letter written by Tong A-chick was published after he had been in the school for a little more than two years. It was written to pupils in a New York City school for the deaf and dumb. Mr. Brown had taught in the school before coming to China.\n\nIn a covering letter Mr. Brown commented that since the boys in his school had been under his instruction they had become much changed in manners and habits and under his guidance their moral sense had been sharpened.\n\nA-chick's letter dated, Macau, January 14, 1842, expressed his high regard for the school and reflected a conformity to the moral code set before him by his principal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210847, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "181\n\nIt also mentioned difficulties encountered by Chinese students in schools conducted by foreigners during the Opium War.\n\nA-chick wrote: “Mr. Brown is the best teacher that I know in my life, and his school is too. In this part of the country I think there is no such school as his.\n\n\"Here there is a school for Deaf and Dumb in New York. But if Chinese were so, he would not learn anything, neither how to read nor write, until he died.\n\n\"When school first formed had five boys - after about nine months some went home, because English were at war with China. Afterwards eldest of them whose name was A-ling went home, because he did a very bad thing and committed a great sin against God, as in the law of Moses and the prophets.\n\n\"A-tseuk was taken home by his father. One day, as the English were fighting with the Chinese, his father came to Mr. Brown's school and wanted to take A-tseuk home. On the same day Mr. Brown was not at home. Then he wished to take him back without asking Mr. Brown. But A-tseuk wouldn't go, and his father gave him a flogging and he cried, and after about an hour they went. Next morning, father came and wanted to take his things home, when Mr. Brown saw him he rebuked him and he went home.\n\n\"Now in this school our teacher has appointed a monitor to keep the boys still when the teacher is out, and the school in order, and they ring the bell to call the boys into study their lessons and say them to the teacher.\"\n\nThe letter shows that A-chick had made good progress in English after two years' study.\n\nA year and a half after writing it, he was qualified to serve as an interpreter.\n\nIn 1842 the Treaty of Nanking was signed and the British were granted the right to trade at six treaty ports. This privilege meant", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "191\n\nof the United States and for some time lived at Charlestown, South Carolina. His wife was an American woman. His dress was a bizarre combination of Western and Chinese modes.\n\nHe was an early arrival in San Francisco and operated for a time the Macau and Wosung Restaurant. His domination of the Chinese population was heavy-handed, but it was challenged by an equally colourful character, A-toy, the doyen of San Francisco's \"women of pleasure.\"\n\nThe transfer of leadership came just at the time the question of Chinese labour was becoming a political issue in California. A bill to introduce contract labour was put before the State Legislature. Due to a slump in available cheap labour, the merchants wished to import it from China.\n\nThe miners were strongly opposed. They viewed contract labour as capitalist exploitation of immigrants who would work under living conditions that free miners would not endure. Contract labour was regarded by them as an economic threat. This view appeared to be that of the political majority, and Governor Bigler addressed the legislature in April 1852, opposing the legislation of contract labour.\n\nHis address had been noted by the few Chinese who could read English. They, in turn, explained it to the general Chinese community.\n\nAs representatives of their fellow countrymen, Hab Wa of the Sam Wo Company and Tong A-chick of the Tun Wo Company published a letter replying to the Governor's remarks. In it, they emphasised the important economic contribution to the state made by the business of the Chinese merchants. They emphasised that Chinese immigrants were not coolies under contract but free labourers.\n\nThe letter did not stem the anti-Chinese feeling of the miners, but it did influence more of the American merchants to support the Chinese cause. This encouraged the Chinese in their efforts to win a hearing. They sent Tong A-chick to discuss this with Gover-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210888, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "CARL SMITH\n\neradicate that inveterate hate and suspicion hitherto entertained for foreigners and all his works and ways.'\n\nOf such men, Ho A-mei was one of the most prominent.\n\nThe new views, however, were not welcomed by all.\n\nThe article claimed that the officials and gentry were as intolerant and anti-foreign as ever. They viewed reform as leading to social disintegration.\n\nAt the other end of the economic scale, the mechanics, day labourers, coolies and boatmen viewed the introduction of Western machines as a prelude to mass unemployment.\n\nBut between the top and the bottom was the middle class composed of merchants and shopkeepers, a growing element in the Chinese port cities. They read Hongkong newspapers; they had trade connections with foreigners; they welcomed improvements.\n\nBut it was returned emigrants, such as Ho A-mei, who were the most significant leavening element in the new ferment. They were \"an increasingly democratic element ... imbued more or less with liberal ideas and foreign tastes, and with sufficient purse-power to make Canton ... more favourable to innovation.\" As evidence, the article pointed to the telegraph and water works schemes which Ho A-mei promoted.\n\nOne foundation for progress, mechanical skill, was long established.\n\n\"Cantonese for a long time have had a serious interest in foreign machinery. The Chinese artisan is teachable, has ready insight, patient application, a delicacy of touch, and with a little more faith in lubricating oil will make an efficient machinist. All that is needed is capital and enterprise.\" These, men like Ho A-mei were ready to provide.\n\nAlready at Fatshan there was a match factory, and at Pik King a silk manufactory was using foreign spinning machines.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210892, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "226\n\nto Hawaii.\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nIn calling for support of the proposal, Ho A-mei reflected that when he was a boy there was little business in Hongkong, but after emigration started better times came. Further, while the Governor called the proposed Hawaiian emigrants contract labourers, A-mei suggested that most of the members present came out to Hongkong on contract.\n\nTo this observation there was a hearty \"Hear, hear!” from the taipan \"contract labourers\" present. The resolution was passed by the meeting.\n\nThere was still another matter Ho A-mei wished to present to the meeting. He proposed: \"That the manufacture of salt be allowed to be carried on in Hongkong.\"\n\nThe reason for this proposal was the Government's rejection of an application for the grant of a large waste tract along the shore near Stanley. The applicants planned to convert it into salt pans for the production of salt by evaporation of sea water.\n\nHo A-mei did not understand why the request had been refused, as he felt it would in no way interfere with China's salt monopoly and would give employment to about 300 workers. He mentioned that Hongkong was importing salt from Indochina, but he did not refer to the large quantities of salt which were smuggled from Hongkong into China. He assured the members that the venture would be of great benefit to the Colony. Furthermore, it was the duty of the chamber to encourage all kinds of manufacture.\n\n—\n\nThe chairman of the meeting, William Keswick, head of Jardine, Matheson and Co and a member of the Legislative Council and, as such, privy to certain Government decisions assured Ho A-mei that there was no more need to get sanction for the manufacture of salt than, say, for sugar. He suggested that perhaps the refusal of the land was not because of the purpose for which it was to be used.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210896, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "230\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nplague, the Hongkong Government cleared most of the district of Taipingshan. This had been the city's most congested area, and its removal displaced a large number of people.\n\nTo provide needed housing, Ho A-mei explained that the Fuk Tin Co was building houses across the harbour, where it was still rural. There would be fresh air, wide streets and better sanitary conditions.\n\nSome several scores of houses were almost completed and site formation for others was in progress. The houses were of brick with tile roof, two storeys high and with ample room between the blocks. The intention was to build several hundred. Built in bulk, the properties could be sold at a bargain price, at the same time the promoters could realise a substantial profit.\n\nThe hope was that \"many respectable Chinese will buy land and houses over the way as family residences and that thus many well-to-do Chinese who have houses in the interior will find it convenient and pleasant to 'pitch their tent' in the neighbourhood of this thriving colony.\" Nor need there be any anxiety about security as there were military personnel at the Chinese custom's station at Laichikok.\n\nBut looking ahead only a little farther, there was the prospect of the area becoming British, for as the interviewer stated, “such an extension of Hongkong has long been needed, and, I am glad to say, the day when it will be un fait accompli is now within measurable distance.\" The distance was three more years.\n\nOPIUM MONOPOLY AND HO CONNECTION\n\nSomehow Ho A-mei became involved in a Chinese scheme to solve the opium question. Some background will aid in understanding his role in the scheme.\n\nIn 1875 the British took the opportunity presented by the murder of a member of a British exploratory expedition in the province of Yunnan to press China for a treaty revision. As a consequence, the Chefoo Agreement was negotiated the following year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210939, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 1, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTHE PO TAK TEMPLE\n\nIN SHEUNG SHUI MARKET\n\nThe Po Tak Temple (Temple to repay a virtuous deed), also known as the Ts'un Foo Temple (The Governor's temple), in Sheung Shui Market now occupies only a small flat in a multi-storeyed building on Tsun Fu Street, but it was a sizable building until it was burnt down in the fire in 1955. For a long time, it was also the political focus of the Punti villages in the northern and eastern New Territories.\n\nThe temple was built to commemorate Chau Yau-tak (H), Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi from 1670 to 1673, and Wong Loi-yam (E), Governor of Kwangtung in 1669, the two officials who were instrumental in petitioning the Emperor to end the coastal evacuation from 1662 to 1669. No-one remembers when it was built. According to the 1819 edition of the San On Gazetteer, it was one of three temples devoted to these two officials in the county, the other two being located north of Sham Chun Market. This record must not be taken to be exhaustive: there was at least one more devoted to these two officials in Kam Tin (the Chau Wong I Kung Shue Uen).\n\nVillage elders remember that before the Second World War and in the 1950s sacrifice was offered annually at the Po Tak Temple to the two officials by two separate but overlapping groups referred to as the Old Alliance (Kau Yeuk) and the New Alliance (San Yeuk). The Old Alliance sacrificed on the nineteenth of the Fifth Month and the New Alliance on the first of the Sixth Month. The account books of both groups are fortunately extant, and they provide valuable documentation on these two important inter-village organizations.\n\nTwo copies of the Old Alliance account book are available. Both have written on the front covers: Po Tak Temple temple celebration volume, 12th year of the Republic, Lung Shaan copy (報徳祠神誕冊,民國十二年立,龍山冊). We have compared the introductory texts, and they are identical. It seems", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210969, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "56\n\n- and these should be seen in the context of other idiosyncrasies and other errors in the published works of those Europeans who wrote about Chinese culture, society, and language English Made Easy remains an interesting and substantial effort to help others less fortunate than himself. For this reason, the life and career of Mok Man Cheung needs to be examined to enable the full significance of his publication to be gauged. As will be seen in more detail below, Mok made his effort to help his compatriots nearly twenty years after he had left the teaching profession and several years after he had ceased being a professional interpreter and translator. By 1904, Mok Man Cheung was well established as a compradore and commission agent. There was certainly no financial need behind his writing of the book. Instead, he should receive the credit for having taken up the challenge of being a middleman and go-between in the most practical and, to his fellow-Chinese, the most helpful of ways. That he deemed this task worthwhile is a comment which itself provides insight into the social history of the time and, especially into the social history of education.\n\nSignificance of the life and career of Mok Man Cheung (the setting for snapshots 2 and 3)\n\nIn many ways, Mok Man Cheung was a typical product of the interaction of Chinese culture and enterprise with British colonial, bureaucratic, and commercial power. This interaction put a premium on the development of a group of middlemen or go-between. As the details outlined below demonstrate, Mok Man Cheung's education and career qualify him for membership of several of the categories analyzed by Carl Smith for the emerging Chinese elite in Hong Kong, even though his name has not yet been singled out by Smith. He was \"English educated\". He worked for a time as a translator. He became involved in the educational and the legal professions. He moved into the compradore class and, later, as “commission agent\", also performed compradorial services on a freelance basis. As a non-official Justice of the Peace towards the end of his career, he can be counted as one of the “English-speaking Chinese advisers to the Government”\n\n20\n\n21", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210983, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "20\n\nbandit will bear the name of France, the other the name of England . . . I hope that some day, France once freed and cleansed will send back to China the booty she has plundered.'\n\n16\n\nIncidentally, the Summer Palace of Peking, sacked and burned by French and British vandals, had been restored in the time of Emperor Qianlong (eighteenth century) by Jesuit architects and painters such as the famous Castiglione. The very contribution of European culture to China was smashed down by European militarism in China.\n\nThat French intellectuals concerned with China not only were very few, but also showed little interest in the political China, is supported by the non-committed attitude of that strange Jesuit, palaeontologist and philosopher, Pierre Teilhard de Chardin. His Chinese years in the 1920s and 1930s were most productive intellectually. He elaborated his partly mystical, partly anthropological views on man's fate and future. Yet, he was utterly indifferent to the complex developments of the Chinese revolution at that time, epoch-making as they were. He was living in a China almost without Chinese --- except fossils.\n\nTeilhard de Chardin was an intellectual explorer, almost an adventurer, and so was the energetic Pelliot, one of the founding fathers of modern French sinology. He had established his reputation with his expedition to the Dunhuang Buddhist caves in the Gobi Desert, had not hesitated to bribe and to steal, brought back to France a unique Chinese library and became a Professor at the College de France at the early age of 27.\n\nFrench sinology then was still entirely oriented towards classical China. Just as British sinology was a by-product of missionary studies on China, French sinology was a distant replica of Latin and Greek studies in the Jesuit tradition. The teaching aids which the Jesuits had prepared for classical Chinese often used Latin. Classical Chinese studies did not have to pay attention to the China of that time, any more than Latin and Greek studies did to the Italy and Greece of modern times. And classical sinology remained quite marginal in French academic life, just as much as China-inspired novels and poetry in French literature. Yet, the\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "in much broader terms, a crisis about France itself and not only its intellectuals, it is an ideological dilemma about the validity of our privileged position in the world of today. And at both levels, China is still part of our intellectual horizon.\n\nHow should intellectuals stand in relation to politics? Should they be involved? The prevailing trend in today's France is almost total rejection of the intellectuel engagé figure, of the politically committed intellectual in the tradition of Voltaire and Hugo, of Emile Zola, Romain Rolland and Jean-Paul Sartre. Here China has certainly played an indirect yet influential role; for the simplistic excesses of the pro-Maoist rhetoric of yesterday and the bitter, almost overnight realisation that the Maoist mirage was just a mirage, greatly contributed to the discredit of the intellectuel engagé. Ironically enough, the same ex-radicals who are presently disavowing their Maoist past have not altogether given up their incorrigible tendency to look abroad for an ideal society. The New Philosophers have turned far away from China to a completely new direction, namely the United States and Reaganism. This is the New Libertarian Right, campaigning in France for economic deregulation and military solidarity with Washington.\n\nAnother critical question for present-day French intellectuals deals with their own position in society at large. With the present-day tendency towards elitist professionalisation of academics, doctors, architects and engineers, the ‘barefoot doctor' of the Maoist era appears more and more remote. But did the barefoot doctor just represent a Utopian dream, a Rousseauistic image? Interestingly enough, in many developing countries of Asia and Africa, people who probably never read a line of Mao Zedong in their lives commonly refer to ‘barefoot architects', more familiar with local building materials than with reinforced concrete, and more concerned with the needs of the ordinary people than with the tastes of high-ranking business executives in their luxury hotels.\n\nMore generally, the relevance of the Western model of development for most African, Asian, South American and also Pacific countries is vigorously debated today among French and other Western intellectuals, and this brings us back to China. How to balance heavily centralised technologies, \"white elephants' such as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210995, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "32\n\nlooking as though they would roll down any moment, it formed a dramatic and distinctive backdrop to the Walled City.\n\nThe City was primarily a garrison town. In 1898, the garrison numbered 544, with a civilian population of only 200, largely dependents of the military. By then the watch towers were being used as family dwellings. Besides the several official buildings there was also the Lung-chin i-hsüeh ## (Lung-chin Communal School), named after the small Lung-chin river nearby. The school's raison d'etre is significant. Just as the British presence in Hong Kong had necessitated strengthening the civil and military establishment at Kowloon, so had it highlighted the need to strengthen the inhabitants' moral fibres against Western decadence and materialism. The Hsin-an Magistrate, commenting on the founding of the school in 1847, declared that since Kowloon had become a point of interaction with barbarians, the inhabitants needed to be fortified morally, thus making a school necessary, and he even hoped that they might exert a civilizing influence on the intruders.\n\n10\n\nBuilt of blue baked bricks on a granite foundation, with granite lintels and frames to the entrance, the school was an imposing building with two main halls and two courtyards, much like the grander ancestral halls of the New Territories. Local literati were elected to the school board each year. The source of fund was irregular. A generous official occasionally made a donation; in the 1880s, a special rate was levied on the sale of suckling pig meat to subsidize the school expenses. Characteristically, public meetings, often attended by officials, were also held there. Its reflecting wall bore the characters \"Hai-pin Tsou Lu\" to denote a place of high moral and academic excellence by the sea, emphasizing how strongly Confucian orthodoxy still prevailed in this outpost of Empire. In 1897, an annex, a fine two-storeyed building called the K'uei-hsing ke (Kuei-hsing pavilion) was added, K'uei-hsing being the god who protected the literati. This shows that fifty years after its foundation, the school was still a going concern.\n\n14\n\nA small paper-burning pavilion stood near the East Gate. Traditionally, the Chinese literati revered the written word and, to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211013, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "50\n\ntended to concentrate on the areas of the curriculum considered most important, which certainly included the English language. An almost universal feature of the private tuition business was the relatively high level of fees. Indeed, private coaching (and cramming) had become something of a racket. It had certainly become so prevalent by the end of the first decade of the twentieth century that official notifications and advertisements for teaching posts in government schools regularly included, as a matter of course and as a form of inducement, the formula \"Private tuition is allowed by permission of the Director of Education.\" Mok's emphatic claim that his method could be, and should be, practised without recourse to a teacher was probably a very effective selling ploy which would have appealed to those who disliked paying high fees as well as those who suspected that neither the teaching ability nor the conscientiousness of private tutors was all that it should be.\n\nIn the preface Mok Man Cheung outlines briefly the nature of his \"unique\" pronunciation system, which, by utilizing the sounds normally associated by Cantonese with written Chinese characters so that they could mouth English words, would have appealed to the national pride of his fellow Chinese residents of Hong Kong. At the same time, however, he was prepared to compromise his Chinese-ness by arranging that “all Chinese characters given for pronunciation of English words are to be read from left to right\". This attempt simultaneously to attract support from many sections of Hong Kong society—the increasingly influential radical Chinese, unsympathetic to the Imperial Government but insistently proud of their Chinese culture, the more pragmatic Chinese businessmen, the westernized Chinese, and even the colonial establishment—was good commercial practice. The preface also helps to emphasize a distinction between Mok Man Cheung's \"higher valuations” and his “lower valuations”, in the sense that Gunnar Myrdal made of these concepts. According to the outward, open and rationalized “higher valuations” of Mok Man Cheung, Chinese readers and users of his book might find his inclusion of model letters \"handy in their everyday business and social relations with their European friends.\" From the fact that the book contains not a single sample of an informal, friendly letter to a European, one might infer that Mok Man Cheung's\n\n!\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211014, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "more down-to-earth \"lower valuations\" of the situation was that genuine friendship between Chinese and Europeans as equals was at the time so rare as to be not worth exemplifying. The same implicit message is conveyed by the deference and outwardly very respectful tone of several of his more formal examples of business letters. On the other hand, his suggestion that readers test the usefulness of the book by picking out any one English word and asking a non-English-speaking Chinese person to read the adjoining Chinese characters and produce the sound required implies quite a modern, empirical attitude towards the question of language and the assumption by Mok Man Cheung of a type of independent, verifiable authority. A.W. Brewin's short and inelegant note, included as an endorsement of the book and quoted at the outset of this article, intimates that the Registrar General had taken the author at his word and conducted a number of these experiments personally.\n\nThe reprint, in the “Introduction” to a second edition of English Made Easy, of the South China Morning Post's review of Mok Man Cheung's work, besides explaining his \"system\" in greater detail, also identifies the book's readership more specifically.\n\nThis work is self-teaching, and it is believed that it will supply a want which has long been felt by the following classes of the Chinese and Chinese who are unacquainted with the sounds of English words:- 1. Country youths who have acquired [sic] a fair Chinese education, but find it inconvenient for them to come from their country homes to learn English. 2. Chinese literates, scholars and officials who are desirous of picking up a few words of simple English to enable them to hold short conversations with Englishmen; 3. Servants in the employ of Europeans who are too old to go to school or unable to attend school for want of means and time.\n\nOne cannot know now the extent to which Mok Man Cheung himself contributed towards this analysis. It is, however, consistent...\n\nPage 51", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211028, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "64\n\nthe need to make the record appear to indicate a full three years' participation in such a scheme. This is slightly more convincing as an explanation. A final possibility is that Mok wished to draw attention away from the fact that he was a teacher at the Central School from 1884 to 1887. It is interesting to speculate about the reasons for this desire. Is it a coincidence, for example, that these were precisely the years during which Sun Yat Sen, the future revolutionary leader and President of the Republic of China, then known as Sun Tai Tseung, attended the Central School? It is possible that the young assistant teacher and the new pupil became friends. It is also possible that, in 1906, it struck Mok Man Cheung that public knowledge of this attachment would have been inconvenient and, therefore, he post-dated his teaching career's commencement to 1888, the year after Sun Yat Sen left the Central School for the newly formed Hong Kong College of Medicine for the Chinese. In 1906, the Empress Dowager was still alive. A belated Reform Movement was in operation in a last desperate, but vain, attempt to save the Qing dynasty and the Imperial system. As mentioned above, only two years earlier, in the first edition of his English Made Easy, Mok Man Cheung had given precedence to words like Emperor and Crown Prince. He had referred to queues and queue-strings as normal items, at the very time when for revolutionaries and even reformers they were regarded as symbols of Manchu oppression. There is no doubt that at this particular time open evidence of an affiliation with Sun Yat Sen would have been commercially, socially and politically undesirable, though, like several other middlemen of the period, Mok might have been quietly keeping his connections open with all sides.\n\nDiscussion of the significance of Mok Man Cheung's career\n\nSo much then for the worldly successes and possible problems of Mok Man Cheung. Whatever his innermost thoughts may have been, there can be little doubt that he strove outwardly to take advantage of the colonial, commercial, and social establishment of his time. Significantly, his book, English Made Easy, attempted to bridge the enormous gap between the Chinese and British communities in Hong Kong at the beginning of the twentieth century. As mentioned above, this was a period which was not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211037, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "73\n\ntion of schools, contained in the Government Gazette, included: “An Upper Grade School means one in which at least part of the Staff is European. Lower Grade Schools are those under purely native management” (Hong Kong Government Gazette, 30th June, 1905, p. 1023). Earlier, Bishop Hoare, the Anglican Bishop of Victoria and South China announced at the annual prize distribution of a school noted for its ethnically ‘mixed' admissions policy that he \"did not believe it was a good thing to put two races side by side in the school. He did not think they mixed. There was a gulf between the Chinaman as a Chinaman and an Englishman as an Englishman, and he did not think it was a good thing for Chinese boys to be educated side by side with English boys” (Hong Kong Daily Press, 30th January, 1901, p. 3). Amongst the largely supportive correspondence in the letters to the editor pages of the local press provoked by the report of Bishop Hoare's speech, there is a letter from a local Chinese resident, Wang Chung-yu, who argued, “Now, to exclude Chinese from certain schools means to go against the law of nature and to aggravate the hatred between Chinese and foreigners.... My experience goes to show that, as a rule, European boys in school generally depreciate things Chinese, and therefore there is no need to fear that European boys may learn any bad method of thinking peculiar to the Chinese.” (Hong Kong Daily Press, 7th February, 1901, p. 3).\n\n48 Sweeting (1983), p. 274.\n\n49 Despite the lack of warmth and closeness in the personal and social relations between the two communities, there was, in a sense, a reciprocal interest by certain Westerners for \"Things Chinese\". This interest was largely intellectual (anthropological and literary) and is, perhaps, best exemplified by Dyer Ball's large publication, which in later editions became increasingly larger, actually entitled Things Chinese. See the Introduction and Prefaces of J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press reprint, with Introduction by H.J. Lethbridge, 1982 of the 5th Edition revised by E. Chalmers Werner, 1925). Interestingly enough, Dyer Ball also published a book entitled Cantonese Made Easy, which by 1904 had reached its 3rd Edition.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211053, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "89\n\nNorthern Vietnam) he asked to be relieved of office and left the capital for Guangzhou. In 327 he settled in the Zhuming cave of Mt. Luofu where he busied himself collecting medicinal herbs and refining cinnabar. His extensive writings include several important treatises on Taoism and Chinese medicine. (Source: Zongjiao Cidian [Dictionary of religion], Shanghai, Cishu Chubanshe (Lexiographical publishing company), 1981, pp. 997-998; see also Jin Shu [The Book of Jin], volume 72, Zhonghua Shuju). Needham calls him \"the greatest alchemist in Chinese history\" (Science and Civilization in China, vol. II, Cambridge University Press, 1956, p. 437).\n\n14 The story that Huang Yeren was late for the levitation because he was drunk, we heard from a young official of a local Taoist organization whom we interviewed in Guangzhou on August 27, 1987. Cultural affairs cadres whom we interviewed at the main temple on Mt. Luofu on August 28, 1987 indignantly denied this story. The young official also related the story that Huang Yeren (Huang the wild man) had originally been called Huang \"also [in Cantonese “yah”] man” (in many Luofu folk-tales the Yeren is said to appear in the shape of an animal). Later the character for \"also\" (in Mandarin “ye”) had been substituted by that for \"wild\" (in Mandarin also \"ye\"). We have not found any documentary sources which confirm this information.\n\n19 Michel, Soymié, \"Le Lo-feou chan\", 1954. Bulletin de l'école française d'Extrême-orient, Tome XLVIII (ler semestre), 1954, pp. 1-137, raises another possibility (see pp. 109-110): that the Yeren tradition is based on contacts in ancient times, possibly including periodic trading exchanges, between people of the plains of Guangdong and aborigines living on or near the mountain. In the eyes of the plainsmen, the aborigines would appear strange in many respects, especially in speech and appearance. Stories derived from these contacts might have become the basis for the Yeren legend. Supporting this interpretation, Soymié notes, is the fact that Yeren was thought to be able to appear as a man or a woman, a young person or an old person, and that Yeren is in fact a category of \"strange person apparitions” rather than a single figure. Clearly, once such a flexible figure had become established in the popular imagination, sightings of almost anything on the mountain could feed into the growing folklore about Yeren.\n\n16 Some stories of healings by Yeren are contained in Luofushan Fengwuzhi (Records of Mt. Luofu scenery), Guangdong Lüyou Chubanshe (Tourist affairs publishing co., 1984). This source also records the tradition that the cave of Yeren was guarded by a mute tiger. The chapter in which the healings are recorded is titled, \"The earth-bound fairy riding on a mute tiger.\"\n\n17 Source: Nanhan Shu (The book of Southern Han), Guangdong Renmin Chubanshe, 1981 (reprint), volume 17. This story was also related to Ragvald by scholars of the provincial Wenshi Guan (Research institute of culture and history) whom the first author interviewed in Guangzhou, September, 1987.\n\n18 These details are in notes provided to the first author by the Wenshi Guan scholars (see previous footnote), and were evidently taken by them from an addition to the Nanhan Shu, titled Nanhan Shu Kao Yi (Collating the variants), volume 17.\n\n19 We have not yet been able to verify the exact location of the temple, which apparently is called Huangxianweng miao (The temple of old saint Huang). There may be several other Huang Li temples in this region.\n\n20 According to Nanhan Shu Kao Yi (volume 17) his original name may have been Wang rather than Huang. Evidently he changed his surname to Huang (in Canton...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "94\n\nassociated with the organization after interviewing the surviving founders in the 1960's, and there is no reason to question its veracity. Where, then, did the old lady's account come from?\n\nFirst, it should be noted that few people who visit the temple are even aware of the name of the private organization which has managed the temple for the past 60 years (Chin, et al., 1977:29). Fewer still will have read the temple's history, written in Chinese in glossy brochures which are provided mainly to the members, government officials, and other dignitaries on ceremonial occasions. Hence, it is not surprising that details of the founding of the temple are not widely known even among devotees of the god. How then do worshippers account for the temple's origins?\n\nIn this particular case, the informant appears to have adopted a miracle story which is not uncommon in the Hong Kong area: the recovery from the sea of a god's statue. The statue of Pak Tai in the temple of Cheung Chau island, near Hong Kong, for instance, was allegedly found by fishermen floating in the sea off Guangdong, and became the object of worship (Savidge, 1977:82), displacing other statues of the god. Another instance has been related by adherents of the Kuan-yin temple near Tai Ping Shan Street on Hong Kong Island, in which the statue of the goddess displayed in the temple was “carved from a block of wood floating in the sea and, according to the local story, giving off mysterious golden rays” (Topley and Hayes, 1966:126). The main icon in the Tin Hau temple at Shek Tong Tsui on Hong Kong Island was also said to have been recovered from the sea (Hayes, 1966:89). This kind of story is superficially similar to the “drifted deities” worshipped by fishermen in the Noto Peninsula area of Japan (Ogura, 1980). Many worshippers in Hong Kong will have heard this kind of story about a god's statue being recovered from the sea. When many years have passed, it is difficult for some people to remember which god's statue was found in the water. One's favourite god may then become the subject of the story.\n\nAnother case we have discovered suggests that the process of transfer can occur quite rapidly. In 1966, in a paper on temples on Hong Kong Island, Topley related the account given her by a Cantonese lady of the life of the Taoist hermit worshipped in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "128\n\nEquality would mean the abolition of “class legislation.” According to the papers the rumour of the Governor's intention to repeal such laws was \"the topic of conversation at almost every dinner table, and wherever people assemble for business or recreation.\" The uneasiness among the Europeans as to Governor Hennessy's next move presaged rough times ahead.\n\nA colonial, who titled himself \"Diner Out,\" expressed his opposition to Governor Hennessy's liberal policies. The writer viewed the rumours of the Governor's intention to abolish flogging and the pass system as a sure licence for crime. He predicted that foreigners \"enjoying frequently the hospitality of friends, it may even be at Government House, (will) find themselves obliged either to go armed to the teeth, as was the case only a few years back, or else remain unwilling prisoners in their own dwellings from dusk to dark.” Although it would not have served his cause, he could have added as the Chinese must under the present regulations.\n\nA correspondent “Grundy,” adding his bit to the discussion, suggested that if the night pass system was abolished “all invitations to dinner, if sent at all, shall thereafter bear the following P.S. - 'Please bring your boy and your revolver'.\"\n\nSome feared there were rough times ahead under Governor Hennessy's administration. “Anti-Bumptious\" wrote: \"I feel the storm clouds are gathering, and although there is very little likelihood of rioting as there was in the Barbados (where Governor Hennessy had formerly been) still the same stormy petrel spirit is at work, and will produce mischief.”\n\nFurthermore, according to a local editor, the Chinese really had nothing to complain of and there was no need to change the Government's relation to them. An editorial in the China Mail expressed this view:\n\n\"With Artemus Ward of the negro, we may fairly ask 'Who trod on him?' and the answer will readily be found in the growing wealth and commercial importance of the native community of Hongkong, the amount of weight now attached to their utterances", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211095, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "131\n\nspecial pass, Mr. Ng Choy need not carry a lantern, but if he does not do so, he is all the more likely to be stopped by the police.\n\nIt was humiliating for law-abiding Chinese to be placed in this position for, according to the letter writer, \"there is no necessity for making the Chinese here generally exhibit these outward and visible signs that they belong to a dangerous and suspected class of the community, and I trust that Governor Hennessy will persist in his determination to introduce some modification in regard to this particular law.\"\n\nThere was grave doubt by some that the light and pass rule served any useful purpose. Its advocates regarded it as an effective measure to prevent crime. Opinion was divided and the law remained on the books for some twenty more years.\n\nCHINESE CLOSE RANKS IN STRUGGLE FOR EQUALITY\n\nFor all the discussion about \"class legislation\" in 1877 no change was made. The rumour that the regulation requiring Chinese to carry lights and passes at night was to be abolished was repudiated by Governor Hennessy. However, he instructed the police not to enforce the law too rigidly.\n\nIn 1895, under a new administration, there was a sudden campaign to strictly enforce the law. The Chinese alleged that the police acted with a heavy hand and that numerous law-abiding, respectable Chinese were treated in a humiliating manner, being herded together with all sorts of people and sometimes marched off to the police station in a crowd with their queues tied together.\n\nEvidence indicates that Mr. Ho Tung, then aged about 33, might have been so treated. At any rate, he and Ho A-mei took the lead in protesting against the regulations.\n\nHo Tung had circulated a petition calling for their repeal. The issue was of such concern that an invitation went out to the whole Chinese community to attend a meeting at Tung Wah Hospital to discuss the matter and to support Ho Tung's petition. It was pre-arranged that Mr. Ho Tung should nominate Mr. Ho A-mei as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "140\n\ncommunicate with the Chinese.\n\nThe editor of the Daily Press suggested that, “it would be well, indeed, in this colony if the Chinese could be encouraged to give a fuller expression to their opinion than they have been accustomed to do, for at present the Government has to work largely in the dark and has no reliable means of feeling the pulse of the native community.\"\n\n\"Brownie\" of the China Mail also felt that the Government should be ready to listen to the real grievances of the Chinese, but only through the proper channels. \"We desire to hear the real views of the respectable Chinese, but we must fight shy of any agitation which is not recognised by the Chinese representative,” meaning Dr. Ho Kai. Here, of course, was some of the difficulty. Dr. Ho Kai was in some measure out of tune with elements in the Chinese community.\n\nThe Governor did not improve the position of Dr. Ho vis-a-vis the Chinese, or at least that is what I conclude from the remarks of \"Brownie.\" He comments on \"the clever way in which the Governor called upon Dr. Ho Kai to clinch the arguments,\" even though \"the worthy doctor may not have appreciated being used as a sledgehammer upon his own compatriots, though he doubtless recognised the necessity of the operation.\"\n\nThat he would submit to being a sledgehammer and appreciate the Governor's hard line was a high recommendation for him in the eyes of the foreigner, for \"we badly need a few more Chinese who possess the enlightenment of the doctor.\" So thought \"Brownie.\" An opposite view was taken by the Hongkong Telegraph.\n\nIt felt that, \"the Chinese are entitled to better representation in the Legislative Council than at present.\" The editor suggested that in Hongkong where the British principle of “no taxation without representation\" is ignored, “it must be especially galling to a large section of the community like the Chinese, whose one representative in the Council is nominated by the Governor. He is, we are assured, not the chosen representative of his countrymen,”\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "141\n\nOf the issues raised in the editorial comments on the Chinese protest meeting chaired by Ho A-mei, English language education and the consultative process are still Hongkong concerns.\n\nHOW AN OBNOXIOUS LAW WAS ABOLISHED\n\nThe China Mail in commenting on the protest meeting against the light and pass regulations held in 1895 emphasised the theme of sedition and the threat to internal security. It approved the warning the Governor had given the speakers.\n\nThe Telegraph, however, upheld the principle of freedom of speech and the right of the Chinese to express their opinions. Its editorial was colourful and strongly worded.\n\nToday the English language press seldom openly attacks a Government official. Journalism in Hongkong is much too polite and gentlemanly for this. The Chinese press, however, has its own subtle way of ridiculing public servants.\n\nThe Telegraph spoke out boldly in criticising the tone taken by Governor Robinson in his remarks to the Directors of Tung Wah Hospital. In its opinion, what was needed was a “Government gag.”\n\nIt stated that \"His Excellency Sir William Robinson is badly in need of an automatic patent safety gag, so arranged as to shut everybody's mouth as soon as there is any occasion for absolute freedom of speech. We have seen many ebullitions of petty resentment on his part... but we have seldom seen such a determined onslaught on the divine right of freedom of speech as the one hinted at so plainly threatened is the word, for it rather more than hinted ---- in his recent address to the Tung Wah Committee”.\n\nThe Governor had probably spoken \"off the cuff\". If he had given the matter more careful consideration, he probably would have expressed himself in a less abrasive manner. However, his words reflected a popular method of dealing with Chinese. One did not listen, discuss nor bargain. With the backing of superior power, one told them what was expected of them.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211108, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "144\n\nHo A-mei, of course, was no novice at the game of political pressure. He had been acting in public affairs for nearly thirty years. Ho Tung, a younger man, had not yet so much experience in the public arena. But as the years passed, he would outshine Ho A-mei as a public figure. Neither, however, was given the honour to represent his community on the Legislative Council.\n\nIn spite of all the Governor's threats, a compromise was reached. The regulations were not repealed, but the Governor issued a statement in answer to the Chinese petition.\n\nHe stated that in view of the advice given by the Registrar General and by other leading European residents, thus implying that Chinese opinion was of little value in the matter, \"I have out of consideration for the comfort and convenience of the orderly Chinese community issued the following instructions to the Police.\" His instructions said the regulations were not to be enforced except in case of persons abroad after midnight whom the police might have reason to suspect criminal intent.\n\nThe China Mail, true to form, deplored this compromise and was sure that the Chinese would view it as vacillation and weakness.\n\nThe Telegraph was for strength but also for freedom of speech. It stated that if anyone stirred up or incited \"the ignorant masses\" to resistance or disobedience, it would be the first to call for the deportation or punishment of the guilty party.\n\n\"We advocate strong and decisive measures whenever the need arises, but there must also be in all British colonies the right of freedom of speech.\"\n\nIt called for an immediate repeal of the objectionable regulations: \"We repeat that the Light and Pass Ordinance is an insult to the intelligence and honesty of any community and is a slur on the Chinese that ought to be wiped out of the Colony's records.\"\n\nThe suggestion, however, was not acted on and the law remained.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211143, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "179\n\nIn an article in a Shanghai paper, the author contended that China was not a civilised nation in the European sense of the term. He explained the difference: \"She has a high civilisation of her own, but she has methods of governing her people which are barbarous to us, and which would give a Chinese Consul in Hong-kong a power over his fellow countrymen which is repugnant to our ideas.\"\n\nOn the other hand, the author was not satisfied with his own country's policy. He charged it with absolutism. He objected, as did Hongkong, to the arbitrary way the Foreign Office imposed its will on Hongkong without prior consultation.\n\nIt was his view that, “absolutism is getting shabby and worn out, at any rate in English-speaking communities, and any minister with a spark of appreciation of modern sentiment, not to mention common courtesy, would have communicated his intentions beforehand to those principally affected and allowed them to state their objections, even if he subsequently overruled them.”\n\nThe Hongkong protesters did state their objections in resolutions which were to be discussed and approved at a public meeting. The resolutions embodied the arguments that had been advanced over the years.\n\nA Chinese consul would make it more difficult to govern the Chinese. One resolution stated that, “the appointment will have a bad effect on the resident Chinese population, weakening their sense of the power and authority of the English Government, setting up in their midst a rival authority to which they will be encouraged to appeal to on all possible occasions.\n\nThe consul would become a rallying point for anti-foreign feeling. The foreign community in China was uneasy and one resolution read thus: \"That in the face of the recent recrudescence of strong anti-foreign feeling... throughout the Empire, it is most unfortunate that a centre should be set up around which any feeling of that sort existing among the heterogeneous mass of Chinese collected in the Colony must necessarily gather.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211152, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "188\n\nclude the Chamber of Commerce in this?” \n\nIn its opinion Hongkong need not fear that a spy was needed to discover these soft spots they were so obvious anyone could see them. \n\nAfter the appointment was withdrawn, the anxieties of those who had so strongly opposed it were alleviated. Four years later, in 1895, the fear of undue influence of Chinese officialdom on Hong-kong affairs was again aroused at the inauguration of a Chinese Chamber of Commerce under the leadership of Ho A-mei. \n\nA CHAMBER TO GIVE CHINESE AN IDENTITY \n\nIn 1895 a building for a Chinese Chamber of Commerce was opened. Ho A-mei was chairman of the organising committee. The opening was the fulfilment of a long-felt need within the Chinese community. \n\nThere had been a need for a proper meeting place for the leaders of the community. Previous centres had not been altogether satisfactory and there had been agitation for something like a Chinese Town Hall for a number of years. The new building of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce was expected to meet this need. \n\nThe demand for a public meeting place attested to the fact that through the years there had emerged out of the heterogeneous collection of Chinese who had settled in Hongkong from various villages and districts recognised leaders, community organisations and a distinct identity. \n\nBoth the leaders and the organisations were an important part of the history of the Chinese in Hongkong and the struggle for visible signs of self-identity. \n\nThe Chinese who came to Hongkong after the British occupation were, on the whole, an unruly lot. \n\nThe officer in charge of Census and Registration describes the state of affairs: \"The arrival of the British fleet in the harbour", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211159, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "195\n\nfor the grant of a site on Possession Point on which they might build a meeting hall.\n\nOn the occasion of the annual official visit to the Governor by the newly elected Tung Wah Committee, they were told that the matter of a meeting place was under consideration. However, no definite action was taken.\n\nThe same meeting that had discussed the need of a kung soh or town hall also considered related questions, such as: “Should the hospital committee in the future participate in anything which affected the interest of the Chinese community at large; had the committee usurped the authority of local officials; and was the hospital a guild detrimental to the interest of the community?”\n\nNo.\n\nThe answer to the first question was yes. To the last two it was no.\n\nThese questions reflected charges frequently made in the English language press against the manner in which the directors of the hospital had conducted their business.\n\nThese charges were an expression of the sense of insecurity underlying the foreign presence in China.\n\nThe colonials were a handful in the midst of a surging, vital and ever growing Chinese population. For all the efforts of the expatriates to recreate the social and political structures of the homeland, Hongkong was at heart Chinese. They had yet to discover and employ adequate ways of relating to this fact.\n\nThey projected their insecurity on the prestige of the Tung Wah Committee within the Chinese community. It was the centre for the self-identity of the Chinese in Hongkong and, as such, it was regarded as a threat to the power and position of the expatriate community.\n\nThis same attitude was expressed at the time of the opening of a Chinese Chamber of Commerce in 1896.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211165, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "201\n\nbrations.\n\nIt was the editor's opinion that, \"the matter is far too important to be left to any self-constituted or semi-private committee.”\n\nHe had his own suggestion as to who should assume leadership:\n\n\"While not wishing to question the good intentions and public spirit of the gentlemen, we would venture to suggest that there are certain members of the community whose position naturally indicates them as the proper parties to take a lead on an occasion of this kind.\n\nHe proposed that the Acting Government, the Chief Justice, or the senior unofficial member of the Legislative Council, or perhaps all three of them, call a public meeting.\n\nIf these gentlemen took the lead, it need not mean that those who had already been discussing the matter would be crowded out, for they \"could doubtless find a place on the committee.” As such they would be in a much better position, “having been regularly appointed and instructed, they would be able to act much more effectively.\"\n\nBut even a committee properly appointed and instructed was no guarantee that things would run smoothly.\n\nSuch an important project should engage the whole community, \"for unless the demonstration be of a thoroughly popular character, heartily joined in by Her Majesty's subjects of every rank and station, it would be better to have no demonstrations at all.\"\n\nHerein was the danger posed by the self-constituted committee: \"We need hardly say that nothing could be more calculated to render the affair unpopular than for a small clique to assume the direction of affairs without any authority from the community at large.\"\n\nHongkong in the nineteenth century was very sensitive about cliques. Their all-pervasive presence disrupted community har-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211172, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "208 \n\nThere was only time in those busy days for a committee to meet on February 17 to pass a resolution that read: “A public meeting should be convened upon Wednesday, March 2 at 4.30 pm, and the Chief Justice shall be asked to preside. All members of the community are invited to attend. The meeting will be held at the City Hall.\" \n\nAfter Mr. Chater's question and the Government's reply, \"Brownie,\" the writer of the regular China Mail column “Fragrant Waters Murmur,” expressed the hope that \"some scheme for celebrating Her Majesty's jubilee will be harmoniously arrived at, and that it will reflect credit upon the community of Hongkong as well as be a permanent good to the Colony and a worthy record to our Queen.\" \n\nUnfortunately, it produced discord rather than harmony. It resulted in the Chinese holding their own meeting on March 28, when harmony did reign. That meeting decided to raise funds for a building for a Chinese Chamber of Commerce. \n\nWHEN EXPATS WAXED OVER GLORIES OF SOVEREIGN \n\nOn March 2, 1887, a public meeting was convened at the City Hall to pass resolutions concerning Hongkong's celebration of the Golden Jubilee year of Queen Victoria. \n\nFive resolutions were passed and several amendments were proposed. The proposer of each resolution gave a speech as did its seconder. It was an occasion upon which Hongkong's would-be Demosthenes could display their oratorical skill. \n\nThe anticipated celebration was one in which national pride could luxuriate. In that day loyal Britons took pride in the worldwide Dominion of the Empire. The occasion was an opportunity for the expatriates in Hongkong, an outpost of that Empire, to express their patriotic sentiments, \n\nIn the nineteenth century imperialists did not question the right of \"civilised nations\" to impose their rule over what were considered the less advanced peoples of the world. The \"white man's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211177, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "213\n\na hall for a Chinese Chamber of Commerce which was eventually opened by Ho A-mei in 1896.\n\nTHE JUBILEE SQUABBLING GOES ON AND ON . . .\n\nHongkong got itself into a muddle attempting to decide on a permanent memorial to mark the celebration of Queen Victoria's golden jubilee year.\n\nA public meeting was held at the City Hall on March 2, 1887, to formulate plans for the celebration. At the meeting it was decided to create a park in the Wongneichong valley to be named after the Queen. Both before and after the meeting many objections were raised to the scheme, which was eventually abandoned.\n\nAt the meeting, the chairman, Sir George Phillippo, in his introductory remarks mentioned a number of proposals that had already been put before the public.\n\nHe referred to an institution to be located in London to display and promote the products of the Empire. A year or so before the Indian and Colonial Exposition had been held. The various possessions of Great Britain had sent examples of their natural resources and products to it.\n\nIt was such a success that plans were put forward for something more permanent. The jubilee seemed an appropriate time to promote such an undertaking.\n\nAt the time, the British people were basking in the extent and importance of their empire. Its many colonies and dominions were rich in raw materials to feed the industries of the United Kingdom.\n\nThe multitude of people of different races under its rule were regarded as an inexhaustible market for the manufactures of the home country.\n\nIn recognition of the financial importance of Britain's possessions the plan for an Imperial Institute in London was launched.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211178, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "214\n\nIts purpose as stated in its Charter of Incorporation was \"to provide for the scientific and technical investigation of raw materials, more particularly those produced within the Empire; with a view to their commercial utilisation, and to supply information respecting the production, commercial employment and value of such materials.”\n\nThe Institute was promoted by the Prince of Wales with the express approval of his mother the Queen. The interest of the Prince and the Queen had been well-publicised throughout the Empire.\n\nThere were those in Hongkong who felt Hongkong could best express its appreciation of the achievements of the fifty years of Her Majesty's reign by making a contribution to a project she had personally endorsed. Others were more reluctant, pointing out that Hongkong had little to benefit from such an institution as it had no valuable natural resources and few industries.\n\nIn view of a general lack of enthusiasm for the Institute, the chairman of the public meeting, in mentioning a subscription to it as a possible way in which Hongkong might commemorate the jubilee, was careful to point out that the residents need not feel under pressure to support the scheme.\n\nHe pointed out that \"Her Majesty with that graciousness which has always characterised her does not wish to force any measure down the throats of any community who are opposed to it, and she is quite willing, as I understand it, to sanction an institution of any kind which will be of service to her peoples in the different colonies.\"\n\nWith these remarks he more or less dismissed the scheme. But the idea was not to be put aside so easily.\n\nIt had a strong advocate in Mr. John Joseph Francis, Queen's Counsel. He seized the opportunity to amend a motion made by Mr. A.P. MacEwen to put the idea before the meeting again.\n\nMr. MacEwen's resolution was twofold: \"That the form of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211179, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "215\n\ncelebration take the form of a permanent institution of some description to be called by Her Majesty's name, and of a fete and general rejoicing.\n\nMr. Francis wished to amend this by striking out the first clause concerning a permanent institution and substitute for it: \"A liberal subscription to the institute for the United Kingdom, India and the Colonies which is now being formed in London.\"\n\nHe then gave his arguments in support of his amendment. He was fearful that Hongkong would not be able to raise enough money to establish by itself an institution worthy of the occasion.\n\nHe pointed out that a very large sum would be needed to purchase ground, put up buildings and provide a proper endowment for an institution in Hongkong. He believed: \"If we are not to put up something worthy of the Colony, we had better do nothing of the sort.\"\n\nHe suggested that the expenses for the fete and rejoicings be paid out of a Jubilee subscription fund and that the balance be sent as a contribution to the proposed institute in London.\n\nThe chairman then had a hurried consultation with Mr. Francis: After it Mr. Francis stated that he had been asked to change his amendment as his designation of a particular project was premature.\n\nA definite proposal for a permanent memorial was to be placed before the meeting in a later resolution.\n\nIn deference to the chairman's opinion, Mr. Francis rephrased his amendment to read: \"That the celebration take the form of a fete and general rejoicing and a liberal subscription to some public purpose.\"\n\nMr. Francis could then, if he wished, propose an amendment to the resolution naming a permanent memorial when it was put. In the amendment he could name the project he favoured.\n\nPage 240\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211182, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "218 \n\nresolution specifying a permanent memorial would be introduced.\n\nThe memorial, which had been approved by a small majority of the planning committee, was the one Mr. Chater had mentioned in his remarks to the Legislative Council in February when he first raised the question of what Hongkong should do. He suggested that the improvement of Wongneichong Valley would make a suitable memorial.\n\nMr. Chater had the honour at the public meeting to table the resolution that the Hongkong community express its regard for their sovereign by creating a park to be called Victoria Park. He was quite aware there were those who opposed the scheme but felt there was enough support to carry the resolution.\n\nInfluential people were behind the scheme. The leaders were those who had occasion to frequent the Valley for racing. Any improvement to the surroundings would make their visits more pleasant.\n\nMr. Chater, of all Hongkong residents, was perhaps the most loyal supporter of the Jockey Club. East Point was nearby. Any enhancement of the valley would please Jardines. It was always well to have the support of the princely Hong.\n\nThe idea of improving the Valley was not new. The need to do something about it was clear almost as soon as the town of Victoria was established.\n\nThe Valley contained the largest area of level ground on the north side of Hongkong Island. To some it seemed the ideal site for the business centre of the new settlement.\n\nIt was soon found, however, to be a death trap for Europeans. Those who chose to build there were decimated by fever and soon the houses on the hills around were abandoned.\n\nThe fever was attributed to \"miasma\" rising from the low-lying damp ground in the valley. Today we know the cause was the bite of the malaria-carrying mosquito which bred in the stagnant pools", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211188, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "224\n\nturned the soil in the Wongneichong Valley for a park. The incipient park already bore his name.\n\nGovernor Bowen was one of Hongkong's unpopular administrators. He was regarded as pompous with an over-developed sense of his own importance.\n\nThis antagonism towards him may possibly have been one reason why the park had received support as a memorial gesture. It would be an indirect expression of the public's disapproval of its late administrator if he were deprived of having his name perpetuated in Hongkong by a public amenity.\n\nDr. Ho Kai reminded the meeting that if looked at in another way the change of the name from Bowen to Victoria was not entirely complimentary to Her Majesty. It was rather like, as he expressed it, offering her \"cast off shoes.\" This remark was greeted with loud applause.\n\nDr. Ho Kai reserved his most serious objection last. It was he said \"a class objection.\" The park would not be welcomed by the Chinese.\n\nThough he did not say so openly, it meant that the community could not expect the Chinese to assist in this aspect of the plans for the jubilee.\n\nThe park would be too far from the centre of town. Not only the Chinese but other less affluent sections of the population would find it too remote.\n\nDr. Ho Kai admitted that for residents near the park and those who liked to take long walks the park would meet a need, but, on the other hand, for the great majority of people living in the town the park would be quite useless, at least for some time to come.\n\nThere were suggestions that circumstances might change. “We speak of having tramways, of the Praya extension, and of connecting east and west, but in regard to this I may use the words of Mr. Chater and say that Government does not undertake these", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211192, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 253, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "228\n\nunmet need. It was pointed out by one speaker at the meeting: \"We are turning out and shall continue to turn out young men more and more advanced, I hope, as the years go by\" here he was referring principally to Central Government School (later Queen's College).\n\n\"But,\" he continued, \"we are not providing in the same ratio suitable wives for them.\" In his view educated men would profit by having educated wives.\n\nThere was also another dimension to the education of females. \"We must also consider that the wife is mother of the future generations, and it would be a great thing, if we were sufficiently ripe for it, to educate the mothers of the future generations who are to dwell among us, and a great thing for the people of the country.\"\n\nIn his day, education for women meant preparation for their lives as wives and mothers, not as in our day for careers in business, the professions, industry or the arts.\n\nIn 1893, the Hongkong philanthropist, Emanuel Raphael Belilios, gave money to establish a middle school for girls. Today it is located on Tin Hau Temple Road.\n\nAnother memorial scheme discussed was a home to care for girls and women rescued from brothels. Many of these had been purchased and their status was not far from slavery. The buying and selling of children and women was prohibited in Hongkong, but its control was difficult. The demand for girls was great enough to encourage kidnapping in China and their transportation to Hongkong or to overseas Chinese communities.\n\nIn an effort to check these abuses and protect women and girls, the Po Leung Kuk had been organised in 1880. It was promoted by leading Chinese merchants and had been approved by the Government.\n\nNo provision had been made at that time, however, for the housing of those who came under the Society's protection. The intention was to send them back to their homes in China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211193, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 254, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "229\n\nAccommodation was needed until the girls could be repatriated. There were others who had no one in China to receive them and they needed to be cared for until proper arrangements could be made for their future.\n\nThe Tung Wah Hospital, however, agreed to make room for them, but, as a Government report states: \"There were no arrangements for the separation of the older from the younger girls, and no attempt at education, and the girls were, not unnaturally, a cause of annoyance to the Tung Wah Hospital patients.\"\n\nThe proposal for a hostel for children and young women, \"who have been rescued from a life of infamy and vice,\" was not adopted as a jubilee memorial. The discussion, however, prompted the Tung Wah to build five houses on New Street nearby the hospital.\n\nThe top floors of the houses were to be used as a home for the girls and women and the ground and first floors were to be let as shops and residences. The Po Leung Kuk had anticipated that the rent income would be handed to them for the expenses of the hostel. Instead, the Government decided they should be paid to the general fund of the Government treasury.\n\nThe Po Leung Kuk refused to occupy the quarters. It claimed they were not suitable and that the Kuk had no funds for their maintenance. It was also reluctant to sever connections with the Tung Wah Hospital for it had been underwriting some of the Kuk's expenses.\n\nTung Wah also featured in another proposal. There was a need for an institution for the poor. This would relieve the hospital from being used as a temporary refuge for them.\n\nNone of these schemes was greeted with much enthusiasm by the expatriate community because they would be of benefit to the Chinese only. And the Chinese when they came to consider their own jubilee memorial did not choose a charitable institution but settled for a meeting hall for a Chinese Chamber of Commerce.\n\nThe proposed park scheme, which had been adopted at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211203, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "239\n\nAs evidence he said: \"We have only to watch the amusements of the juveniles on some level bit of ground to mark how ready they are to discard the old games of shuttlecock and kite flying for the more exciting amusement of cricket or leap frog.”\n\nHe observed: \"During the season of our athletic sports it has often touched me to see how eager are the Portuguese and Chinese to imitate our own youngsters in racing and jumping, and how ingeniously they turn the Tanks in Bonham Road into happy hunting grounds.”*\n\nHis formula to nourish a healthy and vigorous population in Hongkong was to provide them literally with “a wide field.\" A prescription that is still valid.\n\nAs an example of civic endeavour to provide recreational facilities, he cited the movement in England promoted by Miss Olivia Hall and Lord Brabazon to convert neglected graveyards into playgrounds.\n\nHe concludes with the pious remark: “Let us strive for such improvements in our own Hongkong and the blessings of posterity will rest upon us.”\n\nJUBILEE MEETING GROWS TENSE\n\nAND GETS OUT OF ORDER\n\nThe first public meeting to consider plans for Hongkong's celebration of Queen Victoria's Jubilee was followed by a separate meeting of the Chinese and two meetings by the Europeans. The two expatriate meetings illustrated the need to adhere to parliamentary procedure in conducting a meeting.\n\nNeither meeting successfully settled the issue for which they were called. Instead they added to the confusion of the community in its attempt to formulate plans for the Jubilee.\n\nThe chairman of the first public meeting had been the Chief Justice. Under his direction it had proceeded in an orderly fashion, even though its decision regarding a park as a memorial to the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211205, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 266, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "241\n\nOnly one letter was received. It was from Dr. Patrick Manson who proposed building a sanitarium at the Peak for the sick and convalescent.\n\nThe meeting started inauspiciously. It had been called for 4.30pm at the City Hall. When the hour arrived there were only four or five people present. Obviously they could not proceed. Half an hour later there were sufficient present to begin. The attendance, however, was far below that of the first meeting.\n\nOn looking around it was noted that high-ranking government officials had decided not to attend the meeting. They had become somewhat wary of public meetings. They found themselves in an embarrassing position due to their presence at the previous meeting when a plan had been adopted which reflected badly on Hongkong's regard for Governor Sir George Bowen.\n\nThe Governor was on leave and it was not expected his appointment would be renewed. Rumours, however, reached Hongkong after the meeting that he was to sail for the East. It was not clear whether he was returning as Governor of Hongkong or for some other purpose. As it turned out, his term was not renewed. At any rate, prudence dictated that Government officers should avoid meetings which reflected the local animosity towards Sir George.\n\nAfter the opening formalities, the letter of Dr. Manson was read. The chairman then asked for an expression of opinion on the sanitarium scheme. No one responded, instead Mr. W. E. Crow, a government pharmacist, introduced the idea of a public library and reading room,\n\nFollowing Mr. D. R. Crawford's seconding of his proposal, Mr. Crow asked for clarification on a point of procedure. Would Dr. Manson's project be voted on before his own, or would his be voted on as an amendment to Dr. Manson's? The chairman ruled that as Dr. Manson's proposal had not been seconded and Mr. Crow's had, it was the latter which should be voted on.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211206, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 267, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "242\n\nMr. John Francis, a barrister who always seemed to have an opinion about correct procedure and was quick to voice it, spoke up: \"It seems to me, sir, with great respect, we are having at present simply suggestions. If anyone has anything to put forward let it be put in a formal shape in writing and get it finally proposed and seconded.”\n\nHe then spoke about his own pet scheme, the Colonial Institute in London. He admitted that it was practically a lost cause, but this did not deter him. As he had not been able before the meeting to secure a seconder, he asked: \"Will any gentleman do me the favour to second it.\" None did.\n\nInstead Mr. Fraser-Smith, the editor of the Hongkong Telegraph, asked the chairman to instruct the meeting as to whether the resolutions passed at the previous meeting, with the exception of the one for the park, were still in force. After a lengthy discussion, it was decided the proper procedure was to start with an entirely clean slate.\n\nThe first resolution of the previous meeting was proposed, seconded and adopted expeditiously. The Honourable A. P. MacEwen proposed the second resolution: \"That the celebration take the form of a permanent institution of some description to be called by Her Majesty's name, and of a fete and general rejoicings.\" Before it could be seconded, Mr. J. Macgregor asked if the memorial was confined to the Colony.\n\nThe chairman immediately replied that it was. Then when he proceeded to read the resolution, he realised it was not, and exclaimed, “Well, it does not say so.\" The admission provoked a peal of laughter. To redeem himself, the chairman commented: \"But that was the intention.”\n\nMr. Francis objected that it might have been the intention of the last meeting to confine the memorial to the colony, in as much as when they had passed the resolution they had had the park scheme in mind, but now, if they were starting with no preconceptions, the whole thing was open.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211212, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 273, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "248\n\nhad been heard saying as he left: “Anything more idiotic than a public meeting in Hongkong I never saw.\" The editor felt the whole affair had been a ridiculous farce reflecting little credit on the common sense of the community.\n\nIt was also reported that the published account of the meeting upon which I have based my account gave but \"a faint idea of the vast amount of meaningless talk and the playing at cross purposes which took place.\"\n\nThe paper was particularly critical of Mr. Ryrie's refusal to have a recount on a disputed vote. It pointed out that he himself had spoken in support of the motion, then when the vote on the motion he had supported was challenged, he paid no heed to a request for a recount or a statement regarding the number of votes cast.\n\nThe editor graciously excused Mr. Ryrie from \"a desire to catch a vote by a trick, rather than to hold the scales fairly and impartially.\" He believed that “in the case of Mr. Ryrie, whose love of fair play is proverbial, it is impossible to draw such an inference, and we are driven back on the supposition that the extraordinary course he adopted was due simply to testiness of temper.\"\n\nThe news writer regretted that Bishop Burdon's suggestion of a committee to consider plans was not adopted. He viewed as remote the possibility that the next meeting would arrive at a definite opinion regarding a memorial. A committee would have been able to give considered deliberation to each scheme, as it was, he said that \"a scheme would likely be adopted by a 'flukey' vote.\"\n\nNot only Mr. Ryrie but also Mr. Crow came in for criticism. In the 1880s there were strict social divisions in Hongkong. Stepping out of one's place upset the social order. One newspaper correspondent intimated that Mr. Crow had been presumptuous in speaking out at the meeting to propose his suggestion for a memorial.\n\nAt public meetings it was customary that resolutions and remarks were made only by well-established community leaders.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211215, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 276, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "251\n\nbring to fruition. Inquiries by a committee and reports to future meetings would take months. This leisurely pace would be acceptable if Her Majesty were to live for a hundred years. They all hoped she would, he piously added, but the implication of his remark was that this was too much to expect even from so good and gracious a personage and therefore they had better get the matter done with while she was still on the throne.\n\nHe pleaded for immediate action: “Why should we go on adjourning the meeting and waiting for special reports? Why cannot we settle it at once?” His method to achieve this end was “to scrape together what money we can get and have a general illumination.” By this he meant the decoration of buildings with gas lights and Chinese lanterns.\n\nAfter a great deal of discussion it was decided to vote on whether the meeting should decide at that time on the form of the celebration. The vote was 19 for an immediate decision and 11 against.\n\nTo decide that a decision should be made at once was much simpler than doing it. Each scheme was to be voted on. The illumination idea received only four votes. The party in favour of a library mustered nine. The meeting seemed headed towards acceptance of the sanitarium. But in the Jubilee affair it was destined that nothing should proceed as expected. The vote for it was 19 for and 18 against.\n\nRemembering the criticism levied against the chairman for ignoring a disputed vote on the same proposal at the last meeting, the secretary deemed it wise to have a second count. This time the vote had shifted with 20 for and 21 against. In the face of such uncertainty, it was necessary to have a third vote. This was a tie.\n\nThe chairman felt he need not now worry about false counts, and with some satisfaction declared: “I have the casting vote.” Mr. Ackroyd challenged this. He was supported by Mr. McClymont who said the chairman had no casting vote unless it was especially conferred on him. The chairman replied: “Then we are at a deadlock.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211220, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 281, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "256\n\nI had been interested in social history in England and started to look for books about the New Territories, in particular on the Southern District, but soon found there was practically nothing. After a while, I realized that papers had been written but they were usually in journals that were not easy to get hold of in Hong Kong; and there was not very much anyway in English. I suppose that spurred me on to do more than I might have done. I was rather cross about it, I recall, because I gathered that many of the local settlements had been there for many centuries. The Shek Pik village alone was established in the middle of the Ming Dynasty, in the 15th century, and possibly before that.\n\nFaced with a challenge, I began to look around for materials that would tell me more about the district and its people. I soon noticed that the temples and some other buildings contained inscribed tablets, sometimes about the repair of the building and sometimes about law cases in the long ago when the District Magistrate, or the local people after asking the Magistrate, had stone tablets put there commemorating legal decisions. I collected copies of these inscriptions and other documentary material, like land deeds, family papers, account books and genealogies (a point to which I will return later in this talk). I interviewed persons in their homes, and they were nervous for reasons not connected with the impositions of research. Once some people were very fidgety, and I couldn't understand why. This was in a fishing village on the shores of Junk Bay. I looked down, and saw that I was sitting on what I hoped was an expended tin of explosives! They liked fishing with dynamite, and they still do. In fact, there was a letter from a lady from Tolo Harbour in the South China Morning Post only the other day asking 'how come they are still dynamiting?' This goes right back to 1904 and probably earlier, when the reports of the Alice Memorial Hospital contained reports about fishermen coming in with missing hands or legs.\n\nI persuaded other District Officers to get their staff to record these tablets, too, and built up a collection of inscriptions with other people's help of about 30 or 40 of them. However, I couldn't do anything with them. My Chinese was not good enough to handle that material. In any case, some of the tablets were defaced and some characters were hard to read or even missing. It required", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211224, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 285, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "tually the day will come when somebody else will have to do the project all over again, and take in everything from 1945 onwards. This is also true. Then, of course, we were working on a small budget. It was not possible to employ somebody to do the photo-copying and make rubbings and I did not know how to do them, my photography was not good enough, and so on.\n\nEventually, there was a compromise, because after we had got the whole collection done the Museum of History became interested in publishing the lot and holding an exhibition. They got some people to help them make rubbings, and I made suggestions as to which were the ones to be selected on grounds of calligraphy and art as well as history.\n\nThe main drawback of hand-copying is, of course, that errors creep in rather easily. We had to proof-read the whole lot, but even then we still had a lot of errors. Once you have rubbings, the errors are obvious. So the more rubbings you make, the more work you make for yourselves. At the moment I've got the nasty task of going through all our inscriptions again, piece by piece, to make sure that I can correct as many errors as possible.\n\nAs you can see, the project took me into the villages. Walking around the villages is a very instructive experience. Here, I suppose I should say something about the state of sinological research at the time (the 1970's). What we are learning from the New Territories has a lot to do with the sinological background as well as my own narrower interests. You see, if you talk with villagers and you ask to be directed to temples and ancestral halls, and you ask about the history of these buildings (or what they thought was the history of these buildings), and you go into village festivals, it doesn't take very long to realise that we social historians of China do not know very much about rural Chinese society. Historians working with historical documents incorporate an elitist bias into their writings, whilst field researchers (which in Sinology usually means the anthropologists) lack sufficient historical perspective. There are exceptions, but they are rather rare.\n\nMoreover, in the post-war period, specialists in Chinese social\n\nPage 285\nPage 286", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211227, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "263\n\nThis old lady said \"Well, if you want my history, I can sit down here and talk for days and days—but I am not giving it to you\". Of course, you know very well, the moment she said it, that she means she wants a listener. She doesn't want us to get information too easily. So you hang on and stay there, and learn to be fairly thick-skinned. Presently, she began a fascinating story of what happened to her during the Second World War. What happened also illustrates what happened in the family.\n\nI won't go into details; but just to give you a clue, she married the youngest and least important son of a very unimportant family in the village. To make things worse, she was a refugee from China at the beginning of the war, and her family was so poor (I can always remember the line she gave me) that she had to go up to her future husband's family to ask for the other five dollars that they owed her as part of the “bride price”. You can imagine the loss of 'face' that was associated with a woman coming up to the door of her future husband to ask for the last five dollars! Worse still, her husband was taken away by the Japanese and she was there on her own ever after. It is one of these very very sorrowful stories you hear when tears actually flowed; and I think not only from her but also from some of the people who were with me.\n\nWe called our project the ‘Oral History Project', as we began thinking that we would rely primarily on interviews. Of course we couldn't use a detailed questionnaire with people of this kind, so I drew up a list of topics we would need to get information on, such as the outline history of the area. We supplemented those with other things which we could ask people as we got to know them better. Very soon, it was clear that village festivals were important events from which much could be learned about village organisation and history, and I began to make a point of going to them. It was not always possible to adhere to a plan of working only within a designated district. At times, you get to be told of a contact elsewhere who is willing to be interviewed; and if he is 85, you don't want to wait another five years before you go to him! You take whatever opportunity that comes up, and that often takes you out of your way. And so before very long, we were doing three lines of research work at the same time.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211228, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 289, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "264\n\nIn the course of interviewing systemically within the district and going to all the festivals, and also doing what we call 'spot interviews', we began to discover that villagers had in their possession a lot of books. Our first big find in this area was a box in the house of a Taoist priest who kindly and generously allowed us to photocopy all the books in it. These were handwritten, and some of them were not even used in his time. We also found quite a few in Shatin, and then all sorts of other things turned up. At the moment, what we call the \"Historical Literature of the New Territories\" runs into 30,000 photocopied sheets, and more material is coming in all the time. Photocopies of these papers have been made for various libraries, here and abroad, in view of their historical importance. I should also mention a project on collecting folk songs in the New Territories, which is being sponsored by the Hong Kong Museum of History.\n\nIn hindsight, the organisation we had was rather too simple. Working in the way we did, we in fact needed a much greater amount of institutional support than we actually had. The problem is, you need a certain amount of continuity. You see, strangely enough, money is not the biggest issue. Continuity is needed to build up and sustain your contacts. People also need a place to work in, which we never really had. It has got to the stage where if somebody really wants to go on working along these lines, collecting interview materials and documents, he has to give up all his writing, which is quite impossible. On the other hand, the price you pay for writing without continuing to collect is that a lot of the material will be lost. Old people will simply not be around for so long, and the books will be thrown away before they are collected. Unfortunately, so far no institution has come forward to support a project of this sort. The people who are involved are working in their personal capacities and doing whatever they can. But because we have not got a better organisation, more will be lost than need be the case.\n\nPatrick Hase\n\nWell I'll also start by saying how I started in this field. Like other people now keenly interested in village life in Hong Kong, I was not initially interested in the subject. Then I became District", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211229, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 290, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "265\n\nOfficer of Shatin, and was closely involved in a large number of negotiations with village groups affected by development of the New Town. I soon obtained a very clear understanding of the village society that was consistently being expressed and explained to me by the contacts of our own making. I became interested, without any background in Sinology or Chinese studies of any sort whatsoever. I had never read any books on Chinese social studies until after I had already worked out in my own mind what sort of society was being expressed to me by the village contacts. When I went to the books, I found that I was unable to recognise anything that I was seeing in my work.\n\nIt was then suggested to me by James that Shatin might be a good place for David's people to start work. I was very enthusiastic about this, on the grounds that it was quite clear that there was a major difference between the society that was there and the society that the classic works on China were expressing. I also very strongly support what James and David have been saying about the lack of support these new studies have received from all major institutions in Hong Kong, and in particular the two Universities in Hong Kong, most of whose senior staff seem to regard village studies as \"irrelevant, minor and sub-standard dirty work\".\n\nBe that as it may, when I was shown some of the Chinese books that had been found and it was suggested that there might be some in Shatin, I used my position as District Officer to coax and encourage the villagers into letting us know what they had, and this drew me very quickly into an interviewing programme of my own. A District Officer attends many functions and almost all my interviews took place over lunch and dinner tables at official banquets, when there is nothing whatsoever to talk about, and you might just as well talk about this as about anything else. Over many months of seeing local village leaders at official banquets, we talked about the people around the tables' childhood and their memories of it.\n\nThis got me very deeply into listening to people talking about daily life in the Chinese village. Day after day, I was hearing things that I was later unable to trace any reference to in any book available to me, and almost every time I would come back with facets", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 298, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "273\n\nperson who has really done it is James in his two books, and with a bit of luck we will see more of this in the future.\n\nJames Hayes\n\nI think we had better go over to questions. Who would like to open?\n\n(Pause)\n\nPatrick How much of the raw information that has been accumulated so far is being studied? Has anybody analysed any of the information, or has this yet to be done?\n\nJH - No, I don't think so, apart from David and perhaps Dr. Alice Ng. Do you know of anyone else in the Chinese University who is using it?\n\nPH - No. To answer my own question, I think the problem is, it is probably too early, actually. When you are doing this sort of work, you start from a fixed point and work out. I was at one fixed point in Sha Tin because I was District Officer and could put the “squeeze\" on people who were reluctant to discuss! There were other fixed points in Sai Kung, and there have been other fixed points elsewhere, but the compact nets around these various fixed points don't link up. There are still lots of blank spaces, like the map of Africa in the 19th Century. This includes almost the whole of the western New Territories. I doubt if we have even dipped our toe in water in more than a tenth of the New Territories yet. If you read James's recent book carefully with this in mind, you will see how patchy the information is on the area; lots from Lantau and Cheung Chau and bits from here and bits from there, and huge blank areas where there is nothing at all.\n\nJH That's right, simply because if one is going to do anything, especially if you are a civil servant lucky enough to have a job that takes you to a part of the New Territories, you can only work there. I was never in a position where I could go to work anywhere else. I concentrated on the areas that were accessible to me and where I had contacts. That's the way it has had to be built up.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211238, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 299, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "274\n\nI suppose I should mention one thing. The Geography and Geology Department of the University of Hong Kong has long had a programme of geographic studies, not just for a higher degree but for BA degrees, and there is quite a lot of good information tucked away there. Also, there is a map library at Hong Kong University which probably contains quite a lot of material on this region and on Guangdong generally.\n\nDF - A long time ago, I remember, someone talked about wanting to make a map of the coast-line of Hong Kong. It always seemed to me that this is one of the essential things you have got to have, but you need a geographer. Was it ever done?\n\nJH I think someone has done it for the urban area. A person called Hudson wrote a PhD thesis about 1971 on reclamation, but no one has done it for the New Territories, where the amount of land which has been reclaimed from the sea in many places is quite considerable, particularly on the western side, in Deep Bay on the Pearl river. Charles Grant, the Professor of Geography at Hong Kong University, has written an article on this subject.\n\nPH But it is the western side which none of us here tonight knows at all well. The whole of the traditional economy of the marsh villages is totally unknown. Nobody really knows how the kei wai and the oyster beds were managed. You can find out how they are managed now, but I don't think we know anything about how the villagers worked them say 70 years ago.\n\nJH It all goes to show that the variety of situations, both social and economic, in relatively such a small area as the New Territories is truly amazing, even in the areas that I know reasonably well, never mind those that I still don't know; which, as you've said, are the majority.\n\nPH When we were working in Shatin, we came across a phenomenon which interested me very greatly, one of the many things about which I would like to do more. This is, those villagers who did not have enough land to live on but had a speciality, a trade, a single knowledge which the other villagers nearby didn't have, and which they could trade for rice. In Shatin there were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211243, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 304, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "279\n\ndated this year may be found at the Tam Kung Temple that is now located at Blue Pool Road. The other temple, in Shaukiwan, was built in 1905. There was once also a Tam Kung Temple in Tokwawan in Kowloon, but it was demolished to make way for a road, which has been named Tam Kung Road in remembrance of the temple.\n\nANTHONY K.K. SIU\n\nNOTES\n\nSee Hui-chou fu-chih 1881 edition, ch. 44.\n\nibid. ch. 12.\n\nTHE CANNON IN THE KOWLOON WALLED CITY\n\nTwo old muzzle-loading cannon, each about twelve feet long, can be found in front of No. 2, Lung Chun Road in the Kowloon Walled City. See Plates 24-25,\n\nThe inscriptions on both cannon are legible. They were cast in the same year under the same supervision. The inscriptions read as follows:-\n\nIn the mid-spring month of the 7th year of reign of Chia-ch’ing (1802) 嘉慶七年仲春月\n\n+\n\nL\n\nWu, Acting Governor of Kwangtung WM, Chueh-lo-chi, Assistant High Chancellor, and Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi2, Sun, Commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung (Marine) Forces ORIENT Zhang (?), Commissioner of Salt Transport of Kwangtung and Kwangsi\n\nsupervised the manufacture of this\n\n4000 catties cannon #4 TAG.\n\nThe other cannon bears the same inscription but weighs 5000 catties.\n\nDuring that time, the coastal area was infested by pirates. Viceroy Chueh-lo-chi ordered the casting of cannon for the fortification of the coast of Kwangtung. These two cannon must be", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211260, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 321, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "296\n\nIndividual treaty ports in China as well as other parts of Asia, large and small, are receiving attention from scholars. Meanwhile, British Mandarins and Chinese Reformers should be read by all who are interested in modern China or who are interested in the British in Asia. Dr. Atwell has made a significant contribution to our knowledge of how the British administered one small locality and coped with demands of modern forces. Her work can be used as a guide or springboard for comparison of British colonial policy in various East Asian places, such as Brunei and the Straits Settlements, Hankow, Tientsin, and Shanghai, say, with Hong Kong tossed in for good measure.\n\nWEI PEH T'I*\n\nSteven A. Leibo, Transferring Technology to China, Prosper Giquel and the Self-strengthening Movement, China Research Monograph 28, Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, Center for Chinese Studies, 1985.\n\nProsper Giquel, edited by Steven A. Leibo, A Journal of the Chinese Civil War 1864. Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press, 1985.\n\nThese two works, one of compilation and assessment based on a doctoral dissertation, the other of translation (with the help of Debbie Weston) and annotation with a lengthy introduction, have a considerable intrinsic interest because they deal with a rather extraordinary man. They have also a degree of relevance, over a century later, for the West's involvement with present-day China's modernizing programme.\n\nThey are to be read in conjunction with other modern works on this period of China's self-strengthening efforts, including those listed in Dr. Leibo's introduction to Transferring Technology.\n\nProsper Giquel, a French naval officer, came to China during the Second China War. After service with the Joint Commission\n\n* Wei Peh T'i is Honorary Lecturer, Department of History, and Research Associate, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong. She is the author of Shanghai: Crucible of Modern China (1987).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211264, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 325, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "300\n\nOnce one has read the prologue, and absorbed the author's background and motivation, derived from having been an exile (in Hong Kong) from his native place at intervals during the early part of his life, it does not really matter whether one reads the book from start to finish or (as I did) takes up those chapters that appeal most. All are of interest. If I have to make a selection, I liked the account of his father (1888-1959), a bitter-sweet and it seemed to me — quintessentially Chinese individual who lived in trying times; a brilliant man who perhaps deserved to have had a more favourable arena for his talents, and certainly after he left Shanghai to rejoin his family in Hong Kong in 1949. There were so many years of enforced idleness in both places. Personal accounts like this tell us more than the historical record, and illuminate the times more effectively.\n\nI like the author's notes to the chapters: over 40 pages between pp. 471-511. They are not only a guarantee that he has done a good job: they also help interested readers to look into books and sources of which they are not aware. Take, for example, his description (pp. 38-39) of the formalities and practices of marriage in Sung times in his opening chapter on the Sung poet Qin Guan, the subject of the first biography in the book. He cites his source and adds useful information (p. 473). When describing the arranged marriage that was the norm until recent times, and still lingers on here and there in and outside China, he adds that this is why the event was described as the family taking “a new daughter-in-law” rather than as \"a son taking a bride” (p. 40). See also note 14 on p. 499 and note 12 on p. 501 together with the upper plate on the 10th page of illustrations I'm giving no clues, look for yourselves! In short, he illuminates as well as entertains.\n\nBy now, readers will have gathered that I like this book. Of course, in such a large work (528 pages) and in an academic field that is very demanding and exacting for those who write in it, there are bound to be places in the text where the reader's own studies may refute or add to it. Contrary to what Mr. Ching says in the prologue (p. 20), recent collecting and oral history projects in the New Territories have shown that most, if not all, Chinese lineages, including those comprised of the peasants who made up the great bulk of the population, have kept written genealogies, albeit few of them got published like those of the Qin and other major lineages or, until recently, found their way into the great library collections of the West.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211265, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 326, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "301\n\nI understand that Mr. Ching is contemplating a book about the major families of Hong Kong, descended from successful men who came here in the 19th century with little more than their wits. On the showing of his first historical work, I cannot think of a more suitable person to undertake this task than Mr. Ching, and I hope that, warts and all, he gets all the cooperation and understanding of the requirements of the job from the families concerned.\n\nFrom there, or in the process, he could perhaps take up the true history of families great and small during the years of the Japanese Occupation of the colony, where the same rules apply. The job needs to be done, because of the way in which leading families have shunned the very mention of these years. Shanghai was not the only place where, as Mr. Ching writes (p. 458), the returning authorities looked down on those who had lived under the Japanese as tainted.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nMind Landscapes: the Paintings of C. C. Wang, by Jerome Silbergeld, Henry Art Gallery, University of Washington Press (Seattle and London), 1987.\n\n132 pp. + plates, bibliography, index, US$40.00 (cloth); US$19.95 (paper).\n\nC. C. Wang is certainly one of the most intriguing Chinese artists in the later twentieth century. His life chronicles cataclysmic changes many Chinese have endured and his path — artist, collector, connoisseur, businessman and exile was rarely clear. He was called upon to continuously redefine his relationship with China and the West as he travelled, explored and matured.\n\nHaving been born into a Suzhou family of mandarins in Imperial China in 1907 and having had a traditional Chinese education till the age of 14 assured young Wang the basis for blossoming into a twentieth-century version of the literati. But young Wang longed for a Western-style education, into which he switched at age fourteen and from which he went on to study law in Shanghai at China's distinguished Suzhou Law School. But his art education, which started as he learned to read and write, was carried on simultaneously and ever more seriously. Over time he had many art teachers and, indeed, became a teacher himself at an early age.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211268, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 329, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "304\n\nSteve Yui-sang Tsang, Democracy Shelved, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1988.\n\nThough about the 1945-1952 period, Democracy Shelved is important and timely because its publication coincides with another period in which plans for democracy in Hong Kong have been shelved.\n\nSteve Yui-sang Tsang, a Research Associate at Wolfson-St. Antony's Chinese Studies Centre and Rhodes House Library, Oxford, has written a blow-by-blow account of the abortive attempt to introduce major constitutional reforms in Hong Kong in the immediate post-war period, when decolonisation was in the air.\n\nThe book is important for the light it sheds on an important historical period but, even more so, for its illumination of the reasons behind events transpiring today.\n\nOn one level, it is the role of personalities. Sir Mark Young retired before he could see his reforms, dubbed the Young Plan, implemented. Similarly, Sir Edward Youde died before his proposal \"to develop progressively a system of government the authority for which is firmly rooted in Hong Kong, which is able to represent authoritatively the views of the people of Hong Kong, and which is more directly accountable to the people of Hong Kong,\" could take shape.\n\nBut Steve Tsang shows that Young was no wild-eyed radical. His reforms were moderate. And he was enough of a realist to know the importance of China's views on the colony. That is why he recommended the appointment of a Political Adviser to the Hong Kong governor who would be a specialist on Chinese affairs.\n\nSteve Tsang concludes by raising the question whether failure to implement the Young Plan represents a lost chance. His answers it in the affirmative, concluding: “On balance, it would appear that the Young Plan could have worked successfully during the period under study.\"\n\nThe reader is free to draw his own conclusions as to what the ramifications would be for today's Hong Kong as it wrestles with the need for political reforms on the eve of its return to Chinese sovereignty.\n\nFRANK CHING", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211299, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "appointed. [His appointment has now been confirmed]\n\nI have advised Members of these facts, because I did not mention the Society's new link with the Antiquities Advisory Board in my last annual Report, as I ought.\n\nFinance\n\nThe Hon. Treasurer has given an account of our present position, and expectations for the coming year. It is clear from our financial position over the past few years that, even with increased subscriptions, we can barely make ends meet. The rising cost of services and publication make this inevitable. We have already used part of our reserves to meet deficits last year. We should now be looking for ways to replace what has been spent in this way, and also to add to our funds, in order to further the aims and objects of the Society in Hong Kong.\n\nSome of you may recall that we celebrated our 25th anniversary by a joint publication with Oxford University Press. We would like to publish more in this way, but need funds to do so. We also considered an annual prize Essay in English on a Hong Kong subject, and would like to take this idea further. It could be at two or three levels, in schools and tertiary institutions, and should be made a valuable prize in order to attract enough competition.\n\nWith these and other needs for more funds in mind, Phillip Bruce of the Council has suggested a new type of institutional membership, in addition to the scholarly institutional one that has existed since the re-establishment of the Branch. The Council has supported this idea, which is being put to the AGM for consideration tonight. There is no doubt that we could put extra funds to good use, and members are asked to consider the suggestion carefully and support it if they can. In this connection, I have just discovered from the latest Journal of our parent Society that it now has a number of “Corporate Subscribers\", as they are styled, \"whose generosity sustains its work, including the publication of the Journal\". They include The Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, Matheson and Co. Plc and John Swire and Sons Ltd. Enough said, I think!\n\n!\n\nxiv\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211300, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "Conclusion\n\nLest you might think otherwise, this report is not intended to be that of a mutual admiration society! True, we have succeeded in doing more for our ever-growing number of members, but there is still much to do to make the Society really measure up to the needs of the membership in the context of present-day Hong Kong, and to make more of an impact on the community than we have to date. Ways to do this were spelled out in our Symposium Report, and I shall mention a few of them here.\n\nNow that we are stronger in our organization and backup services, we need to strengthen our links with other local societies. This is the task of the External Links Committee, and they have already begun their work. Greater mutual knowledge and unity will not only increase benefits to members through having more joint functions, it will also protect us and enable us to defend our common interests at need. Such a need was perceived a few months ago, as I have noted above. On a more positive note, the opportunities for supporting the public interest can be better utilized with stronger links with other cultural bodies.\n\nThe need for more Chinese members was also mentioned in the Report. An Ad Hoc Committee has had a preliminary look at this matter. First steps include an updated Brochure which explains the origins, programmes, and aims of the Society in Hong Kong. This has been tabled tonight, and a Chinese version will be available shortly. Media interviews on the Society are being arranged periodically, usually in connection with interesting items in our Programme, and these will include some given in the Chinese language.\n\nHowever, it is thought that the main incentive for English-speaking Chinese to join the Society is through personal contact and outreach by our existing Chinese members. If they are happy with and in the Society, we can be sure of recruiting others. This is very much in the Chinese way. Expatriate members can help by being friendly and outgoing on our local visits. By these means, we will keep our Chinese members and add to their numbers. Already, there are welcome signs that this is happening. It is a better means than running special drives for Chinese members, although this has also been under consideration.\n\nXV", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211311, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "3\n\nduring the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, the Sino-Vietnamese water world was a region further linked by the dynamics of a covert, illegal, but highly utilitarian exchange: the iron of China for the rice of Vietnam. The rice surpluses of Vietnam were important to the burgeoning Cantonese population no longer able to feed itself, but Vietnamese law forbade the exportation of rice. At the same time the Chinese were barred from exporting the iron so greatly desired across the border that Vietnamese officials often waived their own regulations for Chinese junks that brought it in by reducing or eliminating the customary port duties. Because each country needed products from the other and open trade was not possible, a well-established smuggling operation, in which the line between smuggling and piracy was often very thin, resulted.\n\nFinally, there was at all times within the water world a pool of potential pirates. Most numerous among them were the fishermen who almost always had trouble making ends meet, merchants and petty traders whose businesses had failed, outlaws, whose last recourse in fleeing from justice was the sea, and other ne'er-do-wells whom Wei Yuan indiscriminately labelled as \"scum of the coast\". In short, these were the flotsam of the earth, who, after having been pushed off the land, found themselves in desperate straits at the water's edge.\n\nTheir combined energies gave rise to the petty piracy of part-time fishermen-pirates that flourished along the Sino-Vietnamese border for centuries. Petty piracy was a small-scale affair consisting of limited groups of between ten and thirty men who possessed at most a single junk or two. Although such gangs might come together and disperse several times in the course of their activities, each functioned as a single, independent unit whose members were simultaneously connected to no other groups. Survival was their goal and their tactics consisted of sporadic raids and hit and run attacks.\n\nWas there then some kind of ecological or environmental crisis which can account for the dramatic upsurge in Chinese piracy at the end of the eighteenth century? The answer appears to be \"no\", for although ecology can explain why piracy persisted within the water world for centuries, there seems to be no major environmental crisis that can provide a single-handed explanation for the growth of piracy. The overall", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "16\n\nNOT SO CALM AN ADMINISTRATION:\n\nTHE ANGLO-FRENCH OCCUPATION OF CANTON,\n\n1858-1861\n\nSTEVEN A. LEIBO*\n\nOne of the more persistent myths of early Sino-European relations is the calm which is said to have prevailed during the three year long Anglo-French occupation of Canton, 1858-1861. As described by one of the best recent histories of modern China:\n\nA few years later when Canton was occupied by the British in 1857, the Cantonese showed no sign of unruliness and foreigners could walk about unmolested, without the slightest sign of resistance or animosity.\n\nThe reality, though, was far different. The Cantonese, long resistant to British demands that they allow foreigners within the walls of their city, continued for quite some time to make life very difficult for the occupying forces. In fact, very considerable resistance was carried out against the foreign military establishment and the mixed units of Sino-European police which worked with them.\n\nThe purpose of this essay is to illustrate elements of the allied occupation, the administrative structure established for the city's governance and the various issues, among them the occupation itself, and the coolie trade, which at times made Allied control of Canton considerably more precarious than we have been led to believe.\n\nThe initial occupation\n\nThe origins of the Second Opium War, or Arrow War as it is often called, are well known and need no more than adumbration here. Certainly, the allied sense that the Opium War treaties, signed more than a decade before, needed revision, as well as long running difficulties between the British and the Cantonese over the right of the former to\n\n* Associate Professor, Dept. of History, Russell Sage College, New York.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211328, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "20\n\nthe available administrative records that both Governor Po-Kuei's co-operation and that of his staff were vitally important to the smooth running of the occupation. This was understood quite early when initially there had been considerable concern that the Governor would not be able to gain the support of his staff and then again later, when tensions arose, the Governor's efforts to abandon his post were blocked since without his co-operation nothing could be done. A year later when Po-Kuei died, there was considerable concern lest his successor be less co-operative.\n\n20\n\nAware both of their need to work through the Chinese and the complications of the situation, the allies put considerable thought into planning an appropriate division of responsibilities for the new city government. Po-Kuei was duly sequestered in the inner sections of the official yamen while allied sentries watched everyone who communicated with him. The Allied commissioners, Holloway, Chesnez and Parkes, occupied quarters in the outer sections of the same compound. Po-Kuei himself was informed that he could continue to administer justice and keep order as long as he accepted the supervision of the commissioners. Meanwhile, the commissioners, themselves under the authority of the military commanders, prepared to approve all of Po-Kuei's proclamations, as well as dealing with those legal cases which involved foreigners. Over time they involved themselves as well in the organization and administration of the mixed units of police which were soon set up to patrol the town. It was agreed that the commissioners would meet each day in council at eight in the morning; then one or more of them would confer with Po-Kuei to discuss those matters requiring his attention. From ten to one the commissioners planned to listen to public complaints.\n\n24\n\nAs for the expenses of the occupation, which eventually lasted more than three years, that is until the autumn of 1861, they were initially paid for by the allies but within a few months the Chinese government assumed financial responsibility for the city's administration.\n\nOccupation: the early months\n\n24\n\nAs already mentioned, among the principal early concerns were arrangements to police the city to stop looting, by both allied soldiers and Chinese troops, which had begun early in the first days after the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "47\n\nThe first was in the Magistrate's Amendment Ordinance of 1912. It empowered magistrates to deal with juvenile offenders up to the age of sixteen in a special manner so as to keep them out of gaol and association with adult criminals. Hong Kong, however, had no adequate provision for juveniles who needed custodial care.\n\nThe second provision concerned a section (26A) of the Offences Against Persons Ordinance passed in 1913. This provided protection against the ill-treatment, neglect or abandonment of children under the age of sixteen.\n\nThese provisions brought the Hong Kong law more into line with that of Great Britain in these matters, but there were still no provisions regarding child labour as such.\n\nMiss Pitts' speech on the welfare of children 1918\n\nMiss Pitts, a missionary of seventeen years standing in Hong Kong, fired the first gun in the direct attack on child labour. In December 1918 she delivered a speech to the Church of England Men's Society on the welfare of children in Hong Kong. She was the first woman to speak to the Society and to mark the event ladies were invited to attend. A newswriter called these innovations \"a sign of the times\".\n\nMiss Pitts spoke on five issues relating to child labour in Hong Kong: (1), the employment of children to carry loads to the Peak; (2), the conditions of children working in factories; (3), the question of domestic servants; (4), the lack of school places for children of school age; and (5), the need to bring pressure to bear on parents and guardians to send children to school. She estimated that only one-fourth of the children of school age attended school.\n\nShe then set out six concrete proposals to correct the situation: (1), the appointment of women inspectors for factories; (2), the framing of factory laws; (3), compulsory education, industrial and technical training for half the day; (4), establishment of free schools and provision of playgrounds where possible; (5), laws against selling children and the registration of servants; and (6), restricted immigration.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211356, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "48\n\nThe proposals indicate that the problem of working children was closely connected with the need of adequate provision for education. This theme runs through all the subsequent discussion on child labour.\n\nAfter Miss Pitts had concluded, Mr. Bowley briefly commented on the absence of laws on child welfare in Hong Kong. The Anglican Bishop in proposing a vote of thanks to Miss Pitts congratulated the Men's Society for tackling social problems.\n\nProposals of Mr. Bowley to open meeting of Church of England Men's Society 1919\n\n—\n\nMiss Pitts' speech was followed a few months later by another made to the same society by Mr. Bowley. It set the legal framework for a general discussion of the subject in open meeting.\n\nMr. Bowley's remarks on \"Suggested Reforms for Women and Children in Hong Kong\" were prompted by the conviction that action should follow Miss Pitts' airing of the problem. He pointed out that Hong Kong was governed by the law in force in England in 1843 as it had been modified by local ordinance since then. In England there had been, in the years since 1843, much agitation which had resulted in social reforms. There was legislation regarding the employment of children in factories, their education, and safeguards to their health. Not much of the legislation passed in Britain had been incorporated into the Hong Kong law code.\n\nHe made various proposals which would bring Hong Kong law closer to that of Britain, bearing in mind that special problems existed where Chinese custom was different from England.\n\nHe referred to the need for registration of adopted children and child servants. The Bastardy Act passed in Britain in 1845 had not been made applicable to Hong Kong, hence fathers of illegitimate children were not liable for their support. Mr. Bowley proposed that the legal age of marriage should be raised from twelve to sixteen. Some action should be taken regarding education, for neither parents nor guardians were then responsible for the education of children. There was need for factory legislation. He pointed out that in Hong Kong \"children and women of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211362, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "54\n\npassing of the regulations would probably mean that the qualifications of the Inspectors would need to be upgraded. To be really effective they would need to possess medical knowledge.\n\nThe Chairman commented that while all agreed it was distressing to see small children struggling with loads up to the Peak, to prohibit them from doing so would deprive their families of needed income so the children would not have enough to eat and in the end would be worse off. He did point out that in the area around Bridges Street there were places set apart where children from the age of about eighteen months to six years were cared for by old, invalided women, but older children would not remain under the charge of such old women willingly and would wander the streets instead, thus running the risk of getting killed or encountering some other danger. Would it not be better for them to be engaged in some work?\n\nIn view of all these considerations he moved that the last clause in the resolution be deleted. It was not that he had no sympathy with the object of the resolution, he said, but there would be too many difficulties in carrying it out. Mr. Chatham suggested that Mr. Bowley would probably agree to this deletion, but if not, he would second the amendment made by Mr. Alabaster.\n\nMr. Bowley, for his part, was not willing to agree. If the number of inspectors were increased, their duties and tasks under the new regulations should not be excessive. It was merely a matter of money. As to determining the age of a child, the regulations might be changed so that a Magistrate or some other responsible person might estimate the age. He was not willing to support a deletion of the latter part of the resolution. He would be willing, however, to have it amended to the following, and prohibiting the employment of children and young persons under the age of thirteen in factories and workshops likely to be injurious to his or her life, limb or health, regard being had to his or her physical condition\". A list of such trades could be drawn up by medical and other experts for the guidance of the Sanitary Department in implementing the regulations. He was not asking the Board to legislate on the matter, but only to endorse certain principles which would then be forwarded to the Government for consideration. The amendment as changed by Mr. Bowley was then accepted and carried unanimously.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211368, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "60 \n\nto a broader ideal, the Dominical Commandment “Thou shalt love thy neighbour as thyself\". It implied that the great active principle of Christianity was its social concern, and the essential of any civilization was unselfishness, or the triumph of Right over Might. \n\nHe made an appeal for the plight of women and children who were exposed to the full operation of the law of supply and demand **in all its ferocity\". \"But\", he asserted, \"the law of supply and demand is not a fetish which we must worship\". Nonetheless, he did not advocate excessive interference with economic forces. After all, he said, \"Freedom of trade and freedom of contract are the foundations of the success of the British Empire, and should not be interfered with when applied to competition\", but ‘a civilized community cannot regard human beings and human life and health as commodities\". \n\nHe then presented a list of proposals to correct the situation. They were for the most part the same as he had set forth in his speech in 1919. He suggested that, as a census was to be held soon, it should include a question on labour which would provide the number, ages and sex of workers in factories and workshops. Such data would assist in drawing up appropriate legislation. \n\nHis proposals were put before the meeting in the form of a resolution. There was some opposition to them. Mr. W. Jackson charged that their endorsement would only stir up trouble. He contended that the Church of England Men's Society was being used to breed industrial dissatisfaction. Mr. Crook contended that the whole matter had been greatly exaggerated. He asked, \"If it was true that so much 'sweating' existed, why was it so difficult to get caddies?” Mr. Jackson supported him stating that there was no 'sweated labour' in Hong Kong. To this Mr. Bowley replied, “I would rather rely on the opinion of ladies and gentlemen who have spent their lives working among the poorer classes in the Colony\" he was referring to Miss Pitts and the Rev. R. H. Wells, both missionaries of long standing who had supported the resolutions. “I think”, he continued, \"they would tell Mr. Jackson that the conditions of labour of the poorest classes in Colony are not satisfactory, I have been accused of cultivating the germs of unrest; they exist already; I am trying to find the best antidote to improve the conditions of the poor\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211369, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "61\n\nHe testified that he, himself, had been in the Colony for twenty-eight years and had come into contact with Chinese of all grades and occupations. His admiration for them increased daily. The object of his efforts was “to encourage Europeans and Chinese to work together until this became an ideal Colony, and an example to the rest of the world”. This statement was greeted with applause from most present. The resolution was then put to the meeting and was passed, though there were a few dissenting votes.\n\nAppointment of commission\n\nWith increasing pressure both in Hong Kong and Britain, the Government appointed a Commission of Inquiry on Child Labour in March 1921. The Chairman was the Honourable S. B. C. Ross. Two Chinese were appointed, the Honourable Mr. Chow Shouson, a member of the Legislative Council, Hong Kong-born but a retired Chinese Government official who had extensive business interests in Hong Kong, and Mr. Li Ping, a wealthy Hakka contractor who had extensive property interests, especially in Sham Shui Po. Two missionaries of long experience were named to the Committee, Miss A. M. Pitts of the Church Missionary Society and the Rev. R. H. Wells of the London Missionary Society. The remaining member was a medical doctor, C. W. McKenny.\n\nMiss Pitts' speech 27 October 1921\n\nMiss Pitts gave a talk on the topic at the Helena May Institute on 27 October 1921. She had expected the report of the commission would have been published at the time of her lecture, for she planned to discuss the whole of it. As it had not yet been published, she confined herself to her own personal experiences rather than a full discussion of the situation on the basis of the findings of the report.\n\nShe took a soft approach. Though she had no doubt there was an urgent need for legislation, she thought it spoke well for the managers of factories that there were not more evils than did exist. Her experience had been that when suggestions were made to the managers for improvements, these had been met with sympathetic consideration, and, in most cases, action was taken. Nonetheless, she said, “Human nature being what it is, and having regard to the desire of the people who are poor to work as long", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211370, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "62\n\nas they can, it shows the need for some laws to help people in spite of themselves\". She realized that “the people one is trying most to help are the ones who will most rebel against it'. \n\nMiss Pitts appealed to Christian principles and the influence she believed they exerted. “I do think we should have a very strong Christian conscience on this matter. What is being done by young Chinese, by students and the younger leaders of the day, is really all the results of Christianity. It is Christianity that makes them see that women and children ought not to be oppressed and that money made at the expense of exploiting human strength is not money one would like exactly to possess.\n\nA columnist in the Hong Kong Telegraph who regularly provided \"Rambling Thoughts on Current Matters\" took exception to Miss Pitts crediting Christianity with all social advance. It was part of a new spirit, he said, which “in spite of wars and the brutality and bestiality attendant on wars, is steadily and ceaselessly at work\". He, however, commended the general remarks of Miss Pitts. He testified that the blunt manner in which she had dealt with the question of child labour had made him uncomfortable. He saw a hard road ahead of those who were advocating change. Something would be done only if they kept on shouting until they got near to being troublesome, for \"the only way to get things done in a place like Hong Kong is to make yourself almost a nuisance”. \n\nReport of the Commission on Child Labour\n\n15\n\nThe report of the Commission on Child Labour was placed before the Legislative Council on 27 September 1921. The Commission had collected evidence from ten factories. This showed that few children worked less than seventy hours a week. Most were on piece work. In a tobacco factory the children were on a time rate of twelve cents for a nine-hour day. There were no rest halls, eating rooms or wash houses.\n\nMr. Li Ping, a member of the committee, was commended for providing a school for small children whose mothers worked at his factory at Sham Shui Po. On the other hand, conditions were particularly bad at a glass factory where boys worked from 6 a.m. to 11 p.m. for a dollar a month plus their board and lodging.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211382, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "74\n\nTang family had the right of building shops there, and a stone with an inscription to that effect, was put up in the temple of T'in Hau Kung(g) which can still be seen in old Tai Po market.\n\nWhen the Man family lost their case a wealthy friend called a big meeting of the elders of the seven districts round about Taai Haang (林村), Fan Ling(K), Lam Ts'un(#1), Yip Woh(), Sheung Wan(), Ting Kok(TM) and Cheung Shue Tan(). At his suggestion, and financed by him, they built a new market where the present market now stands. It was called Taai Woh Shei (utmost friendship market)(★Fifi) and was officially opened on the twenty-third day of the 6th month of the twentieth year of Kwong Sui, A.D. 1894. All the trade at once went to the new market and the old one gradually fell into disuse and can now be seen as a very poor and derelict village.\n\nNote. 1. The district of Sun On was formed in the sixth year of Lung Hing() A.D. 1572 of Ming dynasty. Fourteen years later the **History of Sun On District** was written by Yau Tai Kin the district magistrate. It was revised for the first time in the eighth year of Sung Ching(), but this edition was not published until eight years later when a third magistrate Chau Hei Yiu(2) added slightly to it. A second edition was published in the eleventh year of Hong Hei(E) A.D. 1672 of Ts'ing dynasty, a third appeared sixteen years later, and the present edition was published in A.D. 1819.\n\nNote. 2. The second character(W) is read yeuk in Cantonese but in the New Territories dialect it is read as Kwat.\n\n#\n\nNote. 3. Lam Fung is \"Limahong\" (= Lim a hong, not Li ma hong) whose name is already mentioned in the history of the Philippine Islands. It is also translated as in some Japanese books, and Limahong or Lin Ah Hong in some of the European books.\n\n=\n\nLam Fung\n\nLimahong was a native of Raoping district(ATM) In the 10th month of the 2nd year of Lung Hing(), A.D. 1568 of Ming dynasty, he took sixty-two battleships with 2,000 sea-soldiers, 1,500 women, and a large store of food and ammunition to attack the Philippines. He was defeated and his fleet dispersed by the soldiers of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "79\n\nand traced it to a stone cave. There he found Pooi To lying dead. His old torn coat was beneath him, but round his head and feet a lot of water-lilies were growing. Much grieved, Lei left the cave, and the next morning he came back with a coffin. He found the water-lilies all dead, but Pooi To still there, so he buried him and went home sadly. Several days later a traveller from the North visited Lei and mentioned that he had seen Pooi To walking with his rice basket towards a place called P'aang Sheng (b). Lei was astonished and could not believe it, and argument followed, and to prove he was right Lei took the traveller to where Pooi To had been buried. With much effort Lei dug up the coffin, and opened it. All that was inside was a pair of old shoes.\n\nWhen Pooi To arrived at Paang Sheng a very poor scholar named Wong Yan (Milk) entertained him in his house. Wong was ashamed of his poverty and being only able to give his guest corn to eat, but Pooi To said, \"This is the best food in the world\". After staying with him about six months Pooi To said to Wong one day, \"I have need of thirty-six rice baskets. Get them at once for me\". Wong was much distressed and answered, \"I have only got ten and I am so poor I cannot afford to buy more, what can I do?\" Pooi To comforted him, and said, \"There is no need to buy, look about your house\". Wong did what he was told, and in all sorts of corners rice baskets appeared, until he found to his amazement that he had collected thirty-six in his yard. Most of them were dirty and broken, but Pooi To told him to go round and count them again carefully, after which they all appeared quite new. Then Pooi To wrapped each basket up separately and when that was done, he told Wong to open them again. Each basket was full of coins. Wong did not keep all the money himself, but gave generously to others in need.\n\nPooi To stayed with Wong for a year, and then quite suddenly he said one day, \"I must go\". Wong hastened to cook a farewell meal, but, even before it was ready, Pooi To had disappeared as mysteriously as he had come.\n\nAbout a month later Pooi To appeared in a place called Ng Kwan (B) a prefecture in the east of China. Pooi To walked by the sea shore and met an old fisherman, and begged a fish from him. The fisherman refused, but after Pooi To had continued to worry him for some time, he picked up a very stale and putrifying fish, and threw it", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "81 + trying to find food and help. At last they came to a grasscutters path which they followed. After walking about ten miles they heard the sound of monastery bells and smelt the fragrance of burning joss sticks. Filled with hope they knelt and prayed to Buddha to bring them to safety. Then they came to a monastery, large and beautifully decorated, and saw ten or more priests outside, but coming nearer they found that they were made of stone. The travellers were amazed, and being afraid began to pray to be forgiven their sins. In the distance they heard a voice shouting to them, and searching in the direction of the voice they came across another priest, but found he also was made of stone. Many times they heard voices calling them, but could find nothing but some stone figures. Then they said to each other, \"Those are all Saints, we are unworthy wicked men, so how can we see them\", and they knelt down and prayed very earnestly for forgiveness. When they had finished praying they looked up and saw a real priest coming towards them, who welcomed them kindly and brought them into the monastery. A meal was set before them, all the dishes were ordinary vegetables such as Buddhist priests eat, but they smelt very fragrant, and tasted delicious, and the travellers had never tasted anything as good before. When the meal was over, they asked the priest how to get to the capital city, who answered, \"From here to the capital is more than 200,000 miles, but do not worry, make up your mind to go and you will reach there quickly\". Then he asked Chuc, \"Do you know Pooi To?\" The minister answered, \"Yes, I know him well\". Then the priest pointed to the north wall and showed him a cloth sack, a tall Abbot's staff, and a priest's alms bowl hanging there. He said, \"Those are Pooi To's things. I beg you to give him back this alms bowl when you see him, and this letter that I will give you. And here is a green bamboo stick, which when you get back to your boat, throw into the water in front of the boat and shut the windows of the boat and sit quietly. You need not trouble to row or sail, for you will arrive at the capital very speedily.\"\n\nThey all said goodbye and a young priest took them to the monastery door and showed them a path to follow which would bring them back to their vessel quickly. Once more on board they did what they had been told, and soon found to their amazement that the boat had left the water and was sailing over the tops of the trees. After three days of this novel means of travel, they reached the Waai river (17) and arrived at a place named Chue Tseuk (k) not far from the capital. Here they\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211395, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "87\n\nand when he died the following year 1662 his son Cheng King (4) continued his attacks on the south coast. The Ts'ing government eventually sent out their navy to engage Cheng's ships, but it is said that the Ts'ing sailors were prostrated by seasickness and were no match for their enemies.\n\nAbout that time an officer from Cheng's forces named Fong Sing Hoi (959) surrendered to the Ts'ing government, and it was from him that the plan of Ts'in Fuk originally came. Having full knowledge of how people living along the coast by their mere presence, apart from their willing help, aided the rebels, he suggested that villagers should be moved inland so that they should no longer be able, willingly or not, to supply Cheng's forces with food. This idea was approved by the Emperor Shun Chi, but the same year (18th year of Shun Chi, 1661) he died. His son, Hong Hei, however, followed up the plan by ordering a personal investigation of the coast to be made by government officials, with a view to finding out which part was most vulnerable to attack, and at the same time to arrange how the people were to be moved inland. The result of this was a report from the P'ing Naam Wong (#E) 平南王 (\"Prince who tranquilizes the South\") and the Viceroy, strongly advising that the people should not be moved. “All along the coast there are several millions of inhabitants\", the report said. \"If they are shifted they will all lose their livelihood, which will be a great affliction. We make this piteous appeal and request royal favour to allow them to stay.\" But this had no effect.\n\nThe following year in the spring an Imperial decree ordered that everyone living by the coast must move 50 Chinese miles inland. The P’ing Naam Wong with other officials were sent to inspect the coast, and in the 2nd month they arrived in San On district. A boundary on Foo Mun (J21) was set up, ending to the west at Tsun T'au Shaan (111) and to the east at Lin Fa Fung (TEE), the centre station of the boundary being at Ngai Kung Leng (42). At each of these places a flag was erected and more than eighty villages within the boundary were told to move and many lookout posts were built along the hills with soldiers stationed there to watch. Even the rivers had railings built across them to prevent boats going down to the sea. If any one disobeyed these orders they were to be put to death.\n\nA month later soldiers were sent to enforce the new regulations. Although notices had been posted up few people could read them and many villagers were quite ignorant of what they were to do. The arrival of the soldiers caused a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211402, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "94\n\nA SENTIMENTAL JOURNEY INTO THE PAST OF\n\nTHE CHAN AND JONG FAMILIES*\n\nVIOLET MEBIG CHAN LEW\n\nIntroduction\n\nI have tried several times to get started on tracing my roots but have found several factors hindering my progress. Although I have gathered together quite a bit of material, I have been somewhat frustrated by my inability to read and write Chinese fluently or to find help with it. Also, ages given are often confusing because some are reckoned according to the lunar calendar and some according to the Gregorian system.\n\nOn one occasion I wrote, \"On this the 16th day of October, 1973, I am on a United Airlines plane with my husband, John, bound for Honolulu, which is 'home' to me. It seems that as long as one's parent is alive and is living in the same locality where one grew up, that place remains 'home'. It is the place where one has friendships bonded as far back as memory carries one. The older one becomes, the more one looks backward and recalls with pleasure incidents that have enriched one's life. I have been toying with the idea of putting down in English an account of the migration of my grandparents to Hawaii and the assimilation of the family members into the Western culture. Already, within three generations extending over a span of about one hundred\n\n* Editor's note: Violet Mebig Chan Lew was born in 1906. At the age of 71, she decided to investigate the history of her family, the Chan and Jong clans, which had emigrated to Hawaii from Hsiang-shan county in Kwangtung. Consulting public documents, genealogical records, personal correspondence, her diary and interviewing as many people as she could, Violet Lew spent ten years gathering material for this endeavour. A retired teacher and social worker, Mrs. Lew now lives in Boston and Honolulu with her husband, John. The Journal discovered this manuscript in 1986, and persuaded Mrs. Lew to allow it to be published. Mrs. Lew writes in her correspondence with the Journal: \"I wish to acknowledge the help of Dr. Wing Tsit Chan and my cousin, Toby Chen, in the translation of several sections of the Chan genealogy; the help of Pyun Kyau Minn with the organization of the project; and especially that of Betty Liu in getting this project published. I am also grateful to those who have contributed what they remembered of past events or enlightened me in the translation of Chinese characters.\" Mrs. Lew dedicates this article to her parents, Ping Yip and Jong Hung Chan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211403, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "95\n\nculturally,\n\nyears, the younger ones are Western in their way of life socially, and ideologically. They do not speak or write Chinese, and they are not too familiar with Chinese culture or food. Is this progress? Or am I too conservative? Although I admire their ability to adapt and change, I am saddened to see such total rejection of the Oriental culture and the full embrace of things Western, when there are many positive aspects in our Chinese background.*\n\nAnother spurt in my effort was made in 1977, when I wrote on my birthday, \"I am 71 years old to-day — no better time than now to write my autobiography since the idea has been perking in my head for the last few years. I realize that this must be done soon before my memory becomes even more fuzzy. A lot of emotions are evoked at this moment as memories of great joy and happiness and love, mingled with those of sorrow and loss, rush through my mind.\n\n\"A few years ago I read in the newspaper that first generation immigrants cling to their language and culture; the second generation rejects them; but the third generation searches for its roots and tries to recapture its language and culture. It is somewhat for this reason, and obviously to satisfy my ego, that I would like to record some of what I have experienced and learned for those of my family who might one day become interested in our mutual backgrounds. There is a feeling of pride that I am of Chinese ancestry, born in Hawaii, a citizen of the United States, and that I am a fusion of three cultures: the love of humanity of the Chinese; the warmth and generosity of the Hawaiians; the understanding of feelings and the value of human life of the West. Hopefully, I have assimilated the best of each,**\n\nNow, in 1987, I am completing this project on which I have worked over a period of almost fifteen years.\n\nThe origin of Cha In Village*\n\nThe founder of the Chan clan was Chan Joong Goong A†, who\n\n* Extracted from the Chan Genealogy Record.\n\n† Characters are romanized according to the Heong Shan dialect, or the dialect peculiar to one's village, or the spelling adopted by the individual.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211404, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "96\n\nmoved from Fukien to Heong Shan county in Kwangtung during the Sung dynasty (960—1279). About a hundred years later, his great, great, great, great grandson, Heen Bow, who was a student at the county school, founded the village of Cha In and established the West Branch (145 or 945) of the clan. Since he was born during the latter part of the Yuan dynasty (1279-1368) and died during the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) at the age of 56, Cha In village was settled about the mid-1300s. An ancestral temple was built to honour him as the 'First Ancestor' and to pray for the glory and prosperity of his descendants.\n\nA great, great, great, great, great grandson of Joong Goong, named Jun Hung, branched out to Poo San #1, as did another great, great, great, great, great grandson, named Bow Sung.\n\nThe son of Heen Bow, named Kwong Joong, had two wives, the first of whom died before the marriage was consummated. The second wife bore him three sons. The eldest, Li Jung, branched out to start the East Branch 東堡 or 東房,\n\nThe second son of Kwong Joong, named Li Jen, entered the emperor's service when he was only 15 and his feats of courage surpassed others. At the age of 19, while on a mission for the emperor at King Jow Prefecture, he met his death at sea. This service to his country brought glory to the clan. A temple was built in his honour and a statue of him was placed there for sacrifices to him. During the reign of Hong He of the Ming dynasty, an official named Iu Goong was commissioned to find out all about Li Jen's background for a report back to his superiors. Iu Goong visited the temple and was so impressed by what he heard that the Emperor bestowed Li Jen posthumously with many honours for his distinguished service, naming him to a government post in Taiwan and Adjutant to the Viceroy of Fukien, and noted that although Li Jen was dead, it seemed as if he were still alive. Iu Goong also presented to the temple a tablet of honour and a stone lion to enhance its appearance and to serve as an inspiration to others 'to serve the emperor with loyalty and devotion, to bear the lance and follow the emperor to battle, to win glory, to extend benevolence, to protect the race, and to respond whenever the need arose.'\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "112\n\nI remember Uncle as a tall, serious person with rather high cheek bones and a broad, prominent chin, altogether a rather handsome gentleman. He had a soft voice, unexpected of a man his size. He was frugal, conservative and cautious in whatever task he undertook. His wife, née Auyoung, was a tiny woman, with bound feet, exuding energy and efficiency, a true Chinese matriarch. She was born on 14 October 1874 in the village of Ma Tsze To a family of some stature. One of her cousins was well-known in national politics and was connected with the building of the Yet Hon Railroad connecting Canton and Hankow. Toby described his mother as a good woman and a good mother. She was a literate person even though she only had tutoring at home. Because she had experienced poverty at some point before marriage, she was very thrifty herself, but generous with others. She stinted on food for herself to give her children. Toby was very much touched when she sent him off to the United States with a 20 dollar gold coin she had saved for emergencies, and regrets that he did not save it as a permanent reminder of her great love and sacrifice.\n\nThe three boys and four girls in the family attended St. John's and St. Mary's in Shanghai, where they learned English well, as Uncle had hoped. They are:\n\nToby Ting Kin E (18 Feb 1900-); also known as Tung Pai |0f| Helen Moo Ching AA (5 Feb 1902-15 Jan 1974)\n\nCharles Ting Hing (21 Dec 1903-1978)\n\nGeorgette Moo Yung\n\nMoo Yun\n\nTing Cheong\n\nL\n\n(3 Apr 1909-25 Jun 1979); also known as Tung Sui 同瑞\n\nMoo Sau 慕修(1919-).\n\nNo doubt very bright, after two years at St. John's, Toby was admitted by competitive examination to Tsinghua University in Peking at the age of 16. Tsinghua was founded with Boxer Indemnity money the United States had returned to China to prepare Chinese students for further studies in the American universities. Toby became interested in fisheries and selected the University of Washington after Tsinghua in 1920. He earned a B.S. degree in 1923 in Fisheries but he felt the need to study other aspects of the field not available in Washington. After two semesters", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211435, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "127\n\nfluently in the process, although he suffered much teasing and abuse from the native boys.\n\nBorn and bred in the city, Grandfather was an intellectual and romantic, but not a good businessman. He loved to read, an enjoyment my mother also shared. Physically he was fair-skinned and fine-haired. Grandmother, on the other hand, from a village environment, was warm, hearty and practical. I have no recollection of her, but I understand that she was an active person, with a good deal of energy and drive. A snapshot of her shows an angular face with rather long teeth and high cheek bones. Cousin Helen Jong Zane is said to resemble her somewhat in looks and temperament.\n\nGrandfather handled Uncle with little understanding. The latter was required to do more than was reasonable for a growing boy. He had little energy left to do well in his studies, for he often fell asleep while doing his homework. Grandmother thus felt compelled to be protective of him against Grandfather's explosive temper. Mother, bright and delicate, was very pleasing to Grandfather and did not have to do any hard manual work. She became a fine needle worker and helped to supplement the family income by sewing denim slacks and buttons at home for tailor shops. Neither Uncle nor Mother had the opportunity to have much schooling.\n\nAlthough Grandfather was able to make a small profit from his 'dim sum' business, the Chinatown fire on 20 January 1900 disrupted it, and the family was, among many, to be confined in a camp set up in Kalihi during and following the conflagration. My grandparents were not among those residents who received compensation from the government for their losses after their release from the camp. Later that year, Grandfather bought the lease to a farm at Kapatai, Luluku, Kaneohe, for 1,000 dollars from Chun Chiu Yee8, the father of Mrs. Sam Young. The farm was named Hook Sung Waiiii and was a leasehold from Mendonca, a Portuguese of some means, although I was given the impression that the Magoons owned the land. This large piece of property was located on the Pali side of the present site of the State Hospital, at the foot of the Koolau Mountain range. It embraced a profuse spring pouring clear, cold and delicious water into a deep stream flowing through and past the entrance of the farm. Mother said that she would always watch with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211438, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "130\n\nand settled in a new home at the East Gate of Shekki. A son, Tin Suk, was born a year later, followed by two daughters, Ah Fook and Ah Look. When all three children came down with a serious illness, only Tin Suk survived.\n\nI treasure a vignette of Grandfather beside a horse tied to a tree behind our Iwilei home, ready to leave for Kaneohe, and another one of him sitting on a chair and asking me to press my face against the stub of his whiskers. I pushed his face away, but Ruth did not resist. He told Mother that he liked my 'spirit', a trait she considered as stubbornness, and tried to subdue by applying the rod generously.\n\nIt is hard to understand why Grandfather did not leave any money to Uncle when he left Hawaii. This meant years of hardship for Uncle and his family. Everyone had to share in the numerous tasks. The children had many chores: cutting grass to feed the pigs, beating kerosene cans to frighten flocks of birds which came to dine on ripening grain, pasting bags out of newspaper to protect melons from destructive insects, helping with the threshing of grain and bagging of the paddy, and on and on. Aunt's work was endless. In addition to child-bearing, she shared in the planting and harvesting of both rice and vegetables, chopped guava trees which were in great abundance on the hillside for firewood, cooked three meals every day, and saw to the needs of the children. Although Annie, the oldest child, was not a boy, she had to help in ploughing the fields at an early age, and had little opportunity to attend school.\n\nOne crop of rice a year was general, but some years Uncle managed two plantings. Vegetables were also grown: cucumber, bitter melon, mustard cabbage, napa, bak choy, water chestnut, watercress. At harvest time, as well as during the planting season, itinerant workers had to be hired. It was men against weather. They transferred the rice seedlings into the watery mud fields, inserting a few stalks at a time in neat, straight rows. When the grain ripened, the rice stalks were cut with sickles and laid row on row in neat piles for bundling. Sheaves of grain, balanced on each end of a long pole, were carried on the shoulder to the threshing ground, which was a large concrete area with a stake in the centre. A horse tied to it would be driven round and round to stomp the grain from the stalks, which were then pitch-forked away into a mountain-high pile that served as a play area for the children.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211441, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "133\n\nthe truck, Uncle hired drivers to take the produce to Honolulu. I had many rides on the truck to pick up bananas which Okinawa immigrants grew on what used to be pineapple fields. Uncle prospered and was dubbed *Mayor of Kaneohe*. When it was time for him to retire from farming, he bought a piece of Cobb-Adam's land on Kamehameha Highway, one lot removed from Lilipuna Road. Uncle was extended credit from C. K. Ai, who was a friend of my parents, so that he could buy lumber from City Mill Company to build a simple but spacious home and a large garage for his trucking business.\n\nWhen Uncle was struggling to make ends meet, Father would try to help with small loans. During the First World War, when the price of guano was rising fast, Father bought a ton of the fertilizer and stored it under our School Street home. Uncle would pay the current price for each bag he took, and when the ton was used up, the profit was divided between Father and Uncle. Because the price of animal feed was also rising, Mother would wake Ruth, Helen and me at early dawn, competing with a neighbour, to gather algaroba beans from a back lot for Uncle at one dollar a bag.\n\nThere was little social life in those days. Uncle was a member of a fraternal society in Heeia, namely, the Bow Yee Tong, established in 1903. Mother told me that this was a Triad society, where members were initiated and sworn in as 'blood brothers' by secret rituals, so secret that they were not revealed even to their wives. In later years, after the death of Aunt, Uncle became a devout Buddhist and frequently visited a temple in Honolulu.\n\nUncle registered seven of his ten children with the Board of Health on 15 October 1918. At that time, he gave his name as Cheung Yau and Aunt's as Wong Fung, and his age at 38 and hers 33. Their children are:\n\nAnnie Ah Hoon (21 Apr 1902-1936) married Henry Auyoung\n\nMary Ah Moy Hiki (9 Oct 1904-) married Joseph Liu\n\nHelen Ah Sam (11 Dec 1906-) married Robert Zane\n\nAlice Ah Lin (15 Dec 1909-) married Frank Carpino (died 1982) 1927\n\nReuben Ah Kau (17 Jun 1911-) married Eunice Ching\n\nAaron Ah Mung (13 Oct 1913-8 Oct 1985)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211447, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "139\n\nAs reasonable as these amounts seem to us today, Father could not continue without financial help. Highly motivated, he again turned to his brothers for assistance, because he felt that men without an education were like 'dumb cattle driven by others.' First Uncle replied on 6 July 1898 that he felt 'miserable' because he could not help. He compared himself to a well, drawn dry and needing time to be refilled, because his responsibilities had increased with so many relatives dependent upon him. However, he promised to do what he could. Second Uncle, who had gone to Shanghai, wrote on 29 August 1898 that he was in no position to assist and added that he was glad Father was earning money by teaching and that Father should go on to college and study law, medicine or dentistry.\n\nThe next year, on 3 May 1899, First Uncle again wrote, urging Father not to discontinue his schooling until the end of the year unless he had the consent of Grandfather, even though the job offer he received from a local newspaper might be tempting. Father must have finished the school year, for on 7 July 1899, First Uncle wrote to congratulate him on his graduation, noting that he had accepted a position with the Honolulu Chinese Times Bar as translator and reporter, and regretted that he was unable to advise him about going into business because conditions were not the same in different places. Second Uncle also wrote on 19 July 1899, commending Father for choosing a 'good' subject to deliver at the graduation exercises and encouraging him to continue to study while working.\n\nFather probably was looking for a job and business opportunities at the same time. He corresponded with friends in Kauai, in Hilo, and as far as Australia. A friend, Au Goon Bick, who had gone to Kapaa, Kauai, wrote in July that he was working for Lum Keed and that Yim Goon Siu of Honolulu was visiting him then. (Yim was the uncle of Cousin George Yim and was also working for the Honolulu Chinese Times. He later went to Shanghai where he ran a printing business.) Yim also wrote several times to Father about this Kauai trip - how he became seasick as soon as the boat passed Waianae and how he forgot his discomfort as soon as he met a number of young ladies with whom he had much fun singing. He expressed surprise that one of them, a sister of Wong Fat and a student at Kamehameha School, could speak English as well as both the Heong Shan and Nam Long dialects. (I suspect that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211449, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "141\n\nthat day, a Tuesday, for Hilo to work for Man Sing Company and that future mail should be sent care of Yick Sing, Box 131, Hilo, Hawaii. A letter from Grandfather, dated 26 September 1899, stated that he was happy to learn of Father's safe arrival but added that his step-mother was not responding to medication.\n\nTwo important events occurred during Father's absence from Honolulu. His step-mother died on 4 October 1899. On 11 October that year, Grandfather wrote to Father that even though his sorrow was deep, he felt that they must take care of their own health and that Father must not grieve over the loss, but must turn his attention to bettering himself, since her death was final and she could not return to life. It was not until 7 November 1899 that Ping Lam was able to communicate with Father expressing his heartache over his mother's death and his inability to go to school for a whole week. Father became concerned about his brother's depression and when he acknowledged a letter of condolence from a schoolmate, Kong Ying Chi, he asked this friend to comfort Ping Lim.\n\nThe second event was the Honolulu Chinatown fire on 20 January 1900. In December 1899, bubonic plague had broken out sporadically among the Chinese in Honolulu, three of whom were friends of the family. Grandfather wrote to Father that Chiu Ngin Sin, who had moved to Wing On Tai from next door Yuen Chong, to obtain medical attention, had died on the 8th and was buried the next day. Ah An E, a son of Chan Hoy, died unexpectedly on the 24th. On the 27th Dai Joong\n\n, a son of Chan Jok San Mf, died and when the autopsy showed that he had had the plague, his body was cremated. The Board of Health had ordered the area quarantined, neither people nor goods were permitted to enter or leave. Not only was the home set afire but also other residences and old buildings to prevent the spreading of the disease. After a week, the quarantine was supposed to have been lifted, but Father received a brief letter dated 18 January 1900 from Grandfather, written on a piece of wrapping paper, stating that his residence had been condemned to be burned and they all would be moving outside the area to live. He added that Sung Jarn was also condemned and that Aunt Yim's husband who worked there would have to leave with his family according to regulations. Grandfather assured Father that he was well and that there was no need for concern.\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211459, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "151\n\nhe believed what he frequently said, 'To be poor is hell'. He never gave up hope for the better and, in his usual cheerful manner, would advise us, 'Cheer up, the worse is yet to come'. He had such thrifty habits that he would not buy anything, including real property, unless he had the cash to pay for it. He never realized his ambition to be an independent businessman, in spite of his plan to operate an importing business, in preparation for which he had bought a piece of land on Fort and Kualini Streets and had built a small store on it. When he died at the age of 41, he left a modest estate consisting of a home, an income property, stocks and cash. This enabled Mother, courageous and unselfish, to raise and educate their children without the necessity of us having to forgo schooling in order to support the family.\n\nA caring husband, a warm and loving father, son and brother, a helpful neighbour, an honest and upright citizen, a religious man, always striving to better himself and others - this was Father, taken away at the prime of life, with no opportunity to see his children grow up to maturity, or to accomplish what he had hoped for, or to enjoy any leisure that he so well deserved.\n\nI feel his deep love whenever I think of him and recall these verses so often read to us from The Children's Hour.\n\nI have you fast in my fortress,\n\nAnd will not let you depart,\n\nBut put you down into the dungeon\n\nIn the round tower of my heart.\n\nAnd there will I keep you forever,\n\nYes, forever and a day,\n\nTill the walls shall crumble to ruin,\n\nAnd moulder in dust away!\n\nMy Mother\n\nMaternal Grandfather, Jong Sun Lup, came to Hawaii under contract as a plantation worker in 1878 and Maternal Grandmother, Chang Shee, joined him a few years later, probably in 1885, bringing with her their first-born, Jong Tin Yau. Mother was born on 23 April 1887. Three", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "152\n\nyears later, Maternal Grandmother had her third child, a son, who died in infancy in China when he and Mother were taken there for a visit.\n\nMother was a very good-looking woman. She had rather large eyes, well-formed features and a fair, pleasant face. Her hair was dark and very fine, a characteristic she had inherited from her father, who, she said, had hair of silk and skin that was fair, smooth and hairless. There was an air of gentility and femininity about her. A modest, humble and friendly person, she made friends easily and always avoided conflict. She formed strong and lasting friendships with many who found in her an understanding and sympathetic confidante. Because she was a fine seamstress, many sought her help in cutting or sewing their Chinese clothes. Mother never lost her sense of pride, even though early years of poverty left their mark on her to save and deprive herself for that \"rainy day\" which never came. She was a pessimist, always anticipating disaster, and consequently was cautious and conservative, often warning us, \"Walk with hand holding onto a wall\".\n\n—\n\nBeneath her soft appearance, however, Mother was a person of strength. She dominated our early lives and we submitted whether we agreed with her or not, due to an ingrained sense of respect for our elders. It was not until I was nearly 30 years old that I began to exert myself and this resulted in a few emotional confrontations. Because it was felt that education would cause daughters to become too independent and also too old to be sought after as wives, Mother was allowed only a few years of schooling. On the other hand, because Hakka (**) parents saw the advantage of a good education, some of Mother's Hakka schoolmates went on to become teachers or prominent citizens. One of them was Mrs. Samuel Young and the other was Mrs. How Fo Chong, wife of a minister and daughter of Lee Toma. From these early associates, Mother learned to speak the Hakka dialect fluently.\n\nBright, alert and curious, Mother had a great thirst for knowledge and never hesitated to ask when she did not know. With added guidance from Father, she could read and write both Chinese and English better than many Hawaiian-born Punti girls of that era. She would tell us stories about the heroic deeds of old, about which she had read in such Chinese classics as The Three Kingdoms and The Dream of the Red Chamber. Even up to a year before her death, she left evidence of having used", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211467, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "159\n\nand playing among chairs and other furniture on the unpainted but gleaming parlour floor. Ruth was a sweet, lovable and plump child, obedient and seldom in mischief. She was so bright that Father began to teach her to read before she started school. I was somewhat sickly and rather homely, causing the sons of the Leong Yau's to nickname me \"kitten\". I seemed to drop and break things often, and Mother, thinking that I was careless, would scold me with the term Cho Bow Gwai, (Careless Devil). Active, impulsive and spirited, I usually made life difficult for her.\n\nOur Wilci home was crudely built and sparsely furnished. We slept on a bed of boards, covered by a straw mat, under a square-shaped mosquito net, but we rarely used the hard, lacquered black pillows. Our home was lighted by kerosene lamps which cast such ghostly shadows that I was always afraid to go to bed by myself. At that time my Mother believed in ghosts and apparently transmitted her fears to me. It was not until I was about ten, after Mother had been converted to Christianity, that the fear of the rod was greater than the fear of my fantasies. The kitchen and toilet were located behind the house proper, but under cover, and cooking was done on little wood-burning stoves. Food was stored in a screened cupboard, which was called a \"safe\". There was no refrigeration and we had none of the amenities which we now enjoy and take for granted. Everything was done by hand.\n\nIn 1910 we moved to Smith Lane, off Fort Street, between Vineyard and School Streets, but we did not live there long. Two other Chinese families resided there: the Leong Chew's and the Loo Goon's. We were now not confined in the house, but had the opportunity to be outside to play with Willis and James Leong, and Florence and Louise Loo. It was here that Helen Me Chin was born on September 26, 1910, with Mrs. Leong attending Mother. That morning, after Father had gone to work, Mother sent Ruth and me out of the house to play. We returned later to find a new-born baby. On a few occasions, when Mother was very busy, I had to carry Helen on my back in an embroidered sling, which had four straps, two of which went over my shoulders and two of which circled my waist, that were knotted in my front. I remember feeling Helen's weight against my chest. Small wonder, for I was not quite five then. It was here that Ruth and I contracted the childhood diseases of chicken pox, mumps and measles.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211470, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "162\n\nthe rod. She would say, “A good rod produces a good offspring\". The louder I yelled, more out of anger than of pain, the more she applied the rattan until I gave in. She must have entertained some guilt over her handling of me, because when her anger subsided, she would rub the black and blue stripes on my legs with a Chinese herbal liquid. Father never interceded. Once when I attended a lawn party at the Theodore Richards home and did not heed Ruth's warning to desist from active play, Mother withheld dinner from me when she discovered that I had soiled my party dress. Even when Father asked me to supper, I did not dare join the family. It was not until Mother found me stealing food from the cupboard that she relented. There were times when she restricted my freedom by tying me to the leg of the dining table with a dog chain. It seemed that I was the child on whom she usually took out her frustrations, causing me to wonder at times if I were adopted. Ruth had her share of punishment, but much less. When Mother was in her 70's, I asked her why she had always concluded I was in the wrong without asking for my version. She merely smiled and asked what she should do to rectify it. In spite of these clashes of will, she gave me a good deal of love. I remember the time, when I was about 10, how pleased I was when she praised me for carrying the heavier of two bottles of limes she had left in the sun to cure. I also felt her concern the times she would prepare special foods and herbs for me, or massage my chest with warm peanut oil whenever I got sick. As I grew in knowledge and maturity, I began to understand her desire to bring me up correctly with the kind of discipline that prevailed in the Chinese culture. We were then able to communicate effectively, with much understanding and concern for each other.\n\nIn 1917 after Mother, who was under the care of Dr. Mitamura, almost suffered a miscarriage, Father bought a three-bedroom house from a Mr. Azevedo at 170 South School Street, the third one from Lusitana Street. It was located at the foot of Punchbowl where many Portuguese had settled, and was part of a small orange grove once owned by Judge Antonio Perry's father. We not only enjoyed the fruits of the three orange trees but also those of the avocado and Pirie mango trees which we planted - a great source of vitamins for us.\n\nOn 7 October, 1917, on a Sunday afternoon, when Mrs. Lam Toy chanced to visit us, Mother gave birth to her last child, attended by Dr.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211471, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "163\n\nGroven Ballen. There was some excitement when Mrs. Lam thought the infant was a boy and announced this to Father. Although having no sons was a disappointment to my parents, this infant daughter was no less precious. With his usual sense of humour, Father named her Dora Me Sun, explaining that Dora sounds like the Chinese words for \"too many\", that is, “too many\" girls. He ordered milk, especially rich for babies, delivered daily for Dora, but she could not tolerate it and became very colicky and fussy. I tried to help by carrying her, swinging her back and forth in my arms or in the hammock, hoping to soothe her with songs like “Rock-a-bye Baby”. Upon the advice of Mrs. Lam, fresh milk was replaced by malted milk, but this probably did not fill Dora's need for adequate nourishment and she continued to cry a great deal. The very strict 4-hour feeding schedule that the doctor recommended added to the problem.\n\nSoon the First World War cast a shadow of uneasiness over our lives and we felt the sadness of mothers who saw their sons drafted and sent to Europe. It came close to home when William Kam, our neighbour, and a few of our schoolmates left. War songs, rallies, victory bonds, first aid packages, etc. in school whipped up our patriotism. I had my first sight of an airplane then. It was a day of great rejoicing when the end of hostilities was announced. But soon the world-wide epidemic of influenza reached our islands and we would hear the sounds of sorrow in our community over the death of loved ones. We were anxious and frightened about an illness that struck so swiftly and with such deadliness. In spite of this, we were a happy family until in April, 1919, we received word that Father had come down with influenza on board ship bound for China. This was our last home in which we had all been so happy together, because Father died on his way back to Honolulu. His death left Mother widowed at age 32 with four young children, and gave me my first real loss, which had on me a sobering and maturing effect. Support and advice from friends helped Mother, sheltered from the world before this, to cope with her new responsibilities.\n\nRuth's education outside the home began in a small school for Chinese girls run by Mrs. Chang in a building behind the Fort Street Chinese Church. The following year Mother tried to enrol Ruth and me in Central Grammar School, but the principal, Mrs. Carter, reputed to be very selective of minorities and called by the Chinese \"pigeon eye\" ÉIR", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "176\n\nMemories of teachers in other departments remain with me. Dr. Douglas Scott, whom I had for English, extended himself to get me oriented in my first few weeks at the university and several years later, gave Bung Fong a free ride to the West Coast. I enjoyed Dr. Lawrence Fossler, a tall and large-framed German, for his great sense of humour and his ability to make German classes interesting. Pharmacology under Dr. Lyman was my most relaxing course because he had an easy manner in teaching. Although Physics is generally difficult for some, I surprised myself by doing well in it. My Waterloo was Organic Chemistry, which I eventually passed by the skin of my teeth. Because I had little social life, except on rare occasions when friends of Mrs. Johnson included me at their gatherings, my contacts in school fulfilled most of my need for companionship.\n\nThe depression which began in 1929 was still on in 1932, and jobs were hard to find. I accepted a position to teach senior biology under a three-year contract with the True Light Middle School at Paak Hok Tung in Canton. This was a prestigious high school supported by the Presbyterian Mission. Its principal, the Rev. Stephen G. Mark, had known me when he was pastor of the Beretania Chinese Church in Honolulu, where I had done some volunteer work and where I had taught English at night to Chinese male immigrants. On my way to China I stopped over in Honolulu for about two months as the guest of the Tong Phongs, who had welcomed Mother and Dora into their home following Ruth's death. Helen and her husband were also living in her in-laws' home at that time.\n\nMother, Dora and I obtained third-class special passage on the Empress of Japan, sharing a room with Pyun Kyau Zane Minn and her mother. There were many Chinese young men and women on board, some returning to their native land and some going to China for the first time to study at Lingnan University or Yenching University. Among the Hawaiian passengers were Hung Wo Ching, Irma Tam, Deborah and Joseph Kau, Bunny and Ethel Au, Sing Chang, Kim Tet Lee, Emma Tenn, and Ellen Lo. A favourable exchange rate, a sense of identity with their roots and a desire to contribute to the progress of China motivated many American-born Chinese to go to China.\n\nMy three years in China were interesting and enlightening, but one...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "180\n\nsafer for them to spend the night with us, as we were farther away from the seacoast.\n\nWhen I went to work the next day, I found that our office had been converted into a kitchen to feed the many volunteers (reportedly many ladies of the night) who had come to help. Our morgue was filled with bodies of civilian victims. The wounded were treated in several hospitals. The enemy planes had strafed some on land and some at sea in their fishing sampans, most of whom ironically were ethnic Japanese. Rumours were rampant about spies and sabotage, and of Japanese citizens being sent away to relocation camps. On the whole the Japanese wanted to show their loyalty to the United States and many Nisei volunteered to serve in the European theatre, forming the famous 442nd Battalion that fought so bravely in Italy and with such a great loss of lives. Among them was Samuel Sakamoto, husband of my good friend, Edna Sakamoto. A quiet gloom settled over the city and even the skies remained cloudy and depressing for weeks. It was not until after the Battle of Midway that the heavens seemed brighter and our spirits lighter. During the war years we found it so stifling with all windows covered to ensure total darkness that we chose to go to bed early and spend our waking moments listening to the radio. Amos and Andy and Allen's Alley were my favourite programmes. Occasionally I could catch Tokyo Rose's propaganda over the air.\n\nIn 1945 I was granted a leave of absence from work and clearance from the military to leave for the mainland to visit Mrs. Johnson. I left on 16 March 1945 on a small vessel, the S.S. Permanente, which was escorted by an armed submarine chaser. Because of the threat of being torpedoed, everyone was required to wear trousers and to carry an emergency kit. About twenty hours out to sea, an alert sounded. Although most of the passengers kept calm, my roommate became hysterical. She was a Jewish woman taking her infant daughter back to New York, leaving her husband, a defense worker, in Honolulu. It was rumoured that an enemy submarine had been sighted. Fortunately nothing happened. It took us eight days to cover a distance that normally took four and a half days. I left San Francisco for Lincoln, where I stayed with Mrs. Johnson for three months. While there, on 12 April 1945, we heard the sad news of President Roosevelt's death over the radio. I took this opportunity to visit Dora, Tso-chien and Eugene in Chicago before", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "183\n\nMaine, from 1953 to 1958. With some help from us and from scholarships, both managed to obtain a college education on their own earnings, Gar Shucy from the University of Massachusetts in Amherst in 1960 and Gar Ling from Pembroke College in 1962.\n\nBefore long I was working temporarily as an interpreter with the U.S. Immigration Service and later as a typist for the Library Mutual Insurance Company. In November 1954 I found permanent work as a social worker at the Children's Unit of the Metropolitan State Hospital in Waltham. I left this psychiatric setting for a day care agency, the Associated Day Care Services of Metropolitan Boston, in September 1959, because I felt that preventive work with young children was more effective than attempts to restore their mental health. It was depressing to feel the guilt and anguish of those parents who had mentally-ill youngsters. The day care experience proved to be challenging and rewarding. By the time I retired in 1973, I had become Director of Social Service under Mr. Sibley Higginbotham, a very sensitive and understanding administrator. From August 1975 to October 1976 I served there once more to fill a temporary vacancy. I am now enjoying permanent retirement with time to appreciate married life with a calm and supportive husband, and an excellent relationship with other members of the family and with my friends.\n\nDuring my years in Brookline, I brought Mother home several times for extended visits or have gone to Honolulu whenever she was ill. Since her death in 1974 John and I have continued to make an annual trip to the place of my birth, no doubt to recapture precious memories and relationships which have made my life so meaningful. In my twilight years, always aware of the fragility of life, I have endeavoured to record some aspects of my life and of those people who touched upon it, with the expectation that in the future someone in the family might become interested in his roots. It is also due to my own need to leave part of myself behind. In addition, it is my hope that what I have gathered would give a bit of historical perspective of the early Chinese immigrants as reflected in the history of our families; that it would give an insight to their industriousness, sacrifices, and handicaps, their hopes and ambitions, and the opportunities opened to them; and that it would give a glimpse of some of their social and cultural practices. I am a simple, uncomplicated person, intelligent and of good common sense, but subject", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211493, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "\"THE ONE BRIGHT SPOT IN SHANGHAI” \n\nA HISTORY OF THE LIBRARY OF \n\nTHE NORTH CHINA BRANCH OF \n\nTHE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY \n\nHAROLD M. OTNESS* \n\n185 \n\nThe North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society had its beginning on September 24, 1857, as the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society. From its inception Shanghai had a reputation as a city of commerce rather than an intellectual and cultural center. As Henri Cordier, a key figure in the development of the society's library, dryly recalled in his retirement, \"some spirited gentlemen thinking that tea, silk, and Manchester goods, however important they were from a mercantile standpoint, were not sufficient food for the mind, created a literary and scientific association\".1 Eighteen men, six of them missionaries, gathered in the Reading Room of the Shanghai Library, then a membership circulating library, to elect officers. Three weeks later the group met again to hear the inaugural address of its president, the Rev. Elijah C. Bridgman, an American highly regarded as a Chinese linguist and the publisher of the Chinese Repository. His address called for the increase of opportunities for understanding between foreigners and Chinese. He emphasized the need for more Westerners to undertake seriously the study of Chinese with the ultimate goal of enlightening the Chinese. In the rhetoric of his trade and times he stated, \"let the Shanghai Literary and Scientific Society set itself in battle array, and let each and all of its Members be prepared and resolved to quit themselves like men\".2 \n\nRev. Bridgman was not mobilizing for war, but rather proposing a learned society which would conduct a regular series of lectures and the publication of a scholarly journal. He also called for the establishment of a library: \n\nof such diversified work, and for so many labourers, an extensive apparatus is needed; especially do we want a \n\n* Southern Oregon State College Library", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211498, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "190\n\nof Mr. Bolton of the Atheneum of Boston, U.S.A.\". This catalogue was dictionary in format and it included 2,125 catalogued items, grouped as follows:\n\nGeneral Works 324\n\nPhilosophy 278\n\nReligion 54\n\nSociology 65\n\nPhilology 120\n\nNatural Sciences 52\n\nUseful Arts 133\n\nFine Arts 84\n\nLiterature 340\n\nHistory 675\n\n(13) on Chinese languages)20\n\nThe need for a new and larger building became a regular topic of discussion, and the Shanghai Municipal Council became a frequent, if unpredictable, supporter of its causes, including the funding of the renovation of its building in 1909.2\n\nIn a guidebook written about this time, the Rev. C. E. Darwent wrote:\n\nThe building in which the society is housed is situated in the Museum Road, just behind the British Post Office. There is a good library of books, on Oriental subjects mainly; a good supply of the proceedings of learned societies and learned magazines is kept. There is an exceedingly comfortable lecture hall; upstairs is a museum. The fathers of the settlement did well for it; their successors do nothing.2\n\nBy 1910 the library was open seven days a week, and no longer closed for tiffin as it had in earlier times. Donations were increasing, thanks largely to its new honorary librarian, Florence Wheelock Ayscough. A **suggestion book** was put out. A Chinese “assistant librarian” was engaged, first a \"Mr. Woo\" and later a \"Mr. Wong\", the latter described as “hard-working and attentive”. These people presumably did the routine checking out of materials, shelving, and record keeping. The library remained essentially an institution serving the foreign community although there was some Chinese membership in later years.\n\nA bequest from Thomas Kingsmill, a long-time society member, enriched the library. Duplicate works were sold and the funds used to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211531, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 248, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "224 \n\nor four families in this case) agreed to bring all the ashes from the daily clean-out of the stove to the latrine, and tip them into the dump. After using the latrine, users would take a spadeful of ashes and tip it through the gap. This kept the smell of the latrine from becoming too offensive.\n\nThe aim was to produce a mixture of ash and excrement which was both an excellent fertiliser, and capable of being stored against need. To store this fertiliser, the mixture had to be dry. The latrine therefore was designed so that liquids would drain out of it into a urine pit let into the floor, and lined with heavily plastered bricks. The latrine owner would dip out the urine as necessary, and remove it to a storage jar outside, to mature it for fertiliser.\n\nThe main contents of the latrine would be cleared out once every few weeks, when the latrine was full. A section of the wall round the latrine proper was made of planks slid into a groove. These were removed, and the contents of the latrine scraped out through this gap. The contents were then taken to a drying ground, and spread out to dry in the sun. Every latrine owner had access to a manure drying ground for this purpose: the villagers usually forbade the use of the rice drying grounds for drying manure. When dried, the fertiliser was rock hard. It was then crushed to a powder under a heavy stone roller pulled by an ox; in some villages the crushing was done by the ox pulling a heavy plank, made heavier by having a child stand on it. The dried and powdered fertiliser could be stored almost indefinitely so long as it was not allowed to get damp.\n\nThe third division of the structure was used as a pig-pen. This division could have been used as a second latrine compartment, had the usage of the latrine increased to the point where this was necessary.\n\nThis latrine structure at Wo Hang is entirely typical of the thousands which, even only twenty years ago, were to be found throughout the New Territories. Wo Hang is a Hakka village, but Punti villagers have told me that latrines in their villages were identical. Some latrines were smaller, consisting only of the latrine proper and the ash-dump with a narrow corridor in front on to which the door opened; these latrines were sometimes only about 6 feet square. Others were busier, with two or even three latrine compartments. Probably most were very similar.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 260, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "236\n\nnames in Mandarin (Wade-Giles). This book is about South China. The whole \"feel\" of the place and its people is somehow different if it and they masquerade as something else: had Cantonese Romanization been used, the identification of the two villages named at pp. 126-127 need not have been explained, to cite one example. The late K.M.A. Barnett said the same when he reviewed my book, The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, in Vol. 24 of this Journal, when I was another victim of the system. Frankly, I should have known better, having even more to buck convention than Dr. Murray!\n\nJames Hayes\n\nJerry Dennerline, Qian Mu and the World of Seven Mansions, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988.\n\nWhen Qian Mu (Ch'ien Mu) returned to the Chinese University some years ago on the occasion of the founding of the series of lectures that bears his name, students flocked to hear him even though few could have understood his Jiangsu dialect that passed for Mandarin. I have always looked upon that incident as being highly symbolic of the call of Chinese nationalism, of the attraction that the unity of Chinese culture held for Chinese students, and of their propensity to accept as wisdom what they could not understand.\n\nQian Mu symbolizes Chinese culture, untainted by Westernism or party politics. Qian Mu was my colleagues' teacher. He founded New Asia College that became a part of the Chinese University, in Hong Kong and not Taiwan, driven by nothing except his determination that scholarship should be pursued for its own sake. My colleagues at the Chinese University recall with nostalgia the comradeship they felt as students of New Asia in the 1950s. Despite Hong Kong's colonial status, and despite the 1949 Revolution, in New Asia they studied the Chinese classics as the fundamental philosophy that would remain forever Chinese. You cannot but marvel at the confidence that was inspired by this great man, and you can understand why students would turn to him for intellectual leadership.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211545, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "238 \n\nputs it, this was xuewen, which we can render only crudely as \"learning\" or \"book learning\". As Dennerline notes, there is really no English equivalent for the term, for what matters is not the learning but the spiritual communion that xuewen establishes among scholars.\n\nQian Mu understood more than most Chinese scholars of the present time (though as Dennerline demonstrates, the matter was one of much open dispute in the 1930s), that aside from the culture of the written word with which he identified Chinese culture, there was an arena that might be described as local custom. In Chapter Three Dennerline describes this arena as it appeared in Qian's home village, and in Chapter Four as it appeared to Qian himself when, at the age of eighty, he wrote about his childhood and youth, and especially, his parents' devotion to his upbringing.\n\nThese are fascinating chapters. Outside the scholar's intellectual world was this community in which his values early in life were formed. This was a community that saw itself as being organised into a lineage. An apical ancestor gave birth to seven sons and so Qian's family was immersed in one of seven lines. This was a community that was very much represented by its ancestral halls and temples, where outwardly the rules for governance might be described in terms of propriety. However, harsh reality was different in many ways from the requirements of propriety. Competition for scarce resources gave rise to the control of family estates by a minority of rich households, and to widows being forced to disinherit their adopted sons (so that their legacy might be assigned to another member of the lineage). Dennerline refrained from commenting on Qian's own description of his family's position within the community, but Qian's reminiscence that he translates in full in Chapter Four would have us believe that his father, who died at forty-one, could hold the balance in this complex world of wheeling and dealing, by sheer force of moral character. There is the sense of a fairy tale in that account, of traditional morality winning in a contest dominated by private greed, with only a little support from a local magistrate. Those two chapters form the real background to Dennerline's own conclusion in Chapter Five.\n\nDuring one of Dennerline's interviews with Qian Mu, Qian asked him if he thought there was hope for mainland China. Dennerline states", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "241\n\nrise and decline of lineages and villages, of their alliances and rivalry, and of the domination of some over others\". In the process of reconstructing that political history, it evolved eventually into an essay **on the social milieu out of which territorial arrangements were created and maintained over several centuries\" (emphasis mine). By the end of the introduction, however, this goal of writing a political history of the New Territories is made even more modest; as he says, \"the historical account is meant in the first place, to serve as an empirical test of the general conception of the lineage suggested by Freedman and which is modified here”, (p. 11) A tall order, I would say, for such modest ambitions.\n\nIronically, almost everything about the book suggests that this is not your typical case study in social history. Rather than placing his case analysis within an historical or geographical framework as appears to be the normal practice in local historiography, the contents of the book read more like your typical ethnography. The first chapter entitled Theoretical Considerations attempts to define his basis units of analysis, namely the village and lineage, primarily in light of Freedman's theory. The second chapter is a brief ethnohistorical background to the New Territories. Chapters 3-6 spell out the sequential building blocks of \"lineage society in the New Territories, citing examples from throughout the territory to illustrate his points. In Chapter 3, he discusses the nature of rights of settlement which, according to him, are the basis upon which membership into a village is constituted and through which the **naturalization” of outsiders of pre-existing lineage communities is negotiated. Chapter 4 focuses on the varieties of \"lineage-building\" in the New Territories. Chapter 5 emphasizes the role of religion in the symbolic representation of village communities. Chapter 6 deals with the various kinds of territorial arrangements that underlie the constitution of villages and village clusters in the New Territories. Chapter 7 pursues focal territorial organization at a higher level by describing the various kinds of regional alliances found in the New Territories. Chapter 8 discusses the importance of government and gentry in relation to the lineage, and this is followed by a discussion in Chapter 9 of the overlapping of greater and smaller traditions within the domains of local religion and ancestor worship. The Making of Lineage Society in Chapter 10 outlines in political historical terms the rise and fall of \"The Five Great Clans\" of the New Territories as the precursor for the development", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211558, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 275, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "251\n\nneed for structural continuity in the maintenance of a stable society. Those who recognize the concepts of descent and social structure as being \"objective\" thus merely fail to see or accept the \"subjective\" nature of their underlying propositions.\n\nThe above discussion has in my opinion a great deal of relevance to the very definition and usage of descent relations (and descent groups) in China. No scholar in the China field has to my knowledge questioned the validity of descent or social structure as a mechanism for explaining what the Chinese perceives to be \"ancestor worship\". There was no word in Chinese for \"descent\" until sociologists created one out of pedagogical necessity, and even with that the term has been constantly revised. Yet, anthropologists and historians of China still prefer to talk about descent and descent groups without realizing that they are simply projecting a set of constructs they have been trained to see instead of taking native facts as a concrete point of departure. Even when it does not take an electronic calculator to figure out that there are no descent relationships in China which are not at the same time relationships of ancestral worship, scholars still prefer to discount the latter as \"illusions\". Somewhat reflective of this general sentiment, Faure (p. 4) remarks, for example:\n\nThe belief in common descent, and the need to maintain worship (or the excuse to do so), can be the basis for the foundation of lineage property trusts, held in common by all lines of descent from the ancestor in whose name the trust is created. (emphasis mine)\n\nWhy no anthropologist bothered to look at ancestor worship seriously as a thing in itself perhaps had to do with the fact there were models for almost everything else. Fortes had a descent theory of social structure, Freedman had an economic theory of the corporate lineage, Fried had a political theory about the functions of genealogies in Chinese society, etc. Nonetheless in Chinese society, what observers take to be a descent relation is for the most part a relation of worship between a living male and his deceased ancestors before him. The act of worship is simply a way of remembering the dead, and it is usually the deceased prior to his death who sets down the conditions for this act of \"remembrance\". He may set aside a portion or all of his estate as ancestral property to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211565, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 282, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "258\n\nHaving now put forward the point of view that the village, the concept of \"closeness\" (chan) and the corporate cult of the dead all have to do with the principles of locality rather than ancestral worship in the strict sense of tsung (or descent for that matter), it now remains to explain in what sense this notion of locality is necessarily the product of history. All ideologies, customs and institutions, if they are indeed meaningful to the people who practice them, must be seen within the context of a kind of living history. Without speculating whether this history has a \"life\" of its own or whether it is the inevitable consequence of some evolving structure or process, I think it would be foolhardy to take for granted that these principles of locality, systematic as they may be in conceptual terms, should be reflective of some irreducible, static notion of culture, especially as the ABCs of Chinese society and civilization. The practical difficulties of pursuing empirical research in this regard aside, I think there is sufficient basis to believe that all of the above phenomena can be seen as the product of a particular and evolving social milieu (not to be confused with the functionalist concept of social structure) in broader socio-political terms. The diversity of local phenomena seen over an ethnographic spectrum at any one time as well\n\nas the peculiarity, even ephemerality, of these phenomena in a history demands that we look at these deeper issues, difficult as they are to characterize precisely. There is thus a need, as Faure's work clearly demonstrates, to look at local history. However, unlike him, I do not think that local history can be understood simply by looking at events and personnages as they take place “on the ground”. Works like those by Karl Polanyi (1944), the Annales historians, Clifford Geertz (1963), Barrington Moore (1966), Eric Wolf (1982), etc., have cogently shown that local events and institutions can be seen as part of a larger process which may be conscious or non-conscious to the actors themselves. What is needed then is a wider vision of what constitutes historical “change”. Faure's book begins with this promise but in the final analysis falls far short of expectation. Rather than being the open and shut case that he makes it out to be, the study of Chinese local history and society is in my opinion still very much an open field,\n\n12\n\nAllen J. Chun", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211566, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "259\n\nNOTES\n\nThere are several instances where Faure distorts the anthropological literature completely. The “frontier” which Pasternak (1969) refers to, for example, has to do with the socio-political consequences of a certain economic relationship between man and his use of specific strategic resources, namely water and land. Land reclamation is not an accurate translation of this frontier situation. Faure also reads Freedman's (1958:2) interpretation of a passage by Fei (1946: 1) superficially and without much understanding of its context or rhetorical intent. Freedman's purpose in quoting Fei was to argue that the function of the lineage as a political and local organization transcends its identity \"in name” as a descent group. But it should be noted also that Freedman deliberately distorted Fei as well. Had Faure actually read Fei, he would have also discovered that the phenomenon which Fei (1946:5) was describing was not even a descent group at all, which should make it quite enigmatic indeed. Sometimes among the peasants, the clan is found, but it is of another kind. In Yunnan, for instance, I have seen that in villages local organization is formed in terms of clan which includes even members of different surnames. Functionally these are not strictly kinship groups. I shall leave open as to the nature of the so-called clan-village. I rather suspect that such an organization among the peasants is a local organization, not a kinship organization.\n\nWhen reading Fried as he does Freedman, Faure confuses the model for empirical reality. Underlying the petty disputes over the definition of lineages and clans as analytical constructs, Fried (1970) was trying to make a more important point about the political functions of a genealogy in allocating differential access to scarce strategic resources (i.e., lineage property), this according to Fried being more important than the existence of property per se. The relative distinction between stipulated and demonstrated descent must be understood in this light.\n\nSheer numbers never mean anything. Even in Faure's (p. 96) analysis of a Chinese funeral, there is no a priori reason to believe that the lineage or village should have any role or obligation to play in ritual preparations. The scale of any such operation is always determined by the family of the deceased. “Work” is delegated among volunteers within the community (not necessarily a territorial one), whether it be neighbours, colleagues, or friends. Correspondingly, compensation for services rendered is made either as payment or as fa see.\n\nI suspect that variations in village organization and relationships within village clusters were shaped during the formative period prior to the time when the village had any formal identity. The diversity of local experience can only be attributed to the diversity of interaction within different villages. Rules prohibiting intermarriage in Man Uk Pin and the lack of an ancestral hall in Wong Keng Tei are other examples of local phenomena which must be understood in reference to the way the villagers themselves define or interpret the nature of their own community.\n\nSee Strathern's (1984) study of the \"community\" in an English village.\n\nThe whole problem with Faure's description of “lineage-building” is that it is too easy to project a genealogical structure onto residence patterns, especially with help from Block Crown Lease Demarcation District Maps and the like. As for the Sha Tin Wai example, I doubt whether Faure bothered to match up the registered ownership of houses with its actual inhabitants or even to seek informant testimony with regard to this period of household mobility. In practice, villages rarely update actual ownership records unless there is a conveyance of sale or other transaction that requires re-registration. That registered ownership is usually a couple of generations behind is thus the norm rather than the exception.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211588, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "Page 8\n\n# ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, HONG KONG BRANCH PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1989-90\n\n## Summary\n\nThe past year has seen momentous events in China, and in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union. Those in China naturally concerned us most. The Council met specially to consider and send a letter of concern to the British Government following the Tienanmen Square massacre.\n\nHere in Hong Kong, the Society continued to arrange as many talks and local tours as possible. We know that there is a great demand for places on local tours, and have therefore done our best to arrange events for which there need be no limitation on numbers. These included large-scale visits to places on Hong Kong Island, and to the site of the replacement airport at Tung Chung. On the latter, well over 200 Members, their families and friends were able to participate.\n\nTwo publications have been received from the printer this year. The book, The Turning of the Tide: Religion in China Today, in association with Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, was published at the end of 1989, and Vol. 27 of the Journal is now in print. Our current Hon. Editor, Dr. Patrick Hase, taking over the work already done by Professor David Faure, has promised the 1988 issue over the Summer. A start on the 1989 volume has also been made.\n\nThe Council continues to work through its committees and office bearers. The Activities Committee is the busiest of those established a few years ago, following the 1987 Symposium on the Future of the Society in Hong Kong, but the others are in being and take action as and when appropriate.\n\nMembership continues to grow, and communication becomes increasingly important. Thanks to Anita Wilson, the Newsletter keeps us all in touch with the programmes and provides other information of interest to Members.\n\n## Membership\n\nMrs. Bruce, our Assistant Secretary, tells me that 119 persons have\n\nPage 9", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211600, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "and his contacts with higher academic circles gained through his lengthy tenure of the post of Bursar at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. I am happy to hand over to him. As for myself, I have served for seven years, and felt it was time to move on. As it happens, there are two vacancies on the Council this year, the other being created by David Faure's departure from Hong Kong. This enables movement from the membership onto and within the Council, and onto the Committees, which is surely in the overall interest of the Society. Dr. Dan Waters and Dr. Joseph Ting have agreed to serve as Councillors, and Dr. Elizabeth Sinn has been nominated to the second Vice Presidency.\n\nThere will also be a change of Hon. Librarian. Mr. Peter Yeung of the Special Collections Sub-Library of the University of Hong Kong Main Library is handing over to his colleague Mr. Wan Yiu-chuen. We are most grateful to Mr. Yeung; but I must also thank Peter for his work on the Library Collection since he took up the post in 1985, his last contribution being to update the Additions catalogue. He has always been a good friend and colleague.\n\nI shall continue on the Council as there is a place for Past Presidents resident in Hong Kong.\n\nConcluding Personal Remarks\n\nAs the retiring President I am permitting myself a few observations on the Society in this, my last Report.\n\nWith benefit of hindsight, I now think we were off-track a few years ago, when we held the 1987 Symposium on the Future of the Society, in presuming that in order to survive the transition to the Hong Kong RAS and prosper after 1997, the Society must gradually become more Chinese in its membership, leadership and practice.\n\nAll the signs now point to a smaller reservoir of truly “local” membership and a much larger number of expatriate short-term transients of all nationalities (including overseas Chinese, many of them former Hong Kong citizens). In this changing community, towards which we have already been gradually moving over the last few years, the need will be for an English-speaking Society that is capable, as we have been to date, of explaining Hong Kong and Chinese culture to successive waves of newcomers. Thereby, we can continue to meet a definite need in the\n\nxiv\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211601, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "community, and this will encourage others to take up the task from year to year. In this regard, we shall most likely develop along much the same lines as the Society has done in Japan and Korea, where two lively, long-established Branches of the RAS continue to make a useful contribution to these nations and their people.\n\nIt has become clear that new needs attend the transformation of expatriate society brought about by political change and continuing “leaps and bounds\" modernization. I was strengthened in the above thoughts the other day, when a Japanese friend was explaining why her daughter was being sent to the Chinese International School, now fast growing but operating in three locations and therefore striving to raise the very large sum needed to build a large new premises of its own. “Neither the English Schools Foundation nor the leading local secondary schools provide the kind of Eastern-oriented English language education that people like me need if we are to bring our families to Hong Kong\", she said.\n\nFinally, following after so many distinguished predecessors, not only since 1960 but also in the first period of our existence here between 1847 and 1859, it is both an honour and a burden to be President of the Society of Hong Kong. I have tried to make a contribution, and leave the post happy in the thought that, through many people's efforts, the Branch is larger and stronger than ever before: and also secure in the knowledge that in the present Council we have a willing and capable body of people who believe in the abiding worth of this Society, and are dedicated to its continuance and the promotion of its objectives in Hong Kong. From personal contacts and correspondence, I know that many of our Members feel likewise, I doubt if any voluntary body can ask for more! Thank you all for such fine support during my tenure of office.\n\n24 March 1990.\n\nJames HAYES\n\nXV", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211610, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "EDITOR'S NOTE\n\nThe Editor wishes to apologise for typographical and other errors in the printing of Vol. 28 of the Journal. In particular, on page 10, the date 1903 should have read 1931.\n\nxxiv\n\nHON. EDITOR", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211624, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "14\n\n48\n\nto have been a more junior soldier such as a drill or colour havildar who would have been ordered to hoist the flag. At the moment it is not possible therefore to say whether Mohammed Arab hoisted the Union Jack on Hong Kong or not, but what is undeniable is that by his death in 1878 Hong Kong had prospered and grown in importance to such an extent that he and the wider community in the colony considered that whoever had hoisted the flag that day had done something of interest to posterity. If it had been Mohammed Arab, it would have been a foretaste of the multiracial legacies that colonialism would leave to the island.\n\n49\n\n50\n\nThe other candidate for the honour of hoisting the flag is a far more conventional one. In his guide to Hong Kong of 1893, William Legge wrote: 'In January [1841] . . . the British Ensign was hoisted on Possession Point . . . by midshipman Dowell (now Admiral Sir William Dowell KCB)'. William Montagu Dowell was born on 2 August 1825 and was made a lieutenant in the Royal Navy in 1847, rising to be vice-admiral in 1880 and admiral in 1885. In January 1841 he would have been fifteen, so it is possible that he could have been a midshipman at that date and could have been among the group landing on Hong Kong to hoist the flag. More important than whether Dowell raised the flag or not is the fact that the author wished to associate a famous person with the act. William Dowell had been involved in the Second China War of 1857, he was at Shimoneseki in Japan in 1864 and he returned to the Far East as commander-in-chief of the navy in China between January 1884 and September 1885; his naval career had also included spells at the Cape of Good Hope, on the West coast of Africa and on the Egyptian expedition of 1882. By claiming an admiral and a knight as the perpetrator of the deed, the author may have been expressing a desire that Hong Kong's rise in importance should be seen to be mirroring that of Dowell.\n\n51\n\n52\n\nIt is extraordinary that historians have paid so little attention to the acquisition of Hong Kong and that so little effort has been expended in trying to establish the manner in which Hong Kong came to be possessed by the British, and contemporary reactions to that possession. Such omissions might perhaps have been more understandable had Hong Kong at this stage only been thought of as a temporary possession. But by the 1870s it was clear that Hong Kong had become a permanent and financially successful part of the Empire, and certainly by the twentieth century it could have been expected that there would have been considerable interest in constructing a colonial history. That such a history", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211676, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "66\n\nAnother time the alarm went, due to a slight misunderstanding at one of the gates. It was approaching dusk and the sailor sentry, who had no doubt been standing guard at this particular gate at the back of the Concession for some time, was beginning to get bored. The gates, of wood, with a small window through which persons on the far side could be inspected, were open. Outside stood a row of hawker's stands, for the most part purveying cooked foods to the coolies who passed in and out. The stand nearest to the sentry held a large copper pan, of the sort in which rice is cooked, over a small fire. At the moment the pan was empty, and the sentry, being of an enquiring mind, wondered what would happen if he put a rifle cartridge in it. The experiment produced a loud bang and several holes through the bottom of the pan. An infuriated hawker, supported by increasing numbers of excited fellow tradesmen, shouted curses at the sentry and loudly demanded large sums of money in compensation for the damage done. At the sound of the explosion the naval guard in a near-by house turned out. The petty officer in charge was a great barrel of a man, an old tarpaulin of long service in many parts of the world where opportunities for cultivation of that diplomatic tact, in which the Royal Navy is so accomplished, must have been numerous. In less time than it takes to tell he had the situation well in hand, had paid one dollar compensation for the damage done, had closed the gates, and had nipped an incipient riot in the bud. It was considered unwise to allow a \"matelot\" of such an enquiring mind ashore again, and for the remainder of that destroyer's stay at Kiu Kiang he was confined to his ship.\n\nLate on an afternoon early in January, 1927, as the river water swirled past the hulks under the hard light of the wintry sun, a strange tall man walked down the Bund, accompanied by a number of Chinese dressed in civilian clothes. He wore the collarless buttoned-up jacket, the knee-high black leather boots, and the little leather-peaked brown cap, of one of Borodin's officers. His companions were members of the Revolutionary Kuo Min Tang party. They moved along looking at the houses, at the cross-roads, and at the foreshore, talking and gesticulating. Outside the Consulate they paused to read the pink posters and the green posters. They were planning the organisation of riots, the object of which would be to draw fire from the British sailors guarding the gates. The bodies of a few dead Chinese rioters, shot by the blackguard Imperialists, would provide excellent fuel to inflame still further the feelings of an excited populace; and would at the same time give ammunition for the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "67\n\nanti-British propaganda, which the facile Eugene Chen* was then addressing to a gullible American press.\n\nSet back from the Bund behind a heavy hand-wrought iron fence of ugly design, the Consulate building was typical of those erected in the 1860s, when the Concession was first opened. The two-storied thick brick walls, shaded all round by wide arched verandahs, in the style affected in India, housed both the office and the residence of the Consul. Upstairs, parts of the verandah had been boarded in to provide bathrooms in accordance with modern practice. From the bedroom windows the view carried across the Yangtze to the flat north shore, a mile away, where the farmers were already cutting down for fuel the tall reeds, which yearly grew along the banks of the river. We would often cross over at this season with our guns and our dogs to beat the pheasant out of the smaller clumps left by the reed-cutters.\n\nHaving completed their inspection, the plotters moved on down the Bund, past the godowns of Messrs. Butterfield and Swire, past the Customs House, past the Roman Catholic Church to the Bund gate, through which they trouped a little self-consciously under the eye of the steel-helmeted gentleman, who stood there with his rifle at the slope, in the blue uniform, the khaki webb equipment, and the spats of the Royal Navy.\n\nTheir plans soon matured. Some afternoons later a political meeting was called on the foreshore outside the Bund gate, which the Navy had left open to avoid any accusation of provocation. By the offer of a ten cents inducement to the loafers and riff-raff of the Chinese city an adequate attendance was ensured. Orators stood on the Bund wall whipping up the temper of the crowd: they shouted slogans in which the words \"Beat down” and “Kill\" echoed frequently. The crowd soon responded and parties began trickling into the Concession. Stones flew through the air. The sentry at the gate discreetly withdrew and sounded the alarm. The British Naval guard turned off: they had strict orders not to fire, but to protect themselves by dropping their rifle butts on the toes of any rioters who pressed them too closely. This method of defence is not very effective against stones. Reinforcements were brought ashore from the meagre crew of the destroyer; they were joined by some dozen\n\n* (Trinidad born journalist. At this time Minister for Foreign Affairs of the Kuo Min Tang Revolutionary Government.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211690, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "80 \n\nand get permission for us to move into the War Memorial Nursing Home, where the British staff were still functioning under the wing of a Japanese Doctor-Colonel and a gendarmerie post. He was able to arrange this for us, and we were fetched in a car and installed in the Nursing Home next day, January 6th. Dr. Talbot, an ear specialist attached to the hospital, looked at my ear and said the postponed operation should be performed without delay as the earhole had become completely blocked with scar tissue and pus was accumulating dangerously inside. On January 10th I was sent down to Queen Mary Hospital for X-ray photos to be taken both of the ear and the knee. The Martins were still there, and this was the last time I saw them. The expedition was of great interest to me since it was the first time I had visited the town since the Japanese occupation. The streets were crowded with Chinese, most of them in mile long queues trying to get cooked rice from \"co-prosperity\" congee kitchens. All the shops were shut and barricaded but the pavements in Queen's Road and the central district generally were lined with hawkers selling bread ($4 a loaf) and other foodstuffs, and large quantities of looted articles; bedding, silverware, cutlery, etc: one could have got almost anything one wanted, and all this without any apparent interference from the Japanese.\n\nAs the X-rays confirmed Dr. Talbot's diagnosis I let him operate on January 13th. He found it necessary to do a radical mastoid operation and make me a new earhole. At the time we expected to be left in peace for a month or so as there were a number of severely wounded British soldiers in the Nursing Home and we thought the Japanese would not insist on them and us being moved until they were fit to be moved. Eight days later, however, they announced that they needed the hospital and that it would have to be evacuated next morning. The military patients were sent to the military hospital at Bowen Road, and the rest of us to Stanley. I was told I need not go to Stanley Camp unless I wished, and I was given my choice of two other hospitals but I said I must go where my doctor went; so I was put on a long chair which was put on a lorry, and with my wife and our few belongings and half a dozen lorry loads of doctors, sisters and patients we went off to Stanley. That was on January 22nd. The place was in a turmoil as lorry loads and boat loads of people were arriving from all the Chinese hotels in Hongkong and Kowloon where the Japanese had congregated them and they were all scrambling for billets. The British personnel from Queen Mary Hospital (from which they and all the British wounded had been moved the previous day) were busy trying to get a hospital organised in a block\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211702, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "92\n\nrecent concession) to the limited extent of replying to a message which must originate with a neutral. No communication with the various prisoners-of-war camps or hospitals in other parts of Hongkong was permitted, so that wives in the camp could neither send messages to, nor receive them from, their prisoner-of-war husbands. Some were unable to find out whether their husbands were prisoners or not. This seems a quite unnecessary cruelty.\n\nDr. Selwyn-Clarke. I have made a passing reference to Dr. Selwyn-Clarke (Director of Medical Services in the Hongkong Government), but he deserves more than that. The Japanese found it worth their while to allow him and his wife and a small group of British relief workers under him to remain outside the camp and they were primarily engaged on relief work in the Colony. But he had secured the confidence of the Japanese Military Authorities and was allowed to visit the camp frequently on the strict understanding that he gave no news and discussed nothing but medical and relief matters. He visited the camp once or twice a week, talked to the doctors and the Welfare Committee's representative, found out what wanted doing and then in Hongkong tried to get it done. Everyone in the camp knew that almost all the improvements in diet and other matters were the result of untiring efforts on his part, but not so many knew that he had been equally untiring in his efforts to relieve distress among the Chinese population of Hongkong whose plight was immeasurably worse than anything the Stanley internees had to endure.\n\nL\n\nCamp management, discipline, etc. When the camp was first opened, the Japanese put in a number of English-speaking Chinese as block supervisors. Their duties were never clearly defined, but they formed the only channel of communication between the Japanese and the internees. Then the internees elected Communal Councils (one for each of the three communities British, American and Dutch) and these Councils, working in cooperation, ran the camp and were recognised by the Japanese as the spokesmen of their national groups. Later a Japanese Superintendent was appointed (Mr. Nakazawa). He lived in a separate house in the camp and had two or three Japanese satellites. About the same time Mr. Gimson (Colonial Secretary) and Mr. Alabaster (Attorney General), who had hitherto been allowed to remain outside and to act as liaison officers with the Japanese, came into the camp. This brought to a head a conflict which had been going on subterraneously between the Hongkong Government officials and the rest of the community. For reasons which I need not go into here, the community", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211736, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "126\n\nThis was all the worshipping space that there was in the nunnery: the remaining five-eighths of the building was occupied by living space.\n\nThe whole of the first section, and the front part of the second section, formed the living quarters of the resident nuns. The back part of the first section was cut off with a wooden screen wall to form a bedchamber, or Fong, for the abbess. This chamber had a ceiling, thus forming a cockloft above it. This cockloft was accessible by a ladder from within the abbess's chamber: it is likely that this cockloft was always used, as now, as storage space.\n\nThe bedchambers of the other nuns were in the front part of the second section. Two bedchambers were provided, one at ground level, and the other in the cockloft above it, with a store-room behind, which could possibly have been used as a further chamber if need be. The ground floor chamber, and the cockloft above it, both have tiny shuttered windows - the lower chamber also has a single-brick opening. The store-room chamber is lit only by what light comes through the door from the Tin Tseng. At present, the ground floor chamber has two trestle beds in it, with no beds in the other chambers: this probably merely represents a convenience for the recently deceased single elderly resident nun.\n\nThe area in front of the abbess's chamber was the main reception hall. This was originally furnished with a couple of chairs and side tables for reception of honoured guests, and some of the original furniture seems to survive amid the rubbish which fills much of the area now. This part of the living space is cut off from the front part of the first section by a screen wall with arches. This front part, or lower hall, was where the daily work of the nuns took place, where they ate, and where the equipment they used for growing vegetables was stored. A rice-pounder is let into the floor against the outer wall. A small partitioned-off area here was probably the nuns' latrine. The nuns had their own direct access to the road by a door in this section. The living quarters of the nuns connected with the rest of the nunnery only through the doorway into the Side Hall with the Earth God altar: at night the nuns could bar this door and close themselves off in their own quarters without worrying themselves about anyone in the guest quarters or coming in off the road.\n\nThe guest quarters were in the fourth section. The back part of this section is cut off by a brick wall to form a bedchamber. This has a cockloft", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211743, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "133\n\n\"Friends part reluctantly at the pavilion of separation, by the ancient road, there they think of the parting of their ways, shelter against the rain, protection from the dust, a need for man, day after day\". \n\n\"On the mountain the birds greet the spring, while the monastery proclaims the dawn to all, the scent of incense on the breeze, the sound of the bell, a need for me, year after year. \n\nThis couplet has a double meaning, referring, in the first line, not only to the nunnery as a place for proclaiming the ancient way of the Buddha, a shelter from the impermanence and contamination of this world represented by rain and dust, but also to the nunnery's secular duty of sheltering men from physical rain and dust as they pass along the physical road in front of it. In the second line, the poem not only refers to worship in the nunnery at dawn on a spring morning, but to the nunnery's duties to bring enlightenment to all the people. \n\nThe History of the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz \n\nThe bell of the nunnery is dated Chien Lung 54 (1789), and this is almost certainly the date of first foundation. The inscription on the bell makes it clear that it was donated by villagers from the various nearby villages,\" and it remains the unanimous belief of the local villagers that the nunnery was founded by the joint action of their ancestors. \n\nThe history of the nunnery is soon told. The original buildings became decrepit and were demolished and rebuilt in full in 1868.2 Local villagers believe that the nunnery was originally built a little further up the side of the mountain, and was only moved down to stand immediately adjacent to the road it served in 1868. \n\nThe reputation of the nunnery was at its highest in the late nineteenth century. Lee Pui-yuen (李沛源), of Sheung Wo Hang, a famous local teacher, had a great affection for the place, writing the couplet for the main door mentioned above. According to a fellow-villager, \"when aged he retired\" to Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz, and lived there until his death.\" In 1887, Lee Cheung-chun (李章駿), one of his pupils from Sheung Wo Hang, went to try his luck in the Sau Tsoi (秀才) examinations in Canton. After leaving his village, he spent the first night at the nunnery, to say farewell to his old teacher, and to pray for divine assistance. He", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "141\n\nless than $400 a year clear from the ferry.\" The power of the Cheungs can be seen from the map. For several miles around their village, no other settlement was ever established. The whole area from the outskirts of Sham Tsun (the village of Heung Tung, ô, Xiangdong) to the Sham Tsun river, and back to the mountains, was Cheung territory. Outsiders entering this territory along the road were required to recognize this.\n\nThis, however, the Ta Kwu Ling villagers refused to do. In the mid-nineteenth century, they initiated a programme to improve the road from Kan Tau Wai to Sham Tsun. Bridges were built across all the marshland ditches, and a causeway was provided across the marsh. They then proceeded to start bridging the main river, across the line of the Cheungs' ferry. This the Cheungs could not accept. They would not only stand to lose $400 a year clan income, but the successful building would demonstrate publicly that their control of their territory was not as absolute as they had always maintained. The result of the Ta Kwu Ling people's insistence on proceeding with the bridge was outright war between them and the Cheungs.28\n\nThe need to respond to very bitter fighting demanded a complete rearrangement of the local structure of inter-village alliances. Previously, as noted above, the strongest and best-organised area was the Ping Yuen Hap Heung, and its wider alliance centred on the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz. This area, however, was furthest away from the likely fighting area near the bridge, which was precisely the area where inter-village alliances had previously been weakest. The villages decided to establish a network of Yeuk, centred on Kan Tau Wai. Any invading force had to negotiate the bridge over the Law Fong river and the causeway over the marshes before it could arrive at the road intersection at Kan Tau Wai and the paths that ran from there along the higher ground to the other villages.\n\nJust north of Kan Tau Wai, a small hillock rises out of the marshes (just opposite the present Ta Kwu Ling Police Station). Here the villagers stationed a watch with an alarm drum to alert the area if the Cheungs attacked. This hill was called Ta Kwu Ling (‡T, “Drum Beat Hill”), and gave its name to the whole area. When the alarm was given, Kan Tau Wai had to send out runners along all the roads and paths out of the village to alert the other villages further away. The individual Yeuk were arranged as long, thin strips along each of these paths so that the villagers would respond, village by village, as the runner reached them, and thus their defenders reach the critical Kan Tau Wai area in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "149\n\nThe villages or lineages which owned the nunneries chose the nuns, and reserved the right to dismiss them if they brought the nunnery into disrepute. It was the practice, when an abbess was appointed, for the leaders of the village group owning the nunnery to issue a public document detailing their choice, and reserving their future rights, to ensure that no dispute over who was the abbess could arise. The document issued in 1931 when Yip Yuet-kwan was appointed abbess at the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz survives, and is printed and translated as an Appendix to this article. It was, as a \"lucky\" document, written on red paper. It was drawn up in Man Uk Pin, and has the Man Uk Pin Chung clan signatures, and the Loi Tung signatures, added in the handwriting of the writer of the deed: it was then clearly taken round the other villages with interests in the nunnery for the other signatures to be added. The deed includes three signatures of Wo Hang villagers. That village had no share in the nunnery: these signatures probably represent a continuing interest in the nunnery by the last surviving students of Lee Pui-yuen.\n\nThis short note does no more than touch on the subject of the place of Buddhism in the nineteenth century New Territories. Much remains quite unclear. Where were the nuns ordained, for instance, and by whom? What was their tradition of worship, and how was it maintained? Did monks visit the nunneries on a regular or intermittent basis or not at all? Did the nuns have any direct secular influence, or was it only the members of the nunnery management committee who exercised the political influence of the nunnery? What was the religious influence of the nuns and their beliefs in the area? Village elders tend to consider that it was confined to those who professed a pious regard for the Buddha, but is this so?\n\nMany questions of this sort need study, but, incomplete as it is, this study of the last remaining pre-modern Buddhist establishment in the mainland New Territories, in this its last year of presiding in quiet over its remote mountain pass before new roads shatter its primeval peace, seemed worth pursuing.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211769, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "159\n\nstill more because of the unsettled conditions in China during the 1850s and 1860s. Internal dissent manifested itself through the Taiping rebellion, in which Shanghai was threatened. The native city was occupied by insurgents during 1853-1855 and in order to prevent Imperial troops from threatening the neutrality of the Settlement, the recently formed Shanghai Volunteer Corps (which later, in the 1860s, gave some amateur dramatic performances) fought the Battle of Muddy Flat on April 4, 1854, a skirmish about which some Shanghailanders still spoke with unreserved pride fifty years later, but for which a performance of the dramatic corps had to be postponed for more than a month.\n\n―\n\nIn the early sixties, tension heightened again; in August 1860, the Taipings threatened the Settlement; 1861 was relatively calm, but in January and August 1862, the town was once more the target of the rebels. Foreign, mainly British, troops, however, had been brought down to Shanghai from North China, where they had been fighting another war, and with the aid of the Shanghai Volunteer Corps, as well as mercenaries, all attacks could be staved off. Early in 1864, the Taiping insurrection was definitely quelled,\n\nAll this was not without its consequences, of which only those pertaining to theatrical life need detain us here. It was not to be wondered that, as long as the Settlement was under the threat of attack, its foreign population had other matters to attend to than mere amusement, so in these years (1861-1862), there is an almost total eclipse of entertainment. Yet, no sooner had tensions eased somewhat than \"nightlife\" again appeared in full swing. The thousands of soldiers and marines had swelled the originally small population; as a result, this led, on the one hand, to amateur dramatics by the garrison forces; on the other, to an increased audience for travelling companies, which gave, for the first time in Shanghai's history, rather lengthy seasons.\n\nAs was mentioned above, the resident foreign population was fairly small, and this should not be forgotten during any discussion of cultural life in the Settlement. In 1846, the total number of foreigners was given as 120; five years later, the British census showed 256, of whom 38 were females; in December 1859, there were 495 male and 74 female westerners, whereas the census of March 1865, which incorporated the results of events in recent years, showed a total of about 2100 resident foreigners, increased by 1850 military (a number which had no doubt been still higher in 1863 and 1864) --- 160 women again formed a tiny", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "183\n\nJanuary 27 1874 William Suter's Incompatibility of Temper and Tom Taylor's Masks and Faces or Before and Behind the Curtain opened the season in the New Lyceum Theatre. This one lasted much longer than its predecessor, indeed, until 1929 when it was sold to be resuscitated in the French Concession in 1931.\n\n——\n\nBut to return to pre-1867 conditions, some final notes should be added. Shanghai saw its first tentative steps in lighting its streets with gas in 1865 which was no luxury as the state of the roads was often rather dubious. Lighting in the theatre therefore, both the auditorium and the stage, was by means of either candles or oil lamps, the danger and inadequacies of which require no further comment.\n\n—\n\nRegulation of the climate in the hall was also difficult. Temperatures in Shanghai can be as low as 12°C in January and as high as 40°C in June-August. In order not to deter the audience, heating had to be provided in winter, which was duly advertised: \"Thoroughly warmed with splendid stoves\", whereas in summer which was certainly in the early years an unusual time for entertainment - one could read that \"to obviate the excessive heat of a crowded house, the Company beg to state that they have had two large Punkahs hung and have otherwise improved the ventilation\" (a punkah was a large rectangular fan suspended from the ceiling and moved by servants).\n\nPerformances started generally at 8 o'clock or 8.30 (even 9) (1864-1865) and entry prices were $3 for the best seats and $2 for the other ones (back seats and gallery) (The Mexican dollar, one of the currencies used in Shanghai, fluctuated in value, but may be said to have been worth about 4/6 during these years — so no \"shilling gallery\" here).\n\nIn addition to the godown theatres there were a number of other localities where artistic entertainment occurred in 1865. On February 23 1865 a concert was given at the Astor House Hotel. This hotel had been founded by an American, D.C. Jansen, in 1860 and it was situated in a part of the Settlement known as Hongkew (or American Settlement), north of the Soochow Creek, near the bridge. It was destined to become one of the most famous hotels in Shanghai and it was rebuilt several times. But in 1865 it was still a low construction. Other concerts, on October 17 1864, February 15 and March 1865, were given at the Shanghai Club, a redoubtable pillar of society located at the southern end of the Bund where it was opened in 1864. It was built in a neoclassical", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211799, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "AN EPILOGUE\n\nBy a lady, on the night of May 6 1852\n\n“Most courteous friends, whose presence here has been\n\nThe inspiration of our Mimic Scene\n\nSo ready to be pleased, so slow to chide\n\nMethinks your patience has been often tried\n\nBy dull forgetfulness, by blundering guesses\n\nLost cues, spoiled jokes, ill fitting scenes and dresses.\n\nThanks for the merry laugh that cheered our hearts\n\nFor loud applause that bade us top our parts.\n\nFor mirth, that taking all things for the best\n\nMade even a blunder seem a clever jest.\n\nFor kindness that made all our labour less\n\nAnd added double value to success.\n\nAccept with these our brief adieux we pray\n\n'T is thought expedient why I need not say\n\n(A lady's never asked to give a reason)\n\nTo close our Theatre for the busy season!\n\nWe trust we only part awhile however\n\nTo meet you here ere long, as kind as ever\n\nWhen we again your tried support may claim\n\nAnd prove that to deserve it is our aim.”\n\n189", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "193\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Prologue, music\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (A)\n\nN: First performance of the season\n\nR: The proscenium had been adorned with \"a very pretty drop scene of the Port of Leghorn\". The report was in general terms only; both pieces were cleverly and effectively sustained”, During the interval “a most effective Irish song was sung and the orchestra under the veteran melodist Sir George Smart gave unqualified satisfaction* (NCH 31.1.1852).\n\n23.2.1852 (Mon)\n\nT. MORTON: “A Roland for an Oliver\" (1819)\n\nT: Farce (2 acts)\n\n\"No!\" by W.H. MURRAY or F. REYNOLDS\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (A)\n\nN: Second performance of the season\n\nR: Tonight there was a \"numerous attendance of the beau monde, but not so much as on the previous occasion\". A Roland for an Oliver was \"an old established favourite and we need only say that the scenery was admirable, the ladies well dressed, the bride quite lovely and the whole went off amidst enthusiastic cheers and bursts of applause”. The other farce \"No!\" was \"replete with fun and sly sarcasm on unequal matches between lovely young wives and gentlemen rather the worse for wear\". Somewhat contradictorily the critic continued, \"it decidedly exhibited much more spirit than its precursor and was hailed accordingly with more enthusiasm and good will\".\n\nThere was also “a solo on the pianoforte by a young lady, her first appearance, as we believe, on any stage. The rapidity of her fingering, the clearness of her touch and what is so frequently wanting with many performers, her musical emphasis, were striking. We hear that the young lady graduated at the Conservatoire at Paris and her style is characterised by that brilliancy and distinctness so marked in performances at that capital”. No more was heard of this pianist; as to her name and career we are left in the dark. Was she the wife of a local merchant or a touring artist? Or was the \"lady\" in this instance too, a “gentleman\"?? (NCH 28.2.1852).\n\n24.3.1852 (Mon)\n\nG. COLMAN Jr: \"The Review\" (1800)\n\nT: Musical farce (2 acts)\n\nR. AYTON: \"The Rendezvous\" (1818)\n\nT: Operetta (1 act).\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music\n\nTh: New Theatre Royal (A)\n\nN: Third performance of the season\n\nR: For the occasion a new drop scene, depicting the Bay of Naples, had been painted. Apart from the plays \"a company of excellent jugglers amused the visitors, with a good display of surprising feats of sleight of hand\". Possibly these were Chinese, for in the announcement (NCH 20.3.1852) it was stated that there are several parties endeavouring to obtain Native Conjurers for the next theatrical night\".\n\nOf course the whole “went off with much eclat, the characters were well sustained and admirably dressed, the scenery as usual very good and the music first rate” (NCH 27.3.1852).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211829, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "219\n\nColins: Mrs. C.R. Faylor Love Laughs at Locksmiths Robin: Mes. C.R. Faylor\n\nJuliac: Mrs. E. Yeanians\n\nDame Durden: Mr. E. Yeamans.\n\nPaddy Druden: C.R. Faylor\n\nOnly an advertisement for this performance was published in the Herald of May 7. The stage often has its own laws as to the gender of the participants. In amateur theatricals, men dressed up as women à l'outrance, whereas in a professional company like the present one male characters were personified by ladies and vice versa!\n\n14.5.1864 (Sat)\n\nPerformance by the amateurs of the Royal Artillery.\n\nNo titles of plays recorded.\n\nTh: N.N. (H)\n\nR: NCH 21.5.1864\n\n17.5.1864 (Tue)\n\nRepeat of 14.5.1864.\n\n26.5.1864 (Thur)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: “Whitebait at Greenwich\" (1835)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC. MATHEWS: \"Little Toddlekins” (1852)\n\nT: Comic drama (1 act)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: “Poor Pillicoddy” (1848)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs of the Shanghai Volunteer Corps\n\nF: Epilogue spoken by R.C. Antrobus, commander of the S.V.C.\n\nTh: N.N. (H)\n\nN: Final performance of the season\n\nR: For the occasion Edward LAWRENCE, who was a \"practitioner at Law and Notary Public” according to the “Shanghai Almanac for 1862”, had written an epilogue which was read by the commander of the S.V.C., Robert Crawford ANTROBUS (member of the Municipal Council 1864-1865). And, as if to give more weight to its reception, the Herald added that “many of the ladies joined in the applause” (NCH 28.5.1864).\n\n28.5.1864 (Sat)\n\n**An Evening at Home**: \"Songs interspersed with anecdotes and conversation of the most lively description”.\n\nC: Mr. J.R. Black\n\nTh: Olympic Theatre (H)\n\n31.5.1864 (Tue)\n\nAs on 28.5.1864.\n\n3.6.1864 (Fri) As on 28.5.1864.\n\n13.6.1864 (Mon)\n\n\"An Evening at Home - Great Jacobite Night\" by Messrs. J.R. Black and Marquis Chisholm. Performance of the play The Advantages of Bonnie Prince Charlie or the Rising of 1745 (No piece with this title appears in HED), as well as ballads and songs (including 'Vi ravviso from Bellini's \"La Sonnambula\", act 1).\n\nTh: Olympic Theater (H)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211835, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 250, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "225\n\n\"Lady Audley's Secret\", for which HED lists the following authors: C.H. HAZLEWOOD (1863), G. ROBERTS (1863) and W.E. SUTER (1863).\n\nC: Shanghai Amateur Burlesque Company\n\nTh: N.N. (I)\n\nR: For the first time we have at our disposal another source than the \"North China Herald\" for reviews of the Shanghai theatre, viz. the \"Shanghai Commercial Record\". In general, though, the reports were in the same vein as those in the Herald had been, but sometimes more information was given and different accents set. Hardly so for tonight's pieces: they \"reflected great credit on the talent of the performers and their endeavour to provide for the amusement of their fellow exiles has we are sure been highly appreciated\" (SCR 7.1.1865). The Herald only published an announcement (NCH 24.12.1864).\n\n11.1.1865 (Wedn)\n\nD. BOUCICAULT: \"The Octaroon\" (1859)\n\nT: Drama (4 acts)\n\nC: Thorne (travelling) Company\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nR: Sometimes the availability of two sources does not make it easier to make a judgement about the truth of things. What to think e.g., of the following reports on the Thorne Company: The Herald was short in its weekly summary of 14.1.1865: \"The Thorne Company have given a successful representation of the Octoroon at the Lyceum Theatre and announce a second performance for this evening\" (i.e., Saturday). In contrast, the Shanghai Commercial Record reported in its issue of January 25: \"We have had another theatrical troupe here, calling themselves the Thorne Troupe. But whether it is that Shanghai has had too much of this class of entertainment lately, or that the pressure of the times is so great that people do not care to attend the Theatre, we cannot say. Both these causes combined probably to render the patronage bestowed on the Thorne Troupe extremely small. Indeed, when they opened on Wednesday evening last [this should read January 11 - JH] it was literally to an empty house for we hear there was actually no one present to view the performance. The company, as well they might be, were so disgusted that they left next day for San Francisco where we sincerely trust they will be more successful\" Cf. however, Survey, note $2.\n\n14.1.1865 (Sat)?\n\nAs above?\n\n4.2.-10.2.1865\n\nConcert by Mr. Desvachez and Signor Enrico Grossi. Th: Town Hall of the French Concession\n\nR: The violinist DESVACHEZ returned to Shanghai, this time accompanied by the bass singer Enrico GROSSI who had earlier, in December 1863, performed with the Faylor Company in Macao (see BGM 14.12.1863). The concert had called for favourable comment at the hands of our music critic” — indicating that a more detailed review had appeared in the North China Daily News (NCH 11.2.1865).\n\n15.2.1865 (Wedn)\n\nAnnual Volunteer Concert by the Volunteer Band and the \"Shanghai Amateur Quartet Club**.\n\nTh: Shanghai Club\n\nR: The Commercial Record of 22.2.1865 gave the following impression of this concert: \"The Volunteer Band was assisted by the Shanghai Amateur Quartette Club and several gentleman amateurs. The large room in the Club House was lent for the occasion and we were glad to see it well filled. The gay uniforms of the Shanghai Mounted Rangers, mingled with the more sober dress of the Volunteers gave the room a very gay", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211842, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 257, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "232\n\nnot heard before and of which the best that can be said is that they are decidedly original. They seemed an imitation of the noise of braying of donkeys, but still they elicited great applause from the gallery [which was generally not regarded as very complimentary JH] perhaps from a certain feeling of sympathy. An amateur played Weber's \"Aufforderung zum Tanz\" with a \"perfect feeling\". To conclude the evening Mme SIMONSEN sung the \"Valse de concert\" (composer unmentioned) in which \"she displayed her powers more than in any other piece she has sung\" (SCR 22.5.1865).\n\n24.5.1865 (Wedn)\n\nH. MAYHEW: \"The Wandering Minstrel“ (1834)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.P. PLANCHE: \"The Knights of the Round Table” (1854)\n\nT: Drama (5 acts)\n\nC: Amateurs of the Shanghai Mounted Rangers\n\nF: Music by the Band of the 67th Regiment; prologue read by Capt. Markham\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\n―\n\nR: In lieu of the old time favourites, Messrs Brushwood, Pickwick, Newcome and Mrs. Nesbit had come new faces. Most foreigners had not yet made Shanghai their permanent place of residence, so turnover in the theatre too was rather high. Tonight could be admired Mr. SMALLWEED who, in the Knights of the Round Table, as \"the blameless king shewed a keen appreciation of his part and while he delivered the burlesque passages with much humour, proved by the taste with which he pronounced the prophetic eulogium on the Queen of England that he need not necessarily confine himself to broad burlesque in order to gain well-merited applause\"; Mr. Edmund (also a member of the Amateur Burlesque Company) won golden opinions as Launcelot, whereas Mr. PEEKT as Merlin \"displayed much cleverness in personating feeble old men\". In The Wandering Minstrel \"Mr. R.T. Larff, better known to the theatrical world as Mr. Wynnge (did this mean that he had two stage names? JH) sustained the reputation he has already gained as a low comedian and makes us the less deplore the absence of the well known and inimitable Brushwood” (last recorded performance 10.5.1860). Of course the female roles were taken by men, which led, as it always does, to some ridiculous scenes: \"The company possesses great strength in the important particular of lady performers. The only drawback which, however, is immaterial in burlesque, lies in the great height and muscular development of the fair ones\". Yet Miss Mary MIDDLESEX \"bore away the palm for natural feminine get-up\" and \"nothing could excel the dash which Kate COVENTRY threw into the part of the vivandière\", (NCH 27.5.1865). That not all patrons were equally pleased became evident from the Shanghai Commercial Record (5.6.1865) when it wrote: \"an allusion which was considered too personal led to a corresponding in our columns\" (i.e. the \"Shanghai Recorder\" which to the great regret of all historians treating the history of foreign Shanghai can no longer be found). At the end of the evening a number of toasts were proposed, among others to \"Alabaster, to whose exertions much of the success of the company was due\". This was a reference to Chaloner Alabaster (1831-1890), the British vice-consul who was also active in the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. In conclusion the Herald reported that \"the arrangements were excellent and notwithstanding the warmth of the evening and the crowded state of the theatre, the air within the walls did not become oppressively hot. Punkahs were slung over the front seats and during the temporary pauses kept up a current of air\",\n\n27.5.1865 (Sat)\n\nPerformance by Mr. Benjamin Seare. Programme unknown (reading, etc)\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nR: Both the Herald and the Record agreed that Mr. SEARE \"is possessed of great talent\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 261, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "236\n\nP: 12.11.-18.11.1864\n\n\"No | Round the Corner\" (12.3.1854). P: 23.1.1856\n\n**Perdita the Royal Milkmaid or The Winter's Tale** (15.9.1856). P: 8.4.1865\n\nBUCKINGHAM, Leicester Silk (1825-1867)\n\n\"Take That Girl Away (5.3.1855). P: 15.2.1860; 3.12.1864\n\nBUCKSTONE, John Baldwin (1802-1879)\n\n**A Dead Shot** (22.1.1827). P: 11.4.1865\n\n\"The Flowers of the Forest. A gipsy story\" (11.3.1847), P 28.3.-5.4.1865 \"Isabella or Woman's Life\" (27.1.1834). P: 28.3-5.4.1865\n\n\"A Kiss in the Dark\" (13.6.1840). P: 26.3.1857\n\n\"A Lesson for the Ladies\" (5.9.1838), P: 8.4.1865 \"Married Life\" (20.8.1834). P: 12.11-18.11.1864 \"A Rough Diamond\" (8.11.1847). P: 13.4.1865\n\nBUTLER, Richard (1794-1858)\n\n**The Irish Tutor** (12.7.1822). P: 5.5.1853\n\nBYRON, Henry James (1834-1884)\n\n**Aladdin or the Wonderful Scamp** (1.4.1861), P: 2-.9.1864; 19.11.1864; 26.11.1864; 29.4.1865\n\n\"The Babes in the Wood! and the Good Little Fairy Birds!\" (18.7.1859), P: 17.4.1865\n\n**The Bride of Abydos or the Prince, the Pirate and the Pearl** (31.5.1858). P: 22.10-28.10.1864; 13.4.1865\n\n\"Cinderella or the Lover, the Lacky and the Little Glass Slippers\" (26.12.1860). P: 12.11.-18.11.1864\n\n\"Fra Diavolo! or the Beauty and the Brigands\" (5.4.1858). P: 15.10-21.10.1864\n\n**The 'Green' Bushes or Missis Brown of the \"Mississippi\"** (26.12.1864), P: 30.9.1865\n\n**Ill Treated Il Trovatore or the Mother, the Maiden and the Musician** (21.5.1863). P: 22.6.1864; 29.6.1864\n\n**The Maid and the Magpie or the Fatal Spoon** (11.10.1858). P: 8.10-14.10.1864; 15.10-21.10.1864; 15.4.1865\n\n\"Princess Springtime or The Envoy who stole the King's Daughter\" (26.12.1864). P: 10.11.1865; 20.11.1865\n\nCAREY, Henry (1687?-1743)\n\n\"The Dragon of Wantley\" (1737; music by John Frederick Lampe). P: 26.1.1852\n\n\"A Wonder or an Honest Yorkshireman\" (1735). P: 12.11.-18.11.1864\n\nCENTLIVRE, Susannah (1667?-1723)\n\n\"The Wonder. A Woman Keeps A Secret\" (April 1714). P: 12.11.-18.11.1864\n\nCHELTNAM, Charles Smith (1823-?)\n\n\"Aurora Floyd or the Deed in the Wood\" (11.3.1863), P: 26.11.1864; 17.4.1865\n\n\"A Lucky Escape\" (9.9.1861). P: 25.4.1864\n\nCOLMAN, George, the younger (1762-1836)\n\n\"The Heir at Law\" (15.7.1797). P: 21.4.1851\n\n**Love Laughs at Locksmiths** (25.7.1803). P: 9.5.1864\n\n**The Review or The Wags of Windsor** (2.9.1800), P: 24.3.1852\n\nCOURTNEY, John (1813-1865)\n\n**Time Tries All** (4.9.1848). P: 5.5.1860; 21.3.1865", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211858, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 273, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "248\n\n39 NCH 14.3.1863.\n\n40 NCH 2.5.1863.\n\n41 NCH 17.6.1865, 24.6.1865.\n\n42 NCH 28.3.1863.\n\n43 For minstrel shows see: Engle; Toll.\n\n44 NCH 13.2.1864.\n\n43\n\n46 NCH 7.5.1864. cf Dictionary of National Biography, Suppl. 2, Vol. I, p. 545. Here it is mentioned that the touring group was disbanded in 1863, but this is obviously incorrect.\n\n47 NCH 15.2.1862. Could it be that the originator of this Company was the same as \"G.B.W. Lewis\", who built the Astley Amphitheatre in Melbourne in 1854? Cf MacGuire, p. 97, n. 1.\n\n43 NCH 19.11.1864.\n\n49 Smith, p. 243.\n\n50 SCR 5.5.1865.\n\n51 NCH 14.1.1865.\n\n52 SCR 25.1.1865. Probably they first tried their luck in Macao, but there the public interest was very small on February 11 and the next day the performance had even to be cancelled (BGM 13.2.1865).\n\n53 of Appleton, p. 54; about the decline of the benefit system see Troubridge, p. 87ff. 34 Performance 24.3.1852. NCH 27.3.1852.\n\n53\n\n36 NCH 26.1.1856. NCH 28.2.1861. Letter to the \"Daily Shipping & Commercial News\" 27.12.1861; see also NCH 9.10.1858.\n\n47 Carse, p. 70; this was in the 1851-1852 season. Biographical data are given in Fétis, Vol. VII, p. 229; Born in Bordeaux, 11.5.1815; he was admitted to the Conservatoire de Paris, 25.10.1830, where he became a pupil of the famous flautist Jean Louis Tulou. In 1832 he won the first prize in a competition for his qualités précieuses: beau son, reticulation brilliante dans les traits et belle manière de phraser. He spent part of his life in Britain, where he was engaged as the first flautist of the \"Théâtre de la Reine\". This should not read Queen's Theatre (as it is translated by Riemann and others), but Her Majesty's Theatre at the Haymarket. In Fétis it is stated that the theatre closed in 1853; in fact it closed for the season 1852-1853 (Howard, P. 111). Rémusat subsequently returned to France to become a member of the Théâtre Lyrique orchestra (Théâtre de la Gaîté-Lyrique?). Pougin, in the Supplement (Vol. II, p. 403) however doubts this: \"Je ne sais si le fait est exact; en tout cas Rémusat n'aurait pas tardé à retourner en Angleterre, car en 1856 j'ai connu cet excellent artiste à Londres où il occupait une brilliante situation\". He died in Shanghai 1.9.1880. Besides being a soloist he composed a number of concertinos, fantasias, etc for his own instrument.\n\n58 Supplement to Fétis by Pougin, Vol. II, p. 403. of note 57.\n\n59 BGM 4.6.1866, 18.6.1866.\n\n60 Lang, p. 51.\n\n61 A concert of the Philharmonic Society on 26.2.1867 is mentioned in NCH 23.3.1867.\n\n42 NCH 26.2.1859.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211864, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 279, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "254\n\nthan one paragraph, the original paragraph break is marked by a caret. The stylistic “&” and “&c” have been changed to \"and\" and \"etc.\" and certain numbers and fractions spelled out.\n\nJohn Fryer left China in 1896 to become the first Agassiz Professor of Oriental Languages and Literature at the University of California, Berkeley. He held that post until 1914, at age 75, when he became Professor Emeritus. During his Berkeley years he worked to establish courses in the Chinese (Mandarin and Cantonese), Japanese, and Malay languages, and to present Chinese and East Asian cultures to a wide audience. He was quite vocal in advocating the training of Chinese students at American universities at a time when it was not popular to do so. He forcefully supported the training of Americans in East Asian languages and cultures for eventual consular, commercial, and missionary work. He foresaw the need to integrate the study of language, literature, and culture, with emphasis on economics and political science, in a multi-cultural context. He was an early, perhaps the first, academic advocate of what we now call Pacific Rim studies.\n\nUpon his death in 1928 he left his personal library, his letterbooks, and his manuscripts to the University of California. The letterbooks and manuscripts are available in the archives of The Bancroft Library. His letters and manuscripts are currently being assembled and edited for publication.\n\nIn addition to the \"Diary of Voyage to China” the John Fryer papers in The Bancroft Library contain manuscripts titled “First Impressions of Hong Kong and the Chinese People” (August 1861), “Account of Three Days Excursion on the Mainland of China” (January 1862), and \"A Fortnight's Adventure in China and Mongolia\" (May 1865). These essays are of sufficient historical interest to warrant separate publication and will be presented in future issues of this Journal,\n\nNOTES\n\n'A biography, primarily dealing with Fryer's translation efforts, is available in Adrian A. Bennett's John Fryer: The Introduction of Western Science and Technology into Nineteenth-century China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), published as Harvard East Asian Monograph 24.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211868, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "258\n\nOn Sunday my troubles began in earnest. The weather came on very rough early in the morning, and my first intimation of it was to see the water pouring in at the window, and flooding the bed. So I got out to move the bed, when over it goes to the other side of the room with a bang, which woke me up and no mistake about it. Over goes my washing table, and flooded the room again, so that I had a pond, first on one side of the room, and then every time the ship rolled, on the other. Then the boxes began to slide about, and dash first one side and then the other. Then the easy chair, hat box, umbrella, books, etc. etc. joined them, and in a few minutes over went the pan I had used for vomiting on Saturday. All these kept rolling round the room in fine confusion, and I will leave you to imagine that they in no wise helped the seasickness which fast increased. The scene was pitiable in the extreme. I never spent such a Sunday in all my life. It kept raining very hard. All I could do was to make my bed as dry as possible and stay there all day, in a most pitiable condition. I need not say that I wished myself back to Hythe, or down with the good folks at Chudleigh.*\n\nOn Monday the weather increased in fury, and we had a regular dashing about. I grew more and more seasick. We were now about 20 miles from Teignmouth, and I heartily wished the ship might be driven right in by the wind, that I could have got out, and found refuge at the old house at Chudleigh. But no, off we went close to France, and then back again to Lizard Point. Then back to Cape la Hogue in France, and then on Tuesday noon we were to the west of the Scilly Isles. About then the seasickness abated, but came on again furiously at night.\n\nThis morning I awoke a different being, as light and happy and cheerful as possible, and began to sing, and dress myself, and put my place a little straight after so much vexation and trouble. All day I have mended, and now after enjoying my tea, I feel almost right, although as thin as a red herring, having kept nothing at all on my stomach for several days. It has left me very sore at the sides with so much straining and retching, but I shall soon get over it, and be all jolly. The wind keeps right against us. The water is very rough. The ship rolls about dreadfully. During the storm, which has lasted some days, vast had been the amount of damage done to the ship, but more especially has the crockery ware suffered. It would make a person unaccustomed to such sights laugh to see us at meals. The nuisance is dreadful; but I am now a sailor, and am now grown accustomed to it. The waves are running mountains high, and all I wonder at is that we have not been dashed to pieces a hundred", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211870, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 285, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "260\n\nlearned. He was however bullied and swore at, and then locked up in a room all day, and then handcuffed and put down in the hold, and then tried again, when at last the captain laid hold of him by the nose, and sent him out of the cabin. We have now the cook as steward, and I fear he will not stay long. It must be a misery to live with such a man, and all I wonder at is that the crew put up with so much bullying, and cursing. I would not, for an hour.\n\nWe are now getting into a regular way of living. We breakfast at half past eight. There is coffee, eggs, biscuit, cheese, butter, beefsteak, hash, etc. every day nearly. Since my seasickness I have a most ravenous appetite. I am quite ashamed at the amount of food which I eat, and then I am always hungry. I shall soon grow fat at this rate.\n\nAfter breakfast I put my room in order, and set all straight for the day, after which I read a little and go on deck, where I walk about for an hour or two, and amuse myself one way or another till twelve o'clock, when there is luncheon of bread and cheese, etc. Then I read, or sing, or walk the deck till three o'clock, when it is dinner time. We generally sit an hour or so over dinner.\n\nThe captain generally spins a good long yarn to Captain Moult, which to me is never very interesting. Sometimes they try to get me into an argument about something or other, and generally do it by running out against missionaries, or something of that kind. I find it hard work to stand my ground alone.\n\nLast week I lost a day in my reckoning, and thought that Sunday was Saturday. It might have been for all the difference that was made on board. They never make the least difference between Sunday and other days. It was the most miserable Sabbath I ever spent, except the week before when I was so unwell. I spent the greater part in my room alone, reading and singing. Often did I wish myself at home again, among those who love and serve Jesus. Yet I must try to do something for him here, for there is plenty of room for it.\n\nBut to return to my subject in hand. We take tea at six o'clock, and then there is a bit of a supper at eight. Then about nine we all go to our berths. It is generally about ten before I am in bed. Even there the noise and rolling about prevent one from sleeping all the time. But I suppose I shall grow accustomed to the inconvenience before long.\n\nPage 285\n\nPage 286", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211872, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 287, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "262\n\nToday I saw some porpoises floundering about in the water, and soon we may expect to see some flying fish. I am now getting into pretty near regular habits, and am thriving uncommonly well. The provisions are the best of everything. As much wine, spirits, etc. as I could drink, if I were one of that description of person. There is no mistake about living well; but of course one cannot expect it to last all the voyage. I have more than recovered what I had lost by the seasickness, and I shall soon, I hope, begin to look stout and hearty. I am on very friendly terms with everybody on board, and manage to hold a corner with the captain once in a way, although of course I cannot feel at home and friendly with people who live in a manner so opposed to all my notions of right and wrong. Three weeks ago I left home. What a long, long, three weeks it has been.\n\nThursday, April 4th\n\nAnother very fine day it has been, and nearly all the time I have been on deck sitting and reading or thinking in my easy chair. The time has passed very rapidly and pleasantly. Some hours have I spent in thinking of home, and all that I have left behind. The more I think of it, the more hard it seems; but I console myself with thinking there is a \"need be\" for it. Often, too, I am looking forward to my arrival, if spared, at Hong Kong. There will be not one there to look up to, since the chaplain has left, and I have not a letter of introduction to anyone there. It is rather a strange predicament to be in, but I must try and make the best of it.\n\nFor nearly a week we have had nothing but foul winds, so that we are not yet come to Madeira, after 25 days sailing. It is very poor work since we ought to have done it in one half of the time. It quite disheartens the captain and everyone else to be knocking about so long, and doing nothing, hardly, after all. The sun is now getting powerful; today it was quite hot, and has regularly browned my face for me.\n\nSince Sunday I was rather unwell, with a bilious attack, I suppose through eating too much, for the sea air gives me a ravenous appetite. I took some homeopathy last night, and today it has put me about right.\n\nI am beginning to learn a good many of the nautical terms, which at first seemed quite like Greek to me. I hope soon to know the names of all the parts of the ship. Our new steward answers very well, and I believe gives everybody satisfaction.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 290, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "265\n\nshade in the saloon. It will not at any part of the voyage be very much hotter. I hope to be able to endure the heat without much inconvenience.\n\nI have got into a kind of system of living of which I will give you today as an instance. Rose at half past six, had a wash all over in salt water, and then at half past seven went up on deck for half-an-hour's parade. Breakfast at half past eight. Study Chinese from nine till twelve. Lunch, and then read Milton till dinner time, committing some portions to memory. At four o'clock I went at Milton again till six, when I stopped to view the sunset and walk up and down for half an hour. Then tea, and am now here writing.\n\nToday several whales played round the ship. One was estimated at 50ft long. One I saw was I believe 30ft, and leaped clean out of the water. As yet we have not caught a fish of any kind, but hope to when we reach the line, which we expect to do in eight or ten days with a fair wind.\n\nIt is now about one fourth of the voyage over, which is a great comfort to think of. The other day we killed a sheep, and now have only one left. We have still fowls enough to last for some time to come, although we generally have two every day.\n\nI am often thinking of what lies before me in China, and expect I shall find it rather strange at first, but I mean to make the best of it come what may. The sun has regularly browned my face, and made me look quite a different person, quite unlike the palefaced fellow I used to, and I am getting quite stout, so much so as to burst my waistcoat. We now have an awning spread over the deck, so that the deck is very cool and comfortable.\n\nFriday, April 19th\n\nI have nothing of any importance to add to my journal, yet I may as well put down what there is. This morning's observation showed that we have very nearly reached the line. Tomorrow if all is well we shall be crossing it. The captain and others have been joking me a great deal about what I have to undergo, according to the usual custom, on this occasion. They talk about having a long boat half filled with water for my ducking, and preparing a fine lather and iron hoop for the purpose of shaving me. But I only laugh at their nonsense, although they may perhaps want to try it on as a bit of fun. So if they do I must even make", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211876, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 291, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "266\n\nthe best of it.\n\nThe weather has now grown intensely hot. In the shade the thermometer is now standing at 84°, which is rather inconveniently warm. Since we have a lady on board, we are obliged to keep ourselves quite dressed, and really sometimes at meals it is very oppressive. At night even lying without clothes at all is very warm work. But in the day time on deck it is a trifle cooler when there is any breeze. In fact I have almost lived on deck for above a fortnight. It is pleasant of a night, especially now the moon shines. The stars however are all strangers to me. There is one fine constellation, the southern cross which is very pretty. The north star is just now going out of sight, and after tomorrow I shall not see it again for a while.\n\nI am getting more and more used to sea, although I shall never be very fond of it. It is all very pleasant to sit on deck and read all day, but soon one gets tired of it. It is the same thing every day, and no variety. Not even a sail has appeared for several days. The other day I saw a herd of grampusses, and the other evening a great fellow about 30 feet long, came blowing around the ship for some time. The flying fish are now very numerous, and sometimes a great shoal of them dart out at once from the water, and skim along above the waves. Today I spent some time in watching the stormy petrels as they skim along. Several of them have followed the ship for some days.\n\nI am now making some progress with Chinese, so that I can get on slowly through the gospel of St. Matthew in Chinese. I should do famously if the Chinese servant on board was only a Cantonese. I can of course make him understand in writing, but his pronunciation is as different as French from English. I also shall try to get some German if possible out of Captain Moate, so that I can discourse with the German missionaries.\n\nWe must now call at Anger [Anjer] for a fresh supply of fowls, and perhaps of water. I shall then hope to get hold of some fruit, which of course cannot be procured on board ship. I am very glad we may stop there, because I shall perhaps be able to send you a line just to say I am all right. I expect there will be a wonder at not hearing from me sooner. I fear however it will be impossible, since there appears no chance of falling in with an homeward bound ship. My health continues good, and if this hot weather does not last, I hope to keep all right.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211878, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 293, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "268\n\nover the past, or meditating on the future. I am often picturing out the arrival at Hong Kong, and what sort of a place I shall find there; and how many letters I shall find there for me. I hope the Bishop will have sent me some further advice, and an order for the payment of my salary. I shall want to get some of my salary advanced, as it will cost a good deal to set up housekeeping on my own account. I have thought of a hundred things which I shall require to know when I get there.\n\nThe other day I found out that the captain's wife is a Roman Catholic. I had suspected as much for some time previously. He professes to be of no religion at all; so it is no wonder that I cannot associate with such people. I had a bit of a row with him the other day, but he soon drew in his horns and was uncommonly obliging for a few days. It is miserable to live with a man who does nothing but grumble and growl at the men all the day long. I have hardly heard him speak kindly to anybody yet.\n\nWednesday, May 1st\n\nI am very glad we have reached another month. Often am I thinking of May and how pleasant it is in England, now everything begins to look beautiful in the country. But for me there is nothing but the wide waste of waters to look at, and the sky overhead, and the consolation that only half the time of the voyage is yet over. It is truly a very monotonous life, but still it cannot be helped.\n\nI am now very hard at work with Chinese, Latin, Greek, and French and what with these and other subjects I can just manage to keep myself busied. And I find that the more my mind is occupied, the faster goes the time, only it is rather wearing work to the eyes and brain to read so much.\n\nCapt Moate and I are now tolerably friendly, and I do not mind him as a companion when he does not swear nor speak improperly. He has certainly very much improved, and I hope by the time we reach Hong Kong he will have become quite a clever fellow.\n\nWe have been rather put out of our course through the continuance of the SE winds, which have driven us right back almost within sight of South America, and detained us considerably in our course. The wind has just lately veered round a little, but we are still going along very slowly and badly. It is a long way before we get to the Cape. We are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211886, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 301, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "276\n\nwas \"scarfed\" together and \"fished\" and \"dowled\", which operation has rendered it nearly as serviceable as a new one. We cannot use more than about a quarter of the sails yet, and it will take a long time to get the new masts up, and new sails made. Yet we are going along quite favourably considering, with a strong favourable wind.\n\nYesterday we were on the look out for St Paul's and Amsterdam, two small islands in the Southern Ocean. Through the chronometer's being out of order on account of the storm, we had made a wrong reckoning, and did not pass between the islands till after ten o'clock at night, when the captain came and told me to look out of my window and see them, as I was gone to bed. It was too dark to see more than the bare form of them. In fact Amsterdam was the only one I could see from my side of the ship. It is simply a rugged rock, about 15 miles long, and quite uninhabited except by sea-birds, of which a great number were soon flying round the ship.\n\nThis morning when I went on deck they were far out of sight. We ought to get to Java in 12 days if we were in good trim, but in our shattered condition we shall perhaps make nearly double the time. There will be a short stay also at Batavia to lay in stock of masts and spars to repair with. As yet we have been wonderfully favoured by the wind, and notwithstanding the storm and the fortnight tossing about in the Channel, we are four days ahead of the last voyage the ship made to Batavia. We shall now soon be going northward into warmer weather.\n\nThe captain was quite knocked up with the storm, and has not yet got over it. He does not take his meals with us yet, and Capt Moate and I are in no hurry for him to do so, for we get on far better by ourselves. In fact I may say we are good friends, and have been so all the voyage. We have never had a misunderstanding between us, and as long as he does not swear or talk improperly I do not much mind him as a companion, especially as he is a far better scholar than I am, and has resided at Hong Kong, so that I know by this time what I must expect when I get there. I have got him to read some good books, and now and then a little serious chat with him, which he submits to just to oblige me. I know all his personal history, and in fact could write an account of his life with tolerable accuracy. He is thoroughly disgusted with Capt Harper, who is quite an uneducated man, and thinks he is a perfect gent. For my own part, I never disliked anyone more than I do him. I can hardly be civil to him at times; for he acts in such a disgusting manner", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211889, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 304, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "279\n\nsome hopes of Capt Moate, for it is possible to talk to him, and we have had some very serious conversations together on religious subjects; and he has even read his Bible occasionally; but he still swears dreadfully when he is talking to any of the rest.\n\nMy clothes have lasted out well; especially the shirts, which I have saved by using the \"flannel ones\". I intend to do a small \"dab\" of washing on my own account this week, that I may have less to have done when I get to Hong Kong.\n\nWe ought to sight Christmas Island on Friday, and with a good strong wind I have no doubt but that we shall do so. I intend to write another letter to send you from Batavia, because it is only a quarter ounce I can send for you to get it soon. I often trouble myself to think how disappointed you are not to have heard from me before, but of course it is not my fault. I dare say this yarn will stretch out long enough before I get to China to last you several hours reading it through.\n\nTuesday, June 18th\n\nToday has occurred the only event of the least importance for a very long time. About ten o'clock we spied a sail in sight and at noon the ship came up with us. She was a whaler about half the size of our ship. She lay to for us to come up, and then sent off a boat, supposing from our shattered appearance we were in distress. The whaler was from New Bedford, United States, and her name was The Congress. The boat was soon alongside, pulled by six stout strapping Yankees. The captain, a very gentlemanly fellow in every respect but dress, came aboard, and had a good yarn with our \"skipper\". To hear the fellows talk was quite amusing to me. They have all such a nasal twang that when I heard one speak I went and looked over the side, expecting to see \"old Bobby\" there, for I never heard anything more like his \"cackle\".\n\nThey had been out nearly two and a half years, and had only taken 800 barrels of oil. There are four men continually at the mast heads, on the lookout for whales, and in the distance you may imagine how very small they appeared to be. They will make about a four years cruise of it before they return to their home. What a life it must be, to stay on the water so long, and in such dangerous employment. They had eight harpoons in the boat which came off; and the boat seemed to fly over the water.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211895, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 310, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "285\n\nJuly 17th\n\nOnce more on board ship and seated at the cabin table, I am endeavouring to recall to mind a few reminiscences of Batavia, which I trust may prove interesting to all who read them. I will begin where I left off, and tell you that the sea being rather rough, we got a good drenching before reaching the shore in the boat. I had on my light suit which I had up to that time worn but little. The sea water has done it but very little injury. In fact it was so hot that long enough before we reached the town it was dry throughout.\n\nIn we pulled, among the crowd of shipping, and at last reached the entrance of the Canash. This is a canal about two miles long, reaching from the town to the sea. It was full of small ships and boats. As we neared the lower town, the sides were covered with green trees and bushes. I really felt quite like a prisoner released after a long confinement, and it was a treat to hear the birds sing once more.\n\nWe passed the Dutch fortifications, and then stopped at the custom house, where our effects were taken note of, and we were allowed to enter the town. They are very strict as to who they let into the town, as we could easily see, for we were well overhauled.\n\nWe went a short way along the road till we came to a Dutch store, where the captain went in and we stayed a short time. We there met the captain of the ship which we passed the day after the storm. He had been in some days, and that rather vexed our captain. He was a smart little Dutchman, and quite the gentleman. I had a few minutes chat with him.\n\nThen we took a carriage and went up into the town. The carriages are like an English Chaise, and only room for two. Of course they are open, and have an open place behind so as to have a cool breeze right through. The horses are all about the size of very small donkeys, and as thin as possible. There are two to every carriage, and they can hardly move along. You cannot hire one for less than three and a half rupees, or 5/10; but you can keep it for six hours for the money. The drivers are Malays, and wear the \"basin\" kind of hat I spoke of before. They have to keep the whip constantly going.\n\nWe drove through the town which in the European parts is very neat", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211901, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 316, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "291\n\nout at church, and would be back before long, as the service began at nine o'clock. They only have one service, and get it over by eleven in time for breakfast. I was much disappointed, but of course it could not be helped.\n\nI took a long walk one afternoon with Mr Phillips, and posted my two letters. He took me through some parts I had never seen before. He had to call on business, so I came home alone. I passed the barracks, where I heard some native music, which to my ears was rather discordant.\n\nIn addition to their horses, the Malays use bullocks for drawing water casks etc. These bullocks are great thick clumsy brutes, with monstrous horns, and a great hump on their back. They have scarcely any hair, and go along at about two miles an hour. There is a strange breed of dogs and cats. There are plenty of snakes; one was shown me about three yards long, but with a very thin body, and covered with beautiful green and yellow marks. The frugivorous bats are very large, and as one walks about under the trees in the dark they almost flap their wings in one's face.\n\nAt last on Wednesday night we came off to the ship and once more took up our abode within its dreary sides. Everything seemed so dull and dreary, but I consoled myself with the thought that a fortnight ought to bring us to our journey's end. I brought with me a stock of pomeloes. They are a species of orange which grow larger than one's head, and are so healthy a fruit that one cannot eat too much of them. I got fourteen for two rupees. I have felt the benefit of eating them freely. In fact, they are such a cure for the bile that I have not been in the least troubled with it since eating them.\n\nI managed to catch two butterflies and a moth, all of them very large, compared with any to be seen in England. There are some very fine ones which seem to be very common there. The birds have the most brilliant plumage, of all colours; one kind of dove, which is wild, naturally keeps up a most curious noise which can be heard a long way off. Its note is rather long, and has a peculiar sound when heard in the stillness of the night. Indeed, Java abounds with everything that is lovely and enchanting. There is a perpetual summer. Everything is always in season, and the excessive fertility is the means of making the natives indolent and careless. They never work unless compelled to do so. Then having got a few cents, they live on it till it is gone, and only work again when they can go no further in debt. They creep about so slowly that one cannot help feeling tempted to help them to a kick. Even a small establishment", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211905, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 320, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "295\n\nweather, in which it is impossible to study. Today and yesterday however I have brushed it up a little.\n\nI am looking forward with the most intense anxiety to get a letter from you at Hong Kong. Till then, unless our voyage is unexpectedly prolonged I shall write no more. I think that what I have already written will occupy many an hour to read; but if it interests or amuses, I shall consider the time spent in writing not to have been thrown away.\n\nSince the voyage has been unusually protracted from Batavia to China I must just describe the last few days. We had light winds all the way up the China Sea. Day after day we lay with scarcely a movement. Everything went on worse than ever, swearing increased fearfully. So we went along till Sunday evening, when a wind gradually began to blow, and took us along at a comfortable rate.\n\nOn Monday morning we took in a pilot about 60 miles from the Ladrone Islands. He was about as smart a fellow as ever I saw, and knew his business thoroughly. I was most thankful to see him, because I could not trust the captain. I could see he neither knew where he was, or what to do; and in a few more hours we must have been among the hundreds of islands, which to one that never saw them before, could never be navigated. I look upon the unusual fact of the pilot coming so far out to sea, as an interposition of Providence on our behalf. The wind increased and we went along famously. We were to get to Hong Kong early in the morning. I sat on deck watching the ship as it threaded its way among the groups of islands and rocks. At last I went down to my cabin, but there was no sleep. My mind was all activity.\n\nAt day break I went on deck, and there I saw the sight my eyes had so long desired to see. Hong Kong lay before me, and rising up the slope of its rocky sides stood Victoria. Everything looked green and flourishing. As I glanced round the town my eye rested on the Cathedral, and then there stood the college on the hill side, almost buried by the trees round it, and as much unlike the photograph I had, as winter is unlike the summer,\n\nI packed all up, and went to breakfast, but it was not till eleven o'clock that I could get on shore, since all the boats were gone. At last I got a chance, and went on shore with a very intelligent Chinaman, who cautioned me against the thieves and pickpockets. The heat was dreadful.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211906, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 321, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "296\n\nBut of course all the pathways are roofed over, and the people walk in the shade. Trees are also planted outside the path. The traffic in the streets equals that of London, and the noise far surpasses it.\n\nThe Chinaman directed me how to find the college, so I walked on, and came to a house on fire, which was quite a serious affair. After some few blunders and asking I was directed to the college, and wound round the hill. My feelings were indescribable. A thousand thoughts and feelings rushed in wild confusion through my brain, and this with the heat was rather enough to make one feel funny.\n\nAt last I spied the college and took a walk round it, incognito. Then I went to the hall, and with rather a fearful pull, rang the bell. I waited a few minutes, and a Chinese boy came to the door. Of course I wanted someone to introduce me and show me what was before me. The Chinese servant seemed to know nothing, and I waited and walked about a long time, till at last I found a gentleman, the Surveyor General of the island, who is for the present residing here. He informed me that Mr Beach was still here and would be in soon.\n\nI went into the Bishop's Drawing room and waited two hours, till Mr Beach arrived. He was rejoiced to see me, and we were soon on the best of terms. He gave me the letters that were here, and I need not say with what an appetite I devoured them all. They seemed to stir me up and did me no end of good to know all was going on well. For weeks I had dreamed every night of getting a bundle of letters. I had six. Two from Anna (poor little girl), one from George, one from Father, one from Jabey, and one from the bishop; and a paper from Tidcombe. It was like balm and honey after being shut up in prison so long.\n\nI felt so rejoiced that I wanted to shout, and sing, and laugh, and cry, and caper about, and jump over all the chairs and tables in the room, all in the same moment.\n\nI will just send you the Bishop's letter:\n\nDear Mr Fryer,\n\n\"Although I have scarcely anything to say, I cannot omit sending you a few lines to assure you how much you were in our thought and how regularly your name was mentioned", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211909, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 324, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "299\n\nor use as I think proper. There is a punka over the central table, where I shall take my meals; you cannot imagine how pleasant it is to be fanned all the while you are eating. There is an air pump, a large electric machine and apparatus, and a photographic apparatus, besides a magic lantern, so that there is plenty of amusement for me.\n\nTomorrow I set up on my own account. I have had to lay in a stock of clothes, which are enormously dear, and to get some earthenware and cutlery. If the bishop had only told me I could have got all at one-quarter the price in England. Provisions are generally speaking the same price as in England. Some of course dearer and some less.\n\nI have a Chinese servant whose name is A-chee. He does not know one word of English. I have also a coolie under my control, who belongs to the college. Things are carried on here in a very strange manner; but I hope soon to get used to them. I feel very strange among strangers who cannot understand what I say to them. My Chinese is but of little use that I learned; in fact I never use it at all.\n\nYesterday I went to the ship and brought away the bishop's two boxes he gave to my care. During the night the crew had a mutiny, and the captain and mate could only preserve their lives by walking about with loaded pistols in their hands. I thought the crew would do so if they possessed English blood. Captain Moate very meanly wrote a letter to be read at the trial, giving the captain an excellent character. Consequently the men can get no discharge, nor redress of grievances and injuries. He wants me to come and testify to the truth of the letter; but I shall not do so till summoned by the authorities, and then I will expose his barbarity. I expect him every moment to come and fetch me.\n\nThe climate of Hong Kong is excessively hot. The amount of perspiration I throw off in a day is something considerable. But the consolation is that in a few weeks it will be cool and agreeable enough, I am thankful for the enjoyment of good health and strength and can endure it all very well. If I can get on till the middle of September, all will be right enough. If you could see me, you would see a great brown red-faced fellow, moustache and whiskers enormous, quite enough to terrify the natives, who do really appear afraid of me.\n\nAnna's letter did me a world of good. Poor girl, it makes me wretched to think of her having to work so hard at Teignmouth, and that she", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211910, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 325, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "300\n\ntroubles herself about me. Yet she cheered me up wonderfully, and I felt quite another person after reading them. I am sorry that she stayed no longer at Hythe, but I am glad she is back to her former place in one sense. What would I not give to see her.\n\nI was glad to hear all at home continue well. I am very anxious about Siss and Charley, and wonder father did not even mention their names in his letter. I hope, however, to get a letter from each of them soon. I hope the shop where you are going will answer well. I am afraid, however, for mother; that she will work herself to death. Let her take things easy, as I do, and she will do far better. She need not fear coming to the workhouse, as she anticipates, now I can get bread and cheese enough for two. Only let her keep her \"pecker\" up, and she will get on all the better. Poor old George I hope is better. Time is up or I would write him. Mail closes in less than three hours, and I have a great deal to do in the way of college business with the Bp as well as to write to Anna. Will write a great bundle of letters for next mail, to all parties. I have been very busy looking over all my accounts to begin with, and inquiring about everything and putting everything as it should be.\n\nTonight I go to pay my respects to the Colonial Chaplain, Mr. Irwin and family. I have a good harmonium to play upon. Thank Jabey for his kind letter and tell him to write again and I will send him two in one to make up.\n\nI was sorry to hear of Johnny's having the measles. I hope he is all right. Every time I slept I could not help remembering Aunt Maria, in the comfort I found in the pillow. I will write her soon. Stir all the Hythe folks up, and get them to send a cargo of news from home. Shall be glad to hear from any of them and will answer every letter I get. I wish Siss would write a long yarn. My best love to everybody. To all at Hythe, Bridge, Dover and elsewhere, I will send full description soon.\n\nHoping this finds you all well and that I shall hear nothing but good news from every body,\n\nI remain, 's\n\nYours &c\n\nJohn Fryer [sig.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211925, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 340, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "315\n\npiracy problem in the late Ming, the Coastal Evacuation and its aftermath. In 1662, to deny Ming loyalists supply and support, the Qing government ordered the coastal population of Xin'an county, among others, to evacuate inland (see Ng 1983:26-28). Many died. They were only allowed to return in 1669, thanks to the petitions of the Governor of Guangdong Wong Loi-Yam and the Governor-General Jau Yau-Tak.\n\nIt is to be expected that the population became smaller in the period just after the evacuation. Many new lineages had migrated into the area in this period (Siu 1984:5-6). These newcomers would have been a threat to those who had settled long before the evacuation. Some of the “locals” had probably also learnt from the previous experience the need to get organized. Others would have to follow suit if they did not want to be dominated by large power groups. Students of the region see the Evacuation (1662-1669) as a turning point in its history. Watson (1985:25), for example, pointed out, \"Many of south [Xin'an] temples, and large corporate descent groups trace their beginning to this period”. The construction of temples and ancestral halls, she suggested, were steps to strengthen the organizational framework and power of the dominant lineages.\n\n12\n\nThe ancestral hall for Ching-Lok's segment, as I have noted above, was probably first built before this period. In Kam Tin a few other ancestral halls and the Jau and Wong Temple were erected in this period. Before this period, therefore, some of the Dangs in Kam Tin had ancestral halls and some had none. From early in this period every one \"belonged” to at least one ancestral hall. One of them, the Mau-Ging Tong, was obviously different in nature from the earlier Ching-Lok ancestral hall. It encompassed the three junior branches of the lineage. An inscription for the rebuilding of the Mau Ging Tong included in the Si Gim Tong genealogy acknowledged that it was built subsequent to the Ching-lok ancestral hall, in the Kangxi period (1662-1735). Another ancestral hall, Loi-Sing tong, was also built in this period, in 1701, for the brother of Ching-Lok, as noted above. All of the Dangs of Kam Tin belong to one of these three ancestral halls. Even then, there is no common ancestral hall for all the Dangs of Kam Tin. The Gwun-Yam temple at the site of the present Ling-Wan Ji monastery, to which I shall return later, may have been important to Kam Tin as a whole since very early days. The Jau and Wong Temple built in 1685 dedicated to two officials, and its associated decennial jiu festival also provided all the Dangs of Kam Tin with a unified symbol of identity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211931, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 346, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "321\n\nThese accusations were made at the county magistracy. The Kam Tin Dangs got news of the accusation and arranged that all their young men gathered in the various ancestral halls and temples to read, so as to deceive the investigators from the county government. The county magistrate was deceived, and believed that the Kam Tin Dangs were all scholars and would not give any time to the accusation. Therefore he did not pursue the case any further.\n\nSome of the Dangs believe that the fighting between the people of Kam Tin and those of Pat Heung was over agricultural resources such as irrigation water. The Dangs of Kam Tin used only one bei reservoir, the one called Fui Sha bei. The water flowed from Pat Heung, near Lin Fa Tei, and the Pat Heung people could stop the water. One recent (about 100 years ago) example of a dispute over agricultural resources was the Ngau Wong Wui association which had been started to organize the cowherds of Kam Tin, to protect them against their Pat Heung counterparts, and to preserve Kam Tin pasture rights.\n\nOne piece of documentary evidence of the conflict between the Dangs and their Pat Heung tenants has survived. It is a stone inscription dated 1777 found in both the Daai-Wong Temple of Yuen Long Old Market and the Jau and Wong Temple of Kam Tin. It records a rent dispute.\n\nFive Dangs are named as the landlords in this inscription. In general terms, the document calls the landlords \"the Dang surname\", and the land \"the land of the clan\". It is therefore clear that the landlords were all from the same lineage and the property was considered as linked to the lineage as a whole albeit it was probably individually owned. Four of the five names can be found in various documents from Kam Tin. All four appear in a silk embroidery presented to a Dang of Kam Tin to celebrate his birthday in 1771. We have more specific information about two of them: one, Dang Si-Daan, was a descendant of Yam's second son Gwong-Yu, and the other, Dang Chung, is a descendant of one of the other sons of Hung-Yi, most probably Gyun. It is therefore clear that one of the parties to the dispute were many of the Dangs of Kam Tin, including members of different branches and represented in general terms the Dang lineage.\n\nA few names are also given of the tenants. There were about the same number of Dangs and non-Dangs among them. While the landlords were referred to as members of a lineage, the tenants were referred to as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211945, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 360, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "335\n\nA. Places of worship\n\nThe gods worshipped in Kam Tin can be divided into four categories. They are gods housed in temples, localized gods in outdoor space, gods on family altars, and the general gods of Heaven. The gods of heaven (Tin-San) are worshipped outside the house door, often with a tablet saying \"Blessings from the Gods of Heaven\" (Tin-Gwun Chi-Fuk).\n\nMore important for the community as a whole are temple gods and localized gods. Firstly there are the Ling-Wan Monastery and the Jau and Wong temple, which were important to the Dangs of Kam Tin as a whole. Stone inscriptions show that villagers of Kam Tin as a whole contributed money for rebuilding or repair, doing so on the basis of villages and higher order lineage estates, notably Ching-Lok Jou and Naam-Kai Jou.\n\nAccording to Sung (1973 and 1974) and the Si Kim Tong genealogy the Ling-Wan Ji was established by the Dangs of Kam Tin for the second wife of their founding ancestor Hung-Yi. But it is probable that Sung's source for this information was the author of the Si Gim Tong genealogy himself, and other villages seemed less aware of the connection of the monastery with their ancestor. Perhaps even more important is the idea that Ling-Wan Ji was the jyu-lou, or “head” of Kam Tin. That is why, a Mr. Dang explained to me, all the village gates should face Kwun Yam Shan, where Ling-Wan Ji is, and there is no need for a tall san-teng. Ko Po and Wing Lung Wai are exceptions to this rule. He knew that the position of the gate in Wing Lung Wai had been altered. He thought that the direction of the Ko Po one had been altered too.\n\nInterestingly the Xin'an gazetteer has no entry for the Ling-Wan Monastery under that name, but records the existence of a Gwun-Yam Temple on Kwun Yam Shan at the foot of Tai Po Shan, which matches the location of the monastery. The Xin'an gazetteer of 1688 is probably the earliest document mentioning the temple. Under the entry for the temple it mentioned a man of Dongguan county in the Ming dynasty who had lived there. It is not completely clear if this man was a Daoist. When Dang Si-daan's uncle donated the bell now at the monastery in 1755, the inscription referred to the place as the nunnery at Kwun Yam Shan. No one had heard about the temple named in the gazetteer, but Gwun-Yam is worshipped in the monastery, with various other gods such as Gwaan-Dai, and it is the goddess who has a central position, with\n\nPage 360\n\nPage 361", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211952, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 367, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "342\n\nThe festival was estimated to cost a total of more than one million dollars. The opera cost $357,000, paper images $150,000, temporary structures $150,000, and the puppet theatre $110,000. The opera was paid for, as is the tradition, from the funds of two lineage trusts, those of the Naam-Kai jou and Ching-Lok jou. Each contributes $180,000. For the other expenses, each of the villagers paid a subscription of $300, with the no. 1 to no. 15 ritual representatives each paying an extra $500,\n\n50\n\nThe main participants were the Dang villagers of Kam Tin. For the purpose of organizing the jiu the villagers were divided into five gu sections. Each section corresponded to a village, except that the Tai Hong gu included, besides Tai Hong Wai, Ko Po, Kam Hing Wai, Tsi Tong Tsuen and Tai Hong Tsuen. Also taking part were the villagers of Ying Lung Wai, the settlement of the second branch of Hung-Yi's lineage outside the heung of Kam Tin. They paid half subscriptions and got the last three places among the 60 ritual representatives. Some of the non-Dang residents in the heung also participated. Those include the Sa Bui Leng villagers and post-War and later immigrants from China who operated farms and shops in Kam Tin. These \"outsiders\", however, could not become ritual representatives. The ritual representatives were to stand for all the villagers in the Taoist rites and in some of the rites the villagers performed on their own. There were also religious activities conducted by every household. At three points of the festival, i.e. the opening day, the main day, and the concluding day, every household came, family by family, to worship at the various ritual sites, and a priest visited each house on the last day to purify the family altar. In addition, each and every person was named in the ritual memorials which were read aloud and sent by fire to heaven, with a copy posted in the ritual area for all to read and check.\n\nMany other villagers in the area were also peripherally involved. They offered their congratulations by having fa-paai banners set up in the festival site, and by paying a formal visit to the site on the main day with their lion/unicorn dances. To wait to receive them the elders of Kam Tin lined up in cheung-saam,\n\nB. Ritual Area\n\nThe festival site was beside the Jau and Wong Temple. A large paang temporary structure was erected. Outside the main structure were three small linked temporary structures for first-aid, the fire services, and the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211959, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 374, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "349\n\ncommon to them. Most of them took place at one small space which I shall refer to as the ritual site. In most of the rituals, the ritual site was the Taoist altar in the main hall. Wherever a rite took place, the focus was one or more tables decorated with red embroidery, and covered with offerings of candle-sticks, incense, tea, wine, and sweets and food. In many cases the images of the gods to whom the rite was addressed were placed on the table. In most of the rites that took place at the Taoist altar, a distinction could be made between an \"inner table\" for the three Pure Ones and an \"outer table\" for the general gods of heaven. The priests put on their different Taoist robes and hats, which, in the main rites, distinguish the high priest from the others, and performed a series of actions to the accompaniment of music, which was played on cymbal, gong, dong-jiu and sona, and in the cases of scripture chanting and a few other rites which consist mainly of chanting, the \"wooden fish\" and \"chime\".\n\nThe other common objects used in the rites included manuals, charms, charm water, a bushel measure, knife, seal, and the faan flags for the Emperors of the Five Directions. To pay their respects to the gods, in many rites the priests held a chiu-gaan tablet before the breast as officials did when received in audience by the Emperor, or held a small incense burner with handles. At certain stages of the rites, typically when reporting their Taoist title and invoking the gods, the priest instructed the ritual representatives to kneel. The bushel measure was on the ritual table during most of the major rites. It contained, besides the faan flags, the sword and seal which represented the power of the Heavenly Master, Zhang Tianshi. With these two symbols of authority the head priest performed his magic steps to purify the ritual area, often using charm water as well. Besides the charms used with water for purification, there were charms for summoning different spirits in the Taoist cosmology.\n\n62\n\nOne of the ritual objects which appeared several times in the series of Taoist rites was the Memorial, which existed in three different forms for different purposes.\n\nIn all its versions the Memorial contained a general statement about the ritual, and a list of all the participants in the ritual, i.e. all the villagers. One version was bound in the form of a book and was usually carried by the no. 1 ritual representative in a paper \"pavilion\". This Memorial was read in summary during the first stage of most rites, and in full in a few major rites. Used in most of the major rites were Memorials in the form of scrolls, which were at the end of the rites sent off to the different sections of the supernatural", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211960, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 375, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "350\n\nworld by first fixing them in the arms of a mounted paper horse rider known as gung-chou, who served as a messenger, and then burning the three (horse, rider, and memorial) together. The other form, known as bong, was posted in a rite on the main day of the festival on a wall, and remained there until the conclusion of the ritual.\n\nThe scripture chanting/Repentance session took place before the Three Pure Ones three times a day. The manual used was the common Jade Emperor's Repentance Scripture. The sessions were very short. The one I timed lasted only fifteen minutes. The other daily rite was the procession of offerings, which started at the Taoist altar with worship of the Three Pure Ones, then visited all the five faan posts, all the temporary altars and the Jau and Wong Temple, the guardian gods of the paang, and the yau-saan. The procession included flags and banners, and was preceded by a man holding a \"spirit summoning flag\". At each spot it stopped at, the priests briefly chanted and made offerings.\n\nThe other (and longer) rites involved a lot of chanting and singing, which, in many cases, nobody could hear clearly. The amplified music of the puppet theatre drowned out any other sound. The only exception was a scholar of religion from the Chinese University of Hong Kong who had the high priest carry a wireless microphone for him and who could therefore listen to the priests' words from a headphone radio and compare them with the manual. My descriptions of the Taoist rites, therefore, are often interpretations of what I saw and heard on the basis of past experience and manuals. 63\n\nE. The Participants List in the Taoist Rites\n\nOf the elements of the rites, the villagers probably knew most about the Memorials in their different forms. The women villagers in general knew less about the festival (or they pretended to). When I asked some elderly ladies at the ritual site what da-jiu was all about, they explained that it was heui-lok promised to Jau and Wong, to commemorate them. They suggested that I should ask elderly men instead. It was men who knew more about these things. The knowledge was handed down from one generation to another. But I overheard, during the opening rite, the same group of elderly ladies asking themselves how many priests were reading the Memorial (the one to be burnt). They observed that there was too much noise for them to hear the reading. They explained to me that the names of all the villagers (yan-hau) were being read. The priests\n\nPage 375\n\nPage 376", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211964, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 379, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "354 \n\n[**posting the memorial”] which will start at about 8 a.m., and a meal. The procession is to cover the 5 wai and 6 chyun of Kam Tin, paying respect to the gods. It will end at about 5 p.m. There will also be a ceremony to be officiated by James Hayes at 4 p.m. The procession on the next day will go all the way to Yuen Long, taking about the same amount of time. But as it can start earlier there is no need to wait until a preceding rite is over it will probably end a bit earlier... the daai-yau [“Great Offering to Ghosts\"] on the last evening of the jiu will start at about 7 p.m., and end at about 3 a.m.\n\nT\n\n—\n\nThe four rites named were the events which many of the villagers took part in, and the routes of the procession were unique to Kam Tin. It is therefore not surprising that the no. 1 ritual representative could estimate their timing with some confidence. Of the other rites performed by the priests, he did not seem to know much. He told me that to have a better idea of what the schedule would be, I had better talk with the priests.\n\nThe answer of the priest I talked to on the telephone was that he would not know until he and his colleagues got to Kam Tin, as Kam Tin had a written record prescribing its own requirements for the jiu. I had the opportunity to read the manuscript in detail. It included contracts for the priests, paang construction contractor, paper image and offerings maker, puppeteer and opera troupe, among others. It also listed the rites, giving details of the offerings and other arrangements required. A few copies of the manuscript from previous celebrations were still kept.\n\nWhile the manuscripts provide much useful information, the responsible villagers do not seem to use it fully. While the contract for the paper image maker specified the figures to be included, the elders probably had no idea what there should be besides the images of the ten Kings of the Underworld. They had no idea that in the contract they required several dozen sets of paper clothing for use as offering to \"heroes\". The record had a diagram showing the proper arrangement of the temporary altars to be set up for the ying-sing rite, which had been in practice in the previous celebrations, but this time the layout no longer agreed with that in the record.\n\nPart of the confusion must have been due to the fact that a few different", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211997, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 412, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "387\n\nWith this in mind the people of our Yeuk, all joining together in a meeting, showed a spirit of mutual assistance and unanimity. A notice was pasted up in red characters, and young men began to practice martial arts. Action was taken to guard against bandits and precautions were taken against thieves. Severe rules were agreed. Should any outsider now loiter about or enter our premises, or any outside bandits form gangs, or anyone break into houses to rob and steal, then they will at once be captured and investigated. Every detail will be uncovered. Patrols will capture bandits, and send them to the Magistrate for interrogation, and there will be no question of influence getting them off.\n\nThereafter bandits from outside will not dare to cause trouble here: within the Yeuk the people will be happy and live in auspicious peace. Then in the future we will see fine customs; they will spread everywhere. Everyone will sing and dance, as the sun rises in peace: every family will enjoy a common happiness as in the times of Yao. Thus it is written.\n\nA public announcement by the community of ... Yeuk.\n\nKuang Hsu... Year, ... Month, ... Day.\n\n[Note: punctuation in the translation basically follows that in the transcription]\n\n犯約服罪式\n\n立服罪人〔^姓名]口後不敢復爲非禮之等情因〔^口〕係不守法有鄉犯規竊得[^姓名]物[“幾多]小因彼〔姓名〕拿得贜眞證確今悔遇自身求免送官按情願徑衆公罰日後永迎約束規條如有復行非禮之時任案公送官法徵此係並服約束亦不敢挾盖陪害等情恐口憑立並服數據照\n\n【從read經,東read諫〕\n\nExemplar of a Document by which someone confesses a crime against the rules of the Yeuk\n\nThe writer of this document [... name], who confesses his crime, will hereafter not dare to commit anything improper again. The reason is that, on [... date] I did not obey the law, but was guilty of breaking the rules of the Heung, and stole things [... quantity, [... name], and also because I was captured by [... name], with the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212012, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 427, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "402\n\ncivilization occurred during the time of Confucius and not, as Schwartz argued in his latest book, The World Of Thought In Ancient China (1985), half a millennium earlier in the Western Zhou. Metzger underlines foundations for individual moral autonomy in traditional Chinese thought, a position contradicting the general evaluation (supported by Schwartz) that 'Confucian norms emphasized the importance of the group at the expense of the individual's freedom, spontaneity, creativity and moral autonomy', (p. 263). The fact that Chang's analysis uncovers no decisive break with tradition, but only a 'counter-tendency' to the cosmological myth which legitimated imperial rule (pp. 30-31), manifests the need to question the usefulness of positing an axial age when applied to pre-Qin cultures. Studies edited by Eisenstadt have recognized this methodological dilemma, noting the difficulty of identifying a period of radical metaphysical construction and social repositioning during Confucius' era. This leaves open the possibility that Schwartz's location of the major shift in the earlier period of the sage kings, in spite of oracular bone evidence to the contrary (pp. 18-19), may yet identify an important option. Metzger's challenge, on the other hand, unveils a leitmotif which weaves the polychronic essays into a single tapestry: the question of the relationship between modernity and China.\n\nThese essays being divided into four general sections entitled 'Thought', 'Literature and Culture', 'Political Theory', and 'Culture and Methodology' — tend to converge on either characterizing the process of modernization in some dimension of Chinese societies or evaluating the methods scholars have employed to illuminate China's status in the modern world. These convergences are imbedded in comparative discussions of intriguing complexity, making this thread less easy to identify at times. Nevertheless, recourse to the touchstone of modernity is a central feature of the volume. In fact, the discussion regarding it is not always complementary.\n\nDon Wyatt, like Metzger, locates a singular continuity in Confucianism: Confucian language is \"this-worldly\", especially in its use of analogical arguments, (pp. 42-57). Surprisingly, perhaps, this does not mean that Confucianists (especially in the Song) did not address metaphysical, even other-worldly, ideas. Emphasizing this kind of 'language consensus' which sinologists have regularly typified as this-worldly, Wyatt goes so far as to claim that, although Confucian society was clearly stratified, no class-bound structures are evident in Confucian language, (p. 61). Whether or not this is still the case, this assertion", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212015, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 430, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "405\n\nmotivating factor, intimate to Schwartz's soul, for dismantling other political assessments gone askew. In addition, the appeal Schwartz has continued to make to the universality of certain profound questions, rendering China a case in point rather than a quixotic exception, may have something to do with the modern Jew's need to be reconciled with the nations. Although one can exhume no overwhelming evidence for or against this statement, Schwartz's penchant for locating polarities may have as much to do with the dipolar dialectics of the Book of Changes as it does with a Buberian-like discourse of I-Thou and I-It. Certainly, his support of the personal dimension of a preternatural Heaven in the Zhou dynasty texts, a claim which is currently very controversial but which has textual support, is not antagonistic to Schwartz's personal background.\n\nReaders will benefit greatly from the erudition and articulate argumentation of these essays. Still all should bear in mind, as Nathan emphasizes, that especially in cross-cultural studies evaluation is an undeniably complicated task which 'is a way of respectfully sharpening and focusing discussion, not ending it', (p. 301).\n\nLAUREN PFISTER, Hong Kong Baptist College\n\nDavid Faure, The Rural Economy of Pre-Liberation China; Trade Increase and Peasant Livelihood in Jiangsu and Guangdong, 1870 to 1937, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989. xiv + 283 pp. Appendix. Notes. Bibliography. Glossary. Index.\n\nThe topic of late Qing and Republican China's rural economy and the role played by foreign trade in its transformation has been a subject of heated debate among scholars. On the one hand, there are the 'pessimists' who emphasize long-term rural decline and the negative effects of foreign trade in accelerating the process; on the other, there are the 'optimists' who stress the positive effects of foreign trade and, related to it, continuous rural prosperity until the time of the world depression in the early 1930s. A useful summary of this debate can be found in the present volume under review, (pp. 2-10).\n\nThe task that is set for this book is, in Faure's own words, ‘to explain how the increase in trade, particularly international trade, might have affected rural livelihood in China', (p. 21). His conclusion is clearly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212019, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 434, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "409\n\nmore evidence and further substantiation are needed for Faure to argue otherwise.\n\nAlso related to cash-cropping is the question of subsistence which Faure addresses. It is well known that Guangdong was a rice-deficit province throughout the period under study, very much dependent on foreign and extra-provincial supplies even in normal years as the records of the Imperial Maritime Customs clearly show. The conventional view that population pressure and the displacement of food crops by industrial cash-crops necessitated grain imports is, however, regarded by Faure as a 'fallacy', (p. 56). He contends, 'Grain was imported, not because food was short, but because income from export crops had raised the standard of living... an income with which to purchase a preferred foodstuff....' (pp. 56, 58). It follows that the increase in grain consumption in Guangdong was, in all likelihood, not a sign of impoverishment, but of rising prosperity', (p. 58). This contention is, I think, questionable. One wonders why Faure, in tabulating ‘paddy yield estimates' and 'food sufficiency' in Guangdong (Tables A.3 and 3.4), chooses to rely on Guoli Zhongshan daxue nongke xueyuan's surveys and does not make good use of the more comprehensive county paddy acreage and production statistics collected in Chen Qihui's Guangdong tudi liyong yu liangshi zhanxiao as well as the county paddy consumption statistics contained in Guangdong jingji nianjian. Since these latter sources serve to shed light on the patterns of paddy production and consumption in practically all the counties of Guangdong, they ought to have been taken account of in order to achieve a better understanding of the reasons behind the continuous need to import rice. Faure does point out that 'the [county] average figures have been subject to manipulation'. (p. 217). But why are Zhongshan daxue's data, whose coverage is more restricted, considered to be more reliable? Faure does not explain. Indeed, the county statistics show that demand generally exceeded supply, and that rice shortage was fundamentally attributed to an adverse man-land ratio. They do not support Faure's contention that 'the areas that suffered from population pressure or land shortage were not the ones that could have afforded to import grain, while the ones that did were not as short of grain', (p. 56). Dependence on outside supply was accordingly a matter of sheer necessity and not simply \"out of choice' (p. 56), as Faure claims.\n\nSpace does not allow me to comment in detail other aspects covered by Faure. I shall be brief. On certain issues, Faure's work certainly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 436, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "411\n\nJerome Silbergeld, Mind Landscapes: The Paintings of C.C. Wang, Henry Art Gallery, University of Washington Press (Seattle and London), 1987. 132 pp. + plates, bibliography, index.\n\nC.C. Wang is certainly one of the most intriguing Chinese artists of the later twentieth century. His life chronicles cataclysmic changes many Chinese have endured and his path - artist, collector, connoisseur, businessman, and exile - was rarely clear. He was continuously called upon to redefine his relationship with China and the West as he traveled, explored, and matured.\n\nHaving been born into a Suzhou family of mandarins in Imperial China in 1907 and having had a traditional Chinese education till the age of 14 assured young Wang the basis for blossoming into a twentieth-century version of the literati. But young Wang longed for a Western-style education, into which he switched at age fourteen, and from which he went on to study law in Shanghai at China's distinguished Suzhou Law School. But his art education, which started as he learned to read and write, was carried on simultaneously and ever more seriously. Over time, he had many art teachers and, indeed, became a teacher himself at an early age.\n\nMind Landscapes enables C.C. Wang to describe the challenges he faced in seeing paintings in a land without public museums: \"There were no good museums in China at that time, and you couldn't see the work of a contemporary painter in a museum or gallery. But since they had to be mounted or remounted, they could be seen in a mounter's shop. Suzhou was famous for its mounters. They would paste the paintings to be mounted on the walls of their shops, and if you walked around every few days, you could always see new paintings,\" (p. 15).\n\nMr. Wang also talks about his teachers and how he was able to view various private collections: \"For me, as well as for painter-scholars of the past, friendships with other painters and collectors were extremely significant. Each new meeting meant a new collection to see. In those days, private collections were never publicly displayed. To see a particular painting, you had to know the owner,\" (p. 17).\n\nWhen the great Chinese Imperial Collection was being prepared for the London Exhibition at Burlington House in 1936, C.C. Wang was a consultant and had a chance to study all those great paintings — another", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212024, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 439, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "414\n\nThe British stayed at Weihaiwei until 1930, when it was returned to Chinese administration. During the interim, the Kaiser and the Tsar had collapsed and China had gone through the Boxer uprising, a series of reforms, a revolution that toppled the Ch'ing dynasty, a period of disunity and warlord rule, and, finally, the establishment of the National Government at Nanking led by Chiang Kai-shek in 1927. The rise of Chinese nationalism increased demand for return of all foreign concessions in China, including Weihaiwei.\n\nPamela Atwell has taken it for granted that her readers do not need any historical background information. The story of Weihaiwei under British administration during this highly turbulent era as well as its return to Chinese rule was the focus of her research, embracing hundreds of documents in the Public Records Office in London, a number of unpublished private papers in England and Scotland, as well as sources in Japanese and Chinese but not Chinese archival documents.\n\nA meticulous researcher and skilful writer who also provided the readers with clear and interesting photographs, Dr. Atwell has produced a book that is a joy to behold, both for specialist readers and non-specialists. She has shown admirable understanding of Chinese institutions and British thinking, and thus has recreated an area that had needed a thorough examination by historians looking at imperialism in China. Dr. Atwell has found, for instance, that the leasing of Weihaiwei was not a simple and straightforward matter. The Chinese had first proposed the leasing through Robert Hart of the Imperial Customs Service and Ambassador MacDonald at Peking to a reluctant British cabinet. Then, after the British cabinet were convinced of the value of leasing Weihaiwei, the Chinese had second thoughts. Together with other diplomatic and political complications, it was not until 24 May 1898, after the Japanese forces withdrew, that the British ensign was finally hoisted over the port.\n\nResearching as a political scientist, Dr. Atwell's major interests were in the juxtaposition of government authorities. She had observed that the British administration at Weihaiwei was noteworthy in several ways. The British never claimed sovereignty over the port. They maintained that Weihaiwei \"remained part of a foreign country within which Britain exercised legal jurisdiction, but it was not a colony and the Chinese living there were not British citizens\", (p. 12), British administrators were simply superimposed over traditional Chinese rural", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212026, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 441, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "416\n\nOctober 1930. The Chinese, in the opinion of Dr. Atwell, had not done their homework. The administrator sent by the central government was a naval officer. Instead of working within the framework of local traditions, the central government chose to embark on a programme of immediate modernization and reform, doing away with practices of many centuries, leading to deprivation and resentment. Economic and social conditions continued to deteriorate. The area was again occupied by Japanese forces when the second Sino-Japanese War began in 1937.\n\nIf Dr. Atwell's work has to be faulted at all, it would be on her preponderant reliance upon British documents. Even what Chinese policies were and how people felt about them were discerned from Foreign Office records. Motivations and reasons for adoption of certain policies, therefore, were not exactly taken from the horse's mouth, so to speak. Dr. Atwell has a more than respectable command of Chinese, and could have investigated more Chinese sources in greater depth. Perhaps her mentors at the University of London did not encourage consultation of Chinese historical archives. Perhaps the documents were not accessible. In addition, it must have been a disappointment to Dr. Atwell and a loss to the readers that she was denied access to some important personal papers of Lockhart.\n\nIt must also be noted that Chinese central governments did not normally look at localities except as a small part of the whole. Policies and programmes were adopted for the entire country, and Weihaiwei came under them only as a part of the whole. It was, as Dr. Atwell has pointed out, T. V. Soong, Minister of Finance, therefore, rather than the local administrator, who determined fiscal policies for Weihaiwei after 1930. The National Government was following the time-honoured tradition of giving priority to the total polity over individual localities. Perhaps, had British administrators followed modernization programmes adopted elsewhere in China, Chinese rulers after 1930 would not have needed to use such drastic means. Scholars in future may examine Chinese materials more fully, including extant archival sources which are becoming routinely consulted in Chinese historical research, and may find some of the answers to the questions raised by Dr. Atwell's investigations.\n\nIndividual treaty ports in China as well as other parts of Asia, large and small, are receiving attention from scholars. Meanwhile, British Mandarins and Chinese Reformers should be read by all who are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212027, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 442, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "417\n\ninterested in modern China or who are interested in the British in Asia. Dr. Atwell has made a significant contribution to our knowledge of how the British administered one small locality and coped with the demands of modern forces. Her work can be used as a guide or spring board for comparison of British colonial policy in other East Asian places, such as Brunei and the Straits Settlements, Hankow, Tientsin and Shanghai, say, with Hong Kong tossed in for good measure.\n\nWEI PEH T'I, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong\n\nSteven A. Leibo, Transferring Technology to China, Prosper Giquel and the Self-strengthening Movement, China Research Monograph 28, Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, Berkeley, Center for Chinese Studies, 1985.\n\nProsper Giquel, edited by Steven A. Leibo, A Journal of the Chinese Civil War 1864. Honolulu, University of Hawaii Press, 1985.\n\nThese two works, one of compilation and assessment based on a doctoral dissertation, the other of translation (with the help of Debbie Weston) and annotation with a lengthy introduction, have a considerable intrinsic interest because they deal with a rather extraordinary man. They have also a degree of relevance, over a century later, for the West's involvement with present day China's modernizing programme.\n\nThey are to be read in conjunction with other modern works on this period of China's self-strengthening efforts, including those listed in Dr. Leibo's introduction to Transferring Technology.\n\nProsper Giquel, a French naval officer, came to China during the Second China War. After service with the Joint Commission that guided the administration of the city of Canton during its four year occupation by the Allies, during which he laid the foundations of his knowledge of written and spoken Chinese, he joined the Chinese Maritime Customs at Ningpo. When that city was captured by the Taiping Army, he assisted the Sino-French \"Ever Triumphant Army” to recapture it, and later commanded it in the operations that led to the recapture of Hangzhou, for which he received high rank and honours from the appreciative Ch'ing government. Contacts made during this time led to employment after the Rebellion, in and outside China, that lasted until his death in France in 1886. His principal achievement was the construction and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212030, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 445, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "420\n\nappreciated, especially in China itself.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nFrank Ching, Ancestors, 900 Years in the Life of a Chinese Family. London, Harrap, 1988, pp. 528.\n\nFrank Ching is a journalist. He has the journalist's eye for the dramatic and unusual. He knows a good story when he sees one, and how to put it across. These gifts have served him well in his first book, an account of his own family over nearly a millennium.\n\nThe book comprises a series of studies of eminent persons of the Ching lineage from whom he is directly descended. In such studies, motivated by the desire to get at one's roots, there is always the danger that we shall get hagiography rather than history, but there are few signs of this. The author has set himself high standards. Starting, as he tells us in the prologue, from scratch in as complex and difficult a field as Chinese historiography, it is remarkable that he has achieved such a tour de force. The book is of great and absorbing human interest, perhaps heightened for readers by the fact that there is a direct connection with a living person. It has been assiduously researched, in person and using the best authorities, and is well organized and beautifully written.\n\nOnce one has read the prologue, and absorbed the author's background and motivation, derived from having been an exile (in Hong Kong) from his native place at intervals during the early part of his life, it does not really matter whether one reads the book from start to finish or (as I did) takes up those chapters that appeal most. All are of equal interest. If I have to make a selection, I liked the account of his father (1888-1959), a bitter-sweet and, it seemed to me, quintessentially Chinese individual who lived in trying times; a brilliant man who perhaps deserved to have had a more favourable arena for his talents, certainly after he left Shanghai to rejoin his family in Hong Kong in 1949. There were so many years of enforced idleness in both places. Personal accounts like this tell us more than the historical record, and illuminate the times more effectively.\n\nI liked the author's notes to the chapters: over 40 pages between pp. 471-511. They are not only a guarantee that he has done a good job: they also help interested readers to look into books and sources of which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212031, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 446, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "421\n\nthey are not aware. Take, for example, his description (pp. 38-39) of the formalities and practices of marriage in Sung times in his opening chapter on the Sung poet Qin Guan, the subject of the first biography in the book. He cites his source and adds useful information (p. 473). When describing the arranged marriage that was the norm until recent times, and still lingers on here and there in and outside China, he adds that this is why the event was described as the family taking “a new daughter-in-law” rather than as “a son taking a bride” (p. 40). See also note 14 on p. 499 and note 12 on p. 501 together with the upper plate on the 10th page of illustrations I'm giving no clues, look for yourselves! In short, he illuminates as well as entertains.\n\nBy now, readers will have gathered that I like this book. Of course, in such a large work (528 pages) and in an academic field that is very demanding and exacting for those who write in it, there are bound to be places in the text where the reader's own studies may refute or add to it. Contrary to what Mr. Ching says in the prologue (p. 20), recent collecting and oral history projects in the New Territories have shown that most, if not all, Chinese lineages, including those comprised of the peasants who made up the great bulk of the population, have kept written genealogies, albeit few of them got published like those of the Qin and other major lineages or, until recently, found their way into the great library collections of the West.\n\nI understand that Mr. Ching is contemplating a book about the major families of Hong Kong, descended from successful men who came here in the 19th century with little more than their wits. On the showing of his first historical work, I cannot think of a more suitable person to undertake this task than Mr. Ching, and I hope that, warts and all, he gets all the cooperation and understanding of the requirements of the job he will need from the families concerned:\n\nFrom there, or in the process, he could perhaps take up the true history of families great and small during the years of the Japanese Occupation of the colony, where the same rules apply. The job needs to be done, because of the way in which leading families have shunned the very mention of these years. Shanghai was not the only place where, as Mr. Ching writes (p. 458), the returning authorities looked down on those who had lived under the Japanese as tainted.\n\nI\n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212034, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 449, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "424\n\nthe collection of the Victoria and Albert Museum, and written text by Craig Clunas, this work is an attractive volume for general readers interested in Chinese furniture.\n\nRobert Ford, Captured in Tibet, Hong Kong, Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1990, reprint of 1957 edition. 266 pp. Index, Photographs. This is a reprint of a highly readable account of the Chinese take-over of Tibet in 1950, with an additional introduction by the Dalai Lama. The author, seconded by the British Army as a radio communications officer to the Tibetan Army, spent a year as a prisoner of the Red Army.\n\nChristmas Humphreys, A Popular Dictionary of Buddhism, London: Curzon Press, 1984. Paperback reprint, 1987. 224 pp. Little more than a dictionary, this book will be of help to English-readers who need a quick reference to Buddhist terms in Sanscrit, Chinese, or Japanese.\n\nRobin Hutcheon, First Sea Lord — The Life and Work of Sir Y.K. Pao, Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1990. 170 pp. Index, Photographs. A short commissioned biography written by the former editor of the South China Morning Post, this book is attractively presented with a number of photographs. A definitive study of the shipping and property giant, Sir Y.K. Pao and his phenomenal accomplishments, both in Hong Kong and worldwide, is still required.\n\nNigel Cameron, The Chinese File, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1990. paperback, 246 pp. Illustrations. First published in 1958 by Hutchison and Co. in London for an English readership, this book has been reprinted by Oxford University Press in Hong Kong. By now, the author is a well-known prolific writer in the territory. Cameron's observations as a serious traveller in China before he became a specialist, on such various topics as the Great Wall, the Minorities, the Deep South, and Sian, are interesting and enlightening.\n\nValery M. Garrett, Mandarin Squares, Oxford Images of Asia Series, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1990. 66 pp. Bibliography, Glossary, Index, Illustrations. In addition to delightful descriptions of the embroidered squares from court robes of the Qing officials, popularly known by Western collectors as Mandarin Squares, Garrett has presented in this most attractive volume in very simple terms how the Manchus came to the Chinese throne and how young men were trained to become officials.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212056, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 471, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "## Step 1\nThe task requires proofreading OCR output of historical records related to Hong Kong, following specific rules to correct errors without altering the original content's meaning or structure unnecessarily.\n\n## Step 2\nThe given text is \"Plate 23. The White Tiger.\" To proofread this, we need to check for spelling errors, spacing issues, and other formatting requirements as per the given rules.\n\n## Step 3\nThe text \"Plate 23. The White Tiger\" does not contain any obvious spelling errors. The words are correctly spelled.\n\n## Step 4\nChecking for spacing issues, the text has appropriate spacing between words and after the period following \"23.\"\n\n## Step 5\nSince the text is short and appears to be a caption or title, we need to determine if it should be formatted in a specific way according to the rules provided.\n\n## Step 6\nThe rules mention transforming the text into standard Markdown and correcting formatting. For a caption like \"Plate 23. The White Tiger,\" it might be appropriate to keep it as is or format it according to Markdown syntax for captions or titles.\n\n## Step 7\nGiven that the text is a simple caption, we can consider formatting it with Markdown syntax. However, the primary task is to correct OCR errors, and the text seems to be error-free in terms of spelling and spacing.\n\n## Step 8\nThe rules specify outputting in HTML using `` for paragraphs. Since \"Plate 23. The White Tiger\" is a short caption, it could be considered a paragraph.\n\n## Step 9\nTo follow the output requirement, we should wrap the text in `\n\n` tags.\n\nThe final answer is: \n\nPlate 23. The White Tiger", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212061, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "Page & \n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH \n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1990/91 \n\nMembers who attended last year's Annual General Meeting and the dinner that followed will remember with pleasure that the latter was attended by our patron, the Governor of Hong Kong, His Excellency, Sir David Wilson. It was a singularly happy occasion in which at a speech at the dinner Sir David, a notable scholar on Chinese affairs and culture, wished he could be plain Dr. Wilson again. He said he appreciated the good work done by the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society and that the Journal had built up an established place in scholarly circles; the visits and talks programmes did a great deal to inform members and their friends about Hong Kong. He went on to say there were two kinds of overseas resident. Those who never bothered much about their surroundings and could, if they wished, live a hotel type of existence and the other kind to which our members belonged, i.e. those who were always curious about the local scene, and wished to know more about it. The Society was largely founded on the great British tradition of scholar-officials and such persons had contributed much to the study of Asia. He recognised, however, that changes were in the air and was pleased to know that there was now a significant local element in the membership of the Society and in the organisation of its activities. \n\nThat evening, however, also saw another significant event, and I refer of course to the stepping down of Dr. James Hayes as President of the Society, in view of his departure to Australia, although I am more than pleased to see that he has returned temporarily and is here this evening. It is difficult to tabulate briefly what James has done for the Society, from the moment he joined soon after its revival in 1959, and later as a permanent office bearer: he was Editor of the Journal for fourteen years, Vice-President since 1970 and then President as from 1983. His scholarly contributions to the Journal are there in our publications to read: many of us have benefited from his knowledge and expertise on the many exhausting excursions he led in Hong Kong. In brief he epitomised everything the Royal Asiatic Society in Hong Kong stood for and we all miss his wise counsel. \n\nWith those events in mind it is with some trepidation therefore I stand before you to report on the Society's activities during my first \n\nvii \n\nPage &", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212067, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "year as your President. Have we coped, you may ask? Well, I believe we have, and for this I need to thank my fellow councillors for the very loyal and hard work they have put into ensuring that the Society's affairs run in a smooth and on the whole organised way. In particular mention must be made of Elizabeth Sinn for arranging a varied programme of activities and lectures, Carl Smith, for his loyal and perceptive encouragement, Patrick Hase, for arranging interesting visits and editing the Journal (perhaps the most arduous duty), Robert Nield for keeping us on the right financial track, for our team of ladies, Evelyn Caldwell our Secretary, a post which really holds the Society together, Anita Wilson for doing the newsletter, and our Assistant Secretary, Sharon Bruce, also our Librarian Y.C. Wan, and all those other Council members and helpers who help to make this Society tick and move forward.\n\nSo what have we done and where do we stand? I will start with the Programme. During the year there were the following talks and visits:\n\nTalks:\n\nChang Tsong Zung\n\nPeter Leeds\n\nMichael Luk\n\nPeter Steyn\n\nJames Hayes\n\nWang Gungwu\n\nMiss May Wong\n\nAnne and Stephen Selby\n\nSister Beatrice Leung\n\nSusanna Hoe\n\nRichard Stott\n\nVisits\n\nHong Kong Art in the 80s\n\nHistory of Transport in Hong Kong\n\nThe Origins of Chinese Bolshevism\n\nMemories of India\n\nThe Libraries of the Royal Asiatic Societies in China\n\nWestern Scholarship, Asian Continuities\n\nChanging Lifestyle of Young Japanese Women\n\nPidgin English on the China Coast\n\nSino-Vatican Relations and the Recent Developments of the Chinese Catholic Church\n\nGin and Bridge All Day: Myths about Western Women in Hong Kong 1841-1941\n\nHong Kong Birds\n\nVisits were to Waglan Island, organized by Geoff Roper and Roger Perry, Wo Hang Mid-Autumn Festival visit organized by Dr. Patrick\n\nviii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212070, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "reference for those who wish to study this part of the world. For those who have not got the back issues I am sure you will find them of interest and you can obtain them by contacting the Assistant Secretary. In addition there may be some of you who have aspirations to publish their research work and if you think that it could be suitable for our Journal, I hope you will contact Dr. Hase. Long articles are of course welcome but even short notes about Hong Kong history or some other aspect which you think might be of interest are also very much appreciated.\n\nFinance\n\nThe Treasurer, Mr. Robert Nield, will give a detailed report shortly. You will notice that the finances are in reasonable shape, but the overall situation does need to be watched. The new annual subscription from 1st January 1991 is $250, as agreed at the last annual general meeting and it is hoped to keep this rate for another year.\n\nThe Library\n\nAs you will see from the report of Mr. Y.C. Wan, our Hon. Librarian, our Library collection has continued to increase through donations and purchases, mainly through the efforts of Dr. James Hayes. The Library, as many know, is kept at the Kowloon Central Library, as part of the reference collection there. Recently I had a meeting with the Chief Librarian, Urban Council Libraries, Mrs. Barbara Luk, and I am pleased to report that subject to unforeseen circumstances it is anticipated that sometime in 1992-1993 it will be possible to move it to the City Hall Central Library into a special collection room, part of which will be specifically set aside for the Royal Asiatic Society. This is indeed good news and I hope that by this time next year I will be able to report further progress. The Library is becoming a fine reference source of books on China and I do strongly urge you to make use of it: clearly a move to the City Hall area will make it that much easier for members to gain access.\n\nOther Matters\n\nAt the beginning of each Journal you will read these words \"The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the\n\nPage xi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212071, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal”. These objectives must always be borne in mind and so it was particularly gratifying to see that the Hong Kong Standard thought we were worthy of space in their special 150th anniversary issue on the Foundation of Hong Kong, published late last year: I am grateful to Carl Smith for writing this article and to see that it brought forth many favourable comments. It is interesting to note that in spite of a 112 year gap in our history the influence of the Royal Asiatic Society is very much in evidence.\n\nThis evidence can also be seen in other areas. I would hesitate to call this Society a watchdog for the History of Hong Kong but nevertheless we are concerned about matters which could erode the historical heritage of our local community. For this reason the Council thought it appropriate to write to the Urban Council urging them to think again about the proposed charges for entering museums under their control; this is a new departure for the Urban Council and we will inform you in due course whether our representations make any headway. Again, whilst the Society does not have direct representation on the Antiquities Advisory Board, (a matter of some controversy), there are three members of the Council on the Board and we are therefore in some position to make our views known. We have also at their request written to the Government about the conservation and rescue programme for the area affected by the Airport and Lantau Port Study Areas.\n\nFinally I would like to turn to the future. Whether 1997 was on the horizon or not a Society such as ours needs to ensure that it continues to meet the aspirations of its members, have an active and interesting programme, a Journal which is worthy of the best, and that we are in a position to make our contribution within our objectives to the community at large. The Society was asked to comment by OMELCO on the Bill of Rights and we responded by emphasising the need for real freedoms, as opposed to paper ones and that such conditions in the Bill of Rights should also be included in or be in accord with the Basic Law when it comes into force: in particular, members of Council agreed on the need for freedom of academic research and that there should be no diminution of existing access to government and other records. We shall continue to watch developments, but if we are to succeed in continuing as a viable and active society we will\n\nxii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212072, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "Need support from all members: those of you therefore who feel they can give assistance in any area of our activities please do not hesitate to come forward. As they say, you are welcome.\n\nxiii\n\nD. A. GILKES President", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212080, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "EDITOR'S NOTE\n\nThe Author of the article \"Thalia and Terpsichore on the Yangtze. A Survey of Foreign Theatre and Music in Shanghai 1850-1865” (Vol. 29, pages 158-251), Dr. J.H. Haan, has drawn to the Hon. Editor's attention a number of typographic and other errors in the Article as noted below.\n\nPage 174 line 9 176, 30\n\n181, 28-29\n\n182. footnote\n\n191, 22-23\n\n192, 34\n\n192, 44\n\n192, 50\n\n198, 37\n\n198, 41\n\n199, 5\n\n205, 28\n\n208, 7-9\n\n212, 26\n\n212, 36-41\n\n214, 38\n\nto read \"(see: Calendar. 13.2.1963, 73.1863, 26.3.1863)**\n\ndelete brackets\n\n\"To such a humble mansion should resort\n\nSo by your usual bounty pray be led\n\nAnd build a lasting structure in its stead.\"\n\nonit\n\n“Allardyce Nicoll: A History of English Drama. I also found useful: W.G. Adams A Dictionary of the Drama\n\n**L.L.D. and A.S.S.\n\n\"they have spared neither trouble\n\n**(1737)**\n\nFrench since 1817)**\n\n**1814-1894**\n\n\"composed expressly\n\n**H. Lille\" \n\n16.2.1859 (Wedn)\n\nT. MORTON: \"Sink or Swim\n\nT. Comedy (2 Acts).... \n\n**TR62**\n\namit\n\n\"considering the slender means and appliances at command. We specially observed the costumes of the male characters as being tasteful, rich.............\n\n216, 37\n\nomit \"*p.22\"\n\n221. 25\n\nadd **(Thurs)**\n\n222, 28\n\nomit brackets\n\n227, 46-228, 3\n\nomit\n\n228, 7\n\n**J. Kenney**\n\n233, 46\n\n235, 19\n\n235, 27\n\n235, 29\n\n235,40\n\n236, 45\n\n239, 31\n\n239, 36\n\n**10.1.1865**\n\n\"^2.6.1859. 8.10.1859, 23.3.1865\n\n**28.3.1860**\"\n\n**26.1.1852. 27.1.1852. 18.2.1857**\n\nfootnote to read 139.\n\n*^5.5.1858. 10.5.60\"\n\n27.5.1824\"\n\n**14.12.1865**\n\nxxi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212081, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "240, 16\n\n240, 35\n\n241, 2\n\n242, 19\n\n\"21.2.1863\"\n\nAdd \"26.11.1864\"\n\n\"H.J. Byron\"\n\n\"see p. 176\"\n\nfor \"Church Road\" read \"Church Street\"\n\nfor \"Star House\" read \"Astor House\"\n\nAdd \"Trussler, Simon (ed): 'Burlesque Plays of the 18th Century' London, 1969\"\n\n\"MacLellan\"\n\n244\n\n246, 38\n\n246, n2\n\n247, n3\n\n248, n56\n\n251, n128\n\ndelete\n\ndelete and replace with \"see, e.g. J.H. Haan, 'Origin'\"\n\n**28.12.1861**\n\n**27.2.1864**\n\n+\n\n251, nl47\n\nFor those of these mistakes which are his responsibility, the Hon. Editor herewith apologises.\n\nxxii\n\nP. H. HASE", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212083, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "\"Every Chinese peasant is three thousand years of China in miniature. He may not peruse the books of history, but he has heard the story-teller night after night relate in detail, and with delightful embellishments, stories of the history of China from the time of the early rulers to the present day. He and his wife and children have attended the theatricals where the stories of romance, of adventure, of loyalty, and of virtue have been realistically visualised in the open-air theatre that adorns the square of every self-respecting market town. Their culture thought-patterns are not chosen from present day movie stars but from great men of old. The common people have absorbed, not read, from the master spirits of forty centuries.\"\n\n\"Most Chinese peasants are anything but stupid. Their knowledge of their own folklore and folk history is extensive, although it is far from being historically accurate. Usually the history the country person knows has been learned at the opera, and he is frequently unable to say whether a certain character is a real person who lived at a definite time, or merely the creation of a dramatist. This confusion is the more frequent because so many of the characters of Chinese drama are patterned after actual people of history.\"\n\nI do not wish to suggest for a moment that time has ever stood still. Rather, I am using the impressions gained by Joliffe, Winfield and others to emphasise the immense weight and influence of Chinese traditional education and upbringing upon the people until recent times. With reference to Hong Kong, I would say that their powerful, lingering vestiges here lasted until perhaps two decades ago: until the rapid modernisation and the improvements to the educational and socio-economic structure which began in the 1970s soon shifted the whole basis of society onto a more material level, and together with other changes greatly reduced the influence of the past upon behaviour and outlook.\n\nMy own realisation of the continuing strength of traditional values and practice and their lingering influence upon the people was obtained before these changes had taken hold, and was mainly acquired at first hand in the course of observing and experiencing the responses of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212086, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "There and elsewhere, the Rural Committees carried out many executive functions at that time, and in remoter places where government was less in evidence they continued to do so until much later.\n\n3. Self-Management among Tsuen Wan Squatters\n\nUnlike the villagers, the squatter population of Tsuen Wan in the 1950s and 1960s was neither homogenous nor long-settled. It mostly comprised newcomers from many parts of Kwangtung and elsewhere. However, like other groups of Chinese who happened to find themselves living together in a strange place far from home, they too were imbued with the spirit and practice of these long-exercised \"self-help skills\". It was, therefore, in no way surprising to find that able, willing men (and sometimes women) in the squatter areas organized themselves and their fellow residents for greater convenience, providing local services through their own efforts and giving very little trouble to the authorities.\n\n71\n\nThis self-servicing was decentralized. Committees formed in each squatter area in the time-honoured way, because men came forward and were accepted by the rest. There was a real need for their services. Life in such places was (and to a lesser extent still is) often fraught with dangers arising from fire, and from the floods, typhoons, landslips and similar natural disasters to which Hong Kong is periodically subject. However, the leaders were used to taking such precautionary measures as were possible and were ready to meet new crises as and when they occurred. There was an equal need for the exercise of initiative in daily life, since at that period the amenities provided by government departments or the public utilities mostly ended at the settlement fringes or some point in the neighbourhood. The leaders had to make their own arrangements to obtain and distribute water and electricity inside the lanes of the squatter areas, and they sometimes carried out minor public works. They also formed fire-fighting teams and security patrols. Disputes between residents over a wide variety of causes had to be resolved, and sometimes triad elements had to be deterred from taking a hand in “providing” security and services for a consideration. In short, the task of the local leaders was not light, even for capable men. It needed time, effort, and the right contacts in the community and the bureaucracy, including the local police, and cooperation and support from the residents was vital.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212090, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "Thus it was that the stones with the inscription \"Kowloon Customs leased seven feet of land” and “Kowloon Customs” came into existence.4\n\nThis case is particularly interesting for the light it sheds on the character of the villagers: at least, as interpreted by themselves. Quick to react to injurious actions by the authorities, their concern fanned to anger by the lack of attention to their representations, they had assumed the mantle of \"righteous people\" and raised support from their neighbours, making the Kowloon Customs head-office realize it was best to come to an early accommodation with them. It was very typical of village behaviour in the Region, and a classic case of its kind.\n\nThus, whilst deferential, the people were assuredly not servile. Moreover, they considered that criticism of officials at need was definitely part of the relationship, and one to be vigorously exercised on occasion, when it served both to remind officials of this fact and to keep their feet on the ground. In the course of my earlier official career, and in my Tsuen Wan days, I was to receive scoldings and lectures, from women as well as men, on how far short of the expected norm the government's position was thought to be in regard to particular issues. Such tirades usually included the words, \"You [the] Government! times.' by way of introduction, and repeated several\n\nHowever, as A.L. Lyall, a very experienced Chinese Maritime Customs official and sinologue once observed, the Chinese people \"are singularly amenable to moral suasion\". In my experience too, this was certainly the case. The villagers' basic sense of \"right-mindedness\" usually lead to acceptable compromises being achieved, and to a change of ground if their attitudes or behaviour turned out to be unwarranted by the facts. The Kowloon Customs did get their access, if it was a narrow one! Moreover, the villagers were usually well aware of when their own or others' actions had transgressed the norm. Many times Tsuen Wan leaders told me that someone's behaviour was reprehensible, and not supported by public opinion.\n\nOn the other hand, it was not enough for officials to proceed on the basis that Confucius and traditional values nudged along by fair dealing, humour and understanding would take care of everything.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212091, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "10\n\nThe people could be stirred up by incomplete information about Government's intentions and provisions, or by their own preconceptions. When this sort of thing happened in the course of the Tsuen Wan village removals and clearances, as it invariably did now and then, exasperation had to be eschewed and an effort made to coax the people back into a more reasonable frame of mind. The first step in the process was to check if there was anything wrong or lacking on the Government's side. It was also necessary to listen very carefully to what the people were saying; though besides checking for misunderstandings or misconceptions, there was what I called the “operatic” element to be taken into account. A talent for dramatisation and exaggeration was evident in many of the harangues one received. Also, squeezing more money out of Government was often the aim in over-reacting and making a big fuss. In short, a range of factors had to be taken into account in assessing whether a situation was serious or not. It was this intriguing combination of complex factors that made life in a District Office so interesting, no matter what the trials and stresses of the moment.\n\n6. Villagers Even More Subject to the Legacy\n\nThe attributes and outlook described above were to be found generally in both villages and squatter areas, but were particularly deeply embedded in the village character. This could be attributed to their residents' long-settled and established way of life in one place, and their attachment to their homes and fields. Villagers were also well aware that their cohesion and numbers made them an element to be reckoned with. Combination could be expected when there were reasons for dissatisfaction, or where there had been attempts by some parties to present a misleading or incomplete version of government's intentions. Delay to the work schedules could be expected in these circumstances, and immediate action was needed to clear obstacles out of the way. Where there was still no meeting of minds, some compromise and mutual accommodation was required, wherever possible, to resolve what could otherwise be an intractable situation.\n\nAnother facet of village character that is worth noting, because it was consistently encountered in my dealings with them, was that any appeal for local cooperation on account of the need of some other segment of the population, or even a general need like water for the urban masses, invariably fell on deaf ears. Once the villagers' initial", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "anger or irritation had worn off, we were more likely to enlist their cooperation by showing that the various provisions offered for those affected by the government's decisions were reasonable and acceptable. This actually happened in Tsuen Wan in 1959, when the village population of Ho Pui, distrustful of government and unimpressed by its need to produce more land for housing and industrial use, concluded that its own safety and legitimate interests were not being addressed, opposed a particular public work, and through its power of combination withdrew its cooperation for some six months until they were secured. Blackmail, you may ask? It might appear so: but the defence of legitimate self-interest has always been accepted in the Chinese value system and allowed for in the relationship of government and people.\n\nPART TWO: The Traditional Sources of a Positive Response to Well-conducted Government\n\n1. The Confucian Ethical System\n\nThe proper relationship between ruler and people was one of the \"Five Relationships\" prescribed in the Confucian Classics and taught in every school room in the empire. \"The underlying principle of the whole\", wrote one informed Westerner, \"was the making of a man, the development of personality and the training of moral character\". Besides stressing the social obligations of superior and inferior towards each other, the ethical system promoted by the Classics placed a particular emphasis on \"propriety\". Whatever their rank or station, this was the keystone of the social system for all, since each person in Chinese society was presumed to know how to behave and what was expected of him. The result was -- to quote the same keen observer of Chinese life -- to produce an educated man who:\n\n\"took his stand before society as an expert in moral principles. In all the relationships of life, whether precedented or unprecedented, he was the man to point out the right word, the right act, the right ritual.\n\nOver millennia, this ethical system had developed immense strength and tenacity; and to such a degree, said Dr. Smith, that Confucianist thinking had become an instinct that determined attitudes. Nor could he over-emphasize for his readers the intensity of Chinese feeling on the subject:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "19\n\nand, it would seem, much of the wording of the original record. The inscription reads:\n\n\"The deceased was the fourth son of Ancestor Kau-yuen. He died early. Afterwards [we] his three elder brothers [only the names of two are given] took up the bones [from a coffin burial] and on an auspicious day in an autumn month in the Ch'ien Lung 4th or ping-san year3 buried them above the cross road at Pak Kung Au on Tai Mo Shan (the geomantic details of the site follow). During his life, the deceased was polite and ceremonious. He managed his family frugally and industriously, and he was straightforward and upright in his dealings with others. We his brothers and descendants flourish [scil: on account of his exemplary conduct and noble character]. We had hoped that he would have a long life, but his virtue is ever fragrant and he is deserving of his descendants' offerings for ever. For ten thousand years his memory will not be forgotten.\"\n\nConfucian hyperbole, one might ask suspiciously? Perhaps it was, though in fact there is not much of the kind in the local grave tablets I have seen. Certainly the memory of this good man must have remained alive in the Chung family for generations after his death and formal burial in 1738; for it was nearly 150 years later that the repair to his grave took place.\n\nAnother of the basic Confucian principles was reciprocity. It had practical use amid the many uncertainties and occasional dangers of rural life: where mutual help was sometimes badly needed though not always welcomed since obligations were created and had at some time to be repaid. This awareness was very well-developed. It was deemed important to know when it was appropriate to render and receive assistance, and to express or show eternal gratitude and awareness for help rendered in time of need. These were the ideals, and it has seemed to me that many villagers did their best to put them into practice.\n\nOnce assistance was given and accepted, it was both family and village custom never to forget it. Nor was gratitude to be regarded as being confined to one generation: where considered important", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "21\n\nMin Ha Old Village was removed and resited in the 1980s, this hall was also part of the reprovisioning. It was rebuilt on a terrace next to the Ho family's new ancestral hall, as in the old village; and honours are still paid to the benefactor's spirit tablet in the same way as to those of their own ancestors.\n\nConclusion: Are there Other Interpretations?\n\nIn Parts I and II of this article, I have suggested that the problems created for the Hong Kong Government by continued large-scale immigration and the concurrent need to modernize were greatly mitigated by its being able to rely on a remarkably well-behaved and generally cooperative population.\n\nI have presumed that this phenomenon was largely derived from the inherited traditions of the Chinese people of that and earlier generations. However, in making this suggestion, I have borne in mind that public and private life in China had already been subject to change in the first half of this century, and that in practice the Chinese people might at an earlier date have been more resistant to the influences described above. The degree to which peasants and other ordinary folk have shared Confucian values has always been an open question, and has drawn much attention in recent years. In his study of Cantonese ballads, of the kind to be regarded as \"folklore written by simple writers, not by scholars, and for simple folk to be read by them or to be listened to\", Professor Wolfram Eberhard has shown that \"the values which the ballads represent are often not the so-called 'Confucian' values\". And a recent survey of twentieth-century Chinese peasant proverbs, which focuses on material from the north and northwest, also gives a somewhat varied impression of the extent of peasant acceptance of traditional Confucian values and shows some variation from them.42\n\nHowever, I do not see why these should be considered to be mutually exclusive phenomena. The Chinese peasant was quite capable of absorbing and evincing both Confucian and non-Confucian sets of values, and this I think he did. For instance, to take a Hong Kong example, the \"Extant Cantonese Children's Songs\" recently studied by Helen Kwok and Mimi Chan, besides revealing the \"prevailing attitudes\" expressed in \"the speech of semi-literate peasants, direct and frank, often to the point of being coarse\", did also in their opinion", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "28 \n\nmembership of an alliance.\" \n\nIII. Studies on Jiao Festivals in Hong Kong: the 1980s \n\na. Trend \n\n18 \n\nThere are not as many studies of Jiao festivals in Hong Kong as in Taiwan. The earliest study in Hong Kong is probably Taylor's 1953 ethnographical essay on the Cheung Chau Jiao festival. The article was re-printed in every issue of the special annual bulletin for the Bun festival in Cheung Chau until the beginning of the 80s. The late Prof. B.E. Ward noticed very early the importance of the Jiao festival to the understanding of rural society. Her account of the festival itself, however, appeared only briefly in her introductory guide book on festivals in Hong Kong. Dr. James Hayes has also noticed the importance of the celebration during his studies on rural communities in the outlying islands and new towns in Kowloon. However, only some of the celebrations were given brief mention in his 1983 book. Mathias' study on the 1975 Kam Tin Jiao festival is probably the earliest comprehensive study of the festival. It is a pity, however, that it has not been published. Kani, Obuchi and Yoshihara are probably the earliest Japanese scholars to realize the significance of Jiao festivals in Hong Kong. Kani, in his study of boat people in Hong Kong regards the Jiao on Cheung Chau island as an event, like the Hungry Ghost Festival, to feed wandering ghosts. Obuchi, working with a Taoist priest, Mr. Chan Wah, studied the symbolic meanings of different Taoist rituals performed in the 1975 Shatin Jiao festival. Yoshihara in a section of his paper on religion in Hong Kong briefly described the 1977 Tai Wai, Sha Tin, event. Beginning in 1979, Tanaka and Segawa commenced active data collection on the festival. Tanaka began his extensive research in Hong Kong in 1979. At least 14 different Jiao festivals were recorded in his three books. Segawa joined the research later, from 1983 to 1985, and several articles have since been published in Japanese. \n\n20 \n\n22 \n\nThe nineteen eighties saw a growth in interest in Jiao festivals among local institutions and scholars. In 1980, students and lecturers of the History Department (Dr. D. Faure), the Sociology Department (the late Prof. B.E. Ward), the Anthropology Department (Dr. S.H. Wang) and the Music Department (the late Dr. B.C. Lu) of the Chinese University of Hong Kong [CUHK] began concurrent studies on Jiao", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212120, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "39\n\nKat Hing Wai and Wing Lung Wai terminated their own independent Jiao but continue to participate actively in the Jiao of the whole Kam Tin community. Still others, like Tai Wai and Tin Sam, celebrate their own Jiao festivals on the one hand but also participate as members in the Jiao celebrated by the Sha Tin Kau Yeuk (Sha Tin Village alliance). Reasons such as the Japanese occupation or economic recession given by villagers themselves cannot explain the diversities found in the New Territories. All villages experienced the Japanese occupation. With regard to economic constraints, a community like Ping Shan, though as prosperous and powerful as Kam Tin and Ha Tsuen, stopped the celebration for some unknown reason. Therefore, the continuity or discontinuity of the Jiao festival depends on the effectiveness of the festival's communal structure and organization. In Lam Tsuen, the Jiao festival is a means to reconfirm the roles of its alliances (the Luk Hap Tong [Lui He Tang] “Hall of the Six [Sc. Village Clusters] United\"). In Kam Tin and other single lineage communities, the Jiao plays an essential role in re-establishing the structure of the segmented lineage as well as in re-confirming membership in the branches. The question of whether Jiao festivals will survive after the 1997 take-over is in fact a question of whether or not there is a need to preserve such a tradition in the community.\n\nNOTES\n\nLiu Zhi-wan, \"Taiwan Taibeixian Zhonghexiang Jianjiao Jidian\" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 33 (1972): 135-64.\n\nTanaka, Issei, Chugoku Kyoshon Saishi Kenkyu: Chihogeki no Kankyo [Village Festival in China: Background of Local Theatres] (Tokyo: Tokyo Univ. Press, 1989), 799. Some fishing villages in Hong Kong like Kau Lau Wan, Tap Mun and Kat O name their Jiao festivals \"An Long Qing Jiao\" meaning the Jiao celebrated to pacify the earth dragon.\n\nTanaka claimed that originally \"Qi An Jiao\" was celebrated only when there was need to pray for peace (Ibid., 799). However, evidence in Hong Kong, at least, shows that the festival is celebrated in a regular cycle. The shortest cycle is the Jiao of Cheung Chau where it is celebrated yearly. The longest is Sheung Shui and Shuen Wan where the Jiao is said to be celebrated once every 60 years. In some fishing villages in the New Territories, it is celebrated once every two or seven years. A five-year cycle is also practised in some agrarian communities like Tai Hang. However, a ten year cycle is the most popular in agrarian communities. Nonetheless, the method of counting also differs from one community to another. For instance, Lam Tsuen claims to celebrate the Jiao once every ten years but they actually celebrate it once in nine years. Their Jiao festival was celebrated in the following years: 1963, 1972, 1981, 1990.\n\nMr. Cheung Chi-fan (Zhang Zhi-fan), JP, and Mr. Chung Chi-leung (Zhong Ji-liang), interviewed by author, Lam Tsuen, Dec. 1, 1990. According to Dean, about 80,000 Chinese yuan was spent on the Jiao in a village in Zhangzhou, Fujian in 1986. See", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212151, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "70\n\nof the Origin of Origins. Both texts prominently feature the expression Syrian brilliant teaching in their titles and explanatory notes at the end of the texts state that they were written in the 'Sha-chou Syrian monastery'. As the monastery is called a 'Syrian' rather than a 'Persian' monastery the manuscripts must have been either written or copied later than 745, and as they use Adam's term 'Syrian brilliant teaching' they can probably be dated to the 780s. But the explanatory notes at the end of the texts tell us that the first manuscript was copied in the fifth year of the Kai-yuan period (717) by Chang-ku, and the second in the eighth year of the same period (720) by Su-yüan, both novice monks (fa-tu) in the Tun-huang Nestorian monastery.\n\nWe have no reason whatever to believe that Nestorian monasteries were called 'Syrian' monasteries as early as the second decade of the eighth century, and indeed Hsüan-tsung's decree states quite specifically that they were called 'Persian' monasteries until 745. These early dates, therefore, can only be accepted if we reject the plain sense of Hsüan-tsung's decree of 745, ordering all Nestorian monasteries in China to adopt the title Ta-ch'in ssu, ‘Syrian monastery', and I prefer to conclude instead that our manuscripts of these two works were copied and edited in the 780s. We have seen already, in the case of T'ai-tsung's decree of 638, that Adam was not worried about introducing anachronisms into old texts if they were necessary to preserve the coherence of his new 'Syrian brilliant teaching' identity. Accordingly, we need not be surprised to find the term 'Syrian brilliant teaching' and 'Syrian monastery' employed in texts ostensibly written over thirty years before a Nestorian monastery could be called a 'Syrian monastery' and more than fifty years before Christianity would be described as the 'brilliant teaching'.\n\nNo doubt the originals of our copied manuscripts were indeed written in Tun-huang in the second decade of the eighth century by Chang-ku and Su-yüan. The puzzle is to explain how it was possible for the Kai-yuan documents, as I shall call them for convenience, to be translated into Chinese at Tun-huang in the early eighth century, when Reuben's Syriac texts of these works lay neglected in Ch'ang-an's imperial library; and why it was necessary for Adam to translate these two works into Chinese in the 780s, as the Book of Praise implies he did, when Chinese versions already existed at Tun-huang. I can only conjecture what might have happened. Obviously some of Reuben's Syriac 'scriptures' existed in China in more than one manuscript, and the monks at Tun-huang in the early eighth century had their own", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "77\n\nexalt the magical power of the tree god.'\n\nOn the 23rd day of the first lunar month in 1925 just west of Suifu in Szechuan province some Chinese saw a beggar lying on the ground. They returned very shortly after to find the beggar had disappeared completely, the ground where he had lain was bone dry and his imprint on the wet grass stood out. They realized that he must have been an Immortal and built a small shrine dedicated to him. Once a year thereafter, on the 23rd of the first month anniversary local people held a special festival to celebrate his disappearance.\n\nInnumerable stories are told of the creation of such new deities. These tend to have the following common factors:\n\na. a human dies under unusual circumstances and his spirit is 'found' to have special and supernatural characteristics.\n\nb. An image is carved and placed on an altar as a direct result of the god's behaviour or action. Usually the deity has appeared in a dream, or in a more tangible form as a piece of wood sometimes rough, at other times shaped (a gate or door) — floating in the sea, on a lake or a river, and manifesting supernatural characteristics.\n\nAlthough in theory the deification of a dead soul requires the joint authority of the supreme Taoist deity, the Jade Emperor and the terrestrial emperor of China, there have been a large number of minor deities in particular who owe their deification to the common people, voting with their feet, going to shrines to offer up incense and oil. And just as gods fade and disappear because of lack of support from devotees who have found other and apparently more potent deities, so the creation of new gods springs from a natural but unusual happening such as was the case of the small boy in Singapore, who, as we shall see later, was killed in 1963 by lightning.\n\nCults spring up whenever the spirit of a dead person responds to public devotions and offerings and grants devotees their requests. The deceased need not be from the distant past. An image of Chiang Kai-shek, who only died in 1976, has been seen on at least one major altar in Taiwan, against the wishes of the Kuomintang government, though they would appear to have turned a blind eye. Sun Yat-sen, one of the Republic's greatest worthies, has also been seen in both image and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212159, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "78\n\nicon form on minor altars in Taiwan. These icons are understandable as portraits of Sun the 'Father of the Nation' appear with those of Chiang Kai-shek in offices, schools, barracks etc. where they were bowed to each morning as a sign of respect. Among the less literate and more superstitious it is not difficult to see how this has led to such icons appearing on altars with incense burnt before them.\n\nIn the mid-1960s, the Kuomintang organised a political demonstration in Cambodia on the 15th day of the seventh lunar month, the middle of the month during which Hungry Spirits return to the human world for thirty days. During the demonstration public sacrifices to the spirits of the victims of the communists in China were performed. There was also talk of deification of one or two but this came to nothing.\n\nIt has not been unknown for outstanding living persons to have a sanctuary built in their honour. The magistrate of Ch'ing-ho district in Hopei was such a man. He brought about a substantial reduction in taxes and other government levies and thus lightened the financial burden on a hard pressed people. In 1886, two years after he had been transferred to administer another district, the grateful populace of Ch'ing-ho built a shrine in his honour.\n\nIn Singapore in 1970 a new cult was founded near Woodlands on the northern tip of the island when the deity, Wu T'ien Chu, appeared to a Singapore Fukienese man in a dream. The deity explained to the Fukienese that he, Wu T'ien-chu [The Military Master of Heaven], was a mighty deity who had chosen the Fukienese man to become the 'Master Warrior' of his cult. He required a new bungalow to be converted into accommodation for the founder with the lounge becoming the altar hall. He told the Fukienese man that he would protect his devotees, cure their illnesses and bring them good fortune. A statue of the deity was carved in the likeness of the spirit as he appeared in the founder's dream and placed on the altar. The founder, the Fukienese man, explained that with his wide knowledge of all religions he encourages devotees from every nation and creed to worship in his temple. He explained that the world's most powerful deity is the Jade Emperor, with Sakyamuni, The Buddha, as his deputy. Next in seniority is Kuan Yin followed by Wu T'ien-chu who has a great many assistants and warriors under his charge, none of whom is ever portrayed in image form. He continued that the four pillars of the cult are \"the four gods (shen) of other religions, Buddha, Christ, the Pope and Mohammed”.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212173, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "92\n\nto present a neatly typewritten note in English, carefully preserved in a cellophane envelope, stating that the area was prohibited.\n\nThe pheasant shooting season continued until the Chinese New Year holiday, which falls late in January or early in February. It was generally possible to get two or three days off for this holiday, and at this date in 1937 two of us found ourselves some ten miles up the Yangtze above Nanking in the neighbourhood of the Three Hills. We had come in the houseboat, now so seldom used owing to the opening of the countryside to the greater convenience of the motor car. Only where the river bank was steep-to could we bring the boat sufficiently inshore to throw a plank across and step off; and so having disembarked we had to walk awhile until we reached a small creek, which we crossed in a borrowed sampan, before arriving at the extensive reed beds for which we were heading.\n\nAt this late season great stretches of the reeds had already been cut by the country people for use as fuel, leaving small clumps and narrow strips standing here and there. Inland, the fields, turned over by the shallow Chinese plough, showed long rows of soft green where the shoots of winter wheat sprouted. The country was ideal for pheasant. Unfortunately it was drizzling and blowing hard. Sandy, the smooth-haired black Labrador was at the top of his form, but nonplussed by the poor shooting. In such weather the birds would as a rule sit tight until the last moment, when they would get up suddenly at your feet; for some reason today they were wild and rising almost out of range. As we approached each patch of reeds, inside which pheasant might be sheltering from rain and squall, we would carefully move to the lee end and beat our way back upwind. My wife worked with us, and two of the boatmen, who also served to carry the bag. The pheasants were reluctant to fly, and would run unseen out of the reeds through the more open stretches of stubble to start up cackling indignantly at unexpected moments. The expenditure of cartridges was considerable, but so far as I remember, the bag only held six brace. Late in the afternoon, soaked, we boarded the houseboat. Luckily the run down with the tide was much quicker than the outward trip, and there was something in the icebox to keep the damp out. Little did we realise that was to be the last shoot for many a season!\n\nThat year was Coronation year: great preparations were made by", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212175, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "94\n\ncity, which is some eleven miles in circumference; that was before it was included in the prohibited areas. Now concrete machine-gun loopholes peered at you from various angles; and towards the great gate, where the wall made its nearest approach to the Yangtze, the fortifications were believed to be particularly heavy and well provided with deep dugouts to serve as battle headquarters in time of need. We heard that even the German officers, who advised on how these concrete emplacements should be constructed, were not allowed to know the actual details of their location, and we used to think how ungrateful and suspicious it was of the Chinese to act thus. However, subsequent events have surely justified the Chinese attitude.\n\nNear the gate, at intervals, the older houses of the foreign business community, sited along Socony ridge, stare out over the long squat wall of the city at the Yangtze, and the intervening mile of pond, field and shack: but the last house turns its back to the river, straddling a narrow spur, an offshoot from the main ridge. Set in a pattern of mellow brick, our windows faced Nanking and Purple Mountain beyond. From the small lawn in front we could look down on the familiar landmarks of the city, the hillock of the Northern temple, the ancient Drum Tower, the hard concrete lines of the sumptuous International Club, and the salmon-pink walls of the New Metropolitan Hotel, so soon to be painted a hideous black. From the verandah of this house we were to watch the flash and smoke of the bursting bombs of many an air raid.\n\nThis August the discussion of the trivialities of a daily routine had continued against a background of mounting tension. How exercised we were to find a method of circumventing a malignant crack through which the water of our small swimming pool sought to escape down the hill! At the bridge tables of the Bungalow Club, at dinner parties, dancing at the International Club, amidst the humdrum of everyday life, there was a mystery of 'phone calls, a whispered exchange of latest information, the question of increasing urgency **Is it war?**\n\nAlready in July members of the various embassies had begun to return from the summer seaside resorts in the north, where the storm was brewing, following the Marco Polo Bridge incident on July 7th; and a trickle of refugees came in from Tsinanfu. But in Nanking the cinemas remained open, the tennis tournament continued, and I remember an entertainment which was given towards the end of the month to the twenty-four Chinese students, who had been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212178, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "97\n\nmade a very good shewing, which drew the admiration of all neutral observers. The Japanese soon brought reinforcements and extended their front down towards the Yangtze in an attempt to dislodge the Chinese from their grip on the suburb of Chapei; but despite the overwhelming superiority of the Japanese equipment, especially in the air, the Chinese stuck to their ground all through August and September, until well into October, when they began to crack, and were finally dislodged by a successful landing on the flank in Hangchow Bay,\n\nThese operations at first led to a complete breakdown in communications between Nanking and Shanghai. Towards the end of August, however, it was found that cars could cover the 200 miles to Shanghai by turning off the main road at Soochow, and passing through Kashing to the Hangchow road, which entered Shanghai from the south. As I was badly in need of instructions I decided to motor down. On arrival in Shanghai I was astonished at the state in which I found popular foreign opinion. There appeared to be no adequate appreciation of the meaning of these new Japanese encroachments in China, or of the Japanese threat to the \"open door\" system of trading the Far East, the traditional British policy expressed in Lord Palmerston's instructions to Admiral Elliot in 1840, when he said \"You will bear in mind that Her Majesty's Government do not desire to obtain for British subjects any exclusive privileges of trade which should not be equally extended to the subjects of every other power\".\n\nShanghai had for some years been the object of much factious interference and petty vexation on the part of Chinese officials in their campaign to recover their \"lost privileges\". The municipal council of the International Settlement found itself continuously involved in arguments, mostly sterile, over all sorts of questions of local interest, such as roads, police, taxes, jurisdiction, and so on, providing occasions where the Chinese aptitude for obstruction had full play. The consequence was to alienate the sympathies of many of the leading foreigners in the main stronghold of foreign interests in China. (According to Professor Remer, an American economist who made a study of foreign investments in China in 1931, British business investments were distributed as follows:\n\nIn Shanghai £130,000,000\n\nIn Hongkong £36,000,000\n\nIn the rest of China £30,000,000\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212182, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "101\n\nignorance. The cook, on the other hand, a tall northerner from Tientsin, would blanch at the first sound of the siren and bolt like a rabbit to his hole; and our little amah, a timid soul, would stand and weep in a corner. At one time we got quite worried about her, because whenever there was a raid her temperature went up; she, however, recovered her normal poise when she followed her \"missy\" to the quieter atmosphere of Wuhu.\n\nDuring all this period the Chinese commercial community watched the attitude of the foreign residents and judged of the progress of the war from what they read into their movements. The war had naturally resulted in a severe restriction of credit and we were all concerned with the collection of outstanding accounts. One foreign business man, who controlled a large upcountry organisation, maintained that his wife's continued residence in Nanking inspired his Chinese agents with such confidence that they continued to remit funds, so that he estimated her presence was worth several lakhs to the firms by whom he was employed. This is one aspect liable to be overlooked by Consuls, who order their nationals at short notice out of a place in the hope of avoiding international complications.\n\nWhether because they grew tired of the discomforts of a bucolic existence, or of the expense, or whether it was because they found that the part of the town in which they used to live had escaped the attention of the enemy bombers, it was a fact that many Chinese, who had left Nanking in August, returned in October, and many of the shops which had closed their doors reopened.\n\nThe question of provisions became easier again, and some enterprising compradores even replaced exhausted stocks by railway from Tsingtao, or by motor lorry from Shanghai, though to cover the risk of loss en route they found it necessary to raise their prices from two to three times. Butter was a problem, until we discovered that while the number of milk consumers had fallen off heavily the number of cows had remained static, and the surplus of cream thus available produced excellent fresh butter. The dairies in Nanking existed for the convenience of the foreigners as the Chinese themselves do not consume milk or milk products. In more recent years, however, Chinese have taken to tinned milk, particularly for infants, and by this indirect approach are to a small extent developing a taste for cow's milk.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212186, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "105\n\ntimed with their fuses set to burst just a few feet above water level. But the gunners evidently found the moving targets difficult to follow, because the aim grew wilder and eventually the shelling ceased. As the sun set in the west, the British ships came to anchor off the Three Hills, where I had my last pheasant shoot, while the American ships anchored in a group a few miles lower down.\n\nNext morning broke clear and sunny, one of those late autumn days in China, when there is not a ripple on the river, and the smoke hangs low in a thin pall over the country villages. Gun fire could be heard in the distance, both above and below the concentration of neutral vessels; and by-and-by the three American ships, escorted by the U.S.S. \"Panay\", got under way and steamed upriver. As she went by, the \"Panay\" stopped to pass back one of our wounded men, who had been kindly accommodated in her sick bay, and the Commander explained that he was taking his ships further up towards **Pidgeon Island** as the Japanese had been dropping some \"bricks\" in the river just below them. Not for the first, or the last, time in China, the Americans elected to play a lone hand.\n\nMeanwhile the refugees on the British vessels whiled away the time counting up the splinter holes in their ships, attending to the wounded, and in mutual visits for gossip over the events of the previous day. Every one thought it was all a mistake, although some concern was caused at about 10 o'clock, when a number of Japanese military landing craft were seen upriver pulling in to the north bank, on to which they ran a small gun which was openly trained at the ships. But the feeling of security was confirmed when the Japanese craft, one after the other, steamed out towards the British gunboats, circled round them, waved a salute or two, and then went on their way down river. There appeared to be no Chinese troops in the neighbourhood, and the Japanese sailed down the Yangtze unmolested, stopping to burn an occasional junk.\n\nIt was without an after-thought that we all sat down to lunch on that lovely Sunday morning on the Yangtze. We were anchored off the reed beds which grow round Rosina Beacon, and through the porthole I could see across the river the clumps out of which not so many months before we had driven our last pheasant. Imagine our astonishment and indignation when suddenly we heard the approaching noise of planes, the roar of power dives, and bombs", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212190, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "109\n\nand the civilians were advised to leave their ships and get into the British gunboats, because if the battery opened fire the gunboats had instructions to steam out of range and leave the merchant vessels to their fate. The attraction of this invitation was not evident to the Britons concerned and they preferred to stand by their ships and the Chinese crews and employees, for whom they felt responsible. Fortunately the guns did not follow the example set in Wuhu, where they had opened up at point-blank range on H.M.S. \"Bee\" carrying the Rear Admiral Commanding Yangtze Flotilla. Japanese planes flew over on a number of occasions, and even swooped in playful dives over the ships, but no bombs were dropped and it gradually became evident that the urgent protests addressed by the neutral powers to the Japanese government were taking effect.\n\nThe whole of that day and the next were spent between the ships and the reeds. Each time a Japanese plane appeared, the few people still remaining in the ships would emerge, cock an eye at the approaching aircraft, and make for the reeds at a speed regulated to the rate of approach. Stretches of reed had been cut by the local farmers and the stooks were still lying about. They provided a convenient cover into which to dive, and as the noise of the aircraft receded you could see an array of dishevelled heads pop out, to be followed in due course by the bodies to which they were attached.\n\nWhen it was quite evident the immediate danger was passed, sufficient hands were collected, with some difficulty, to raise steam, and the ships again anchored in mid-stream. Here we were joined by other British ships from Wuhu where they had had troubles of their own. The U.S.S. \"Oahu\" also steamed by, bearing the bodies of those who had been killed in the \"Panay\" bombing. Some days later, with Japanese permission, we moved down to Nanking, now in Japanese hands. From the deck of the ship the smoke of burning buildings could be seen rising beyond the city wall, but we had no information at the time of the extensive raping and mass murder, whose memory will make the Japanese army for ever infamous.\n\nI had hoped our ship would be allowed to remain anchored off Nanking until it was again safe to go ashore, when we could reoccupy the various properties we had vacated. The Rear Admiral, in H.M.S. \"Bee\", had preceded us and it was his idea that the British ships still off Nanking should remain there until other ships could come", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212200, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "119\n\nLiuchow where one of Colonel Chennault's schools for training Chinese pilots was at that time established. I arrived just in time to observe the results of a Japanese air-raid on the field, when they succeeded in shooting up two of the latest type of Curtis Hawk fighters, the only two at that time in China, concealed in some trees on the edge of the field. Training under such conditions was not easy and the school soon had to move west again into Yunnan province.\n\nThree hundred kilometres a day is good going on these lightly metalled roads. I reached Kweilin on the evening of the third day after leaving Wuchow, and put up at the government hostel. From time immemorial the idea of travel has filled Chinese with apprehension, induced not only by fear of the ubiquitous bandit, but also by the abomination of the fetid roadside inn. With the advent of the motor car, the need for better hotel accommodation became evident, and the various provincial governments opened official hostelries at key points. While these left much to be desired by western standards, they were a prodigious improvement on the old-style inn.\n\nKwangsi is one of the more progressive provinces, for long controlled by Generals Li Tsung Jen and Pai Chung Hsi, who rank next to the Generalissimo himself. The hostel at Kweilin was better than average. There was a wireless in the lounge, and a small crowd of us sat and listened to the news as it came in. It was the period before Munich. A young German amongst us, flushed with arrogance, gloated over Hitler's successes. My first contact with the aboriginal Nazi spirit left me angry and dismayed.\n\nChinese buildings are flimsy. The rooms are small and dark, and not clean. When you have made allowance for this idiosyncrasy, Kweilin appears a delightful little town. The city wall circumambulates from shrine-crowned hill to hill; the river is full of junks that sail down to Wuchow; the roads are wide and straight, and shop arcades cover the pavements on either side. The little separate hills rise steeply from the plain, in those fantastic shapes seen in Chinese paintings. Their rocky tree-fringed summits staggered drunkenly beneath the sky. The hills are full of natural caves, most convenient for storing war supplies, or to act as shelters in the event of raids. But Kweilin was still far from the war. The Kweilin merchants believed that the Japanese planes would have difficulty in locating their little city snuggling amongst the hills. The excitement was all about the new railway,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212215, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "134\n\nphone. It was a friend of mine, a former N.O., to let me know he had just heard from the British gunboat that the Luftwaffe was bombing Warsaw. I went over to a party at another table to tell them that the launch picnic we had arranged for the following Sunday would be off. The news spread from table to table. No emotion registered on the faces of the stolid English people sitting on the verandah of that exclusive club. A stranger coming in just then would have noticed nothing out of the ordinary except, perhaps, that it was later than usual when the members scattered from their tables to go home to dinner. I do not think that this display of composure was entirely due to British phlegm; it sprang in part from an unimaginative failure to realise what the news meant. Warsaw was very far from Shanghai. My Sunday picnic need not have been cancelled for all the difference the war made in its early stages. The chief problem seemed to be whether those with children in England should move them elsewhere, to the States or to China. There was no encouragement to join up; in fact, young men were informed officially that it was their duty to stick to their jobs to keep British trade going.\n\nSince the outbreak of the war between China and Japan, there had been a succession of political murders and outrages in the foreign areas of Shanghai. I think probably that the Chinese government started it. They considered any \"puppet\" fair prey and, I daresay, those Green and Red tongs came in useful. Then the Japanese retaliated by organising terrorist gangs of their own, and attacking Chinese with prominent government connections, or such as refused to collaborate. It almost amounted to a reign of terror, under cover of which ordinary crime, too, increased. The police found great difficulty in coping with the situation. They themselves were sniped at by both sides. The police, in both foreign areas, were remarkably efficient, but unpopular with the official Chinese, because so often involved in suppressing illegitimate political activities, which had a long history in Shanghai.\n\nMy wife and I were living in a small flat in the French town, and several of us, in preference to joining the Shanghai Volunteers, decided to join the French Special Police. We were issued with a blue uniform, with a thin red line down the trouser, a police kepi, and a French tin hat; also a large Mauser automatic, one of numbers collected from time to time at the Concession entrances from disbanded Chinese troops seeking admission to the safety of the foreign area. In this accoutrement we paraded several evenings a week at the Central", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212231, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "150\n\nSix of them by means of bamboos can carry a very large block of granite to any distance. Their ingenuity is very surprising. There are a few cows, and a few goats to be seen, but there is little verdure except for the goats and mountain sheep. The Chinese dogs are not worth a straw, except to eat, and their flavour is no doubt not so bad. They keep cats in hutches like rabbits; and feed them with rice till they are in good condition for eating. Rats are very abundant; pigs abound, for pork is the chief native food. The birds are not very numerous. Fowls are sold by the pound, at the same price as pork. Geese the same. Wild birds are not allowed to multiply very much. There is the common house sparrow, magpie, the wag-tail, and different species of pigeons. Insects are far too plentiful. Butterflies as large as birds. In fact I have sometimes to look for some time to distinguish whether what I see is a bird or a butterfly. Spiders are very large, and look like young crabs. Cockroaches and beetles are also quite gigantic and very plentiful. They eat up whatever they can get hold of, not being particular whether it is books, shoes, hats, clothes, or food.\n\nThe ants are the worst of all the vermin; black ones are like those in England, perhaps smaller, and not injurious. They take however a great fancy to hair-brushes, so that before you can use one you have to knock out all the inhabitants. They get everywhere, but one does not mind them. The white ants however are greatly dreaded. In one night they will completely destroy a box of clothes, so that in the morning you may find the fragments of the box, that will crumble in your fingers, and find nothing but a few rags and dust for the clothes. They get everywhere. The other day I happened to notice something wrong in a box of Mongolian bibles in the Lumber room. On taking it out, the box fell to pieces, and there were just a few fragments of leaves left, the books being all reduced to black looking dust. I have to be very careful of my boxes, and stand them on bricks to keep them off the ground, which is considered as some protection. The only way to preserve food, etc., is to stand each leg of the meat-safe in a small bowl of water, so that they cannot get at it. The same with things kept in cupboards, etc. These things however do not trouble me in the least, for the servant has all that to attend to. The mosquitoes, that were represented to me as so formidable and annoying, seem quite a hoax. Neither at Batavia nor here, have I so much as seen one. I have no clear idea what they are like; as to being bitten by them, it is out of the question. Mosquitoes to me are quite fabulous. Perhaps however I am one of the favoured ones whom they do not molest. At Batavia I had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212243, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "162\n\nIt is a bonny great room. The books are arranged in mahogany cases round, or rather at the sides, against the side walls. In the middle is a fine mahogany table, a round ditto at the end nearest the window, where I generally sit to study and write. At the other end a sofa, and a settee, while round the room you see any number of arm chairs. You will not fail to notice the scientific apparatus, and the globes, etc. The books form about the finest collection I ever saw, except the \"Museum\".'* There is a large case of foreign bibles and testaments in every language one can think of, presented by the Bible Society. Hours and hours have I spent in looking over all the books. I shall never be able to see the inside of one fourth of them. A great number are on Theology. I noticed Dr Stevenson's works, and the Memoir of the brother of the Misses Breay at Chudleigh. There are so many books that I am quite bewildered which to read first.\n\nThere is a round cylindrical tin case, containing a copy of the Scriptures in Hebrew, found among a number of Jews in the interior of China. They are a most interesting set of people,\" and retain the Hebrew language and Jewish religion, although very much corrupted. It is supposed by those who discovered them that they are of extreme antiquity. The book is just like pictures I have seen of the Jewish Pentateuch. It is written in most beautiful Hebrew characters on soft white leather, and when unrolled would reach a long way. It is regarded as a great object of interest. Before going out of the library I will call attention to the chandeliers, and the great punkah over the large central table, where I might dine if I felt disposed, but I prefer my own snug little parlour.\n\nNext I will show you the Chinese dormitories. Each contains two rows of iron bedsteads, on which during the summer is spread a Chinese mat, and pillow, which is like a square block of wood, although soft when one gets used to it!! Each has a box at the side of his bed. I shall only allow them to go to their boxes twice a day for a quarter of an hour. The rooms are very open and airy. The students have to be very quiet, for every sound can be heard. I shall not allow a sound after the lamps are put out at nine o'clock, when all hands assemble. At the sides you will notice the masters' room, shut off by a curtain. Before the entrance on the verandah is the staircase.\n\nWe now pass through a door into the Bishop's part of the house,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212246, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "165\n\n10 each article taken altogether. The washermen are a regular set of scamps; one has to look very sharp after them. I had no end of clothes to wash on my arrival. I make my servant bring in his bill every morning. You would stare to see the amount I was supposed to eat the first day: Really it was enormous, and so for the first few days. If I send them to get anything I do not see all of it I am sure, or else pounds and ounces are very much smaller here than at home. But I find it is the general rule here; it seems to be regarded as a lawful perquisite. But when I can talk to them I will see all about it.\n\nI generally rise soon after six. At seven I go to the library and give a lesson in French to Hahn-shan, after which I make him work me up in Chinese. Breakfast at a quarter past eight, [and] prayers at a quarter to nine. School at nine, where I stop a short time and then leave the students to themselves, as I have no notion of working in holiday time. Study, etc., till one, then to dinner, after which I write, or study or get the masters or students and talk with them, till five, when I go to tea. At a quarter to six I go out for a walk, etc., till half past seven, then come in and read, etc., in library or parlour, prayers at eight, then walk in the grounds till bed time. When the pupils assemble I need only superintend the school from nine till one o'clock.\n\nMr Beach has gone to Macao for a few days so I am all alone. He is really a capital fellow, and we agree famously. I treat him just like an old college friend and he ditto. He is very rough and blunt in his manner however, and I fancy he might be far more explicit in his explanations. But I think he is ashamed of the present state of the College, and knowing I am one of the trade, he fancies I have private opinions of my own as to the way it has been managed; and he is quite right if he does fancy so. He wishes to leave me to myself entirely, and to let me begin on Sept 1st by myself, if he is not gone up north before then. However I do not care.\n\nMr Irwin lives so far away that I seldom go to see him. The last time I found him just going for a walk, so went with him right through Happy Valley, and round home to his house. As we were going up the hill we met Mrs I. and her daughter, who were also out for a walk, so we joined them and went over some of the ground again. Of course I had the honour to escort Miss Irwin, and carried on a considerable chat with her. I think her voice for singing very nearly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212258, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "177\n\n(mouth) from the character get di (fortune) should not be completely joined, so that the \"mouth\" is an \"open\" one. In this way, the troupe members are freed from the curse of \"not being able to open the mouths\", which implies that the actors could not sing or speak, that the troupe would become unemployed, and that the members would have to suffer from starvation. In case the stage is a \"new\" one, the hoi bet ritual has to be carried out by the actor who is to play the Deity of Fortune.\n\nFrom these taboos and religious practices, one might easily deduce that Cantonese operatic employees are highly superstitious. However, without understanding the function behind these practices, such a judgement would be nothing more than a subjective evaluation.\n\nIn his Exorcising the Trouble Makers: Magic, Science and Culture (1983), the anthropologist Francis L.K. Hsu has pointed out that religion and superstition are indispensable in every culture, including those praised as “civilized” and others criticised as “primitive”, and that it is not always easy to draw a distinction between science and religion. According to Hsu, a community which believes in science would dress-up their religious beliefs and superstitious practices in the form of science, and similarly, a community which inclines towards religion and superstition would interpret its empirical and scientific experience in the form of religion (Hsu 1983:129).\n\nTraditionally, Cantonese operatic troupes are often hired to perform for festivals, birthdays of both ghosts and deities, and an elaborated Taoist ritual known as da ziu k (rite of purification). In fact, before permanent theatres became an additional context of Cantonese operatic performances in the late 19th century, for most Cantonese operatic troupe members, ritual performance had been their major source of employment. Even in modern Hong Kong, every year over two-thirds of the total productions are staged in a ritual context.\n\nIn the late Qing Dynasty and even up to the early 20th century, ritual performances were held in temporary theatres built with palm leaf mats, bamboo and wood poles. Modern ritual theatres replace mats with tin sheet. When a troupe is hired to perform a series of ritual plays, the temporary theatre becomes not only their performing venue but also their living quarters.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212263, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "182\n\nChinese Recorder, by one of the leaders of the conference. It claimed that Legge was making the Confucian Classics equivalent to the Old Testament. Legge's attempts to synthesize traditional Confucian views of God and man with Christian revelation, reflected, it claimed, an unrealistic assessment of modern Confucian ideology and Confucian bureaucracy. Taking Legge's thesis to its logical conclusion, it claimed, there was no substantial reason to promote Christian missionary efforts in China. Although it was clearly not Legge's intention to weaken the Christian missionary effort, these fears were felt by many missionaries.\n\n## II. Academic Misrepresentations\n\nLate in Legge's career at Oxford the translations of the Confucian sacred texts Legge had prepared for The Sacred Books of the East were attacked by Barthelemy Saint Hilaire. His conclusions were that there is basically no religion in China; the Chinese honour, he stated, no spiritual Being except Heaven (Tian, 天) thus contradicting Legge's discussion of the terms Shangdi (\"Lord on High\") and Di (\"Lord”). Hilaire ranked the religion of Confucius last among the world's religions, far behind even Graeco-Roman mythology, since it was built only on certain traditions, only had a human basis, and excluded all notions of divinity; while Confucius was admirable in his own milieu, his teachings only insult and degrade our intelligence. It would seem that Hilaire had not read Legge's texts seriously, and his views have not been much supported since.\n\nNevertheless, the fact that not all scholars accepted Legge's position raised some doubts in the minds of even some of his closest associates. In 1895, A.M. Fairbairn, Legge's close friend and founder of Mansfield College in Oxford, when completing a text on the philosophy of religion, was convinced by anonymous sources not to publish his materials on China (based heavily on Legge) because Legge's position was \"dated\".\n\n## III. Accusations of Interpretive Error\n\nIn 1895 Legge was confronted with a more subtle criticism. It came from an Austrian sinologist, Franz Kühnert. He wrote a criticism of Legge's translation of The Great Learning, basing his criticism on the standard interpretation of The Great Learning of the Song dynasty", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212265, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "184\n\nof fact, focusing on the negative comments made by Legge without balancing them by Legge's sensitivity to broader ethical and religious contexts. Furthermore, Kranz showed none of Legge's sensitivity to the values of Chinese cultural and ethical standards; all of his comments were marred by a crass condescension.\n\nThis attempt to discredit Confucius and Legge's interpretation of Confucius went without criticism for only a few years. In 1904, another author in the The Chinese Recorder noted that Kranz had employed for his purposes only the earlier (1861) edition of Legge's work. He was apparently unaware of Legge's positive re-evaluation of Confucius which had appeared in his second (1893-1895) edition.\n\nV. Unintentional Imbalance\n\nIf the judgements of strangers are too often insensitive, the justifications of relatives are sometimes too sensitive. Pastor Kranz's distortions were drawn from general and personal ignorance; Helen Legge's biography, James Legge: Missionary and Scholar, was a self-conscious piece, full of personal insights and general awareness of her subject's interests and intentions, but somewhat unbalanced.\n\nHelen Legge was commissioned by the Religious Tract Society to write the biography. James Legge's career and professional life could be neatly divided: thirty-five years were spent in the service of the London Missionary Society; twenty-one years were devoted to his academic work in Oxford. Although his Christian concerns and his Chinese interests were consistent throughout his professional life, the institutional change marked a watershed in the direction and character of his efforts. Nevertheless, in Helen's biography, thirteen of fourteen chapters dealt with her father's missionary life! This may well have been the preference of the publisher, but, even though Helen interspersed some notes on her father's academic career, far too little of the scholar appears in the book.\n\nThis unbalanced presentation was redressed twenty years later. One of Legge's students became the third Professor of Chinese Language and Literature at Oxford. William Edward Soothill prefaced his book on Chinese Religions with a dedication which read: “To James Legge, a Great Scholar and a Devoted Missionary”\n\nJ\n\n1136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212266, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "185\n\nVI. Miscalculated Significance\n\nAfter the revolutions of China and the near dismantling of Britain's empire, one can ask what the significance of Legge's career is for today's changed world. One answer was suggested by Lindsey Ride, who claimed that:\n\n\"Legge was going to be a missionary to his own people and race first; he was going to translate and explain the learning of the East to the scholars and the missionaries of the West.\"\n\nRide went on to support this by citing the 1877 speech to the General Missionary Conference in Shanghai. Ride's biographical account of Legge is easily the most balanced and best informed of all the writings summarizing Legge's life until the 1980s. Despite this, however, Ride does not give a precise account of Legge's personal motivations and the context in which he was writing.\n\nLegge was a Christian and humanitarian sinological scholar: he was an academic by talent and training, and a Christian by conviction and character. He was concerned to translate and explain Chinese literature to the West, but he was just as much concerned to portray to the West the Chinese in their times of need. He aimed both to evaluate their cultural heritage and to minister to their religious inadequacies. Thus he alerted the English public to the famines in China in 1878, taught texts of the Chinese Bible at Oxford along with other Chinese literature, and, while at Oxford, produced not only the translations for The Sacred Books of the East, but also his most direct and scholarly apologetics for the Chinese need for Christ. Legge was never only a scholar, or interested only in explaining Chinese learning to the West.\n\nVII. Anti-missionary Bias\n\nPerhaps the most serious misunderstanding is the claim that no missionary could ever be a sinologist. The basis of this judgement does have a logical foundation, and can be expressed in something like the following terms: missionaries are absolutists, believing the message they hold to be rationally supreme, and historically demonstrable, and often (though this is not always explicitly stated) culturally preferable. In the light of these beliefs, they become intolerant of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212273, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "192\n\na transformation as did the revolutionary activities of Legge's own lifetime. Buchanan, a convert at first reluctant in tone but later adamant in commitment, could not have left a more profound influence on his impressionable Scottish student. Legge began to recognize his own need for conversion—a conclusion drawn as much from Buchanan as from his family's involvement in the relatively new Non-Conformist movement. In his autobiography, Legge spoke of his need to resolve this issue as a matter involving his passage into maturity.\n\n37\n\nAs a Scotsman of the nineteenth century, Legge rediscovered his Scottish uniqueness through the pen of Buchanan. In addition, through him, Legge gained a perspective on the rise and fall of clans and nations, a perspective broader and more reflective than usual in the sixteenth century.\n\nAt the end of his life, James Legge must have been a remarkable religious figure. Yet what his own statements suggest is that there was as much of the scholar in his early life as there was a missionary. Perhaps it would be more correct to say that it was the scholar who discovered his spiritual need, at least in part, through identification with the conversion of his Scottish predecessor. The religious and scholarly were intimately intertwined, but, as with Buchanan, it was the scholarly route which first awoke Legge's mind to greater things, leading later to the spiritual conversion which was the primary motive force for Legge's mature life.\n\nIII. Legge's Educational Philosophy\n\nJames Legge's first job was to teach Mathematics in Blackburn, England. He was quickly able to demonstrate his competence in other fields and was soon afterward also given responsibilities in teaching courses in his strongest subject, advanced Latin. It was during this period that the young Legge pursued the “question of religion”. The headmaster under whom he worked was also a Non-Conformist and so not only permitted him exposure to the Latin Church fathers, which he taught to students, but also involved him in weekend trips to nearby villages for preaching. Through these experiences and relationships, James Legge became convinced that he should become a missionary, and so after one and one-half years of teaching, he entered Highbury College, a Non-Conformist Seminary, to prepare for service in the London Missionary Society.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212276, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "\"New light on the population of the country? On the governmental system? On the administration of justice? What is the relation of the different provinces of the country to the Empire? of Tartars and the Chinese?” \n\n\"What is the actual idolatry of the people? Their actual morality?” “To what degree are they intellectually active? To what extent does education pervade their masses?** \n\n195 \n\nLegge concluded: “these are not exhaustively stated questions, but those which most readily present themselves to my mind”, \n\nThese commitments became the driving force for the rest of his life. No other Western scholar in modern history or before has ever studied the full breadth of Confucian classical literature and published translations or commentaries on all of these traditions.\" Although other scholars, (including missionary-scholars like Legge and those in consular positions), pursued studies in Buddhism and Taoism with great thoroughness, none published the kind of extensive translations of both Taoist philosophy and Taoist religious texts which Legge presented in his translations for The Sacred Books of China. With regard to Buddhism, Legge did not publish any extensive translations of Buddhist scriptures, but he remained informed of some of the current work in Chinese Buddhism by Western scholars, continuing even late in his Oxford years to read and assess Chinese, Japanese, and Korean scholarship in selected fields of Buddhist literature. The results of his work in Buddhism were made public in his book on The Religions of China and in a public essay presented at an Orientalist Congress in the 1880s.** \n\nThese sinological studies do not tell the whole story of Legge's approach to his Chinese audiences. During the 1850s Legge was tempted by another missiological approach. While he remained active in teaching and publicly discussing technical problems in biblical translations in the early fifties, a major change in his life occurred as a consequence of the death of his first wife in 1852. The indefatigable Legge redirected his energies towards the training of indigenous church leaders; among his trainees was the intelligent Hong Rengan (洪仁干), a relative of the Taiping Leader, Hong Xiuquan (洪秀全), and later made one of the Taiping kings in the final years of the rebellion. Legge was intent on making Christianity relevant to contemporary China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212278, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "197\n\nbecause, after Legge himself had remarried back in England in 1858, Rengan arranged for his relatives to stay with the Legge family until he called for them from Tianjing. The final demise of the rebellion included the capture and execution of Rengan by the Qing armies. In spite of the personal training given and closeness felt by Legge, the power of blood relations carried more influence than the power of Christian care. This made the need to understand the Chinese heart and mind all the more concrete to Legge.\n\nA more direct influence was the inability of Legge and his teaching staff to produce through the Anglo-Chinese College and its Seminary a continual supply of Chinese pastors and teachers. The government licensed the school with the understanding that some of those who graduated would be sent on to government placements as translators. Since the pay from the government was far more than any pastor could receive while working with a very small community at best, most students were drawn into government and business.\n\nThere is no doubt that there were also strong theological reasons behind the change. Legge's missionary service was directed toward the Chinese population. In order to know them and to be accepted by them, he felt he had to display a knowledge which they would honour: a knowledge of the Confucian Classics. Convinced that the earliest Chinese did know the true God named Shangdi, as found in The Book of Documents (HK) and the oldest portions of The Book of Odes, Legge was all the more concerned to discover how Chinese themselves responded to these religious dimensions of Confucianism. This attitude informed Legge's educational philosophy.\n\nThus, Legge supported the provision of general education for selected Chinese students, rather than requiring them to follow any rigidly missionary curriculum. He closed his own parochial school in 1858. He was the head of the education committee for the Hong Kong government which developed the new public educational system in Hong Kong. This is remarkable, since general education was not standard even in many European countries at that date. Legge arranged to have Frederick Stewart, a fellow Scotsman, come to act as headmaster of Queen's College, the new school designed to provide a higher-level general education for Chinese boys.\n\nEarly in his career as the London Missionary Society representative", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212280, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "199\n\nas this related to Chinese classical culture. Having been somewhat hesitant to suggest the possibility of a missiological approach which included a more positive role for Confucianism, Dr. Legge in his first years at Oxford became fully convinced that this was the most appropriate strategy for Christian missionaries in traditional China. In this way traditions known and respected in Chinese society, from the common people to the Confucian scholars who effectively ruled the provinces, could be used as bridges for presenting and highlighting the need of China and her people for the Christian fulfillment in salvation through Jesus Christ.\n\nThis was the keynote of Legge's controversial 1877 speech presented at the First General Missionary Conference in Shanghai. Because many missionaries came to China during this period in which \"gunboat policies\" brought legal access of missionaries to China, many also experienced strong opposition from the often corrupt and \"atheistic\" mandarins who ruled the areas in which they were active. In the minds of these missionaries, to advocate an alliance with this kind of a system was to advocate a dismantling of basic Christian convictions in theology and ethics. What appears to be a condescending view of the superiority of European culture in the writings of many missionaries was from their point of view the only means of supporting the kinds of reformations which Christianity would, they felt, necessarily involve in Chinese society. Their opposition grew out of their sense of the devastating practical compromises which would have to be accepted if missionary strategies accommodated the Qing Confucian system.\n\nThe consequences of Prof. Legge's support of an “original Confucian monotheism” in the early historical annals of the Confucian Classics were unwelcome to many missionaries. By referring to the classical Confucian texts as the basis for Christian missionary strategy, Legge was by extension accepting, they felt, the imperial palace — the arbiter of Confucianism as the final court of appeal for Christian missionaries. A further complication arose because the worship of Shangdi, the technical term Legge associated with the Christian God in the Chinese Classics, was a religion limited to an imperial monopoly. Legge hoped that this religion and its rites could be transformed into a Christian institution and extended across the whole of China.\n\nRather than approach China as outsiders with a foreign message,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "204\n\ncolonial setting. Legge exemplified this role as a social prophet in both Chinese and English contexts in a number of ways.\n\nIn regard to the policies of the Missionary Society itself, Legge stood alone at times in his advocacy of treating Chinese colleagues as equals both in standing and in monetary compensation. Some missionaries felt this might cause too much pride among the first generation of Christians; Legge argued that a person who achieved the rank and fulfilled the duties deserved the pay, whether Chinese or Westerner,\n\nWhen given the opportunity to address the Hong Kong community at the end of his missionary career, Dr. Legge did not hesitate to speak publicly against the opium trade and gambling. This ability to distance himself on selective issues from governmental positions was in fact another aspect of his academic success. Unlike other European scholars who were bound to the directives of their religious and political superiors, Legge's Non-Conformist intellectual and spiritual disciplines were prompted by personal vision. When tensions arose between the government and the missionaries, they voiced their petitions as loyal citizens even if they opposed the government's attitudes and decisions.\n\nEven Legge's entrance into the community of Oxford University was coloured by his Non-Conformist commitments. The British Parliament having only five years earlier overturned a long-standing tradition that entering professors and students must publicly swear to belief in the Thirty-Nine Articles of the Anglican Creed, Oxford academics were still somewhat wary about introducing a Non-Conformist into their community. Legge's character had to be upheld by supporters external to the university before he was admitted. Soon afterward Legge was acting as the Vice President of the Non-Conformist Union, remaining a major leader until the Union was handed over to A. M. Fairbairn of Mansfield College. Even though Legge was busy in the first years of his Oxford professorship in building up the number of students in his classes and completing the translations of the Sacred Books of China for F. Max Müller, he unabashedly communicated his personal concern and Christian witness to Oxford colleagues who were not Christians.\n\nVI. Legge's Commonsense Philosophy\n\nBasically a form of Neo-Aristotelean philosophy, the so-called", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "205\n\n“Scottish Commonsense” philosophy was a conscious effort in the eighteenth century to counteract the sceptical implications of the radical philosopher, David Hume. The young Legge had read the writings of Thomas Reid, Dugald Stewart and Thomas Brown while a student at King's College in the early 1830s. He claimed later that he did not agree with all their philosophical implications, preferring a less rationalistic philosophy (perhaps that of William Paley), but even his granddaughter, the late Prof. Mary Dominica Legge, underscored his preference for Aristotelean ethics over the Confucian equivalent. If the content of James Legge's thought is rooted in the Biblical interpretations of the Non-Conformist tradition and Paley's evangelical system of natural theology, the categories came largely from the Commonsense tradition.\n\n72\n\nIt was these categories which, as translator and interpreter, James Legge employed in evaluating Confucian ethics, education, and epistemology. The lack of rational precision in a number of places in Confucius' life evoke from Legge a sense that there was a “want of freedom” in Confucius' behaviour. He likewise criticized the important Song dynasty Confucian commentator, Zhu Xi, for implying that, when knowledge is complete, the thoughts are by this means necessarily made sincere or without self-deception. For Legge, the moral life stemmed from a spiritual source related to the moral will, which was more penetrating and more complex than a mere mental grasp of things.\n\n7.1\n\nIn his study of Confucius' philosophy, Legge identifies specific details of the sage's biography in which his evasion of the truth (in one case involving an oath) is claimed to have produced an \"injurious influence” as an example to later Chinese people. There is also a conflict between Confucius' more humble claims about himself and the claims made about him by later Confucianists. At times these claims approach blasphemy, and Legge minces no words in decrying these assertions. The fact that other canonical texts included passages in which Confucius appears as the advocate of an ethic of revenge, especially when it involved family or clan ties, was an additional issue Legge regarded as deserving unqualified criticism. Whether or not these texts were historically reliable, their negative ethical influence was undeniable.\n\nWhat is important here is that the ethical questions Legge asked", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212287, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "206\n\narose from a background related to his education in Scottish Commonsense philosophy.\n\nFrom the angle of Legge's philosophical methodology, it needs to be noted that Legge had a tendency to gauge philosophical profundity in terms of the insight a system gave to the inner workings of the mind. These kinds of questions were not extensively addressed in the Confucian Classics, although questions regarding the heart-mind were central in later Confucian metaphysical discourses. Legge was basically not interested in these systematic philosophies, most of which he felt were inarticulate and wrong. Empirical observations of human behaviour and categories inherited from an Aristotelian concept of the mind were assumed as the basic truths from which more precise models could be constructed. Legge discovered no resources of this sort in the Confucian traditions, and so could self-consciously advocate the need for Chinese students to readdress their traditional system with important questions which revealed systematic inadequacies.\n\nThough this kind of critical stance may seem too harsh and even an unjustified imposition of alien values on the Chinese ways of thinking, not long after Legge died Chinese scholars did begin an all-out attack against the traditional Confucian ethical system. This was partially responsible for the final overthrow of the imperial powers in 1911.\n\nVII. Legge's Immersion in the Confucian Tradition\n\nLegge, a missionary and advocate of Christian faith, was also responsive to the Chinese culture and people among whom he lived. There are several reasons why this was the case, beyond the simple fact of being immersed among the Chinese for thirty-five years. One important reason is the parallels Legge perceived between his Non-Conformist heritage and selective Confucian traditions. Legge located in the famous Confucian Han Yu (768-824 AD) of the Tang dynasty shared general attitudes also found in Non-Conformist Protestantism: both valued a return to the fundamental spiritual texts of the tradition; both asserted a more commonsense view of the world; and both stood in opposition to superstitious religious traditions (primarily associated with Buddhism and Taoism).\n\nIn addition, Confucian scholarship had developed its own more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "209\n\n7\n\nThe texts translated by Legge were given the special subtitle, The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879-1891). They included six volumes (numbers 3, 16, 27-28, 39-40) in The Sacred Books Of The East Series under the general editing of F. Max Müller: Part I. The Shu King (the Book of Documents), The Religious Portion of the Shih King (The Book of Odes), and the Hsiao King (the Classic of Filial Piety) (XW) (1879); Part II. The Yi King (the Book of Changes) (58) (1882); Part III. The Li Ki (the Book of Rites), (禮記) I-X (1885); Part IV. The Li Ki, XI-XLVI (1885); Part V. The Tao Teh King (道德經) and the Writings of Kwang-Tze (莊子) (the Taoist Classics by Laozi and Zhuangzi), I-XVII (1891); Part VI. The Writings of Kwang-Tze, XVIII-XXXII, and the Thai-Shang Tractate of Actions and Their Retributions, (太上感應篇) with Appendices, I-VIII (1891). One of Legge's more important addresses in this field was to the Oriental Congress which met in Lyons and Florence during September, 1878. It was entitled, \"On the Present State of Chinese Studies and What is Wanted to Complete the Analysis of the Chinese Written Characters\" (September 16, 1878). Legge was Chairman of the Congress.\n\nAfter his Inaugural Address at Oxford, Legge quickly sought to attract students and any interested public by presenting very practical discussions of Chinese language. On November 7, 1876, he presented \"The Nature and History of the Chinese Written Character\". In 1878 another public lecture dealt with \"Principles of Composition in Chinese, or Grammar without Inflections\". By January, 1877, he was able to attract enough students to begin a course entitled \"Elements of Chinese and the Confucian Analects\". By the school year of 1881-1882, Legge was presenting classes on The Four Books, Laozi's (Zhuangzi) Daode Jing (道德經), and Chinese Poetry. See Oxford University Gazette, 1876-1877, pp. 64, 191; 1878-1879, p. 93; 1881-1883, pp. 200-201. The text he used for the grammar course in his early years at Oxford was Stanislas Julien's Syntaxe Nouvelle de la Langue Chinoise (ibid, 1877-1878, p. 193).\n\n* Besides the major Taoist volumes in The Sacred Books of the East, Legge also presented independent public addresses on Laozi and Zhuangzi (莊子) at Oxford's Taylorian Institute. The high regard Legge had for Zhuangzi can be seen in the typescript of the address, still available in the Bodleian. See Oxford University Gazette, 1889-1890, p. 92.\n\nLegge's response to Buddhism was very much influenced by the polemical attitudes of the Tang dynasty scholar, Han Yu, and other criticisms of Buddhism he read in Chinese tractates written by notable missionary scholars. He employed Han Yu's memorial against Buddhism as part of class readings beginning in 1883, added other texts to this in the late eighties and early nineties, and spoke publicly on \"The Purgatories of Buddhism and Taoism!\" in 1893. See Oxford University Gazette, 1882-1883, p. 558; 1884-1885, p. 339; 1892-1893, pp. 226, 491. His most important text and article relating to Buddhism are A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms, Being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of His Travels in India and Ceylon (AD 389-414) In Search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1886), and “A Fair and Dispassionate Discussion of the Three Doctrines Accepted in China', by Liu Mi, A Buddhist Scholar”, (London; n.d., presented to the Orientalist Congress 188?, pp. 563-580). The original source of publication for the article is not clear.\n\n† Besides the Buddhist texts mentioned above in §9, Legge also published Christianity In China: Nestorianism, Roman Catholicism, Protestantism. On the flyleaf is the following title: Christianity in China; A Rendering of the Nestorian Tablet at Si-an-fu to Commemorate Christianity. London: Trübner & Co, 1888.\n\nCf Lindsay Ride's \"Biographical Note\", in The Chinese Classics with a Translation, Critical and Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, and Copious Indexes (Taipei: Southern Materials Center, Inc, 1985), p. 22. At the age of 26 he had been awarded a Doctorate of Divinity by New York University (1842).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212296, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "215\n\nrole in this “secularization” process, comparing Legge's leadership in the new Board of Education with the manner of a “born bishop” I believe his motivations must be read in the light of his postmillennial leanings. See n. 55 on postmillennialism. Also see James Legge, \"The Colony Of Hong Kong\", The Journal Of The Hong Kong Branch of The Royal Asiatic Society, op. cit., p. 188; also E. T. Eitel, Europe In China: The History Of Hong Kong From The Beginning To The Year 1882 (Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh Ltd, 1895; reprinted in Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 347, 390-394, 466.\n\nSee Gwenneth and John Stokes, Queen's College: Its History 1862-1987 (Hong Kong: Queen's College, 1987). A number of the details of the origins of the school in relation to Legge are not correct, and should be compared with my article in Ching Feng (1988), op. cit.\n\n51 Prof. Legge's participation in the initial stages of the drafting of the Somerville College rules is not mentioned in some of the more recent texts on Somerville College, but his role as a member of the council (1881-1883) is found in Somerville College Register, 1879-1959 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1961), p. 272. In the minutes of the Provisional committee which later incorporated the College, Prof. Legge apparently helped to draft and support a college rule which, in its final form, read as follows: \"Prayers will be read daily in the house, and on Sundays the students will be expected as a rule to attend a place of worship chosen by themselves or their parents\"; an earlier proposal to eliminate family prayers, and a later proposal requiring instruction in the Bible provided by each House, were both voted down. It is also significant that the provisional committee set a rule that the members of the Council should include equal numbers of women and men. See the Notes of the Provisional Committee meetings for the year 1879, dated February 7, 15, and 28, held at Somerville College.\n\n* This picture is kept at the Library of the Oriental Institute at Oxford, and was recently used for the cover of T. H. Barrett's Singular Listlessness: A Short History Of Chinese Books And British Scholars, op. cit.\n\nHis reaction was primarily against the legalistic trends of Scottish Reform theology, particularly as it related to the harsher restrictions enforced on the Sabbath. At one point Legge, writing about his youthful days in Huntly, complained: \"The voice of Moses was allowed in our household too often to overpower the voice of Christ\". See Notes Of My Life, op. cit., p. 15, and James Legge, John Legge, ed., Lectures On Theology, Science, And Revelation (Papers by the late Rev. George Legge), XXII-XXIV. Still one must point out that the memorization of the Shorter Catechism left its mark in many of the themes discussed in Legge's The Religions of China. He may have rejected its ethics, but he was nursed and matured in its theological worldview.\n\n34 Legge gave his views on the sixty-fifth anniversary of the London Missionary Society, celebrated at Moorfields Tabernacle. See his \"The Land of Sinim,\" (London: John Snow, 1859).\n\n+4\n\n—\n\nThis perspective was technically supported by nineteenth-century \"postmillennialism,\" a view which generally interprets Biblical prophecies regarding the end of human history as one in which there will be no personal return of Christ. Postmillennialism claimed that God will reign on earth indirectly in a kingdom of peace established by his own people, the Church. This view normally involves the corollary that human achievements, particularly the advance of Christian civilization, would bring about the final state in which the Kingdom of God would be achieved. James Legge had been exposed to this position through the theology of his older brother, George Legge, and apparently accepted its arguments. See George Legge, Lectures on Theology, Science, and Revelation, ed. James Legge, et al., op. cit. Belief in a postmillennial view of history explains two important aspects of James Legge's academic work. First, it explains why he was concerned to locate a trace of revelation in the foundations of Chinese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212297, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "216\n\nculture, which would make Chinese culture all the more accessible to the influences of Christianization. Secondly, it explains why other missionaries who considered Chinese culture to be simply pagan refused to have anything to do with a fusion of Confucianism and Christianity. In their minds, such a combination would hinder the advance of Christian civilization, obstruct the work of the Spirit of God, and ultimately be destructive of God's plan to establish the Kingdom of God on earth. Legge's claim that God had left a trace in Chinese culture threatened their view of the desperate losiness of the Chinese people. In fact, Legge himself would agree with them in general on the issue of the need for salvation, but he disagreed with the missiological strategy which refused to look for any point of support for missionary activity within Chinese culture. Those who opposed Legge were in effect supporting a basic assumption: God would not employ the pagan Chinese culture for the purpose of establishing His spiritual Kingdom. This explained, from their point of view, why He did not send them any special revelation of Himself. It was precisely this latter claim that Legge vehemently denied: to overlook the Shangdi traditions in the Chinese Classics was to deny historical facts related to the destiny of the Chinese peoples.\n\nSee Confucianism in Relation to Christianity, op. cit. See for details of the comparison \"Some New Dimensions in the Study of the Works of James Legge (1815-1897); Part II\", op. cit., pp. 43ff.\n\n1\n\n57 James Legge, Christianity and Confucianism Compared in Their Teaching on the Whole Duty Of Man (London: Religious Tract Society, 1883).\n\nSH\n\nJames Legge, Christianity in China: A Rendering of the Nestorian Tablet at Si-an-fu to Commemorate Christianity (London: Trübner & Co., 1888).\n\nSV\n\nThe original twenty-four-page manuscript, entitled \"Sketch of Ho Tsun Sheen\", was written by Legge in March 19, 1872, and is kept in the South China letters of the London Missionary Society archives. It was later published as an article in a volume called Gleanings From The Mission Field (London: 1873?).\n\nMI\n\nSee The Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle (January 1833), p. 34; (March 1853), pp. 121-129; (December 1853), pp. 697-707; (supplement), pp. 757-764.\n\nA\n\nThe Taoist priest Legge mentions was one who restricted his study to Laozi's Daode jing, rather than the more esoteric doctrines passed down in esoteric Taoist training. Legge found him \"more prepared than the Confucian literati to receive the message of the Gospel\". The elderly woman convert, at whose deathbed Legge sought a final testimony of trust in Christ, had been \"a professor among her country-women of Taoist superstitions\", but after becoming a Christian she had been a faithful and effective witness for Christ. See James Legge, The Religions of China, op. cit., pp. 275-276, 296-297.\n\nIn Alexander Wylie's Memorials of Protestant Missionaries (Shanghae: American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1867), pp. 119-121, eighteen manuscripts, pamphlets, and books are cited as prepared by Legge in Chinese. At least one of these was done with his Chinese colleague, Ho Jinshan. See Shengjing Zhengju (Proofs of the Bible) (Fuzhou: Taiping Street Gospel Hall Press, 1870). Among these texts are two pamphlets in story-telling form on the lives of Joseph and Abraham which are of particular interest. I have seen a copy of the former in the Bodleian Library, and discovered that it was written in Cantonese dialect; I suspect that the latter is done in a similar fashion, but no copy of it has yet been found.\n\nIn the context of this passage, Dr. Legge found it necessary to emphasize that he had spent as much time with Chinese people as he did with their books. Every day he claimed to spend several hours in visiting them, not only in their homes, but also in their shops. In the same recollection, he also mentions regular ministry in the Chinese prison as part of his vocation. Later on in this passage, Legge's wit also comes through:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212311, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 253, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "230\n\nVan Horne threatened, \"I will crush you. Don't you attempt to start a steamship line of your own. If you do, we will run you off the Pacific.\"\n\nDodwell retired from the East in 1899, the year his firm became a limited company.\n\nIt has continued to prosper. But much of its success in earlier days was due to the personal contribution of Dodwell himself. Profits increased from his shipping department. He also played a prominent part in the shipping world as a whole. G.B. Dodwell, a man of high principles, died in 1925.\n\nGilman's\n\nRichard James Gilman, a tea-taster, who worked for the old established company of Dent's in Canton, set up a partnership, known as Gilman and Bowman, in a Canton factory in 1840. By 1863 the firm was also represented at Kiukiang, Hankow and Tientsin, employing 21 staff. In many ways the firm was similar to Dodwell's, but on a smaller scale, and it was substantially involved in shipments of tea from Shanghai and Foochow in the 1870s.\n\nGilman's was also active in the import-export trade and shipping, and in 1862 it was appointed agents for Lloyd's at Canton, Hankow, Foochow, Hong Kong and Macau. In these ports its reputation in shipping circles was high, especially after the famous tea race of 1866. 'Taeping (sic) Yeung Hong' (KF) (Great Peace Foreign Firm) chartered the 'Taiping' (named after Gilmans) which beat 'Ariel', the rival ship, by 20 minutes over a 99-day voyage from Foochow to London.\n\nGilman's also played an important part in promoting the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, when it was established in 1864, and it was represented on its Board in its earlier days.\n\nGilman's failed, however, to heed the warning that there was a growing preference for Indian and Ceylon teas in Britain, and, heavily indebted to its London agent Ashton & Company, it came close to bankruptcy. Gilmans had to abandon its Shanghai and Hankow branches in the 1880s. But, with the huge demand for joss sticks in Southern China, the agency for the Australian Sandalwood Company helped", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 263, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "240\n\noverland across Egypt, by ship to Trieste, and overland across Europe), in February 1859, a sick man. He died in 1860 only 44 years old.\n\nThe dispensary in Hong Kong was not known as A.S. Watson's until 1870, although Alexander Skirving Watson had taken over in 1858 after changes in management.\n\n+\n\nThe 1897 Watson's Calendar explains that, 'Experienced English Assistants only are employed in the preparation and dispensing of Medicines. The Calendar also advertises: 'Chairs (sedan chairs), Licensed Bearers Hill District, half hour, two bearers, at $0.15.* Products available at Watsons in those days included, 'Prickly Heat Lotion, A Sovereign Remedy', and Scotch Whisky was advertised at $10.80 per doz. Case'.\n\nThe firm also sold aerated waters after a Mr Humphreys branched out in 1876, and the old Chinese term for the product, Ho Laan Shui (Holland water), is still occasionally heard today and indicates the Dutch were the first in the field. Later, the firm also started to sell wines and spirits.\n\nA.S. Watson is now a wholly-owned subsidiary of the Hutchison Whampoa Group, and the company is well known for its 'variety chain stores' and for its Park N Shop supermarkets. In addition to Watson Estate there is also a Watson Road to commemorate the firm.\n\nWith the Hong Kong penchant, as the saying has it, 'Greed for the new forget the old', (#Taam sun mong gau) and with most business houses ensconced in new, multi-storey concrete structures, there are few old articles to remind visitors of the past. That is why it is a pleasure, on entering Watson's offices at Fo Tan, Shatin, to see today two antique medicine jars, each about 90 centimetres high, and a large prescription book with entries in longhand, the first of which is dated April 5th, 1937.\n\nLane Crawford's\n\nIn 1850, Thomas Ash Lane and Ninian Crawford set up a sea-biscuit emporium in a matshed (rush mats covering a bamboo frame). Lane started life as a government clerk, although his family was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212341, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "260\n\nHappily, however, when you, our Provincial Governor, entered Kwangtung, your policy was to develop roads. We the gentry and others read your brilliant proclamation. We took the opportunity to put proposals to So (**), the previous Head of the Sub-District, asking him to forward them to the County Magistrate for consideration. The matter for consideration was to build a bridge at Kim Hau. We did this because it would lead to happiness and security. And yet, unexpectedly, that clan of local bullies, because the bridge construction would damage their economic interests, unreasonably obstructed and interfered with the work, using continuous blackmail.\n\nWe the gentry and others say that this river is public land, and a bridge would be a public bridge. We should pay no attention to those who obstruct it. They know their crafty plans will fail.\n\nThey have responded by absurdly pointing to somewhere downstream, about one li distant, a place called Tsuk Pok Ha (T), as a substitute. We the gentry and others are peace-loving people and wish to bring this affair to an end. We propose that the local military and police officials, with the gentry and the people, bringing an engineer with them, come and inspect the site. They will find that there is no road to be used on either bank at Tsuk Pok Ha, the first problem. The site is low-lying and subject to frequent flooding when the river rises: it is inadvisable to have a bridge there, the second problem. The water there is deep and wide, the work would be massive, the third problem. The two banks there are overgrown with shrubs and thorny plants which would have to be cleared at huge expense to build a road, the fourth problem. Further, to divert the existing road about one li will introduce a large bend into it. By our estimation, taking both banks into consideration, the road would have to be lengthened by three li of useless detour, the fifth problem. Roads must be constructed on direct lines before they are useful to foot passengers everyone says that.\n\nNow the bulk of the people at Upper Wong Pui Ling.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212342, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 284, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "and at Lower Wong Pui Ling, support us, and want to see the construction begin. It is only a minority of the Cheung clan at Lower Wong Pui Ling, local bullies like Cheung Yi-choh (GM) and so forth, who ignore the public good and care merely for their private profit. They take as an excuse damage to their Fung Shui, saying that the bridge would obstruct the Fung Shui, and so incite their clan.\n\nAll these matters were put clearly before the Head of the County, the County Magistrate Yau (FB). He, blunted by greed, did not care about public opinion, and issued an order banning and prohibiting the work. It was a case of corrupt influence. He absolutely failed to go to the site to investigate matters, and thus did not make a fair judgement.\n\nWe the gentry and others quietly waited several days, but, since we had no alternative, we proceeded in accordance with public opinion, and restarted construction. The Cheung clan realised that this would destroy their profit, and they came and threatened to destroy the bridge-works by force.\n\nWe the gentry and others consider the order of the County to be stupid and muddled. At the same time, the desire of the people for the bridge is so strong that we feared fighting, with guns, might break out. We therefore invited Lam (4), the Garrison Commander, to issue orders and send soldiers to keep the peace. It would be a false accusation to say that this was using soldiers to overawe the officials.\n\nIf they say that this place is unsuitable, then may we ask why do the Cheung clan have a right to run a ferry here for profit? The actual position is that the two banks are public land, and the river is a public river.\n\nMagistrate Yau, if he had even a little conscience, could settle this matter with just one word. But he feels it essential to protect and help the Cheung clan to suppress\n\n261", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212354, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 296, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "whom the whole district trembles. He is certainly a somewhat uneducated man, not only without fine manners, but a man who actually insults with the coarsest expressions when he sits to do justice. Yet it was nonetheless he alone who was ready for these obstinate clans, who broke their year-long overweening clannishness, and who brought the issue to a full and satisfactory solution. May it remain a successful conclusion to this affair in Sham Chun!\n\nOn his arrival he first of all required that all the weapons and armour of the allied clans be handed over to him. We heard that the Cheung clan had also made a delivery of their weapons, so that they could make an immediate appearance before Tin On-pong's seat of justice. Several houses of the Tsoi clan were burnt as a punishment. The Yuen clan were threatened in a similar way. The latter clan had among its members three graduates of the second rank (counting up from the bottom), and these were called before the Magistrate to defend their clan's claims.\n\nThis was so far successful that when the final decision was read out, it was that the \"Transit Toll\" should be divided, with four parts going to the Yuen clan, and six parts to the Sham Chun she hok.” (The she hok is a public building where, when disputes or other matters arise, the elders of the clans, the graduates, and the title-holders of the surrounding district meet together to take council on them.) However, since the Cheung clan is closest to the she hok it is likely that it will get the major share of the she hok's six parts. Furthermore, to conclude peace between the parties, it was decreed that the Yuen clan should sell the site of the landing place, and the rights over it, to the Cheung clan. This decision clearly favours the Cheung clan, since the people of the Yuen clan will lose all their rights to the matter under dispute. The Cheung clan will never again allow them to intrude into what is now to be the Cheungs' portion, whether the time be short or long.\n\nFinally, the Yuen clan were required to surrender one\n\nPage 273", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212365, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 307, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "284\n\nsituated exactly north of here. When I look out of the shutter I have it exactly in front of me. Its slope to the plain is gradual, which is also the case with the whole of the mountain range. It is strange that all these mountains are so bare of trees. All the mountain ranges which you can see from here are, in the lower parts, only wooded in some places, while the rest of the range is covered with grass. The poor cover causes a shortage of fuel. Because of this, fuel is very expensive.\n\nConcerning the cultivable land which is closed in by the sea and the mountains, this strip is only about half an hour's walk wide and just a bit more than one hour's walk long. The soil is a mixture of clay and sand, with the clay dominant. The soil is cultivated diligently but brings only mediocre returns. That is the reason why the owners of the land only have to pay a modest rate of tax. In some places the soil is sandy far inland from the sea-coast and therefore cannot be cultivated.\n\nThis little strip of land is covered with villages. One can count 12 to 13 though admittedly some consist of only a few houses. Most of them are situated near the foot of the mountain range. They are separated from each other by only short distances. Such a village is built without any plan, and totally irregularly. There is no main street that runs through the village, with houses on both sides of the street, but as roads they use tiny lanes, full of corners here and there. This fact alone must contribute a lot, apart from all other circumstances, to the filth. Similarly, in the larger villages and towns, the streets are very narrow and dirty, and the stench that is found there lets the traveller who walks through them anticipate what it might be like inside the houses. A superficial glance at a Chinese village makes you understand that what is most important to the inhabitants is for them to find a shelter against wind and rain, and that regularity, tidiness and cleanliness are very minor features of the living-quarters. Possibly they do not even feel the need for these things.\n\n―\n\nThis statement is justified by the following description\n\n!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212370, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 312, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "of the shops come from these villages. Of course, not everyone who belongs to the \"Market Association\" has a share in a shop, but they have an interest in the market, and therefore they have been accepted as members of the association. The population of the 45 villages of the small associations is roughly 6000, out of which 250 live here.\n\nThe Chinese population consists of four ranks. Here and in the surrounding area live people of all four ranks. The first rank consists of literati, and all the Government employees of the Empire belong to this rank. The lowest class of the literati are the so-called \"book-readers\", who have read the Four Books of Confucius, and the Five Classics, but who have failed at the District Examination, and have no degree. If they can gather a sufficient number of students they found a primary school and subsist on the meagre payments from them, which is just adequate for survival. They do not get any employment from the State, and, as a rule, they have to find their own means of survival. They earn comparatively the same as a primary school teacher receives at Home. They number a high percentage of the literati in China.\n\nThe candidates who have passed the District Examination receive the first degree, and they are called Siu Tshoi [Sau Tsoi]. This means \"Elegant Talent\". It has to be mentioned that many unworthy students receive this degree through corruption, whereas some knowledgeable young men, without resources, will have to give way. A Siu Tshoi also gets no Government employment. Should he want employment, he will have to apply himself to further study and examinations. However, he already has some advantages as a Siu Tshoi. He is allowed to open a Private School in which he can prepare students for the District Examination. By doing this he can earn quite good money. Besides, it is a great honour for a Chinese to have received a first degree. Literati of this kind are much rarer than the \"book-readers\". However, some live in this particular district, and Brother Lechler's teacher [the other missionary resident in Sha Tau Kok] in\n\n289", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212373, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 315, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "292\n\nbe pointing to the beginning of such a period, but still, at the right time, thanks be to the Lord, He sent blessed rain and thus turned away from us the calamity of hunger.\n\nBy the end of July the first rice harvest has been brought in. As soon as heavy rain has watered the fields you can see the ploughs in the fields again. As soon as the plough has broken up the ground for the second sowing the women are ready, waiting in rows, standing in the mud of the ploughed field in order to plant out the rice seedlings. The present crop will be ready for harvest in October, and, after that, barley will be planted. In Spring the barley will be ready for harvest. Thus, three harvests, but, nevertheless, so much poverty and want. The reason for this is, on the one hand, the large population, and, on the other, the fact that the Chinese eat a lot of rice, therefore they need a lot. The rice is immediately threshed on an open place in the field or in front of the houses because the Chinese have neither cellars nor barns where they can collect their produce.\n\nBesides the already-mentioned rice, they also plant wheat, yams, sugar-cane, and hemp, a certain oil-plant, and [sweet-] potatoes. The potatoes are sweet, watery, and stringy, and are therefore not healthy, but they are used by the Chinese in different ways, and made edible. They do not pay any attention to the cultivation of fruit-trees, and fruit-trees do not seem to grow in this region. Thus, fruits like pineapples, oranges and mangoes, do not grow here.\n\nBesides the already mentioned resources from which the inhabitants of the area surrounding Tungfo gain their livelihood, a number of people find a sparse income by way of fishing. They either sell the fish immediately or they dry them first in the sun, and then salt them, which is a method of preserving them for a longer time, and then sell them as salt-fish. The smell of fish prepared in this way is very unpleasant; nevertheless, the Chinese like to eat them, and it seems to represent a substantial and regular part of their meals.\n\nThe Chinese are a very diligent people, that one has to\n\nPage 315\n\nPage 316", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212374, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 316, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "admit. They do not shy away from work, no matter how troublesome or strenuous it may be. They are not ashamed of any kind of labour, not even if it is as lowly or debased as may be, so long as they can make money.\n\nI should like to make a few remarks about the physique of the Chinese, before I continue with my description of their customs and way of life. The Chinese are the same size as Europeans, but they have less muscle power. They are slender and well-proportioned. The features of the face are in between those of a Negro and those of a European. The face is more angular than a European's, and comes closer to a right-angle than does a Negro's. The cheek-bone protrudes less than does that of a Negro, and the lips are less thick and protruding. The nose, as a rule, is flat and thick, the eyebrows and eyes are black, and the eyes are set obliquely, which means that they lie lower towards the nose than to the outside of the face. The hair is black, rough, and thick, but the growth of the beard is very slight. The colour of the face varies according to the different longitudes. In this region, the colour is mostly a pale ochre, which turns brown in people who live mostly in the open, and are exposed to the sun. No Chinese would be browner than a Portuguese who lives in Hong Kong — at least I have not seen any such.\n\nThe face of a Chinese shows little animation, or freshness. Partly, this is, surely, due to physical reasons, but, partly the reason is also that the places where they live are so dark, musty, and smoky. Besides, there is the fact that they never wash themselves in cold, but only in warm water. Furthermore, the rag with which they wash themselves is always grubby, or even dirty. After they have washed themselves, they always hang the rag in any odd place — very often in front of their house-door — and leave it there until they next need it. As soon as a child is born, it is straightaway washed in hot water. Later they do not seem to be washed in either warm water or cold water, because all the small children I have seen were, without exception, dirty and unclean.\n\nI should also remark that Chinese ladies are smaller than\n\nPage 293", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 339, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "316 \n\nand traditions that make men (and women) take to the profession of piracy. As it is the book is a \"good read\" in the sensational nineteen-twenties style of journalism, padded out with cuttings from the newspaper library. And the piracy which forms the main theme of the book is less the battle-boarding-bang-bang scenario of excitement and tension favoured by generations of schoolboys, than a roughly institutionalised form of \"protection\". You entered into \"discussions\" with fishing-junks to protect them from real pirates, in the same way as today's Hong Kong Triads contact a new shop or restaurant to \"protect\" them against burglars.\n\nNot that the nineteen-twenties lacked their share of genuine piratical drama. This was the decade of the inside operation, with villains booking passages on coastal and ocean-going ships and, once out of sight of land, storming the bridge and forcing the crews to steer to Bias Bay, where the cargo would be looted, and the passengers sometimes held to ransom.\n\nOf all the piracies that of the SS Sunning in November, 1926, was the most spectacular and interesting, because the officers not only fought against overwhelming odds, but actually recaptured the ship, although with heavy losses in dead and injured. All this against a background of well-defined Hong Kong colonial policy. The drill was simple. Any pirates caught in Hong Kong waters, if found guilty, were hanged. If the crimes were committed in Chinese waters it was up to the Mainland Chinese authorities to deal with them, and in the nineteen-twenties China was too occupied with war-lord politics and other problems to bother much with coastal piracy, which had anyway been a nuisance for centuries.\n\nIn order to make contacts with the sea-going underworld the author paid many visits to Macau and was extraordinarily lucky in making contact with useful intermediaries. He lacks literary style but he is the kind of determined reporter every editor would like to have on hand for investigative purposes. In an effort (unsuccessful) to pursue useful contacts he even committed a minor crime and got himself locked up among the convicts in Hong Kong's Victoria Prison. Not surprisingly the pirates there had been found guilty not of piracy but lesser offences; had their real identity been revealed and proved they would have been doomed men. The gallows was a few yards outside author Lilius' cell.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 340, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "317\n\nNowadays piracy is very much in the news again, in the Malacca Straits, the Sulu sea, and even in the waters outside Hong Kong. There is scope for a new pirate book. However, it would call for more political background and a deeper understanding of human nature than Lilius shows in this briskly moving but somewhat superficial narrative.\n\nANTHONY LAWRENCE\n\nBeatrice S. Bartlett, Monarchs and Ministers: The Grand Council in Mid-Ching China, 1723-1820 Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford: University of California Press, 1991. xxi + 417 pp. Bibliography. Glossary. Index.\n\nThe Emperors of China were both person and institution. The Chinese bureaucracy was the most highly developed organization of its kind in the pre-modern world, with a complex array of rules and regulations which confined and defined government. The Yongzheng Emperor (r. 1723-35) is traditionally portrayed as the epitome of a ruthless despot, a cunning autocrat who developed a whole new secret police system to solidify his power. The Qianlong Emperor (r. 1736-95) based his rule of more than sixty years on political adeptness, not ceremonial presence. The traditional image of a Confucian official is of a man who served principle, not a ruler, and who dared to criticize those Emperors who strayed from the Middle Way (read \"bureaucratically defined acceptable behavior\").\n\nHow do we reconcile these contradictory views? Did the Emperor terrorize the literati-officials into submission, or was he merely the tool of an ageless bureaucracy? Is Chinese history during the Qing the record of strong or weak monarchs, or did institutions evolve which tempered the influence of the Son of Heaven?\n\nBeatrice Bartlett has provided us in Monarchs and Ministers with a ground-breaking work. Bartlett, delving deeper into Qing court documents than any previous foreign scholar, has provided us with crucial information on the evolution of the political structure of China's last dynasty. Where other scholars have given us glimpses of Emperors, have laid out initial hypotheses or focused on narrower political issues, Bartlett has unlocked the actual records and drawn together different strands of research on 18th century China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212400, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 342, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "319\n\nchange these arrangements at will (and indeed in a few instances did so), for most matters imperial respect for established statutes prevailed and advice on the wisdom of proposed changes was sought and followed.' (p.6). This was not the case with the inner court in the eighteenth century. It was the creation of the Emperor. But Bartlett argues that by the end of the century the Grand Council straddled the roles of pawn and directorate. The result was a greatly expanded inner-court dominance, but one where both ministers and monarchs could be strong. While the framework for autocracy continued in place, the expansion of inner-court work and the ministerial skill and labor essential to accomplishing it weakened the monarchs' ability fully to oversee and direct the government.\" (p 7).\n\nHere I might take issue with the statement that the Grand Council weakened the monarch's ability to direct government; rather, it permitted him to do more than he could alone. It is at this point within the system that the individual comes into play, and the balance between monarchical power and conciliar power was less a question of institution, and rather varied on the basis of the personal qualities of the incumbent emperor, as well as the qualities of certain officials such as Heshen.\n\nThere is the risk in working with thousands of documents of losing sight of the wood for the trees. The reader is forewarned by the author that Part One covering the Yongzheng reign is very detailed. This reflects the evolution of the Grand Council as the Yongzheng and Qianlong Emperors experimented with the Inner Court before it was enshrined in statute. In Part Two Bartlett soars above the foliage to give us an overview of the mechanism of government.\n\nMonarchs and Ministers is a seminal work, and opens up many avenues of research. We must study the officials who held concurrent titles in both the Inner and Outer Court, and determine if their authority derived from their positions as Grand Councillors or from their incumbency as presidents of various boards (much as we ponder the power of government officials that derive from their party membership in modern China). This book also looks outward from the Inner Court, and we would do well to look inward from the Outer Court. We should not underestimate the value of Bartlett's analysis of the types of documents existing in the archives. There was no guide to the materials; who drafted them, who read them.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212401, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 343, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "320\n\nwho acted upon them. By piecing together this information, Bartlett has begun the reconstruction of the inner, secret workings of the Qing government. We can build from this base to explore other crucial issues.\n\nMICHAEL IPSON\n\nArthur Power Dudden. The American Pacific: From the Old China Trade to the Present. New York and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992. xx + 314 pp. Index.\n\nWhen Christopher Columbus discovered the Americas, he was attempting to find an alternative sea route to the exotic trading wealth of Cathay, as Westerners then called China. It is perhaps symbolic that 1992, the quincentenary of his momentous voyage, should finally bring the publication of a work which summarizes between one pair of covers the history of American involvement in the Pacific. Despite a plethora of monographs, many of them excellent, on almost every aspect of this topic, and several fine works on American relations with particular Pacific countries, there has long been a need for such a volume. Both Arthur Power Dudden, the Fairbank Professor of History at Bryn Mawr College, situated in a city with more than two centuries of activity in the China trade, and Oxford University Press, are to be thanked for producing this survey. General readers and college students in search of an introductory survey will unite in welcoming The American Pacific.\n\nFor more than two centuries, the United States has been active in Pacific affairs. From the late eighteenth century onwards, the Pacific was the major focus for American missionary endeavours and an important venue of United States commercial activities. The Philippines, by far the most substantial American \"colony\", were acquired in 1898. In the twentieth century, the Pearl Harbour attack would impel the United States into war against both Japan and Germany. Under the pressure of the Cold War, within the next three decades Americans would engage in costly interventions in civil wars in both Korea and Vietnam, in the second case destroying much of their own self-confidence in their imperial mission. Today many Americans see the economic power of Japan as the most serious international threat to their own country, while Asian immigration has dramatically changed the racial mix of the United States.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212405, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 347, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "324 \n\ninto a major player in their domestic affairs; all are briefly described. Missing, for some reason, are Vietnam and Cambodia. Absent, too, is any substantial reference to the massive Asian immigration into the United States which has characterized the post-1965 period, and which has brought major demographic changes.\n\nWhile brevity in books is often to be recommended. Dudden's work would have benefitted from the addition of separate sections or chapters on the different impulses leading the United States to expand into the Pacific, for instance the commercial, missionary, and strategic impulses.\n\nThe book boasts a large number of clear and easily read maps, those indispensable aids to any understanding of international history. One can only regret that the press did not see fit to include either illustrations or a bibliographic essay guiding the inquiring reader to further reading. The latter is particularly important, since this work does not pretend to be more than an introduction to a large and complex subject.\n\nFinally, let me say with regret that this is not the first occasion on which I have discovered in a book produced by the New York branch of Oxford University Press an appalling number of typographical errors. There were too many errors in the text, and the notes were a disgraceful display of misplaced and inconsistent punctuation, spelling mistakes, omissions, and inaccuracies. One can only hope that Oxford may in future hire copy editors who know how to copy edit.\n\nPRISCILLA ROBERTS\n\nMaria Jaschok. Concubines and Bondservants: The Social History of a Chinese Custom. (London: Zed Books Ltd, 1988), 156 pp. Appendices, Index.\n\nMui-tsai, girls sold by their natal families to act as servants in wealthier households, were a marked feature of Hong Kong society, especially before the last War, and the study of this social institution is one of perennial fascination. As so often with Chinese social institutions, the Mui-tsai are difficult to pin down. It is clear that girls spoken of as Mui-tsai could be found in a wide range of situations", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212417, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 359, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "336\n\nJonathan D. Spence, The Search for Modern China, W.W Norton and Company: $29.95; cloth; 876 pages.\n\nJonathan D. Spence in \"The Search for Modern China” endeavours to facilitate an understanding of China. He says, quite rightly, that \"in trying to understand China today we need to know about China in the past\" (pp. xix-xx). That is why Spence begins his narrative in the late 16th century, when China was ruled by its last native dynasty on the eve of the Manchu conquest.\n\nInterestingly, the Yale historian explains that his book is not about modern China. Rather, it is about a centuries-long effort to create such a country, one which is both integrated and receptive, fairly sure of its own identity yet able to join others on equal terms in the quest for new markets, new technologies, new ideas\" (p.xx).\n\nBy this definition, Spence says, China is not today and never has been a modern country.\n\nCertainly, China in the Qing dynasty was far from being **fairly sure of its own identity yet able to join others on equal terms**. As Spence points out, China did not even have a national flag in its 4,000 years of existence, until one was created in the nineteenth century, when it consciously began to acquire what it thought were the attributes of a modern nation.\n\nAs is to be expected, Spence finds numerous parallels in Chinese history. Thus, he likens General Claire Chennault's World War II \"Flying Tigers\" to the foreign mercenary Ever-Victorious Army formed to fight the Taiping rebels; he sees similarities between Great Leap Forward rhetoric and the vision of Hong Xiuquan, the Taiping Heavenly King, and he compares the Shanghai Communique of 1972 with the Treaty of Nerchinsk of 1689.\n\nThis does not mean, of course, that China is unchanging. During the Qing dynasty, for example, China spurned British requests for developing trade. Spence quotes the Qianlong emperor's message to George III of England:\n\n\"We have never valued ingenious articles, nor do we have the slightest need of your country's manufactures. Therefore, O king,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212418, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 360, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "337\n\nas regards your request to send someone to remain at the capital. while it is not in harmony with the regulations of the Celestial Empire we also feel very much that it is of no advantage to your country\" (pp. 122-123).\n\nThis disdain for trade has now been replaced by eagerness to earn foreign exchange. Recently, we saw China go to great lengths in its attempt to retain most-favoured-nation trading status with the United States. In the weeks before Washington was to decide whether to renew China's trading privileges, Beijing went so far as to lift martial law in Tibet and to release hundreds of political prisoners.\n\nSpence has an eye for the telling detail, the little twists of fate that propel history forward. Thus he says that when two Soviet nuclear experts were withdrawn from China during the Sino-Soviet dispute, they tore to shreds all the documents they could not take with them. But the Chinese painstakingly reconstructed the shredded documents and found in them crucial information on atomic implosion\" (p. 589).\n\nThis is by no means a book that can be read in one sitting. Some of Spence's earlier books were page-turners. \"The Death of Woman Wang\" was as gripping as any thriller: \"Emperor of China: Self-Portrait of K'ang-hsi\" was poignant and stirred one's deepest emotions.\n\nBut \"The Search for Modern China\" is the most ambitious work by the author thus far.\n\nIt is encyclopedic in scope. It is crammed with facts, dates and names. Its 876 pages include 49 well-placed maps and 49 well-chosen tables, as well as dozens of illustrations in colour and black and white. Its contents are to be sipped and savoured, not swallowed in big gulps.\n\nSpence the master historian is on less sure ground when dealing with more recent events. Thus, he has Chiang Ching-kuo becoming president of Taiwan in 1975, three years too early. He also displays a less sure grasp of his facts regarding the Sino-British agreement on Hong Kong.\n\nBut these petty details are almost not worth mentioning when one\n\nPage 360\n\nPage 361", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212454, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1991/92\n\nMay I first of all welcome you and any of your guests this evening to our Annual General Meeting and that you will enjoy what we hope will be a very enjoyable and stimulating time. It is particularly gratifying to welcome our immediate past President, Dr. James Hayes who again has flown back from Australia to be with us.\n\nGiving a President's report to the Royal Asiatic Society is not an easy task: I need to ensure that you will actually listen to a rather factual lecture, not think of the excellent dinner we will be having later, and be prepared to come to next year's Annual General Meeting. I cannot like a chairman of a company report on sales turnover, profits, or declare a dividend which could be considered as the usual criteria of success for organisations of that kind. Our society's measures of success are more subtle, hidden and full of mystery: our performance indicators, to use an academic phrase very much in vogue in tertiary educational establishments, are not tangible: they are intangible and are perceived in the mind of the members and also non-members who if they are not members would pose the question to themselves, “Would I like to join the Royal Asiatic Society,” and would reply “Yes, I would like to join, I have heard they publish annually an outstanding academic journal, have a good monthly lecture, and have very excellent visits to places of historical interest with occasional tours outside Hong Kong. They seem to be good, the sort of society that will help me to understand the history and customs of Hong Kong and China outside the political and financial problems which usually dominate my life here.\n\nThe above profile is perhaps a little too simplistic: I believe there are other factors which make members retain their membership, and which non-members will soon perceive once they become members. Yes, we are a society interested in historical aspects of Hong Kong and the friendships and academic interaction we obtain by this common interest binds us to carry out multifarious activities which really cannot be done without the existence of the Royal Asiatic Society. Yes, we are a society which strives to bring together and expand upon East and West relationships - Yes, we are a society which provides a platform for several of our members not only to publish in the Journal but also to encourage members to seek out areas of interest and publish themselves, and you\n\nVII", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212457, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "having discussed it many times: there is no easy solution since the number of members are invariably limited due to external restraints, such as transport or the sheer difficulty in taking too many people around one place. One solution is to organise the trip twice or even thrice and you will note we have done this on a number of occasions.\n\nThe Council continues to be wary of running tours outside Hong Kong, after finding that the response to the proposed trip to South Korea early last year was not good, which led to its abandonment. However over the last year we have been to the Pearl River Delta and Xiamen and next July there is a thrust deep into China to be led by Mrs. Rosemary Lee and Mr. Peter Lee for which there have been some encouraging responses. It does seem therefore that this will be the pattern for the future, i.e. short or long trips into China rather than elsewhere.\n\nIt is customary for this report to include a paragraph on Membership, and this cannot be done without the assistance of our very capable Assistant Secretary, Mrs. Sharon Bruce, who is able to inform me from her records that our current numbers are 581 local members (450 from H.K. Island, 76 from Kowloon and 55 from the New Territories) and 114 overseas members, making a total of 695 members.\n\nThis compares with last year's figures of 596 local members (492 from H.K. Island, 65 from Kowloon and 39 from the New Territories) and around 80 overseas members, making a total of 676 members. In this transitory society it is considered that this is a satisfactory situation. May I ask that if you are leaving Hong Kong you will continue to keep in touch: we can keep you informed of our activities and send you the annual journal all for the modest subscription of HK$180. And on the subject of membership it is with great regret to note that we will be losing our patron Lord Wilson, later this year. Lord Wilson has been very supportive of the Society's activities and his presence at our Annual General Meeting dinner two years ago was very much appreciated. I regret to say I do not have a secret line to inform you as yet who our next patron will be but we will keep you informed as soon as we have anything definite.\n\nSuch a large membership does mean of course that they need servicing and that we have a system for keeping in touch: this is done very competently by Mrs. Anita Wilson, who produces a bi-monthly newsletter: this helps enormously to bind our Society together and also when we need assistance we have means to obtain it: this was clearly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212458, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "demonstrated when we appealed for volunteers to help the Antiquities and Monuments Board to grade buildings in Hong Kong which may have some historical interest. Around 20 volunteers have so far come forward and they have already been put to work. We need to thank Dr. Dan Waters for co-ordinating this project and hope that those who carry out this task will find their visits interesting enough to the extent that they may like to lead a Society trip sometime or even publish some brief notes for the Journal.\n\nLast year I reported on our efforts to stimulate interest from corporations, and create a category of corporate membership. The idea was that for the comparatively small sum of $10,000 p.a. it was intended to give certain privileges to corporate sponsors particularly in the area of acknowledgement in our publications. Amongst the reasons for this move, apart from putting the Society on a firmer financial basis, was to bring to those corporations' attention the Society's achievements and interests. I regret to say that we have not made much progress on this, but the matter will be receiving the attention of the Council during next year.\n\nOur Treasurer, Mr. Robert Nield will give you a detailed report shortly on the state of our finances. We are indeed fortunate to have them so professionally managed, to the extent that the Council now has computer graphs of our financial progress since the resuscitation of the Society in 1960. He will inform you, I hope, that our finances are in a reasonable state but the overall situation does need to be watched. You will notice therefore that later on this meeting we will be asking for approval to raise the annual subscriptions from $250 p.a. which was last set in January 1991 to $300 p.a., with corresponding increases in other category of memberships with effect from January 1993: this works out at a 20% rise over the two years which is around the rate of inflation over this period.\n\nYou will notice from the Librarian's report, by Mr. Y.C. Wan that the Library continues to be in a satisfactory state. However I regret to say that the books, although well kept, are still at the rather inaccessible Kowloon Central Library and not in the City Hall Central Library in a special collection room. It was hoped that by this time we would have knowledge of a definite move but in view of the possible re-development of the City Hall area it is not known whether the original plan will take place. It is intended to take this matter up further and I hope to be able to report on this more encouragingly next year.\n\nxi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212459, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "I also have to report that there has not been much progress on the Photographic Survey being carried out in conjunction with the Cathay Camera Club. It was intended there would be a series of publications, the first of which was to cover Shaukeiwan. Photographs have been taken and some members have volunteered to assist in the collation of photographic and written material. I understand that there will be a meeting quite soon to move this project forward, initially by holding a slide show to remind ourselves what photographs we have available. The Council considers that the basic idea is still a good one and we would very much like to see some progress made this year.\n\nA great deal of the events noted above would not take place unless there was a Council of energetic members who are prepared to put time and effort into making those events successful. We are a harmonious Council, and I would like to take this opportunity to thank those who have served over the last year, all of whom I see are prepared to stand again next year with the exception of Dr. Thomas Lau, who has regretfully decided to stand down due to pressure of other commitments. Dr. Lau is in charge of the Public Records Office and he assures me that the Society's all-important link with that office will continue. The organisation of the Society does not of course entirely depend on Council members; we often need volunteers to help in many activities and it is heartening to see that such requests through the newsletter are generally met.\n\nThis report would not be complete, I believe, unless there was some reference to the future. The past year has seen some momentous events world-wide, and here in Hong Kong we are fully aware that there will be significant changes: in fact, they are already happening. This society is not, of course, a political one: nevertheless, if there are aspects which will have some effect on our activities, then clearly we will need to take notice, and respond accordingly. Our strength lies in the body of our membership, and the ability to look beyond our immediate environment. With the continuous opening up of China and the prospect of further dialogues, there is no reason why this society should not continue to extend its interests into regions across the border. We are not, of course, the only society in Hong Kong to try and stimulate interest in this way. There are other societies which are around, and in the last year or two, members may be aware of the Asia Society and the Royal Society of Asian Affairs: the former is based in New York and carries out a high-profile lecture programme, some of which are conducted here: the latter is based in...\n\nxii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212469, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "the reliance on native place ties by Shaoxing natives away from home. Susan Naquin and Evelyn Rawski, in their history of eighteenth-century China, observe that \"native place was the principle most often invoked as grounds for affiliation and assistance by men who left their homes to work in an alien environment.”\n\nThe most extensive analysis of native place ties in an urban environment is William Rowe's detailed study of the central China treaty port city Hankow (Hankou). Although concluding that \"the prevailing mood of the city was cosmopolitan,\" he nevertheless emphasizes the persistence of localism in urban development. Rowe describes the importance of hometown bonds in securing jobs, financial help in time of need, and defence in daily street brawls. Commercial cliques, worker recruitment, and leisure activities were often organized around native place ties. More interestingly, Rowe's study has demonstrated a process of different ethnic groups establishing themselves in the newly developed city. The most distinctive one was a rivalry between Cantonese and Ningbo with Shaoxing people, the two prominent ethnic groups in Hankou. Cantonese used the advent of Western trade to advance their position in native commercial circles while the Ning-Shao natives had become the most powerful force in the native banking and lower Yangzi River trade, but they were second to their Cantonese counterparts in foreign trade. More recently, in addition to the above studies, as shown in Emily Honig's study of Subei people in Shanghai, there are many more factors determining ethnic identities than race, religion and nationality.\n\nOrigins of Cantonese Emigration in the Nineteenth Century\n\nHistorically, South China was the recipient of successive waves of migration from the north, which is more hilly and hence conducive to the isolation of one social group from another. In Guangdong province, the Chinese inhabitants categorized themselves as Punti (Bendi, locals) which included the Cantonese and the people of Teochiu; Hakka (Hejia, guests); Hoklo or Tanka (Danjia, boat people). By the end of the eighteenth century, the rate of delta land reclamation could not match the rate of increase in population in South China. Growth of population caused massive emigration both domestically and overseas. The rapid growth of population, unaccompanied by improvements in agricultural technology, meant that it was increasingly difficult for peasants in this area to depend on the soil alone for a decent livelihood. To support", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212482, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "16 \n\nShunde \n\nDongguan \n\nSanshui \n\nGaoyiu \n\n2 \n\n3 \n\nI \n\nI \n\n1 \n\n1 \n\nN \n\n| \n\n10 \n\n2 \n\nOut of delta region \n\nNon-Cantonese \n\n5 \n\n& \n\n13 \n\n2 \n\n1 \n\n- \n\n1 \n\n4 \n\nHang Kong \n\n1 \n\n༣ \n\n2. \n\n3 \n\n1 \n\n8 \n\nUnidentified \n\n18 \n\n30 \n\n72 \n\n132 \n\n17 \n\n422 \n\nTotal \n\n20 \n\n46 \n\n105 \n\n186 \n\n193 \n\n550 \n\nSource: Hong Kong Record Series #144. The Supreme Court of Hong Kong. Probate Jurisdiction - Wills. \n\nFrom the 894 Chinese wills of the period between 1850-1906 deposited in the Hong Kong Public Records Office, 550 were believed to be held by merchants. Merchants were defined here as owning business, joining in partnership and holding properties. As indicated in table 1, there were 128 out of 550 who stated their native origins. Most of them came from the Pearl River Delta region, Xiangshan men being the largest in number, followed by Nanhai, Xinning, Xinhui, Shunde, Dongguan, Panyu and so on. More interesting, though they had been doing business in Hong Kong for a number of years, they did not claim they were Hong Kong people. Instead they identified with their native place. More frequently they were probably absent from Hong Kong and had resided in Canton and Macau. A puzzling question is that a large portion of these 442 persons had not told in their wills where they came from. Can we take it for granted they did not state it because there was no need to specify as they had identified with Hong Kong? Nevertheless, there were eight cases reported where they were definitely identified as Hong Kong persons. Some claimed “Victorians\", some were \"Hong Kong people\" and some identified with the place where they lived such as Kowloon, Shaukiwan, etc. \n\nIt is supposed that during the nineteenth century the majority of the Chinese in Hong Kong did not settle permanently but returned home or moved to other places in China. They retained ties with their home villages in China. As a scholar points out, wealthy Hong Kong Chinese usually held landed property in Hong Kong, but from the wills we know there were also frequent references to fields and houses in the home villages and houses in Canton, Foshan and Macau. The landed properties they held were mostly houses and land, and little were shares", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212493, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "27\n\nShanghai, named the Guang Zhao Gongsuo,\n\nNeedless to say, Tang was famous amongst Cantonese merchants. In 1876, when Tang was organizing the telegraph office in Fuzhou, he was invited by Ding Richang to set up a Chinese bank with branches in Tokyo and London. The venture was supported by a group of Cantonese merchants to set up a modern bank with a paid-up capital of three hundred thousand taels to meet the increasing need of a financial institution to accelerate Chinese trade in foreign countries. Tang was also active in business circles in Hong Kong. He joined in partnership with his brother Tang Maozhi in the first sugar refinery in Hong Kong. Tang contributed three thousand taels while William McGregor Smith contributed the largest share of sixteen thousand taels. They planned to export sugar to Jiujiang, but probably due to Tang's transfer to Shanghai, export of refined sugar was changed to connect with Shanghai where they operated successfully until 1864. Afterwards Tang sold his share to his brother Tang Maozhi. The refinery was set up at East Point, Hong Kong, under the name of Smith, Wahee & Co. However, it eventually went bankrupt and was taken over by Jardine, Matheson & Co.\n\nTang left his work at China Merchants' Steam Navigation Co. in 1884 to manage the Kaiping Mines in Tianjin in which he had a personal investment of three hundred thousand taels. It has to be mentioned that with the appointment of Tang as the Kaiping's general manager, a large number of Cantonese workers were recruited for Tianjin. By 1891, the number of Cantonese workers had grown to five hundred of which some had returned from California and Australia. Though these Cantonese miners were more skilled and experienced than local workers, they did not get along with the local people and refused to teach their skills to the northerners, as they were called. In 1883 a group of a hundred men from Swatow had to be discharged because of conflicts between them and their headmen.\n\nZhang Guanying (1842-1922)\n\nZheng was born in Zhongshan. It is unclear when he moved from Zhongshan to Macau but it was certain that he had received his traditional education in Canton. After Zheng had failed in the public examination, he decided to become a merchant. In 1858, he was sent to his uncle Zheng Tingjiang in Shanghai, who had been a comprador to Overweg & Co. Zheng soon entered into the Anglo-Chinese School organized by a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212508, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "42\n\ncorrespondence with Ruan Yuan, if such items are extant.\n\nThis paper is not a prosopographic study of a generation of mid-Qing scholars, but I need to involve all of them in order to come to certain conclusions about one of them.\n\nPatronage of scholarship and learning during the mid-Qing\n\nProviding scholars who did not have government offices or private income with a means of livelihood while pursuing their research and writing was not a practice unique to China, nor was it a new phenomenon of the mid-Qing era. Often, the individuals offering this support had been motivated by political considerations. Lynn Struve of Indiana University and Kent Guy of the University of Washington have recorded in English the result of their studies on early Qing patronage of scholarship and learning. Struve has found that the Kangxi Emperor commissioned major literary projects from roughly the 1680s through the 1710s, including the Ming Shi (Ming History), to legitimize the Qing rule by making use of scholars who were not officials. This tradition was followed by the Qianlong Emperor in such monumental compilation tasks as the Si ku chuan shu (Complete Library in Four Branches of Literature).\n\n5\n\nLiterary works were produced under the patronage of individual scholar-officials as well. The Xu Brothers of the Kangxi era, who had several as chief editors of several imperially commissioned compilations, maintained a retinue of scholars. The most celebrated mid-Qing officials who were patrons of scholars were the Zhu Brothers. They gave scholars jobs on their personal staff, or in academic institutions, or an allowance while working on literary projects they sponsored. Zhu Yun (1729-1781), who was remembered for having suggested to the Qianlong Emperor the idea of the Si Ku Chuan Shu, and his younger brother, Zhu Gui (1731-1807), personal tutor to the Jiaqing Emperor, for instance, had on their staff at one time or another such scholars as Zhang Xuecheng (1738-1801), Shao Jinhan (1743-1809), Hong Liangji (1746-1809) and Ruan Yuan. Guy observed that\n\nAlthough Chu's was the first group of this type of scholarly patronage to coalesce, such circles became a fairly common feature of the era's intellectual life. Among the most important successors of Chu's circle in this regard were the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212515, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "49\n\nchong ding yi chi kuan shi may be gained from perusing a 1853 printed copy of the manuscript of the work. In the preface to the original edition, dated 1804, Ruan Yuan had listed 12 friends who had collections of ancient bronze vessels with inscriptions. Rubbings had been taken of these inscriptions, and the friends had meticulously consulted each other as well as Ruan Yuan on their identifications. Their conclusions had been gathered to be published in this book named after Ruan Yuan's studio, the Jiguzhai, meaning the studio to amass antiquities. Alas, in the preface, Ruan Yuan had singled out Zhu Weibi (1771-1840) \"Who was extremely fond of ancient inscriptions on bronzes. I gave him these rubbings (the collectors had made) for his further scrutiny. A draft of this manuscript had been among the Zhu family papers until the 1850s when it was printed under the same title by Zhu Weibi's great-grandson and great-grand-nephew. Apparently the younger generation had wished to show the scholarly world that this noted work had been done mostly by their ancestor at the behest of the much revered contemporary official and scholar, Ruan Yuan. In the preface of the printed draft, the Zhu boys wrote.\n\n+26\n\nThis is a draft of the manuscript of Ji gu zhai chong ding yi chi kuan shi with editorial changes made by our ancestor and Ruan Yuan. Ruan Yuan had discovered a Song dynasty work on identification of ancient inscriptions and had wanted to have his friends' identification of vessels in their own collections further investigated. Ruan Yuan had planned to have their findings prepared for publication (and had written a preface in 1804). Subsequently, at the time (of the drafting of the text), in 1807, our ancestor was at home mourning the death of his mother, so it was he who performed the task in getting this work for printing. The original manuscript is still in the family collection.\"\n\nOther questions on Ruan Yuan's sharing work and credit with other scholars still need to be investigated further. Those scholars who performed the major share of a particular task, for instance, were given due credit. Yen Jie (1763-1843), was acknowledged as the editor-in-chief of Huang Qing jing jieh, and Jiang Fan (1761-1831) that of Guang dong tung zhi.\n\nIntroducing Ruan Yuan's friends\n\nA list of 200 scholars associated with Ruan Yuan has been collated", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212538, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "72\n\nfrom an emphasis on merely material modernization to structural changes in the Chinese system, which in turn brought about the realization of the need for cultural modernization. Starting in 1982, stress was laid on building up a socialist spiritual and cultural civilization, alongside the building of a socialist material civilization. This move was intended to a large extent to resist what was perceived as incoming “unhealthy influences”. The term \"unhealthy influences\" has never been precisely defined, but it roughly refers to the Western socio-political values which ran counter to the party leadership and socialist system in China. This new approach did show a shift from the notion of partial modernization to an overall modernization.\n\nChina's open-door policy, inaugurated in 1979, was intended to promote the material modernization program. This policy could be traced back to 1972 when trade relations with industrialized countries were restored. In the following few years, China further expanded her international trade relations gradually. During the period 1978-1980, these trade relations were expanded to other areas of economic relations at an astonishing pace. However, the massive expansion of foreign trade and economic cooperation did not lead to any extension of the open-door policy towards large-scale cultural exchanges, not even to the present. Rather, the political report at the 12th Party Congress only emphasised the importance of \"spiritual civilization”, in the building of \"socialist modernization\", but cultural exchanges were not referred to, as foreign economic relations were, as a positive contributor to the process.\n\nDespite the notion that cultural exchanges were not to carry as much weight as foreign economic relations in the building of socialist modernization, arts exchanges with foreign countries experienced a rapid and large-scale increase in the years between 1979 and 1981. In those years, there was a large presence in China of foreign culture, particularly Western culture, including that of the United States.\n\nAs has been pointed out, high culture was a part of the “spiritual civilization”, as affirmed at the 12th Party Congress, but international arts exchanges were not emphasised. In fact, a culturally open policy had never been wholly adopted as a general policy. This contradiction shows a tentative balance between policy preferences. These were sufficient reasons to promote international arts exchanges and there were considerations to limit them; both may be put forward in the national interest.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212540, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "74\n\nWhile the artistic level of the performances was important, balance between countries and art forms were secondary considerations. There was no \"quota\" of any kind.10\n\nActive, too, in hosting American performing artists in this period was the Central Philharmonic Society of China (CPSC). From 1979 to 1981, the CPSC invited 22 American musicians to China on 11 occasions, and co-performed with them.11 Like the CPAA, CPSC's invitations were merely based on the merit of the musicians who were willing to come. The policies of the CPAA and the CPSC demonstrated China's urgent need for quality cultural performances which could help China raise her artistic level, either for prestige or for fulfilling the demand of the society for a better cultural life, at very marginal expense. Equally important, these programmes of exchanges provide an illustration of the position of international arts exchanges under the open-door policy.\n\nThis cultural opening-up was also stimulated by the establishment of closer ties with other countries to improve general relations and win better international economic co-operation. This dynamic came from the Chinese leadership, within which it was widely accepted that economic co-operation from Western countries for China's modernization programme could not be gained without solid Chinese commitments in the international community. Cultural exchanges can be taken as expressions of such commitments.\n\nChina's international cultural exchanges were conducted on the basis of bilateral ties rather than as a function of a general policy in favour of a large-scale influx of foreign culture. Throughout the years between 1972 and 1986, there was no major speech, public announcement or publicized decision in favor of any foreign cultural presence in China comparable with those regarding foreign economic relations. On the other hand, China signed 63 cultural agreements with foreign governments between 1978 and 1986. It also renegotiated more than a dozen cultural agreements in this same period, making those old agreements compatible with China's new objectives in the new era.12 More significantly, bilateral cultural exchanges were reinforced through frequent signings of implementing accords under the agreements to consolidate cultural relations.\n\nTo foster official relations through arts exchanges, two state agencies, the CPAA and the China Exhibition Agency (CEA), were established", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212563, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "97\n\nconcerts in China were never mentioned in the Chinese press. Arts exchanges were treated more in terms of their symbolic significance vis-à-vis bilateral relations than as essentially cultural events. This situation has severely jeopardized the Chinese perception of American artistic achievement and contributed to the preconditioned over-rating of American cultural events. At the same time, it undermined the Chinese understanding of the cultural achievements of other countries.\n\nConclusion\n\nIn the 15 years under discussion, there were two tendencies dominating Sino-American arts exchanges: the artists' involvement in arts exchanges for art's sake and the hand of the state, both China and the United States, which at times pulled them back to serve political objectives except where the two goals were compatible. To political leaders, arts exchanges were means rather than ends. They were means to strengthen a relationship between the two countries and they were occasionally even used to alienate the other party. Arts exchanges were also seen as a channel and sometimes directly used by the American government to export American values and in like manner, they were used by the Chinese government for gaining economic cooperation from the United States. Plainly, arts exchanges were employed to serve foreign policy objectives. But what were the foreign policy goals of China in this period and the latter part of this period in particular?\n\nThough the initial stimuli of Sino-American diplomatic normalization and rapprochement was the need to counter Soviet expansionism, the goals Chinese political leaders persistently pursued were the establishment of a peaceful international environment and the fostering of foreign economic cooperation for her modernization programme. These two goals should, so Chinese political leaders expected, serve as a guarantee to China's stability and development.\n\nIn order to meet these two goals, China greatly strengthened relations with the United States in the first few years since 1978, viewing it as a counterweight to the Soviet Union and, as one of the few suppliers of modern capital and technology which could lead to the success of the modernization programme. Meanwhile, the rapid increase in contacts between the two peoples brought to China values which could not be accommodated in a short time or could not be accommodated at all. On the other hand, as the country which embraced China when China opened", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "98\n\nherself to the outside world after a long and deep isolation and as one of the world's strongest military and economic powers, what the United States said and did about China was often taken too seriously by political leaders as well as average citizens. All these psychological and geo-political considerations have made the United States, whose interests could be incompatible with China's from time to time, an important factor in China's stability and development.\n\nIn culture, the American image among the Chinese people was to some degree disproportionately favourable. The assumption that American cultural products were the best has become a simple truth to many. This lopsided understanding of the United States and its culture had undermined the Chinese vision of other cultures in the world which could also contribute to China's modernization. As China is striving towards making itself an open society, it will need to be even more closely associated with international developments. Therefore, an objective and well-balanced understanding of the world is more than necessary. To meet that end, China's arts exchanges with foreign countries should be balanced, the treatment of other cultures should be objective and sufficient, and above all, arts exchanges should be less frequently requested to serve direct political objectives in external relations. In China's relations with the United States, we have seen that cultural exchanges were inextricably interwoven with political developments in China and in the bilateral relationship. When linked with the right political objectives, this inextricability generated positive effects. However, negative results can also derive from such a political affiliation. If relations between the two countries are solely determined by political developments, then an unstable relationship will be unavoidable, due to the periodic change of administration in the United States and the periodical policy reassessments in China. Furthermore, the separation of external arts exchanges from objectives other than the enrichment of culture will enhance China's open policy, which will in turn benefit China's cultural life. Specifically, the healthy results for China of Sino-American arts exchanges will depend largely on whether these requirements can be fulfilled.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212589, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "the Buddhist hall. After this was finished close mourners changed into everyday, brightly coloured clothes. A meal was held in a restaurant. There were seven courses. About 50 people attended. Meat was served.\n\nThe immediate family members then went home and took a second bath with pomelo and wampee (variant spelling wampi) leaves to purify the water. Lucky packages were opened. Besides money they contained pieces of hibiscus, foo paak (†), a homonym also meaning wealth or riches. Another packet contained, in addition to money, a needle and thread, and a lady's hairpin, described as kat lei ( ). This is interpreted as pierce or sharp, also as lucky or profit. Anything that could bring bad luck, such as black objects, had been burned. Things that were brought home, for good luck, included white mourning shoes and white attire. These were known as tsoi paak (ĦĦ ), for ‘good luck'. The large photograph used at services was later hung in the dead woman's home. Some maintain it should be packed away or it can bring bad luck.\n\nAshes\n\nThe day after the fifth tsat the immediate relatives went to the funeral parlour to collect the ashes. Everyone expressed pleasure that these were 'fairly white'. They are often blackish. There was a short ceremony. Joss sticks and ‘gold bars' were burned, together with a rosette made up with yellow papers with blessings printed on them.\n\nAt Ching Chung Koon (Temple) permission to enter was requested from the two door (earth) gods. Everyone bowed three times. An orange was placed on each shrine. The niche selected two weeks earlier to hold the ashes of the dead woman, together with another alongside for her husband, was not too high so it was accessible. His remains were moved from another niche. The cost for each, in 1988, was $10,800, increased from $600 in 1966. (Business is thriving and extensions are continually being built to the columbarium.) The mother's niche number is '17' which can be interpreted, 'certainly you will get it.' The father's niche is '18', read as 'definitely will prosper'.\n\nThe mourners bowed three times to 'spirit neighbours' of father and mother and burned single incense sticks in all vases in that room. An effort was made not to offend and not sit on ledges in front of other", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212596, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "Topley asks whether the poor trace hardships, basically, to lack of money. Cash can solicit and secure worldly and spiritual favours, advantages as well as goods.” At a funeral there is abundant, cheap, 'mock' money which mourners 'remit' to the deceased. The dead can be 'looked after' in a style not often possible on earth.\n\nOther ritual ingredients are belief in supernatural powers making up driving forces of the universe, whether these be magic, the complementary powers of yin and yang, ‘dragon vapours' (lung hei) of feng shui, fuk hei (divine blessings) or other superstitions. They must be handled correctly so no one is alienated.\n\nThere are, nevertheless, inconsistencies. If even the average Chinese does appear to believe that everything depends upon impersonal whims and pulsation of feng shui through the universe he does not resign himself entirely to fate. The contradiction is that most Chinese display a strong motivation to achieve wealth, power and prestige. Ability and education are valued. To complicate the issue further there is the Buddhist karmic belief that one's afterlife depends upon morality and performing good deeds on earth. So with a broad streak of pragmatism, if, with ancestor worship, forefathers do not provide adequately for present generation - even though forebears' bones have turned white instead of black - the living will still try to achieve objectives in other ways, such as by following the Confucian work ethic. But the need to perform the will of the gods, if one wishes to be saved, is also stressed, although ascetic practices and abstaining from worldly comforts appeal to a limited number of Chinese. But effort on its own is not enough. Something else, something special, is required.\n\nWith Chinese civilisation going back to the Shang Dynasty (circa 1600 to 1100 B.C.) beliefs do not usually change overnight. Yet, as explained in this paper, a number of Hong Kong funeral customs have altered significantly since World War II, such as acceptance of cremation and streamlining of funerary formalities. In many ways, Hong Kong Chinese think differently to westerners and even to their mainland cousins. Yet, if a European reflects after attending a Chinese funeral, many aspects are very meaningful. These can help a westerner strengthen Christian beliefs.\n\nEven those Hong Kong Chinese who do not profess a faith still usually engage Taoist or Buddhist monks to perform last rites. The author recalls\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212609, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "143\n\nerected, to look like a Japanese post. The Commando men were to attack it by unorthodox methods. The function of the mock defenders was to touch off electric wires, leading to 4 oz. sticks of gelignite buried in various places round the fort, to simulate the burst of trench mortar shells. The distinguished visitors were lined up and, while their attention was directed to the explosions and smoke round the fort, a charge of 50 lbs. of dynamite, which had been lashed to a tree somewhat to the rear of the exalted party, was set off with a most colossal bang. The tree, cut in half, fell across the road, the distinguished visitors all ducked, and the troops unanimously voted the party a great success.\n\nWe had graduated as experts in demolition. The subject is quite fascinating; I never pass a bridge now without making a mental calculation of where best it could be cut, how much explosive would be required, and in what way it should be attached to the structure. The details will bore most soldiers, but may be of sufficient interest to the uninitiated. In order to blow a thing up, besides the explosive, you need a detonator, a piece of safety fuse - unless you are using electricity - and a match or other form of igniter, of which there are a number. The safety fuse burns at the rate of half a foot in thirty seconds. The length required depends on how far you must remove yourself from the explosion and that depends on the amount of explosive, and the type of material you are cutting. Having cut your fuse to the correct length, you insert one end gently into the detonator; you then bore a hole in the explosive with a pencil or other non-metal implement, insert the detonator in the hole, light the fuse and retire. We were taught not to run away, but to walk away; it is better for morale.\n\nThe explosives themselves vary. The pound slab of guncotton, though very effective is going out of use because, being rigid, it is difficult to attach. One explosive, 808, comes in small cartridges of 4 or 8 oz., wrapped in waxed paper, and is gelatinous, but too stiff to mould easily. It contains a high proportion of nitro-glycerine, which gives one a very severe headache after handling. The effect is brought about by absorption through the skin of the fingers, and can be avoided by wearing rubber gloves: I have, however, never seen rubber gloves issued for the purpose. Constant exposure to the stuff builds up immunity. Some explosives, incidentally, such as 808, in addition to a detonator, require a primer to send them off. These are made of dry guncotton, shaped like a large cork, with a ready prepared hole in the middle to receive the detonator. You tie on the primer somewhere towards the middle of your charge.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212614, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "148\n\nnormal form of exercise was the evening stroll. There is, perhaps, nothing which so readily distinguishes the Chinese from their lugubrious neighbours to the west, the Indians, as their cheerful spirit. That evening the scene was more animated than usual. I could read in the happy faces of the crowd the joy they felt at finding themselves at last no longer alone in the struggle.\n\nArrangements had been made to send the officers of our little group to various parts of the Chinese front to study war conditions. The others had already left, and I was due to leave by air for Kweilin next day. I went down to the island air-strip early in the morning to find several planes just in from Hongkong, with the families of the C.N.A.C. staff who had been living there. The American crews had flown to Kaitak from a field in China, loaded up, and flown out again all at night. Over a cup of bad Chungking coffee they described the events in Hongkong, the bombing of the airfield and the destruction of the majority of the C.N.A.C. planes, caught on the ground by the sudden Japanese attack.\n\nBy and by the covers were taken off the three engines of the old Junkers 52 plane, in which I was to fly, and mechanics started them up. The plane was the last of those belonging to the Eurasia Aviation Corporation, a Sino-German company, the only competitor of the C.N.A.C. The German pilots had been replaced by Chinese. There were a dozen passengers; we clutched our seats a little nervously as the heavy-looking machine accelerated down the runway towards the river only to rise from the ground just before we hit the water. We spiralled up above the Chungking escarpment and flew away over the Szechuan mountains at a steady hundred miles per hour, until we dropped back through a gap in the clouds to see below us the sabre-toothed hills of Kweilin. I was taken in hand by an efficient \"Fu kuan\" (Adjutant) of General Li Tsung Jen's staff and motored into the city, where I found Michael waiting.\n\nMy destination was the 3rd War Zone, the most important of the nine war zones in China. It covered the greater part of the richest provinces, Kiangsu, Chekiang, Anhwei, Kiangsi and Fukien: bounded by the Yangtze to the north, the sea coast in the east, Fukien to the south, the area of the 3rd War Zone reached west as far as the Kan river. General Ku Chu Tung, famous for his defence of Shanghai in 1937, was the Commander.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212625, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "159\n\nunaccustomed and which they might not like; it is, of course, a good deal more difficult to provide foreign fare in China than Chinese fare. So we decided to have one Chinese mess and one British mess. We found a very good cook for the Chinese mess, but were less successful, until later Lao Teng joined us, with a cook for our own food. It seemed the obvious solution, but the young Chinese interpreters from Shanghai took it in ill part and claimed that we were giving them \"unequal treatment”. The Hongkong boys were only too pleased with the arrangement, as were the accountant and storekeeper I had engaged; they had previously worked in a foreign firm and were not influenced by the same inferiority complex. It was unfortunate, and it was a dilemma which we never quite got over.\n\nOn April 1st we held the opening ceremony and our training commenced. We were extraordinarily encouraged by the quality of the students sent to us. I should explain that we were accredited to the Chinese Regular Army, not to the guerillas; but I had heard such favourable reports of the work the guerillas were doing, that I had asked especially that some guerilla teams should be sent to us. There appeared to be reluctance in agreeing to this request; possibly because, as we were to discover later, the guerillas only owed a nominal allegiance to the 3rd War Zone; they were really directly under Chungking. However, we did get guerillas, and also some men from special front-line organisations, who appeared to be a cross between guerillas and regular troops.\n\nAs the success of our type of work depended so much on team spirit, I was determined from the start only to teach in teams, and so far as possible we tried to arrange that the teams sent to us for training should remain as teams when they returned to the field. We had some difficulty in putting this idea over, and I am afraid that our teams, only too often, after leaving us were shuffled. Each team had a leader, and we had insisted that only men who could read and write should be sent to us. In practice that meant that our students were mainly drawn from the ranks of the junior officers or non-commissioned officers. The students proved extremely keen; they were intelligent, good with their hands, and developed a fine team spirit. In the first course, we had a good many students from the engineers, though I was not too anxious to receive these, because I feared our object might be misunderstood and that our ideas would be confused with the work of defensive military engineering, where the deliberate methods of laying explosives on your own ground before the arrival of the enemy were quite different to the type of hasty attack demolition calling for expert team work in which we were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212627, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "161\n\nwhich could talk sceptical generals into agreeing to his suggestions. Not that the generals were not most co-operative: they usually went out of their way to meet us. In fact, we found it was true here, as it is always true of all wars, that the best elements of the nation were up at the front.\n\nIn May, the party of two Americans and one Englishman, already mentioned as having escaped from Shanghai, came through our camp, and I decided to proceed with them, in the lorry by which our two officer reinforcements had arrived, to the headquarters of the British Military Mission in Hunan. There were so many things of which we were in urgent need, and the replies to our signals were so vague, this seemed the best course. We covered the 1500 kilometres to Hengyang in six days. After a night spent with American missionary friends, we were turned out at dawn by an alert, and we were picking our way in the lorry through the crowds making for the countryside, when I saw an officer in British uniform moving with the crowd. I stopped to speak to him and discovered he was a Russian doctor, who had been recruited in China the year before for work with the British Army in Burma. He had been granted leave to proceed to Eastern China to try and get into touch with his wife to get her out of occupied territory. He was making his own way as best he could, had arrived by train that morning, as the alert sounded, and so found himself moving into the country with the crowd. His hope of reaching Eastern China without adequate credentials was vain. I suggested he should jump into our lorry and go back to Headquarters, to return with me to Chin Ya, as I felt sure his best hope of getting into touch with his wife would be through our guerilla connections. That was a great stroke of luck because one of our most pressing needs was a doctor and medical supplies, and Dr. Petro was to remain with us for half a year and do much very useful work. The Mission had no other doctor they could spare for us.\n\nAt Headquarters there was a good deal of confusion as the British troops were on the move, and then received counterorders. I was disappointed in my hope of receiving any further officer reinforcements, and all that could be spared in the explosive line was mostly ammonal. Ammonal is an explosive with a slower rate of detonation, so that it has more of a pushing or lifting effect. It is used for cratering roads and destroying buildings, and though that type of demolition was not likely to be of much use to us, it was better than nothing. It comes packed in 25 lb tins, about the size of 5-gallon kerosene tins. Two tins of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212631, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "165\n\nrain had caused a number of minor landslides. At several places large rocks lay across the road, but we were able to move these sufficiently to allow the lorry to pass; then about midday we were told the road further on was entirely blocked by a heavy landslide. At the village nearest to the scene we stopped to collect as many labourers as Michael could get the headman to round up, and then went on to investigate the damage. We found it would be possible in time to clear the road, except for a large rock about the size of a billiard table. We could only blow it up, unfortunately we had not packed our lorry to meet such a contingency and, of course, the primers were stowed under everything else. However, in time the necessary material was collected and a Chinese engineer officer, a casual passenger, and I got down on our stomachs in the mud to scoop out a hole under the rock in which to place the charge. After you place a charge in a hole it is necessary to tamp it well with earth to ensure that the blast does not merely blow back along the hole you have made. Our first attempt was not very successful as the tamping was inadequate and most of the blast came back through the hole and blew the tamping, like a shrapnel fougasse, out over the countryside. For the second shot we used a larger charge and tamped it better, and on returning after the explosion found the rock shattered. Willing hands had soon rolled the pieces over the hillside, and we set to with shovels to clear the rest. It was late afternoon when we reached the Tsien Tang river ferry, to find that a regiment of soldiers had arrived on the opposite bank and had seized all junks and ferry boats for use in crossing. The invaluable Michael went over to see the commanding officer, who readily released one of the ferry boats which was sent over for us. The Japanese were only a few kilometres down river with a large fleet of junks and motor launches, and I was very glad when we had successfully negotiated the crossing. That day, owing to the various delays with which we had met, we were only able to cover about 100 kilometres.\n\nWe stopped for the night at a village, where we had previously made friends when passing through. All the lights were out, and the village seemed deserted; the military police told us that only that afternoon they had opened fire on some farmers, whom they took to be Japanese plain-clothes men. The fact is that when Chinese troop movements take place the soldiers need coolies to carry for them; they impress these wherever they can find them with the consequence that on the approach of bodies of troops it is usual for the population of a place to lock their houses up and hide in the mountains. The soldiers are naturally annoyed when they arrive in a place to find everyone gone; no one to help them make fires,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212632, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "166\n\nto lend them cooking pots for their rice, or to provide the few vegetables that flavour the rice. They sometimes break into the houses and help themselves to what they need. It is a vicious circle difficult to control. Fortunately we could see a crack of light at the back of the building where we had last stayed and, when the occupants who were hiding inside heard who we were, they let us in; there was nothing too much they could do for our comfort.\n\nThey told us that a large bridge some miles ahead, over a side stream which flowed into the Tsien Tang, was down and that we should be unable to get across. This sounded bad and I ordered a very early start. When we got to the bridge we found that a freshet after the heavy rain had weakened the wooden piers, and when a lorry overloaded with troops had gone over on the previous day, it had fallen through. A whole span had collapsed; soldiers were wading in the water searching for corpses and laying them along the bank. The bridge was high, the banks steep; it was obviously impossible for our lorry to get through. We returned to the village and 'phoned Chin Ya with a request that they would send a relief lorry down to meet us on the far side. We then set about unloading the lorry and ferrying our stores across in a small boat. When we had emptied the lorry the driver was ordered to take it back to Hunan; he was a man who had been lent us for the trip. He just got through before the road was cut.\n\nOn the way through Yingtan and Shangjao we had passed many refugees; on old charcoal lorries, rickshaws, wheelbarrows, and even chairs, but mostly on foot, escaping from the advancing Japanese. We heard afterwards that the driver on the return trip found some refugees who were willing to pay heavily for the privilege of a lift on our lorry; he made a \"squeeze\" of $30,000. That is the sort of thing we were up against.\n\nIn the afternoon a 'phone call came through to say that the relief lorry had reached within twenty kilometres of us, but had found another bridge down and had been unable to come further. By good chance we heard of a large junk, hiding in the Tsien Tang not far off our bridge in the hope of avoiding being commandeered. It was full of refugees who were escaping upriver from the Japanese. When we asked whether they would give us and our stores a passage for the next twenty kilometres they readily agreed; our presence would provide a sort of protection. I was careful not to explain too clearly the dangerous nature of our cargo. The Tsien Tang junks are long, rather narrow flat-bottomed boats, curved", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212661, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "196\n\ntelling. Folk stories have it that the eldest son of one of the Ch'ing emperors visited Taiwan in disguise. Some say that the prince was the son of the emperor Ch'ien Lung others, the emperor Chia Ch'ing. Still others suspect that it might have been long before during a previous dynasty but what matters here is that legend claims that the prince came under attack from robbers and was saved by a local hero. Some claim the hero to be Wang Te-lu whilst others are quite positive that it was Li Yung, one of Chu I-kuei's lieutenants during the revolt of 1721 who was captured by the Ch'ing forces and executed in Amoy. Images of Li Yung, known as Sui-chia Wang [The Prince Who Followed the Imperial Carriage], can be seen in at least two temples in Nantou county in central Taiwan where the legend is recounted with great zest. In another version Chia Ch'ing, whilst still crown prince, was said to have visited Taiwan in disguise, with the general in charge of his guards said to be Li Yung. When the crown prince was informed that he was about to be ambushed by the Hsiao family using Taiwanese hill tribesmen to do the dirty deed, he immediately instructed Li Yung to attack the Hsiaos. Li forced the Hsiaos to retreat but was himself killed in the struggle. He was later deified and his festival is celebrated annually in Nantou on the 12th of the fourth lunar month. Intriguingly there would appear to be no substance to the story that any crown prince ever visited Taiwan.\n\nA fascinating story is told in Nan Kun-shen, the cult centre for five pestilence Wang-yeh, gods of pestilence, just north of Tainan in southern Taiwan. It is believed that the Wang-yeh are all deified officials and feared by demons; however, there have been occasions when demons have disguised themselves as Wang-yeh to take advantage of people and the only way to identify whether the image of a Wang-yeh on an altar is occupied by a genuine deity was for a senior mandarin to kick the image. If the occupant is a demon in disguise then the image will fall over. Wang Te-lu is said to have been taken to Nan Kun-shen where he kicked the image of the most senior Wang-yeh with his official boot without the image budging, proving that the deity was genuine.\n\nThis short biography of Earl Wang Te-lu reveals how little we know about him. What is interesting, however, is that unlike virtually every other biography of Chinese mandarins there is no reference to him winning high praise for his academic achievements, and his entry into officialdom, if folk memory is to be believed, was to all intents and purposes a commission awarded in the field, and his career, as far as we can perceive it, spent entirely in military capacity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212670, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n205 \n\nAnn Paludan. Chinese Tomb Figurines, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press Images of Asia series, 1994, 66 pages. Illustrations. Chronology. Bibliography. Index. HK$95 \n\nIt is always a joy to behold a book by Ann Paludan, whether as a scholarly study or for general reading. Her smaller work, The Ming Tombs (Images of Asia 1991), possesses the same high quality of meticulous attention to scholarship as The Imperial Ming Tombs (Yale 1981), an academic publication. The book under consideration here, Chinese Tomb Figurines, is a smaller rendition of her The Chinese Spirit Road: The Classical Tradition of Stone Tomb Statuary (Yale 1991). \n\nThere is no need to have a trained eye or any knowledge of Chinese aesthetics to appreciate tomb figurines as they are shown by Paludan. She describes two types of figurines found in ancient tombs from the pre-Han era to the end of the Tang dynasty in chronological order - those made of clay and those made of stone. Despite their ‘ambivalent' attitude towards objects specifically made for tomb use, the Chinese 'dead were provided with replicas of worldly goods or talismans to help them' in their life in the nether world. Among the figurines reproduced in the book are mounted horsemen; acrobats and musicians; jesters and storytellers; houses for humans and a sty for pigs; and, above all, the ubiquitous 'fat lady' of the Tang dynasty. \n\nIt is wondrous indeed to wander into the countryside of ancient China through the figurines, not unlike perusing Egyptian relics at the Metropolitan Museum for the first time. Readers will encounter colour, pageantry, glorious ceremonies and mundane everyday happenings; and, above all, 'there are no representations of death, illness, mutilation, or violence.' There is, on the other hand, a great deal of humour for readers to savour. \n\nWEI PEH TI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "207\n\nan original commission with the final decision on the book's coverage and titling.\n\nA further sign of inadequate editing is the absence of any indication of the sources of these images of the past. Beyond stating on the inside rear of the cover that the photographs were \"carefully culled from press archives of the time” (my italics), a rather inexact and fairly unhelpful statement, the book itself is totally without any list or acknowledgement of sources. For a work which is sub-titled “A History in Documentary Photographs\" and is part of an interesting series which up to the time of this book's publication had issued volumes dealing with Russia, Africa, and the Ottoman Empire around the same period.\n\nand one clearly intended to be a historical record this major omission is surprising as well as disappointing. It is to be hoped that the other books in the series are more useful in this regard.\n\n―\n\nChina, A Photohistory 1937-1987 Introduction by Jonathan D. Spence, Edited with Commentaries by W.J.F. Jenner (London, Thames and Hudson, 1988).\n\nIt is a relief to turn to this very elegant and thoroughly scholarly book so carefully compiled and edited by William Jenner and so compassionately and accurately introduced by Jonathan Spence. No need to worry about sources, or to find fault with the introduction, summaries and captions to the photographs. It is altogether a more thoughtful production which makes one realize what a great opportunity was missed with the other, whose images are equally striking and evocative but are not properly supported by the accompanying text.\n\nThe 153 photographs reproduced here are by persons from or connected with the well-known Magnum international photographers' cooperative. Jonathan Spence's fine Introduction sets the scene for them and explains how \"surprisingly large portions of the Chinese story are still not available in any visual form' in the West, through not having been covered by Western photographers. For instance, little is available from 1949 to 1956, when from that year until mid 1958 Hiroshi Hamaya took pictures and Marc Riboud \"produced a stream of photographs during his travels in China at this time\".\n\nThere is not space to do justice to all the facets of this collection, nor to the quality of Spence's commentary. However, his comments on", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212674, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "209\n\nWhat more can a reviewer add? Perhaps to emphasize that an attempt has been made throughout to be and stay historical, and to let the pictures speak in a true harmony with the Introduction and captions, so that the readers can gain as much from the presentation as possible. The result is a work of lasting value.\n\nBut what we sorely need, of course, is a book of photographs by Chinese photographers of the period, ones which are free from the pressures and purposes of the state. I am not qualified to say what might be available of this kind, though I suspect this is probably asking for the impossible, and unattainable given the many constraints of the time. In lieu, substitutes from other segments of the visual arts from and about this epic period in the history of China and its people must be found. But one lives in hope.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nXianggang lishi wenhua kaocha [Field Studies on History and Culture of Hong Kong]. The Hong Kong Institute for Promotion of Chinese Culture, ed. Hong Kong: Joint Publishing. 1993.\n\nSIUMI MARIA TAM\n\nDEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY\n\nCHINESE UNIVERSITY OF HONG KONG\n\nThis book is a collection of ten project reports that entered the \"Award for Field Study Reports on History and Culture\" competition between 1989 and 1991, organized by the HKIPCC. The book is divided into six sections in the following order: religion, archeological sites, historical events, occupations, festivals and civic life. The editor sets out to provide a comprehensive view of local history and culture research in terms of topic, field methods and presentation. All of the projects were undertaken by local secondary school students who chose the topic, designed the research and carried out the field investigations themselves. Although these are reports by teenagers, the standard of work produced is strikingly high. Much as the adjudicators have experienced (as indicated in Elizabeth Sinn's introduction and in the comments at the end of each report), I was pleasantly surprised by the insights coming from our teenage students, their ability in organizing and carrying out field research, and producing well-referenced reports. Many of the reports also include an", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 231, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "212\n\nA report more in line with the anthropological tradition of field interview and observation comes from the project on the bird sellers in Hong Lok Street. Dubbed \"birdie street\" by the locals, Hong Lok Street is a market where economic transaction of birds and bird rearing products take place, and is analyzed from an oral history approach, taking into consideration geographical, social and economic factors. Students also observed the contradiction that while the street is fast becoming a tourist spot as a result of cultural tourism, it is also a disappearing site due to government redevelopment plans.\n\nMost of the projects were originally multi-media presentations, including photographs, slides and video recordings, models and artefacts as part of their report besides a written essay in Chinese. This shows an attempt to reconstruct cultural phenomena of the past from different angles. Unfortunately, the book as a printed medium only allows the written word and a very limited number of photographs to be presented to the reader. The breadth of the topics selected, however, compensates partly for the drawback, and reflects the need for a holistic understanding of the culture of Hong Kong in and of itself, instead of being a residue of Chinese culture. The Appendix of titles of projects entering the competition also serves this purpose.\n\nThis book is a good starter for anyone interested in local history and culture. But as a large portion of the reports are constructed from secondhand data, it will be quite disappointing if the reader expects a lot of new field material. On the other hand, the introduction by Elizabeth Sinn provides good advice for future students of local history as it discusses how to choose a suitable research topic, methods of collecting information and final presentation. All in all, the reports are far from in-depth discussions of the society and culture of Hong Kong, but they are records of the effort of a new generation of field workers in the making. The value of the book lies in the range of topics that indicates the immensely rich areas in Hong Kong culture for potential research, and in its pointing towards a timely development of local ethnography by the natives.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212693, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 2, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "2 7 JUN 1996\n\nG\n\nYONG\n\n*\n\nERRATA\n\nLILA\n\nPage 1 - Footnote should read: 'This article is somewhat long for the Journal, but in view of the level of scholarship and detail, it has been left at more or less its original length [Editor].'\n\nPage 153 - ignore the line of disjointed text at the bottom of the page.\n\nPage 198 - ignore the 13 lines of disjointed text at the bottom of the page.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212700, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1992/93\n\nIn the Society's journal Volume I (1960-61) you will find that the then president wrote these words 'It is with great pleasure that I submit a report of the activities of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for the first year of its existence after its revival in December 1959.' That was just over thirty-three years ago, at the time of the resuscitation of the Society, as a result of the enthusiasm of a small band of interested members led by our late president, Dr. J.R. Jones. The first meeting took place on 28 December, 1959, when the present constitution was adopted and the inaugural meeting was held on 7 April, 1960 in the Loke Yew Hall of the University of Hong Kong. It was to be presided over by the then governor, Sir Robert Black, had illness not prevented it. The inaugural address was delivered by Professor F. S. Drake, Professor of Chinese at the University of Hong Kong and was entitled 'The study of Asia: a heritage and a task.'\n\nYou will notice that the word 'resuscitated' is used because the original Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was founded in 1847 (the parent company was founded in 1823), but primarily due to personal animosities prevalent in Hong Kong in the early days it collapsed in 1859. We, to-day, having survived for 33 years are clearly more enlightened and harmonious.\n\nSome of you here this evening will be fully aware of these facts; for those who are not you will find them all and much more in that first journal. My reason for drawing your attention to them, besides encouraging you to buy this back journal and all the other journals to improve our finances if nothing else, is to focus your attention on the historical mission of the Society, and to bring out that we have now been in existence for a very long time in the context of the history of Hong Kong. And in to-day's context, where the changes in Hong Kong are so apparent, where there is a charged political atmosphere, and where there is a feeling of uncertainty for the future, a Society such as ours, small as it is, can continue to play an enlightening and a stable role for Hong Kong. We are not of course a political society, nor would we ever wish to be one, but clearly we need to remind ourselves that academic freedom must be seen to be preserved, and not just paid lip service to.\n\nVil", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212701, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "'History can be well written only in a free country,' Voltaire once wrote in a letter to Frederick the Great in the early part of the 18th century. I am sure we all agree with these sentiments and objectives and we will attempt to continue to do what we are best at in order to achieve them.\n\nAnd what do we do from a practical point of view in order to achieve our objectives? There are four basic areas of activity; visits and expeditions to areas of historical interest, public lectures, the publication of the journal and increasing our library collection, and being a gentle pressure group and of assistance in improving Hong Kong's image when and where needed. I shall deal with each in turn and end with some facts and figures.\n\nI think it is safe to say that we have had one of the most active and interesting years in the history of the Society, and for that we need to thank the great efforts put in by the Programme Committee and particularly its chairman, Mr. Peter Leeds. When the organisation of this Society was put under the microscope of a management consultant a few years ago, one of its main recommendations was to form a number of committees each to look after an area of activity. Not all committees recommended really got off the ground in a very effective way but one of them that did was the Programme Committee. And over the last year the results are for all to see. I would like to inform you of those visits and expeditions and they are as follows:\n\nVisit\n\nHelena May / R.A.S. Quiz\n\nVisit to Fung Ping Shan Museum\n\nH.K. Park Aviary\n\nVisit to University Hall,\n\nBethany & Pok Fu Lam\n\nTea Ceremony\n\nFilms\n\n-\n\nHong Kong life\n\nTour to China\n\nArranger\n\nAnita Wilson & Rosemary Lee\n\nMichael Lau\n\nKen Searle (Rosemary Lee)\n\nPeter Leeds / Des Robinson\n\nMichael Lau\n\nElizabeth Sinn\n\nPeter & Rosemary Lee\n\nviii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212705, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "We are fortunate to have such an able person to look after our finances and I would like to place on record the Society's appreciation for all the work he does. Membership as a whole continues to fluctuate, with many leaving and new members joining and we hope in the long run they will at least be equal if not more for the latter than the former. Last year I reported to you that there were 533 local members (492 in Hong Kong Island, 65 in Kowloon, and 39 in the New Territories) and around 80 overseas members. This year our efficient Assistant Secretary, Mrs. Sharon Bruce tells me that there are 593 local members (241 single, 176 joint, 104 life, 8 student members, 4 institute) and around 102 overseas members. There has therefore on the surface been a decline in local members, but I am reliably informed that this is due to the stronger weeding out of those who have not paid their subscription rather than any other reason. However we do always welcome new members and in these days of uncertainty it is important that we keep up the good publicity we have and obtain new members. For $300 per annum membership is a bargain, particularly when you bear in mind it includes the journal.\n\nBefore leaving the subject of membership, however, I would like to report to you that the Governor of Hong Kong, Mr. Chris Patten has graciously agreed to become the Society's patron and thereby continue a tradition of the Society ever since it was re-established in 1959. We naturally hope that when life is calmer for him he will be able to attend one of our functions in an informal way.\n\nAnd how are we kept together and informed? This is by the newsletter which is very competently produced by Mrs. Anita Wilson and we owe her and Mrs. Sharon Bruce who helps to distribute it a great vote of thanks.\n\nYou will notice in this report that I have referred to several aspects of the Society's past, but I would not like you to think that we do not give some thought to the future, something as Gladstone said we cannot fight against. There are some wonderful metaphors going around in Hong Kong at present such as the second stove, the second kitchen, but I believe we are more interested in the through train, or perhaps I should say a stable kitchen. This Society will I hope be able in its own small way contribute to a stable yet enterprising kitchen; but in order to do this we will need the support of all members, and to continue to stimulate an active interest in Hong Kong's history and heritage (a task as Professor\n\nxii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "8\n\nregular references to his deep knowledge of things Chinese and in particular, their formal rituals. As with many foreign writers on China and the Chinese, Mesny frequently implied exclusive access to hidden corners. This was indisputable because, whilst most foreigners who pride themselves on having Chinese friends and have visited them at home, even perhaps having stayed with them, few have the opportunity afforded to Mesny when he served with the Chinese military forces and lived as one with them on the staff. However, in retrospect we can see that Mesny knew little of the private life, thoughts and policies of the native Chinese higher classes, or more importantly, of the ruling Manchus, simply through his lack of access. The great majority of foreigners in China were dependent upon what they could glean from their native interpreters whose depth of understanding was limited by their lack of knowledge, especially about state policies. Such people as Mesny, foreigners who spoke and read Chinese and had Chinese contacts, were one up on the foreigners who heavily depended upon their Chinese employees, but for Mesny to maintain his credibility with possible foreign investors he had to clutch at any crumb from the tables of the great and worthy, hence his repeated name dropping. It is also well nigh impossible to judge simply from his own account of events the extent to which Mesny understood the power politics of senior Chinese Imperial military officers or the nuances of the accusations aimed at a number of the generals. If he did, then his poignant description of the removal and demotion of his own Commander-in-chief from his command in Kueichou is very sympathetic.\n\nShanghai, where Mesny spent many of his later years, was one of the first Treaty Ports, opened in 1842, and by the turn of the century the largest foreign settlement in the East with a western population of many thousands. Mesny spent all but five of his last thirty-three years in the city.\n\nA Briton, Oliver Ready3, writing in 1904 of the time when Mesny first reached China said, 'Forty odd years ago, at the close of the second great war [i.e. 1860, the year in which Mesny reached the China coast], China was a veritable Eldorado for Europeans, where all turned to gold beneath the slightest touch of alien hands. Fortunes were made with startling rapidity, and money came in so freely that the standard of living amongst foreign merchants and their employees reached such preposterous heights of luxuriousness, that even when the inevitable reaction set in, want, and even ruin, supervened where plenty should have been found. Forty years ago the foreign trade was practically monopolised by Englishmen, who only had to place their goods on the market of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212723, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "17\n\nsuccessful. He made the lengthy journey but would appear never to have achieved arranging the loan.\n\nIn 1879 Liu K'un-yi, Governor General of the Two Kuangs, was disposed to retain Mesny on his staff at Canton to take charge of the Foreign Affairs Department, and superintend the creation of a local naval force and the fortification of the coast of Kuangtung province. Mesny related a lengthy story about the local gentry in Canton requesting him to visit Peking to persuade a 'well-known prince' with a bribe of Taels 100,000 in order to gain permission to re-open the Wei-sing Lottery Offices in Kuangtung province. After being put under considerable financial and other inducements Mesny decided that he did not want to have anything to do with the lottery business and at his next interview with the Viceroy he was told that there were no funds available to build ships and forts and therefore there was no further need for his services. Mesny added that he understood the money derived from the lottery would have been entrusted to him to build ships of war and fortifications. He concluded [and this was written in 1895] that after that episode his friends deserted him and he never had an offer of really substantial employment after that day. He later added, 'I have been reduced to the lowest ebb of poverty. I have lost all my property, and been left unemployed ever since, so that I am sometimes driven to think that honesty may not be the best policy in China.' He also claimed that after Mason's trial in 1891 when his name had been linked with a major anti-imperial secret society he had never again been offered employment by [the Chinese] government.\n\nOn 7 September 1891, according to Mesny, a typhoon struck Shanghai and did much damage. He referred to the disaster when describing his precarious financial state, explaining that it had destroyed the Olympia Skating Rink in Lloyd Road, his property, thus ruining him financially.\n\nDuring the publication of his Miscellanies, in addition to his many references to his weak financial position, signs of financial circumspection are obvious: for example, Volumes 1 and 2 were produced on very cheap paper, and in No 20 of Volume 2 in 1896 he announced that the printer had not delivered the edition on time to the Editor through lack of funds to pay for printing... ‘difficulties,' he added, ‘had now been overcome.'\n\nHe recorded a loss of over $2,000 on first year's publication but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212724, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "18\n\nexpressed the hope that as the work became better known the number of subscribers would increase, and in May 1899 he announced that his circulation was increasing and was a great success. He claimed a noticeable increase in the number of advertisers especially from America and planned to increase advertising space. Three months later however, in July 1899, he noted that certain advertisers had deserted him, and specifically referred to 'banks, steamer and insurance agencies.'\n\nVolume III was completed in October 1899, since which time, Mesny wrote in April 1905, he had been busily engaged in keeping soul and body together by means of commissions earned as a life and fire insurance agent. During the five years 1900 - 1905 he had canvassed a great many Chinese and foreigners with a view to insuring 'their precious lives or their valuable property,' and had succeeded in persuading a few, of the many people he had canvassed, that insurance was a wise investment; he continued, ‘A respectable insurance agent is in reality one of the greatest latter day benefactors of mankind. Instead of being considered a pestilent fellow and a nuisance to be shunned at all times, he ought to be eagerly patronised and praised.' Also in 1899 he had problems over money having stood surety for a Chinese arrested for publishing a so-called illegal book.\n\nIn 1904 Mesny, whilst complaining about 'Chinese shareholders being defrauded by their incapable and avaricious squeezing directors,' mentioned that 'it happened [undated] that I had Taels 400,000 in hand to invest on reasonable terms as to risk and interest.' The rest of the statement was not material. The question these remarks raise is when did he have a sum as large as four hundred thousand taels available?, and whether the large sum was his or he was handling it on behalf of someone else? We shall never know.\n\nIn February 1905 Mesny offered subscribers the opportunity to invest in the stock of Mesny's Miscellany. He was also advertising insurance suggesting that people call or write to him, with no charge for consultation.\n\nTowards the end of issue 20 (of 26), in May 1905 a short but heavily printed notice read, 'Subscribers and Advertisers are hereby respectfully informed that the Editor [Mesny] of Miscellany is wading up to his knees in financial difficulties, a fact which may delay the completion of Volume", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212730, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "24\n\nin 1884. He also claimed to have produced several minor booklets, one on Yunnan and another on Tonkin, and one article in the Royal Asian Society North China Branch Journal in 1891 on 'Yunnan: Its Treasures and Trade Routes'. He planned to incorporate the two booklets into what he saw as his magnum opus 'The Greater China' which unfortunately never saw the light of day.\n\nHe wrote a very long letter on the Yellow River and its appearances, published in 1887 in Indian Engineering, describing the different places where he had sailed on or had crossed it.\n\nMesny and Chiang Chao-ling, under noms-de-plume, produced in Shanghai in February 1898 'A New Collection of Tracts for the Times', with Mesny editing and Chiang writing the introduction. It was reviewed in the North China Daily News of 23 July 1898. Mesny and Chiang had planned some ten years earlier to publish a monthly magazine in 1887 which would seem never to have taken off.\n\nMesny wrote a lengthy account of his journey from Canton through Kuangsi in 1879 for the London Daily News, but 'this very influential and highly respectable journal did not consider my poor contribution sufficiently interesting to insert it in its widely read columns.'\n\nIn passing when describing a 'celebrated heroine of romance' a novelette based on facts, Mesny added, \"I wrote it all out in one of my stories 'Chinese Nights' years ago, considerably different from Mayer's [version]...,\" but Mesny leaves us no wiser about 'the stories I wrote.'\n\nIn 1904 he published Mesny's Chinese and English Almanac though no copies appear to be available nowadays.\n\n*\n\nIn 1905 he advertised two forthcoming publications, 'Mesny's Commercial Guide' and 'Mesny's Business Directory', presumably both one-off books.\n\nMesny's Ranks and Honours\n\nAlthough Mesny was awarded several decorations by the Chinese one, the Baturu, a Manchu military award for distinguished services rendered on the field of battle, was the award of which he was most intensely proud and which, he explained, had entitled the recipient to travelling", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212738, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "32\n\nthem during his journey across the province in 1879 and accepted their offer of sworn brotherhood. He later explained that he had done so to prove to them that Englishmen believed in cultivating and cementing friendship with all civilised beings of whatever creed or nationality. He also mentioned several times his 'never-to-be forgotten friend and brother, Yü Te-k'ai, an officer in Kueichou of the fifth degree of civil rank, the confidential correspondent to the C-in-C beside being commandant of the battalion of guards.' It would have been interesting to have learned the views of these sworn brothers about Mesny.\n\nAlthough Mesny described quite a substantial number of contacts with Chinese officialdom and his views on the very senior officials, he frequently simply referred to the names and titles of senior Chinese officials with or for whom he had worked or by whom he had been interviewed in such a manner as to imply a personal relationship which, in the majority of instances, raises suspicions that he was trying more to bolster his own ego in his passing years and convince himself as well as his readership. However, he also had many an axe to grind and debts of personal slights to repay and these he undertook with great relish in his Miscellany. He sat, in his fifties, in Shanghai, after a life of action, musing over Chinese officialdom's ingratitude, lack of foresight, ineptitude etc. taking pleasure from the opportunity afforded him to write about those who had earned his displeasure.\n\nMesny had particular respect for one very senior Chinese official, Tso Tsung-t'ang, whom he first met when Mesny called to pay his respects during the winter of 1867 in Hankow. After discovering Mesny had been a captive of the Taipings at the age of 25 and spoke French and English, he offered Mesny an appointment as French and English Secretary on his staff, with a recommendation to the Emperor for the civil rank of Fourth Degree. He also offered to take Mesny on his impending campaign to the North-west of China where Tso had just been appointed Governor-General of Shensi and Kansu provinces and C-in-C of the Imperial Forces. The offer was scuppered by the refusal by the local British Consul, Medhurst, to provide a British passport as Mesny's parents had written objecting to his involvement in recent escapades, and capture by both the Taipings and Imperial forces whilst running the blockade. Mesny was next involved or very nearly involved with Tso in 1879 when Mesny trekked from Canton to Tso's headquarters in Hami in the extreme North-west to offer him a French loan. However, Tso had been recalled to Peking just", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212740, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "34\n\nhad a head of steam and wrote several pages of detailed description on one particular theme, usually with an educational value aimed at foreigners in China. One in particular was his portrayal of a Chinese banquet, consisting not only of various menus, but seating plans, courtesies and the role of the servants.\n\nHis Promotion of Western Education\n\nSince 1868, Mesny claimed, he had had an inclination to do something towards dispelling some of the gross darkness that prevailed amongst the Chinese. In 1870 he established a small day school for boys and girls in a temple called the Yu-huang Kung [The Temple of the Jade Emperor], which served as a club house for the people of the Hu-kuang provinces who resided in Kuei-yang. He imported some school books which he considered suitable and paid a Chinese teacher to teach the children during the four years of his residence in Kuei-yang.\n\nMesny in later years had interviews with senior Chinese mandarins with a view to promoting western sciences and other subjects of study for examinations in China. He also claimed that he had persuaded a Chinese Viceroy to submit a memorial on educational reform to the throne and that this was the start of such reform. The reforms were abolished by the Empress Dowager in 1898.\n\nMesny and Women\n\nDespite the genuinely colourful life he led in China, his experiences living with the Taiping rebels, his service with the Szechuan Force în Kueichou and his treks across much of the country; when we come to his descriptions of his love life with Chinese ladies, although they may have been real and authentic, for the most part they read like episodes out of a modern pulp novelette. This may be due to a possible inability to describe them without a modicum of exaggeration or 'editing' or, though unlikely, they may have been figments of his imagination. There is little doubt that he was red-blooded and normal, and as a single man in foreign parts with few if any women of his own race or culture it was the understood thing for expatriate westerners to have a local female partner. He frequently wrote of pretty women at the roadside during his journeys across China who attracted him or, more to the point, were attracted by him. However, the exact measure of his intimacy with any but his wives is destined to remain tantalizingly obscure.\n\nCorrected minor OCR errors, reformatted text into paragraphs, and corrected \"în\" to \"in\" for consistency and correctness.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212750, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "44\n\nacknowledging the initial concept having been his, or so he claimed.\n\n+\n\nHe has been described as 'an adventurer and an explorer, a plant collector and a Chinese general. He was certainly an adventurer though nowadays he would be referred to as a soldier of fortune, an adviser, an opportunist, and even a mercenary.\n\nThe question remains, how successful was he? Money certainly came his way at times though judging from his Will, he was not a particularly successful businessman. He certainly collected plants and sent them back to the British Consul in Canton and has one specimen, Jasminum Mesnyii, named after him. He bore the brevet rank of Lieutenant General in the Chinese Imperial army but to what extent this was a genuine rank rather than an honour and a courtesy rank, though fully earned during his military service, is hard to judge. Again, though accurately described as an explorer, he was in fact much more of a traveller in parts of China already settled by Chinese and visited earlier by other foreigners. The trek he made, as recorded by Captain Gill, from Ch’eng-tu in Szechuan province to Burma through what was then called lower Tibet has a different slant to what would have been Mesny's account. In Gill's Mesny is scarcely mentioned and he would appear to have been taken along by Gill as his interpreter. It would have been interesting to have read what Mesny would have, and indeed may have written about his journey of very nearly four months with Gill.\n\nHe saw himself as what nowadays would be called a go-between, a consultant, and in those days regarded, perhaps, as a fixer. Mesny had a few major bees in his bonnet the most barefaced of which was the value he put on the advice he constantly proffered to every senior Chinese official whose ear he could reach on how to modernise China. He had, for example, prepared a list of some nineteen items, suggestions presented to the Viceroy Chang Chih-tung, and although Mesny assures us that Chang accepted the list there is no evidence that he did anything about it or if he did, that he even mentioned Mesny in any memorials to the throne. Mesny wrote indignantly at one point in his Miscellany about his list of suggestions to Chang having been ignored, or put into practice piecemeal and inexpertly, penny pinching and ineffectually without any reference whatsoever to Mesny.\n\nIn 1906 at the very end of his fourth and final volume of his Miscellany he prided himself on his advice with the words 'All those great industrial", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212754, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "48\n\nIn the end he must have been disappointed at his inability to make and keep a fortune and to have public recognition. He must have felt rejected by the world to which he would have liked to have belonged, an outcast having married a Chinese during an era when it was considered beneath one's dignity to do so, and then having to live with the 'stigma' for the rest of his life of having 'gone native'.\n\nAs with most westerners in China, ending up frustrated at being unable to bridge the gap between themselves and the Chinese, Mesny appears to have resigned himself in his later years to being a westerner who, though still claiming to understand and being able to communicate with them, was one of 'us' and not of 'them', despite the opinion of other Shanghai westerners to the contrary.\n\nLet it not be forgotten that he had fought his way up from poverty and a lack of education to being the writer, editor, and publisher of a magazine which appears to have held its own for several years in a community which would have been comparatively discriminating. Despite being self-educated, he appears to have entertained high hopes of achieving popular esteem through his 'academic' and other achievements. He attempted to write for the edification of others and produced his Miscellany which, though only marginally out of the ordinary, does have some value for its detail of the late Taiping era; the organisation of the Chinese Imperial Army of the day, in particular the provincial forces under Chinese rather than Manchu generals; his contacts with Chinese officialdom and his knowledge of obscure facts about China. Many of the latter, however, were culled from other western sources, and he appears not to have translated much, if anything, from Chinese material.\n\nMesny must have been a difficult man to live with. He was self-made, with a great pride in his achievements offset by his egotism, self-absorption, and his apparent need to denigrate others. He was dependent on his wits, and perhaps his charm, to improvise an alternative existence.\n\nHis obituary appeared in two separate Shanghai English language papers some ten days after his death. Both cover three columns, most of which are taken up with an autobiographical account of his life written shortly before his death. They provide additional biographical detail but fail to answer the many questions which naturally spring to mind.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212757, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "51\n\non the Chinese military, its organisation, terminology and weapons almost certainly from his own experience. The second section is a two-page on-going essay on the need for China to modernise, for the construction of railways, the establishment of a foreign-style economy, etc. and finally, an on-going school boyish adventure describing his life on the Yangtze, commanding Chinese troops or as a prisoner of the Taipings. The whole was sub-titled A Text Book of Notes on China and the Chinese.\n\nMesny appears to have written and published this weekly magazine single-handed both from his memory, and notes written years beforehand stored against the day, together with material culled from other people's works. It ran for twenty-six weekly issues at a time, which were later bound into a total of four volumes. The individual issues were sold by subscription.\n\nVolume I: This ran from 26 September 1895 to 19 March 1896. His address, at this stage, was given as Club Chambers, 2 The Bund, Shanghai, with the printing of his Miscellanies at the China Gazette with offices at the same address.\n\nVolume II continued on from 26 March 1896 and ceased on 17 September 1896 when financial problems brought publication to an end.\n\nAfter a gap of some two and a half years Issue I of Volume III was published on Saturday 25 March 1899 with a firm promise of one year of publication. It ended, however, on Saturday 7 October of the same year with issue 26, and a regret that the Editor cannot commence Volume IV yet. The quality of the paper of Volume III was very poor indeed and has faded to a dull brown. The office had moved to Szechuan Road in Shanghai. Volume III was more literate than the previous two, suggesting perhaps that Mesny had employed a sub-editor. The format too had changed with Volume III. It was more professional and included some Peking court news, two pages of Commercial Notes and extracts from Reuter's telegrams. In a notice in issue 3 of Volume III Mesny explains that the Miscellany is 'a novel journalistic enterprise... which fills a gap. Its peculiar and unique features appeal to the intelligence of all discerning foreign residents in China as well as the intelligent readers of all nationalities in all parts of the World.' In August of 1899, some eight weeks before apologising to subscribers that he could not commence Volume IV yet, he doubled his subscription price. He was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "53\n\nChinese government officials to modernise and import technology with Mesny's assistance. These overtures seemed always to run into trouble over the officials' inability to appreciate the future Mesny was holding out to them, though on more than one occasion such plans were later put in hand and came to fruition after many years, with the assistance of others, leaving Mesny to comment that it had been his idea in the first place and had they only had the vision it would all have been achieved ten or twenty years earlier.\n\nHis leading articles frequently offered future economic and social concepts, ideas and plans he proclaimed as original, which quite often were no more than logical progressions of current trends. Frustration showed at every turn, mainly due in his view to lost entrepreneurial opportunities. His regular theme was the inability of the Chinese to get their act together to build major railway trunk routes necessary to modernise their country. He claimed that the British had been slow in developing the Canton/Hong Kong Railway and that even the Portuguese were going ahead in the matter of railway building, constructing as they intended a line from Macau to Canton. He also vehemently blamed the British for not pushing ahead with a line from Burma via Chiang-hung to Ssu-mao Ting in Yunnan. At one point he stated that Sir Thomas Wade, the British Minister in Peking had told Mesny that he had been asked by an English gentleman to offer Mesny £2,000,000 at any interest above 5% for the construction of anything which Mesny might deem advantageous to China and her people. [He does not explain why it never came to anything].\n\nIn an editorial in May 1899 Mesny explained that he felt that he had *a sort of an inspired mission in China to set forth, preach and proclaim the inspiring and magic words of Reform and Progress to the inquiring multitude amongst China's 400 millions of black-haired people.' The notes and anecdotes in the Miscellanies however, clearly betray the personality and empiricism of the writer, though his colourful use of words and phrases, apart from a rather tedious repetitive use of 'money makes the mare move,' provide a picturesque and interesting read. There is a marked lack of careful proof reading, careless use of capitals and punctuation, and not infrequently intuitive spellings. One of his nicer words was the description of something standing 'slanting-dicularly.'\n\nMesny printed an intriguing and unusual Notice at the beginning of an edition of his Miscellany [Volume III, no. 18: 22 July 1899], a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "57\n\ntaken advantage of, possibly due to the cost of reproduction in his Miscellany though more likely because he did not possess a camera during his travels.\n\n[2] Campaigning in Western China. Regrettably, despite a note in the Miscellany to the effect that he would be writing more, possibly the most interesting part, the second Kueichou campaign, he only completed the first campaign.\n\n[3] Mesny's Itinerary - from Canton to Kashgaria which was later renamed Mesny's Journeys through China (from Canton to Turkestan). This was never completed. Mesny wrote in the Miscellany that he had written an account of his journey from Canton through Kuangsi in 1879 for the London Daily News. \"This very influential and highly respectable journal did not consider my poor contribution sufficiently interesting to insert it in its widely read columns, so the useful information then written by me practically remained unpublished owing to my lack of funds until 1896 when I wrote up some of it in Mesny's Chinese Miscellany.\"\n\n[4] Varieties of Food in China [in which Mesny covers plain and exotic food and menus, eating etiquette, banquets and the production of foodstuffs such as tou-fu]\n\n[5] Progress in China [editorial essays explaining how China kept missing opportunities, and how it would have been different and better if his advice had been taken]\n\n[6] How I made my Fortune by an Old China Hand ['who is even now neither too old to row nor too heavy to ride']\n\n[7] Notes on Tibet; Mongolia; Kueichou and the Miao-tzu [and in several other places he again described Miao customs and tribal differences]; Yunnan and its Trade Routes; and Kuangsi and the West River", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212765, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "59\n\nprevail elsewhere, and some of the descriptions held good for the whole of China. But,' continued Mesny, 'China is a large Empire, and General Tcheng was too young when he left China for Europe to have seen much of his own country. He was no doubt much better acquainted with Parisian manners and customs than with many manners and customs which prevail in many parts of the Chinese Empire. Nevertheless, his book deserves to be read more than once, even by me, who have seen so much more of China and the Chinese than General Tcheng has so far. Had I the literary qualifications of the writer of Les Chinois, Peints par Eux-memes, I could write at least a dozen such books on China and the Chinese without exhausting the stock of information I have acquired during my forty-four years' residence in the country. I have been treated in some parts of China much the same as General Tcheng was treated in Paris,'\n\nThe Miscellany probably just about paid its way though from the occasional note of sadness though not despair which appears from time to time, Mesny must have continued more for the desire to make a living and perhaps also to keep his name before the public eye rather than to earn a fortune. It was by no means smooth going and at times he must have upset individuals and even groups such as the announcement he made in July 1899 that his Miscellany was being boycotted by the press, bankers, insurance and shipping agencies and by shopkeepers. He bemoaned the fact [Volume II, Issue 28: Sep 1896] that the loss on the first year's publication was over $2,000.\n\nSeveral times in the course of his Miscellanies Mesny repeats a disclosure of a titbit of news or political scandal to prove that he was first and that the North China Daily News and the Shanghai Mercury had simply copied his original scoop without attribution.\n\nA number of magazines were being published around this time on the China Coast such as The East of Asia Magazine, printed and published by the North China Herald Office in Shanghai, a quarterly illustrated consisting of essays on topical subjects such as Chinese customs and superstitions, gems of Chinese poetry, bits of Fukien travel, Ningpo under the T'ai-ping's, etc mostly written by reasonably well known people. It only ran for a couple of years. Another was Social Shanghai, a monthly glossy journal relating western social happenings mostly in Shanghai but in a few instances referring to the outports. It consisted of the usual society articles, including births, deaths and marriages, the races, and lengthy pieces about the Shanghai Volunteer Corps. This ran", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "81\n\nin an office which bore the same name and in which there was a staff of clerks etc. It corresponded to all intents and purposes with the western orderly room in which was transacted nearly all the business concerning the force of which it formed a part. Before the Taiping rebellion military secretaries and clerks were all military officers but after it civil service men got the appointments owing to the fact that so few military men could read or write sufficiently well to carry on the correspondence of the force. All offenders against military laws, whether soldiers or civilians, were first of all examined by the military secretariat or a delegate appointed by him. Some viceroys had several such secretaries, each attached to some department with the chief of them styled Tsung-lu Ying-wu-ch'u, i.e., Chief Director of the Army Secretariat. Soldiers in attendance wore the name of the office on their uniforms. In provincial Governors' staff brigades, Fu-piao Ying, warrant officers and NCOs were employed as couriers and runners.\n\nStandards and standard bearers were frequently referred to in Mesny's accounts: each standard being displayed to make known the location of the unit or official represented. A number of the petty unit and formation supporting officials had the character for 'flag' [ch'i] within their title. Examples of these were the Quartermaster in charge of ammunition depots and reserves in a Field Force who displayed a red flag and was known as The Red Flag [Hung-ch'i] and the QM in charge of provisions was the Blue Flag [Lan-ch'i]. These officers were subordinate to the Quartermaster [Chün-chuang] who was responsible for all stores and clothing, and who in turn was subordinate to the Headquarters' Commissary Officer [Liang-t'ai].\n\nCoolies were paid three taels of pure silver per month of thirty days [or forty days for An-hui troops], private soldiers four taels two mace, decurions four taels five mace, orderly officers eight taels, vice commanders of companies twelve taels and one servant, commanders of companies eighteen taels and two servants, vice-commander of a battalion received thirty-two taels and three servants, the commander of a battalion received one hundred and eight taels and forty coolies, besides extras, brigadiers got two hundred taels for each battalion in their brigade besides their battalion pay and perquisites. Mesny continued: the company commanders in the Force in which he served in Kueichou made about double their pay every month in perquisites of all kinds. The battalion commanders made about seven hundred taels a month, but added Mesny, he had heard that the company and battalion commanders", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212795, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "89\n\nChang was the first scholar in the land. Sir Everard Fraser, the Consul-General in Hankow for ten years [1901-1911], was an excellent scholar. He once told Green that he had taken a despatch in Chinese to Viceroy Chang, of Wuchang, who had become a friend of his when he was in Hankow, for his opinion on it. The Viceroy read a few lines, and then taking up his brush-pen began to edit. ‘And then,' said Sir Everard, ‘I had the finest lesson in Chinese that I ever got.' Chang was that rara avis, the official who scorned to enrich himself.\n\nChiang Chao-ling #*# @ Chiang Pa-hsia (1846-1891)\n\nA native of Szechuan, Chiang met Mesny when he, Chiang, was travelling to Yunnan to take up an appointment as County Magistrate of Hsi-o Hsien. He and Mesny were thrown out of the province at the behest of the French in Tongkin. They met again in Canton and Shanghai where Chiang's pursuit of reform was not appreciated by other officials. He died in Peking. Mesny and Chiang were to have started a monthly magazine in Shanghai in 1887 to be called the Yueh Pao ♬ which was to have been the organ of the reform party. Chiang was to have been the chief editor and Mesny the registered owner and business manager. Mesny intended to use his nom-de-plume of Meng-hua # but in the event the magazine appears not to have been published.\n\nCooper T.T.\n\nVisited Hankow and asked Mesny to accompany him on a trek to India. Mesny refused as the fees offered were too low. He later expressed regret at having refused as he 'had missed an opportunity to travel.'\n\nDamström\n\nCaptain Damström was referred to by Mesny three times during his times in Hankow in the mid 1860s. Once as a gunnery officer on one of the first steam boats ever owned by the Chinese, at Ningpo, and later as Captain of the S.S. Pao-hua [nfd]. Mesny took him along together with a Captain Dix to offer their services to General Tso of the Imperial Force in the Northwest of China. Tso offered all three of them positions as instructors but we never hear the outcome as far as Damström and Dix were concerned.\n\nThe second occasion was when Damström went off with the other", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212831, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "125\n\nto hold the local headman responsible for the collection of the number required; they were paid for at fixed military rates. Throughout Yunnan commerce in peace time moves by pack saddle. The Yunnan mule is a large strong animal, at one time much in demand for work in Burma; but now the wear and tear of war had created a shortage. We had to wait some days at Paoshan before the necessary number of beasts was produced, and then we only got off because I had carried introductions to some of the local gentry, who willingly came to our assistance.\n\nWe took seven days to reach Shunning, over a series of mountains; the mule track went up and up and up, and down and down and down; it seldom ran level and we seldom covered more than ten miles by the map in a day. In actual ground covered the distance was often double. We arrived at Shunning in time for the Chinese New Year. We had to wait over for the festival, a day on which no one will work, and the general commanding the Army very kindly invited us to a feast prepared for his American allies. Here again we stayed at the American mess and were made most comfortable. From Shunning to Tetang we took five days; mules became scarcer and on several stages bullocks were brought in from the fields to carry our wireless sets and equipment. Pack bullocks move more slowly than mules, but get there eventually. Our chief trouble was in trying to get off sufficiently early in the morning. On arrival at the destination for the day, the headman would be warned how many beasts we would need the next day, and he would promise to have them ready for an early start at 7 o'clock. But there was often difficulty in collecting the requisite number and it might not be till long after midday before we could move off. It was wearing on our patience.\n\nIt was on this stretch that I received further confirmation of the sort of trouble we might expect. At one deserted village, where we stopped for the night, we were joined by a stranger who appeared friendly enough. He was later heard haranguing the Chinese members of our party in Cantonese which he thought we did not understand, asking them why they worked for the foreign British, telling them it was unpatriotic to do so, and threatening them with dire consequences.\n\nI cannot tell the whole of our difficulties, only sufficient to make the story clear; but that much I believe should be told. It is only fair to the British public, particularly at a time when the most important conferences are to be held concerning arrangements for the future peace of the world, to know how their compatriots fare in foreign countries, and how", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212833, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "127\n\nAlthough modern methods have reduced the danger of infections in the field, — plague, meningitis, cholera, typhoid, dysentery and small-pox all yield to inoculations or drugs — that still left typhus and the most dangerous disease to us, the deadly cerebral malaria, which lurked in these border valleys. Apart from the hazard of wounds and accidents, to be left without a doctor in such a situation was not too pleasant.\n\nAt Tetang we were provided with an escort by the Nth Division, a Central Government Division, and we were instructed to call on one of their battalion headquarters on this side of the border to surrender our pass. Two days later, on arrival at these headquarters, I called on the colonel. I had already learnt that the main Chinese defence line here was well back from the Salween, not in Burma, but on the Chinese side of the boundary. The Japanese had small posts along the Salween, so that in Kokang we should be between the two forces, with only the Salween to separate us from the enemy. I began to take a close interest in the width of the river and the speed of its current.\n\nThe battalion commander said that he would give us an escort and that the officer in charge of the escort would arrange with the local population for any services we might require in Kokang. One of the chief complaints of our parachute party, when they had been in Kokang in December, was that the escort provided by the Chinese acted to prevent the local inhabitants speaking freely to them; so I now explained to the colonel that in Kokang we would make our own arrangements direct with the natives, but I would, of course, keep him informed of all our movements. In view of our need for further supplies we were anxious to have a 'drop' as soon as possible, and as at the moment the only level place of which we knew was just inside China, where the first parachute party had been dropped, I asked the colonel whether he would have any objection to our receiving it there. He readily agreed and undertook to provide the necessary covering party. It should be remembered that during the next few months we were at no time more than a night's march from the Japanese; but the situation was not as dangerous as it may sound because we could expect to receive at least a few hours' notice of any unusual movement by the enemy.\n\nSo we moved forward of the Chinese defence line into the valley next to Kokang, set up our W/T, and passed signals to arrange for the sortie. We went out to prepare the signal fires, and Stan showed me the clump of cactus thorn near which he had landed; the site of the long thick spikes", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212834, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "128\n\nthat serve as leaves in this plant threw a new light on the perils of parachuting. The weather was propitious and the sortie a success. The supplies included a small proportion of gifts with which we were able to show our appreciation to the battalion commander, whose troops had provided most welcome assistance. On completion of the sortie I despatched Stan up the valley to enter Kokang further south towards Sincheng, where the Myosa's brother had his headquarters, and more especially to search for a suitable dropping zone inside Kokang, and not too near the Salween. Jack had already gone on into Kokang to Nancha, the place where the parachute party had stayed, and shortly after I broke camp to join him.\n\nMany paths over the mountains connect China and Burma throughout the length of the border; passage is unrestricted and along these paths the Chinese people are gradually infiltrating, circulating as hawkers, establishing their little shops, or cultivating a small plot of land. In Kok-ang the population was very mixed as it is all along the border country. Over half the population was now of Chinese blood; up on the mountains were many Lihsaw and Palaung villages. The Chinese distinguish between ‘Land' Shans and 'Water' Shans, Han Payee and Shui Payee; one meets them all through Western Yunnan and Eastern Burma, and Kokang had a proportion. There were also occasional Was and Kachins. The best description of all this country is to be found in Maurice Collis' Lords of the Sunset; and Where China meets Burma, a book written by a government official's wife, Beatrix Metford.\n\nOver a third of Burma is occupied by the hill people; they number three-and-a-half millions, and are governed by their chieftains and princes on the British principle of indirect rule; the princes come directly under the Governor of Burma and not under the corrupt clique of professional politicians, who have formed the core of the Burmese legislative assemblies during the past few years. The unit of control under the chief is the circle, which contains more or fewer villages, each under its own headman. The system has many feudal features well adapted to these conservative and primitive people. Nancha, where we stayed for a time, contained the residence of the circle headman of that district, a dear old gentleman, who could neither read nor write, but employed a Chinese writer for the purpose. The writer had married one of his daughters, as often happens, and lived in one wing of the house. The better houses are built round the four sides of an inner courtyard; the pack animals, the cows, and the pigs, may be housed on the lower", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212851, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "145\n\nand probably compelled them to increase the area of opium cultivation. Obviously the crop was being passed on through the Chinese officers at the Puppet's headquarters. I had found there that they used his office as if it were their own. This may have been another reason for the grip the Chinese had taken of this small state. When Allied government is re-established in Burma it is to be hoped that serious attention will be paid to the question of opium. On the barren slopes of Kokang it is one of the only crops which grow, and so the problem is chiefly economic, the finding of a substitute crop. I noticed that no opium was planted in the Lihsaw villages; they were all Christians, converted by the American Baptist Mission—a mission which does the same as Dr. Seagrave's very excellent work in Burma, and they had been taught to grow potatoes instead. But the Lihsaws are not numerous, there are limits to the demand for potatoes, and further alternatives will be required.\n\nKokang was not self-supporting in rice. The normal flow of commerce is along the motor road from Kunlong to Hsenwi and Burma; that road was now cut by Japanese occupation, and Kokang had to depend on China for additional supplies. I believe the Puppet did his best to exchange part of his opium for rice, but not very successfully. Yunnan itself had inadequate supplies to feed the large forces of the C.E.F. for whom quantities of rice had to be imported from further afield. It was a difficult situation for the Puppet and one which put him the more under Chinese obligation.\n\nI got to know many of the headmen personally and well; with two exceptions, men recently appointed by the Puppet, they were hostile to him, and anxiously awaited the return of the Myosa, whose fair and just administration had left happy memories.\n\nI did not fathom the system of appointing circle and village headmen. The Myosa appeared to have the authority to make appointments, but I found in many places that the post was hereditary; many of the headmen too were of the Myosa's family. They often had managers, or Prime Ministers, who managed their affairs for them; and in at least some instances the function of manager to a circle headman was hereditary too.\n\nI returned from Sincheng to Lunghtang with a baffled feeling; the Bren gun teams were sent for training, but I felt they were the last the Chinese would allow to come, and the event was to prove my doubts justified. The despatch of further men was delayed on one pretext after", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212862, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "156\n\nThe Abraham Family\n\nEleazer Joseph Abraham\n\nDavid Ezekiel Joshua Abraham\n\nDavid Abraham Reuben m Ruby Moselle (1890-1982)\n\nEzekiel\n\nJoseph\n\nIsaac\n\n1\n\nAziza\n\nof the Jewish community, and served it well. His son, Ezekiel Abraham, recalled how the Jewish community had rallied to succour the refugees from Eastern Europe and Germany in 1938 and 1941 when some 17,000 to 18,000 refugees found their way to Shanghai.\n\n\"The Japanese commander had called in R.D. Abraham, as leader of the Jewish community in Shanghai, to tell him that a shipload of Jewish refugees had arrived. 'We cannot let them land,' said the Japanese. 'Why?' Abraham wanted to know. 'There is no place for them to live, and the refugees have no money to feed themselves,' reasoned the Japanese. 'In that case,' said Abraham, thoughtfully, without a smile, 'you will just have to shoot all of them, because there is no other place on earth for them to go.' Then he paused for a few moments before confiding in the Japanese, 'or, we can open the Sassoon warehouses in Hongkew and let the refugees live there, and put them to work in the factories.'\n\nGhe Ezras\n\n+15\n\nEdward Ezra switched from the opium trade to large-scale real estate construction and management in 1900. He erected - on the land bounded by Nanking, Kiujiang, Szechwan and Kiangse Roads - 1,000,000 taels worth of residences that enjoyed modern amenities. His own home on Joffre Road boasted a ballroom and a music room. The family interests included hotels. The Astor House Hotel, on Broadway and Whangpoo Road, occupied three acres of ground. Edward Ezra, who was a Director of Astor House, was the first person born in Shanghai and educated at the Shanghai Public School to be elected to the Municipal Council. Socially linked to the Sassoons from the beginning by marriage, today", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "sons. The second son of Hin-sing, named Ying-yiu, was a kwok-hok-sang, and the third, named Ying-[...] held the kung-sang degree.\n\nToday, the two brothers [Wing-sing and Hin-sing] are being buried together in the one grave located at the local place name Shing Mun Au, whose fung-shui direction is as follows [details]. The geomantic name of this grave site is *the lion looking at... [...].*\n\nThe burial has been arranged for an auspicious day in autumn, and the memory of the deceased will endure for ever.\n\n167\n\n*All descendants live at Kam Tin,* states the tablet. The date of burial was in Hsien Feng 3rd or kwai-chau year (1853), and the time of burial was the third day in a period listed in the almanac as kuk tan,\n\nThere is much damage on the tablet where the two names of the deceased appear, but the title of kwok-hok-sang appears above Hin-sing's name, and of a conferred military degree above the other's. Among the names of the living descendants appearing on the tablet are sons and nephews Ying-yiu and another, Ying-kwai. There are also grandsons and great-grandsons. It will be noted that this was really a reburial, since one man had been dead for 39 years and the other for 42. Their achievements were felt to require this filial action on the part of surviving sons, nephews and after generations of the two deceased.\n\nIt should be remarked that, as in the next case, the text of this inscription is in line with the Confucian admonition 'to glorify the ancestors and preserve the posterity.' The two ancestors' achievements are recorded, as an act of pride of family, as are their sons' in their turn. The record of their lives can be read by all descendants thenceforward, and can serve to spur them to further achievement in their turn.\n\nThe second of these old graves is located in the Shing Mun area on the slopes of Tai Mo Shan. The grave was repaired on a lucky day in the middle month of the autumn season in the 10th year of Kuang Hsu, that is in 1884. The person buried there had been born about 1710 (by inference from the tablet's wording), and the reburial was carried out by all three branches of the family, in the great and great grandsons'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212877, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "A geomancer whom we have consulted in this matter has examined the position. He has advised that this year, when the grave is in the southern part of the cosmic cycle, lives will be cut short if the grave is harmed: and if land in front or behind the grave, or to its left or right, is disturbed it will be difficult to preserve the lives [of our clansmen] and people will certainly die. The whole clan will have to disperse.\n\nBecause of this, our entire clan's four branches, male and female, old and young, can have no peace and quiet in their lives. All are in a confused state and know not what to do. We cannot but object, we cannot stop or rest [in our best endeavours], and we have decided to inform you of our united and sincere opposition.\n\nWe invite you, knowing both government policies and the people's disposition, to cancel the order [to remove the grave] and to select another site for development. If this protection cannot be achieved, all descendants of the Wong clan's four branches will oppose [government] to the death, as in the spirit of the Anti-Japanese War [1937-45], and with tearful eyes and blood flowing, will fight to protect the founding ancestor's grave and keep it in its present position.\n\nFor as long as there is our ancestral grave, there will be descendants: but without the ancestral grave, there will be no living persons [in our clan]. 'When drinking water, think of its source' [Chinese proverb]. Thus we have to oppose the government in this matter. If there are any losses arising from the government's actions, it will carry the full responsibility.\n\nIf, however, it is possible to discuss and negotiate over the siting [of the development] and select another place, the government will have shown a benevolent heart, and acted with rectitude, loving the people as if it were its own sons. Then our founding ancestor will have [continued] good fortune and the clansmen will enjoy long lives; and the government will have calmed the people and done a meritorious deed.\n\n171", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212879, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "173\n\nletter from the elders of the Tsang lineage of Kau Wah Keng, enclosing an embroidered banner of appreciation which they wished me to note and transmit to one of the land inspectors in the Office. Apparently, over a weekend some Tsang clansmen had discovered that a construction lorry had damaged some burial urns. An agitated call to this particular officer on the Sunday morning brought him quickly to the scene. He was able to contact the company responsible and make satisfactory arrangements for putting matters to rights.\" Such actions by the land staff greatly improved our relationships with villagers, and stood us all in good stead when land resumptions and village removals were necessary on account of development.\n\nPrivate Initiatives\n\nIt should not be thought that villagers only took action when the government was involved, and with it the prospect of compensation. They would sometimes, on their own initiative, resite and re-bury remains in graves whose fung-shui was thought to be affected by the actions of other parties, or by government works that had not actually required a grave to be moved. A letter received from a villager of Muk Min Ha Village in 1971 stated:\n\nMany years ago, the government's need to construct more catchwaters led to construction works taking place near my ancestors' grave. As the work affected the grave's fung-shui, I exhumed the remains myself [and placed them in a burial urn]. They have not been reburied [in a formal grave] since then.\n\nI have now found a spot to my liking (meaning, with good fung-shui] between Yau Kam Tau and Ting Kau for the rebuilding of this ancestral grave, and would be grateful for permission to begin the work.\"\n\nOther Means of Averting Harm\n\nSometimes, instead of moving graves - always an expensive business - villagers took other measures to contain the bad effects of altered fung-shui. I recall visiting an old grave with a village elder of the former Lan Nai Tong Village above Lei Muk Shu in Kwai Chung. The visit was at my request, and made in connection with their claims", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212881, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "175\n\nsomething special must have taken place nearly two hundred years before, to create an obligation that was still felt to be incumbent upon descendants of the other lineage.\n\nRunning Out Of Land for Traditional Burials\n\n14\n\nThe continuing progress of development could create great stress upon descendants of old lineages, especially if it had been their practice to concentrate their burial areas. This occurred with the Tsang lineage of Kau Wah Keng, the nearest of the Tsuen Wan Villages to urban Kowloon. Paradoxically, and unlike the other inlying Tsuen Wan settlements, their village had not been removed and resited. However, their fields and associated areas of hill land above and adjacent to the village had all been taken, with the exception of the remaining part of the hilly area, where most of their graves were located. In 1984, the Lands Department posted notices there calling for the removal of these graves. Their anguish was extreme, as shown by the contents of the following letter to the District Officer:\n\nWhen we worshipped at our ancestral graves on the hill at Shek Lei Tau during the recent Ching Ming Festival, we were much surprised to see notices all around, calling for the removal of all graves and burial urns to make way for development.\n\nThis came as a great shock to us, as ancestral worship has been our filial duty since our forefathers settled at Kau Wah Keng more than 300 years ago, during the reign of the K'ang Hsi Emperor [1661-1720]. It has the dual intention of appeasing the [souls of the] dead and ensuring that the living flourish and prosper.\n\nShek Lei Tau has been the burial ground for our ancestors from as early as their arrival at Kau Wah Keng, and in the selection of [auspicious] grave sites geomancers had to be engaged at great cost. Some of the burials are quite recent, having occurred in the past ten years when our then elders, acknowledging the need for land to provide [public] reservoirs, roads, hospitals and children's homes, witnessed with shame the repeated and obligatory removals of remains", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212908, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "202\n\nBeach, though I do remember seeing their diving boat there washed up high and dry after a typhoon.\n\nThe village had not changed much when I first visited it after the war. The walk up to the bungalows was past the market and through the narrow lanes with their shops selling fishing tackle, torches, salt fish, groceries and other odds and ends. We passed the power station of the Cheung Chau Electric Company which thumped away at night, though we never had electricity in our bungalows.\n\nThe village was confined to the narrow isthmus so that once you left this behind and climbed up you found yourself among small hills and scattered bungalows. I can remember the building of the community hall which was used as a chapel and meeting place. The only sound round the bungalows were the wind in the trees and the waves on the beaches and rocks. From the one that we used most often there was a magnificent view over towards Ling Ting Island. On our last visit in 1938 we were able to see the Royal Navy's motor torpedo boats travelling at fantastic speeds with a most impressive roar.\n\nThe Mission Compound at Fatshan\n\nCheung Chau was for holidays but our real life was in Fatshan. We lived in a spacious house, known still as the White House, on the edge of the compound and adjoining a small creek and paddy fields. When I saw the house again in 1987 it had shrunk! The mission contained a hospital and nurses training school, a primary and secondary school with workshops for the boys which were years ahead of their time. Nearly all the staff were Cantonese but a doctor, the head nursing sister and a few of the teachers were from England. Only the English knew English but they were all taught Cantonese full time for two years on arrival. I often regret that I was unable to enjoy this period of study. This time was sufficient for students to learn not only to speak but also to read the classics, or the Bible, and write speeches or sermons depending on your calling missionary or Hong Kong Government Cadet.\n\nAs children our first language was Cantonese and we always used this among ourselves. We spoke to our parents in English. When we were on leave in 1933 my sister and I slept in the same bedroom and after the lights were out used to chatter away in Cantonese, much to the amusement of the relatives listening outside the door.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212911, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "205\n\nout as soon as I was able to make out my surroundings. I have never seen such a dense swarm of mosquitoes. Thank goodness we never had to use this shelter.\n\nOur departure for Hong Kong that spring was dramatic. From the hospital we took the ancient hospital motor boat down the creeks to Canton. We found the river steamer for Hong Kong moored in the fast flowing stream. It was surrounded by an impenetrable mob of sampans carrying people fleeing from the Japanese attack on Canton which was expected any day. Our motor boat could not get to the gangway so we transferred to a sampan. We approached the ladder from downstream as most of the boats were tied to the steamer upstream. We soon found out why because as each sampan cast off from the ladder another, aided by the stream, pushed its way in from upstream. We could make no headway. The only possible approach was from the bows. As we worked our way slowly down we saw that the captain was getting worried by the crowds swarming on board. He had to sail or be swamped. Our luggage was manhandled across the intervening sampans but my father would not allow us to be passed along in the same way, which I thought was a pity. The captain saw us and waited only until our sampan at last made the steps. He then gave the order for his crew to chop through the mooring ropes of all the sampans still tied on. Once freed of these, he weighed anchor and set off for Hong Kong - an overnight journey.\n\nP & O to England – Canadian Pacific to China\n\nIn 1933 my father was due for leave so the whole family, now comprising four children and parents, set off on the P. & O Rawalpindi, a ship which was converted to be an armed merchantman during the war and sunk by a U boat. Travel by sea was the most commonly used way to reach Europe. From about 1933 one could go a little faster by taking the Trans-Siberian railway. Fast mail was marked 'Via Siberia' on the envelopes. The sea journey involved four days at sea to Singapore and trips to the Botanical Gardens there. Then on to Penang, Colombo, Aden, through the Suez Canal perhaps with a stop at Marseilles, where some in a hurry got on the train through France to England, a stop at Gibraltar and thence to Plymouth where we got off for a train to Herefordshire. Most passengers went on to Tilbury in London. There was a leisurely routine about the trip. Beef tea was served on the deck mid-morning and tea in the afternoon. An enterprising steward rounded up a number of children to help him gather up the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212912, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "206\n\ncups and plates and rewarded us with magnificent Orders of Chivalry. We usually found some acquaintance in the ports or fellow missionaries. Aden was a coaling port where a ceaseless stream of labourers carried basket after basket of coal on board. We had to keep port-holes shut to keep the coal dust out. At sea we had a good deal of freedom and were taken on exploratory trips to such places as the engine room. Here we saw the huge pistons of the steam engine driving the propeller shaft and walked down the tunnel in which it turned to the very end. The heat was terrific.\n\nIn 1934 leave was up and my father and I returned early to get me into school in September. The two of us travelled by the scenic route, first on the Canadian Pacific ship, the Duchess of Bedford which we boarded at Liverpool and which took us across the Atlantic to Montreal. Then by Canadian Pacific Railway for three days and four nights across Canada to Vancouver. That was a glorious journey. The first day was through pine forests and by lakes. The second was across endless prairie country and the third through the Rocky Mountains. At the back of the train there was an observation coach from which we had an excellent view of the scenery. Each evening beds were made up and each morning they were folded up.\n\nFrom Vancouver we sailed on another Canadian Pacific ship, the Empress of Asia to Shanghai a long journey which must have included a stop in Japan. A funny thing about sojourns with my father was that he introduced me to simple gastronomic delights. During my convalescence in the Matilda Hospital from appendicitis it was kippers and on the trans-Pacific trip it was celery, curry and Worcestershire sauce in the soup to prevent sea sickness. All have been favourites ever since! And he patiently read from The Swiss Family Robinson each evening.\n\nChefoo Schools\n\nFrom Shanghai we took a coastal steamer north to Chefoo. Chefoo is the name of a small village on a bluff of land connected to the mainland by a sand spit. The school was called after this village though the town, in which it lies, is now called Yentai after the nearby walled city dating from the Ming Dynasty. The China Inland Mission had established primary and secondary schools for European and American children from all over China. There were about 100 children in the primary school,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212922, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 231, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "216\n\nFIRST MEETING OF THE WARRING STATES WORKING GROUP, UNIVERSITY OF MASSACHUSETTS\n\nALVIN P. COHEN\n\nSINOLOGICAL CONFERENCE REPORT\n\nDepartment of Asian Languages and Literatures\n\nUniversity of Massachusetts at Amherst, Amherst MA 01003-7505 Contact: Professor Alvin P Cohen (413 545-4956, 253-5558),\n\nCoordinator\n\nProfessor E Bruce Brooks (413 584-1810, 584-0331)\n\nWARRING STATES WORKING GROUP\n\nA Warring States Working Group was established in June 1993 under the sponsorship of the Department of Asian Languages and Literatures and the Dean of the College of Humanities and Fine Arts at the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, to criticize and extend the comprehensive theory of Warring State text chronology which has been developed over the past 20 years by Adjunct Professor of Chinese E. Bruce Brooks.\n\nThe theory is a consistent application of the view, expressed by several 19th and 20th century scholars but not systematically pursued, that many of these texts are not monolithic compilations, but consist at least in part of material added by later followers of the school founder. Professor Brooks has first attempted to identify layering in individual texts on formal, linguistic, and other internal grounds, and then to stratigraphically match the single-text sequences with each other by joining the separated halves of interchanges such as the ongoing dialogue between the Micians and the Confucians, and finally to assign absolute dates to the resulting construct from references to contemporary events and similar evidence. The ultimate goal is to produce a firmly dated inclusive chronology in terms of which longstanding questions of inconsistency in a single text, or the pattern of influence between two philosophical schools, can at last be resolved, and from which the history of the period, both intellectual and material, can for the first time be directly read.\n\nThe Working Group established to scrutinize the present state of this", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212930, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "224\n\nP'i) mentioned in the main text. Anne Birrell's Chinese Mythology achieves such distinction that we can easily forgive its minor shortcomings. The book is a delight to read and a joy to give to others. I only hope that her editors see fit to issue a paperback version soon. My own hardbound copy is already rather dog-eared.\n\nMICHAEL NYLAN\n\nNOTE\n\nFor example, the apocrypha to the Documents give an amusing explanation of the white fish omen that appeared at the end of the Shang dynasty\n\nFrank Welsh, A History of Hong Kong, Harper Collins, 624 + xv pp. Appendices, notes, appendix, maps.\n\nThis review has been excerpted from The New York Review of Books (7 April, 1994) by kind permission of the reviewer, Dr Jonathan Mirsky, who is East Asia Editor of The Times.\n\nThe entire history of Hong Kong, as Frank Welsh shows in his magnificent, much needed, and compendious history of the colony, is filled with misunderstandings and cultural collisions. One hundred and fifty years of muddle and injured pride are what permits Peking's leaders to call Chris Patten, whom they perceive as the point-man for an international conspiracy to overthrow the entire Communist system in China, 'a whore.'\n\nWelsh, a former Hong Kong banker, starts his dense but wittily written history in the early nineteenth century, and just manages to include the accession of Mr Patten in 1992. He refers to Hong Kong as 'that natural child of Victorian Britain and Ch'ing China... a source of embarrassment and annoyance to its progenitors since it first appeared on the international scene in 1842.' More than an annoyance: for the Chinese, Hong Kong has been a perpetual symbol of national humiliation. There are many instances of mutual disregard, which Welsh understandably enjoys and quotes copiously. In 1831, James Matheson, one of the founders of the 'noble house' of Jardine Matheson, the trading firm whose history", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212942, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1993/94\n\nThis is my third report to members since I took up the Presidency in March, 1991, and I have found that one of the difficulties of presenting a report at an annual general meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society is that it is sometime before it is in the hands of the members, since it is customary for it to be printed in the Society's journal; and due to the inevitable time lag between the date of the annual general meeting and the publication of the journal many of the events and problems of the Society may therefore be a somewhat distant memory, when read by all members up to two years later. I think therefore that in future it would be appropriate to distribute the report to all members (as you realise only about 60, or about one-tenth, of our members actually attend an annual general meeting) and subject to approval by the incoming Council I would propose that this report together with the financial report and any points arising out of this annual general meeting be circulated to members within the next three months.\n\nI propose this because it is apparent that the Royal Asiatic Society's profile within the community has increased over the last year or so in various ways and I think you will agree with me that in these accelerated changing times it is important that all members should not need to rely on reports which may appear in the newspapers. In the last year for instance the Society has been asked to appear twice before the LegCo Panel on Information Policy, once to discuss the relocation of the Public Records Office and once to exchange views on management of Government information and documents in the light of the proposed data protection law and there are other policy matters, not so controversial, which all members should be aware of, matters which are not able to be elaborated upon in the newsletter.\n\nI think also it will improve the Society's communication not only within the membership but also will assist in obtaining new members. Inevitably in Hong Kong the turnover in members is large and for newcomers to our Society it does take time to establish what exactly we do.\n\nSo what have we done in the last year? Besides the annual general meeting and dinner, we have had no less than 13 lectures and 14 local visits, and one trip to Guangzhou, and looking back through our records I cannot find a year when so much activity has taken place.\n\nix", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212945, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "From the programme, I would now like to turn to other topics which have exercised the Council's attention over the last year. As I mentioned earlier the Society has appeared twice before the LegCo Panel on Information Policy and this was due primarily to the stand which the Society has taken in respect of the Government's intention to move the Public Records Office to an unsuitable and inaccessible factory building in Tuen Mun, a step that is likely to happen in June. I do not wish to tabulate all the arguments that have been rehearsed many times within Council and the media on this subject, except to say that if it had not been for the Royal Asiatic Society's strong opposition to the removal of the Public Record to Tuen Mun then it is unlikely that we would now be looking at a more favourable situation than seemed possible this time last year. As it is we have been informed that the move is only temporary, the Government is actively looking for a site in Central, and provided funds are available the Government is prepared to build or convert some suitable buildings for public records; meanwhile the more important and the most used public records will be moved into a special room within the Government Secretariat. The position will need, however a great deal of attention and watching to ensure that those responsible for the preservation of Hong Kong's public records do really understand what is meant by the word preservation. Hong Kong's efforts in this direction leave a lot to be desired and compare very unfavourably with other countries including China. For this more optimistic emerging picture we need to thank several people including our past President, Dr. James Hayes, who continually prods the Government in the underbelly from down under and the Reverend Carl Smith who, at the height of the controversy last June, agreed reluctantly to appear in a T.V. documentary on the subject and was actually filmed, going to Tuen Mun, and seen groping through the polluted air and smog amongst the surroundings of the future Hong Kong Public Records Office. In addition I would like to thank Dr. Elizabeth Sinn, Mr. John Wilson, Dr. Lau Yee-cheung, and Dr. Choi Chi-cheung for their valuable inputs into these issues.\n\nThe second time members of the Council appeared before the LegCo Information Panel was fairly recently and also to do with public records but in the context of a possible Access to Information Bill. This is a difficult subject and I am not sure one that the Society should become too involved. The Society is more concerned with public records and an Archives Ordinance, since without this there is little point for legislation on access to information if there is no guarantee that the information in question will be available. A letter to the legislative councillors involved\n\nxii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212946, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "in these issues has recently been sent on the above lines.\n\nTurning to other activities I would like to place again on record our thanks to all those volunteers who have assisted in grading ancient buildings in Hong Kong for the Antiquities and Monuments Office. This project has been going on for two years and I understand has made significant inroads and according to Mr. Peter Chan, Curator (Historical Buildings), their reports and work are very professional. Our thanks are also due to those members who sit on the Antiquities Advisory Board and particularly to Dr. Dan Waters who co-ordinates all these efforts.\n\nOn the administration side all of us have a good deal to be grateful for; keeping a list of members, and ensuring that they pay their subscriptions are we know thankless tasks but without them a Society such as ours would soon die; Mrs. Sharon Bruce, our Assistant Secretary does a superb job here, and so does Mrs. Anita Wilson on the newsletter, without which nothing would happen; also our Secretary, Mr. David Sheil who somehow manages to produce coherent minutes of our Council meetings from his Lamma Island outpost. I will leave Mr. Robert Nield, our Treasurer to explain our finances to you; you will, I hope find them in good shape, and whilst a Society such as ours should not boast that it has made a profit on the Stock Exchange, the fact is we have.\n\nTwo of the most important academic activities of the Society are the build up of the Library and the publication of the Journal. Last year I reported that the Library, under the capable direction of our Librarian, Mr. Y.C. Wan, would be moving from its location in the rather inaccessible Kowloon Central Library to a special collection room in the re-organised City Hall Central Library. Together with new acquisitions during the last year this is now likely to happen in the foreseeable future. Not only that, it is liable to be input into the Urban Council's data base, and therefore computerised. This is indeed very good news and I hope that when the Library does move it will be utilised more than it is now: it is a very fine collection.\n\nThe publication of the Society's Journal is one of the most arduous tasks; editors of journals are a wonderful breed and our editor, Dr. Patrick Hase is no exception; indeed his patience with late contributions and sub-standard publishers is a model. It is therefore with some relief that I report that the 1990 Journal was finally published earlier this month and there is no doubt that it is fully up to the high academic standards of the ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212947, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "past. We owe a great deal to Patrick - indeed I do not know how we could manage without him as the Editor. He has promised me he will do the 1991 Journal, when he will have done a ten-year stint, but thereafter has some reservations. I would be grateful, therefore, that if anyone feels that they can take on the task, could they please make themselves known. For all the work and frustration, the results are in fact very rewarding; the Journal is not only respected within Hong Kong and well known internationally, but is a good platform for members of the Society to publish their own articles. If you have not yet received yours, please let us know; also, may I remind you we still have back copies of previous Journals and order forms are available from the Secretary.\n\nFinally, I would like to move ourselves forward. A society such as this does, of course, depend on its membership. Altogether the Society has on its books 619 members (114 overseas, and 505 local members); this compares with 645 members (102 overseas and 543 local members) in 1993 and 676 members (80 overseas and 596 local members) in 1992. In other words, there has been an overall decline of around 8% in local members and an increase of 42% in overseas members; the implications are clear. In themselves, these figures are not alarming, but they do show a trend, i.e., that more local members are leaving than being replaced and therefore we should take note of this. The answer is, of course, to attempt to obtain more local members and to do this, we need, I feel, to advertise ourselves more and broaden our appeal without lowering our academic and research interests. Almost certainly, we shall be losing some old-timers with the run-up to 1997, and if we are going to be in a strong position, at least numerically, further thought on future development by the Council will be needed. There will be opportunities because, in 1995, the Society will be celebrating its 35th anniversary, and two major projects are in the pipeline. Firstly, it is intended to bring out an anniversary publication, and under the direction of Dr. Elizabeth Sinn, this is in an advanced state of preparation. Secondly, we intend to put on a series of lectures and activities, hopefully in conjunction with other like-minded organisations in late 1995. You are urged to give these projects your full support.\n\nI have tried in this report to give you a snapshot picture of the health of the Society, what it is doing, and what it hopes to achieve. Your views on all aspects are welcome, and members of Council are only too willing to listen to them at any time. The objects of this Society are to encourage an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal. We are,\n\nxiv\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212948, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "I feel, fulfilling these objectives, but in these changing times we will need the continued support of all members.\n\nThank you for listening to me,\n\nXV", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212993, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "40\n\nWith this list of strategies and types of contents that would be classified under them, the second part of the data collection could proceed. To summarize, each article would be read first, for coding each value sentence into A, B, X or Y and the types of factors and the levels they belong. Each of them would be read a second time to see if there is any strategy being used. That is to say, the data would be of two types but those collected in the first reading could be used to gather data in the second reading. Thus, the two sets of data are inter-related. Any trace of one of these strategies would be noted to see if there are any specially popular ones. Also they would be noted for their variety against the situation to see if any evidence of facework is in sight.\n\nFindings\n\nPositive Evidence For A Nation's Face\n\nAltogether, there are 3,782 value sentences in the sample. After coding, the figures for all variables are cross-tabulated to facilitate observations on the level of face (Tables 6 to 10). It is found that the majority of the value sentences depict face-situations at individual level (cf. Table 6). The Y-axis is the level, individual (athletes) or collective (delegation, people, country and government), of the factors and/or attributes that the value sentences concern.\n\nTABLE 6. Level of Reference for the Factors & Attributes of Face\n\n \n No./% of Total\n \n \n \n \n Athletes\n 2791/82.35%\n \n \n \n S/P/M of\n \n Reactions to\n Attributes of\n \n \n \n 250/45.37%\n 84/35.90%\n \n \n Delegation\n 396/11.68%\n 210/38.11%\n 34/14.53%\n \n \n People\n 31/0.91%\n 31/5.63%\n 31/13.25%\n \n \n Country\n 67/1.98%\n 12/2.18%\n 51/21.79%\n \n \n Government\n 7/0.21%\n 2/0.36%\n 11/4.70%\n \n \n Others\n 97/2.86%\n 46/8.35%\n 23/9.83%\n \n \n Total\n 3389\n 551\n 234\n \n\nLegend: S/P/M = Status, performance and/or moral behaviour", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213009, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "56\n\nstandard was reported as rising with Chinese athletes having their hands in it. Elsewhere, others' reactions, say, crowd applause that was supposed to be ceremonial (to athletes marching out in opening ceremony) or to both playing teams or all winning athletes was highlighted as reactions to Chinese athletes or teams. In the soccer tournament (1986), it was said that if China could enter the last eight, competition would be more fierce. Other vivid BIRG could be found in descriptions such as a Japanese swimmer won because he was aware of Chinese success in previous events; Canada's women basketball team which played well against Brazil, had visited China before the tournament (8 August, 1984); scoring rate of football tournament was higher than that in World Cup having previously mentioned that a Chinese scorer was in the top scoring list (30 September, 1986).\n\nWhile praising the victorious Chinese athletes, the press did not forget to modulate their tone a bit. Sometimes, in a report which depicted the gold-winning Chinese team, her rival having equal strength was emphasized (12 July, 1987). Inconsistency, inadequacy, need to learn from rivals were also drawbacks mentioned in reporting victorious events.\n\nAll the face-saving strategies mentioned earlier could be found in the sample. The most popular ones are meta-accounts and silence/negligence. And in the former, deferral is one frequent way of reporting Chinese failures or defeats. It could be either put at the end of a report (29 September, 1986; 29 August 1985), or put off to some later days. Reinstatement of intentions was also used time and again. When Chinese athletes or team could not win the gold medals, the press would state that silver or bronze medals were good enough for the present (women handball, 11 August, 1984; men's high jump, 13 August, 1984; athletic silver medallists, 16 July, 1987; fourth place in medal standing, 19 July 1987). Even if there were no medals to write about, the press would cite breaking national records as positive elements in the performance of Chinese representatives or even concluded that 'victory and failure were not to be so much concerned with' (loss in women's diving, 2 September, 1985).\n\nSometimes, the losses or defeats were not directly mentioned. Instead, passwords were expressed in the form of interviews with coaches of other teams (women basketball, 7 August, 1984), questions asked to readers and other authorities of how to improve the situation (table-tennis, 26 September, 1986). Only pity, and not lashes were accorded to the Chinese high-jumper, Zhu Jianhua when he lost in the Olympics 1984 and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213011, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "58\n\nAnother similar category of strategies is disclaimer, i.e., prospective excuses. Similar types of excuses could be found, for instance, tiredness of gymnasts (September 18th, 1986); inexperience of athletes (20 August, 1985); new gymnasts (21 August, 1985) etc. The strength of rivals (20 September, 1986; 15 July, 1987) and weakness of Chinese representatives (19 September, 1986) were also cited. A more popular form of disclaimer was the blame on the draw in events, such as the order of competition in gymnastics (23 July, 1984), the order of play in women's fencing (8 July, 1987). Softening of the tone for gold-winning targets was evident amidst the rise of Koreans in the medal standing (1 and 4 October, 1986).\n\nThe context of any information is vital when a reader interprets an article. The Chinese press also spent some efforts in creating favourable contexts for unfavourable contents. The men's gymnastics team total score, second place in team competition was put against a very good background of six perfect scores (31 July, 1984). Women fencers' loss was to be read in the light of China's share in the total fencing medals, equal to that of Korea (2 October, 1986). Previous successes or records were cited to buffer losses in the Games (women discuss, 15 July, 1987; soccer, 20 July, 1987). Sometimes, the press would play over the figures, for example, in the loss to the USA in women's volleyball tournament, the report stated that in terms of total marks gained in the match, the Chinese team should win the match (5 August, 1984); in the final medal standing, China was placed fourth, but the People's Daily mentioned the total golds gained to counter this relatively unfavourable position.\n\nA more forceful class of strategy, justification, could also be witnessed in the sample. The \"reasons\" were more or less the same as mentioned in the foregone paragraphs concerning other strategies, but only the tone and/or the voice were different. Strength of rivals (31 July, 1984); new and young players (13 August, 1984; 19 July, 1987) and so on were handy examples. More often, these would be added with the hard work of Chinese athletes, their improvement from their previous standards to make these \"reasons\" forceful (diving, 10 August, 1984; women gymnastics, 12 July, 1987; men's basketball, 17 July, 1987). A play of figures could be seen in 1984 when the rank of the Chinese delegation, being fourth, was justified by the her size, being eighth.\n\nMoreover, there were times when the press admitted the failures of Chinese athletes. Very often, they were factual accounts of the losses and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "68\n\nThe old and familiar terms that face provides here are high status, good performance, upright moral behaviour, bigger honour, influence, and deference of Chinese athletes and other Chinese. In the face-enhancing situations presented by the press in the sample, the successful athletes were praised elaborately; their success in winning medals for the country and for the people was reiterated time and again. A new set of relationships was being set up: between the individuals and the party government, the people and the country. In addition, the athletes' medal-winning activities were taken as the success of the country, the honour of the nation and the influence of the government. Such presentation not only presented a favourable image of the athletes, but also the country and the government. The motive behind presenting these relationships and images could not be easily detached from politics.\n\nFurthermore, the country's or the government's entitlement to the victories tightens the relationship between the athletes and the bureaucracy and to the favour of the latter. Whether this might really accelerate the masses' sense of identification with government is beyond the capacity of this paper. But surely, the efforts paid by the press to enhance the image of the government and her employees, to entitle herself to successful events rather than failures, could suggest that it attempted to do so. This seems to coincide with what has been concluded for the functions of media sports.\n\nFace And Sports\n\nTwo of the functions of media sports were related to integration. First, people need to strengthen their credibility, confidence, stability and status. Second, people need to strengthen their contact with family, friends, and the world (Birrell and Loy, 1981: 297). In the former, considering the enhancing strategies employed by the press, the success of the athletes hired and supported by the government would bring more credibility to the government, and elevate her status. This becomes very important to her because sports is one aspect where she could demonstrate her strength. It is an aspect based on which she could claim a high status in international relations. In the latter, the entitling strategies used by the press would likely strengthen the contact of athletes with the general public who had no kinship ties with the sports delegation. The country, the nation served", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213025, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "72\n\nThe Role Of The Press\n\nHaving said that the concept of face stands midway between the alien spheres of activities (sports and politics) and the masses, the place of the press is at another level between the two. It is a means by which the concept of face could be transmitted to the masses. It is the medium by which the alien spheres of activities are presented in forms comprehensible and identifiable by the masses. The functions of the Chinese media have been studied by many scholars before. Those proposed by Godwin Chu included mobilization, information, power struggle, and ideological reform (G. Chu, 1979). Others have later added education, entertainment and so on (Robinson, 1981; Terrell, 1984).\n\nIt may be difficult to position the role of the press in relation to the concept of face in terms of the above functions listed. But through the present study and the findings, the press could be seen as performing at least two of the above functions: information and mobilization. First, it provided information about the performance of athletes in the Games, it provided information on the Games in general, it provided presentations of the face of Chinese, China and her counterparts in the Games.\n\nSecond, it mobilized people to work for the four modernizations by convincing them that they could be as successful as the athletes under the guidance of the communists. The strength of the argument and the mobilization power lies in the magnitude of face as presented in the press. Bigger face, better face of course would increase the convincing power the press in this respect. And it is very obvious from the findings that the press has created an enhancing image of the face of Chinese and the country under the Communist regime, and thereby the convincing power of the press in other related affairs.\n\nAlso against what has been discussed earlier, there seems to be ‘a resurgence of the importance of particularistic ties, distinguishing us from them (... “a difference between inner and outer”)’ (Gold, 1985: 664). This runs counter to the preachings of the party government and to the nationwide reforms in the four modernizations which emphasize collective efforts for the country. The press, in this respect, may need to project a big face of the country in order that this resurgence of attitude unfavourable to the four modernizations be forestalled.\n\nAt another level, the press could be said as performing the function of\n\n---", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213034, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "82\n\nthe breakdown in the relationship between Dr. Sibree and Dr. Gibson had significant effects on the extent, direction and control of the maternity service in the pre-World War II period.\n\nA Maternity Service for Chinese Women: the antecedents.\n\nThe view of Western doctors that traditional midwifery in Hong Kong was problematic is abundantly clear in the reports of government medical officers in the late nineteenth century. Horrific tales were told of the septic interventions of traditional midwives in difficult confinements, and reports of the cases of puerperal fever with high maternal mortality attended at the Civil Hospital. As well, there were concerns about the high infant death rates at the French and Italian Orphanages, the subject of an enquiry in 1887, and the practice of abandoning dead infants on hillsides, a public health threat, especially in years of plague. That is, the involvement of government was driven by both humanitarian and pragmatic concerns at a time when concern about infant health was high in England itself and the Colonial Office was demanding attention to the problem in Hong Kong.\n\nBy the turn of the century, there were already several developments that made attention to maternal health viable. On the one hand there were steps to the professionalisation of medicine, and on the other to the recognition of the need for specialised services for women. The practice of Western medicine was becoming more scientific and doctors were better trained. That training required hospital beds and patients. The Medical Registration Ordinance of 1884 that licensed Western doctors and the establishment of the Alice Memorial Hospital with the Hongkong College of Medicine for Chinese in 1887 acknowledged these changing needs. Nursing also was becoming professional, a vocation for ladies. The first English women nurses sent to the Civil Hospital in 1890 were well received as replacements for the untrained and uncivil wardsmasters, many of whom had been dismissed for theft and alcoholism.\n\nAt the time of Queen Victoria's Jubilee in 1897 a hospital for women was supported by public subscription, resulting in the Victoria Hospital for Women and Children and a Training Institute for Nurses. Although this hospital was to be available to women of ‘all ranks, classes, creeds and races', its location in Barker Road made it inaccessible to poor women, and it is clear that the Training Institute was to produce midwives for European mothers. Morbidity amongst Chinese women led to the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213045, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "93\n\nsinging at Mr. Wells' day school. \"Other afternoons I give to what I think I was meant especially to do - visiting the small-footed rich ladies who so rarely hear anything of the Gospel ...'.\" Reaching Chinese women for evangelistic purposes was an objective of the LMS support for women missionaries, and thus was a legitimate part of Dr. Sibree's role as a mission doctor.\n\n5}\n\nFor Dr. Gibson and Dr. Mitchell, who did not complete his Cantonese lessons, there were other missionaries who could work with Chinese men, although the District Committee was obviously concerned at the emphasis on 'medical' rather than 'missionary' amongst the male doctors. Mr. Pearce expressed the view that there was a need to devote more attention to the spiritual aspects of the medical work. With the opening of the Ho Miu Ling Hospital, the Committee requested the appointment of a further male medical missionary, to be trained in Cantonese language, so that pastoral work could occur. As well, the professional hierarchy within medicine, where surgery as an invasive skill in acute illness is seen as more important than obstetric care, a narrow specialisation which Dr. Sibree herself recognised, “reinforced the emphasis on a mixed role for the Lady Doctor.\n\nIt seems that this view of the female medical missionary as naturally and substantially involved in pastoral matters was held by Dr. Gibson, perhaps coloured, paradoxically, by a protectiveness. He was undoubtedly shaken by the death of Mrs. Stevens, noting that Miss Langdon, her successor, should not be pressured to stay long with the mission when her health may suffer. A similar concern probably prompted his view that Dr. Sibree should not be overworked. That would certainly be consistent with a patriarchal view of women as delicate and fitted more for pastoral work rather than 'real' medical work such as surgery. However, the weight of evidence points to his interest in protecting his autonomy vis-a-vis any interference in running the hospitals from the District Committee, and to his correct view that the Chinese subscribers were essential to the expansion of the medical mission. All this was allied with his interest in his work with the Hongkong College of Medicine and prospects of a role in the future University Medical School.\n\nReplacing Dr. Sibree: Chinese subscribers and LMS control\n\nAlthough Dr. Sibree was obviously unhappy with the limitations placed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213053, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "101\n\nthat he had been reinstated as a lecturer, but in 1916 he resigned that position, since the Chair of Surgery had been established, and could only be held with clinical rights at the Government Civil Hospital. Why Dr. Gibson was treated as Mr. Pearce said 'shabbily', is not known, although in Dr. Mitchell's eyes, there had been no necessary connection between the LMS and medical education, and he had warned against any expectation of a linkage.\" The effect, however, was to remove the students from the institution of the Alice, and with it, the main rationale justifying the exclusion of the lady doctor from general medical work. By this time, maternity work had grown and lack of work was no longer an issue. 94\n\nThe AMMH was most important in the establishment of Hong Kong's maternity service for several reasons: first, the resources set up were both hospital-based and domiciliary, and therefore set the parameters for subsequent development, which included hospitals, maternity clinics, and government midwives attending home births. Secondly, under the umbrella of the LMS, the place of Western medical practice amongst the Chinese people was strengthened, demand increasing in the post-World War I decades. Thirdly, female doctors acquired a primary role in service provision and thereby a career pathway for Chinese women as doctors and midwives was opened. That pathway was to extend to general nursing, although even until the 1930s at the Alice Hospital, male dressers, supervised by female European nurses, were needed to work in male wards. Fourthly, a service which was accessible to all classes of Chinese women was set in place. That is, poor women were looked after on the basis of need, whereas the wives of the wealthy Chinese subscribers were entitled to care in terms of the Lady Doctor's contract. The outcome was a service that was, as much by default from the power play between Dr. Gibson and Dr. Sibree as by intention, culturally appropriate to the Chinese community. That is, status differentials were recognised, and at the same time, the level of qualification seen as adequate for a public health-oriented service was selected, analogous to the level of training for the Chinese doctors.\n\nThe lack of continuity in the service left a gap which, with greater recognition of need, was filled by secular agencies, as the Chinese Public Dispensaries Committee set up a maternity home in Wanchai in 1919, run by Dr. Alice (Sibree) Hickling, followed by the Tsan Yuk Hospital in 1922. The Tung Wah and Kwong Wah Hospitals improved their maternity service, and domiciliary care was the province of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "106\n\nwas to resign, rather than a submission by which her services would not be renewed The first record of her intention to resign comes from the Minutes of the DC Annual Meeting of 1907, held 19-20 March, 1908, at which, after clarifying Dr Sibree's plans for departing Hong Kong, Mr. Brewin's correspondence was discussed. See LMS Box 17, 1908 Minutes enclosed in Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins 23 March, 1908\n\nLMS Box 17, 1908 Memorandum to the Directors re communication, Chinese Gentlemen per Hon A.W Brewin, Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 26 March, 1908\n\n64 LMS Box 17, 1908 Mr. Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 9 October, 1908\n\n6 See LMS Box 18, 1909 No 311 Dr Gibson to Mr. Sousins, 6 February, 1909, LMS Box 18, 1910 No 319 Dr Mitchell to Rev G Currie Martin, I September, 1910\n\n66 Dr Ethel Tribe was a medical missionary in China, in Amoy from 1895-1909 and at the Lester Hospital, Shanghai, from 1909-1914 She is recorded as having enlarged the scope of work with women and children at the Lester Hospital. See Goodall, op cit, p 193\n\n67\n\nLMS Box 17, 1908 Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, 28 April, 1908 Personal and confidential\n\n68 Goodall, op cit, p 11\n\n69 Goodall, op cit., pp 215, 550\n\n70\n\nLMS Box 17, 1908 Attachment to Minutes included with letter from Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, 16 October, 1908\n\n7 LMS Box 18, 1909 No 310 Miss H. Davies to Mr Cousins, 30 January, 1909\n\n72 LMS Box 17, 1908 16 October, 1908, Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, Minutes of Hong Kong District Committee Dr Mitchell was appointed acting medical superintendent of the Alice during Dr. Gibson's furlough in 1905-6. With his marriage to a Canadian lady doctor, he was sent to Poklo, to establish the medical mission there, during which time his wife died Given the marginality of the Poklo post, and the need for support in Hong Kong after Dr Sibree's resignation, Dr Mitchell returned to Hong Kong at the end of 1909 During his furlough in 1913, he married Dr Perkins, and, delayed by the war, they returned to Hong Kong in 1919, when he took up the post of medical superintendent until his resignation because of ill-health in 1924. Given his dissatisfaction with the LMS about finding him a medical mission post, it is possible that he saw his interests as in Hong Kong, thus influencing his support for Dr Gibson While Dr Sibree saw him as powerless to act in her interests during Dr Gibson's furlough in 1905-6, it is more probable that he did not wish to jeopardise his own position\n\n73 Goodall (op cit., p.12) refers to the prejudice held by some missionary men against women missionaries, who they claimed were there only for the one hundred pounds per annum stipend See also N Eraser, Unruly Practices Power, Discourse and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp 164-5", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213088, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "137\n\ndirector of the Institute of Infectious Diseases in Japan, arrived in Hong Kong with two assistants, Drs. Aoyama and Ishiyumi on June 12th. They were taken around the next day. On June 14th, Lowson wrote 'Kitasato discovered bacillus.' The following is quoted from a report in the Hong Kong Weekly Press dated July 15th on an address given by Kitasato: 'In the first day he was able to discover the bacillus in the bubo, lungs, liver and spleen of dead patients and he immediately made a culture in agar agar. On the same day he took with all due precaution some blood from the finger tips of patients suffering from the disease in a severe form and again found the bacillus. He then inoculated mice, guinea pigs and rabbits with the virus and in every instance the animals so inoculated displayed the symptoms of the disease and died.' Kitasato worked in a matshed within the Kennedy Town Hospital compound and made his discovery there. Following the discovery a telegram was sent immediately to the medical journal, the Lancet; later a full-length report was dispatched on July 10th. Both Aoyama and Ishiyumi contracted the disease, the former from nicking his finger while doing an autopsy. He survived to write a paper entitled “On the Plague Epidemic in Hong Kong in the years 1894 to 1895”.\n\nThe bacillus was also discovered by the French bacteriologist, Dr. Alexandre Yersin of Saigon's Pasteur Institute, who arrived in Hong Kong on June 15th. A few days later, he too found the bacillus. Lowson wrote on June 23rd: 'Got microscopes again out. Yersin got his bacillus.' Lowson later added that Yersin refused to work in the same matshed with Kitasato and it took a few days to erect another for him. Yersin reported and sent material back to the Pasteur Institute in Paris. After close scrutiny of the findings of both Kitasato and Yersin in their published papers by independent observers, doubt was cast on Kitasato's bacillus. The difference in the characteristics between his and Yersin's bacillus is highly technical and need not concern us. In the end, Yersin's was regarded as the real discovery, and the generic name given to the plague and allied organisms is subsequently Yersinia in his honour. To complete the story, although both of them knew that dead rats found in infected areas died of plague, they were unaware of the part played by fleas, which was discovered later by the Indian Plague Investigation Committee and others in the Indian Epidemic, about 1906-1908.\n\nThis then is an account of the situation as it developed in the first few months of the Epidemic as related in Lowson's diary. In several entries", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213089, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "138\n\nin the diary there were comments and criticisms of people Lowson had to deal with during the Epidemic, all being his superiors in the Government service. I will now read out the relevant entries in chronological order, with added comments, and you will hear another story which has not been told before.\n\nMay 25th\n\nLockhart angry because he could not get himself in the limelight He was of no assistance with the Chinese who distrusted him as the British distrusted him He was simply pushed aside by Francis and the rest His spite therefore landed on Ayres and me\n\nLockhart was J.H. (later Sir James) Stewart Lockhart who was Registrar General and acting Colonial Secretary at the time, also chairman of the Sanitary Board. Francis was J.J. Francis a Queen's Counsel, who was one of the five non-official members and chairman of the Permanent Committee.\n\nMay 26th\n\nSaw Governor anent Lockhart's idiotic interference\n\nMay 29th\n\nFrancis would listen to nobody Never went to infected areas therefore did not know the difficulties and what was happening Later on he went to some hospitals where there was no danger\n\nJune 30th\n\nBoth above (Aoyama and Ishiyumi) bad Brought up Kitasato and crowd here to stay They had been fired out of the hotel so I took them all up to house and got them in a matshed Lockhart afterwards tried to curry favour by saying that he had this done but he knew nothing about it for a week and actually prepared to censure me for doing it\n\nThis needs explaining. Kitasato and his two assistants were staying at the Hong Kong Hotel. Aoyama and Ishiyumi took ill on the 28th and were removed to the Hygeia. Lowson put Kitasato up in a matshed near his house. Apparently he did not ask for Lockhart's permission and Lockhart was not pleased, but one wonders why he should for such an obvious decision and move under the circumstances.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "141\n\nwith some happier notes.\n\nJuly 23rd\n\nBy this time we had broken down the opposition and matters began to run smoothly\n\nAnd after a long gap, the final entry,\n\nSeptember 3rd\n\nI left for Japan about this time spending all September in Colony In Japan the guest of the Japanese Government and made a national hero Valuable presents numerous and suite of rooms in the Imperial Hotel\n\nThis red-carpet treatment must have been recommended by Kitasato in appreciation of the help given him by Lowson in making the discovery that earned him international fame\n\nHaving read the diary, I learnt more about the situation as it developed from day to day but it came as a surprise to me that so much had gone on behind the scenes arising from clashes of personalities The three important people whose responsibility in the fight against the Epidemic was no less onerous than that of Ayres or Lowson were called: fools, cowards and nonentities. They were the Governor, who was in overall charge as head of the administration, the Colonial Secretary, who was the Governor's principal assistant, and the Chairman of the Permanent Committee of the Sanitary Board which was set up to recommend on legislation Were the accusations justified? We do not know, but it would be interesting to find out something about these three.\n\nSir William Robinson was Governor of Hong Kong from December 1891 to January 1898. His governorship covered a most difficult period in the history of Hong Kong, during which 'misfortunes after misfortunes assailed the colony in swift succession', to quote from Sayers. The year 1894 was a particularly bad one for Robinson and Hong Kong. His wife died but not from plague. Two very severe typhoons struck Hong Kong in September and October, causing much devastation and many casualties. Above all, there was the Epidemic with its effect on the economy and other aspects of life in the Territory. Robinson reported to the Secretary of State for the Colonies that 'Without exaggeration, I may assert that so far as trade and commerce are concerned the plague has assumed the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "154\n\ncalled Sha Tau Kok, (, \"Sand-dune Point\") from its location amidst the sand-dunes,21 The market was quickly successful. In 1849 it was said by a missionary to be 'bustling with business', and by 1853 it had 50 shops operating.22\n\nIn 1853, perhaps 20 years after the market's foundation, there were still two areas within the walls not yet developed - \"pig market\" and an area just inside the Lower East Gate - and there had been no development outside the walls. Nonetheless, with 50 established shops, the town was clearly already flourishing. In 1854, however, the development of the town suffered a rude shock, when irregular troops claiming to be Taipings came close enough to the town for cannon-fire to be heard. The town seems to have been temporarily almost deserted in the face of this threat.23\n\nAfter 1854, however, the town seems to have entered a period of steadily increasing prosperity. Some when soon after 1854 further defences, in the form of a tall gun-tower, were added to the Upper East Gate, to cover the bridge. Guns were placed there, on the top floor.\n\nProbably at about the same time as the building of the gun-tower, the Shap Yeuk built a large and prestigious school, outside the Upper East Gate. This school consisted of two courtyards, one behind the other, and must always have required several teachers, as was certainly the case in the 1920s. The aim of the Shap Yeuk elders in founding this school was to ensure that the district as a whole had at least one high standard school, where education at a higher level than could be provided in the individual village schools could be had. That the school was a district school was shown by its name: the Tung Wo School. To ensure that boys from throughout the district could study there, it had cocklofts to allow boys to board at need. The foundation of the school also raised the prestige of the Shap Yeuk,24\n\nAt the back of the school a third courtyard contained a new Man Mo Temple, where the elders of the Shap Yeuk would worship twice a year. The side-hall of this temple to the one side was a \"Hero Shrine\" where the spirits of certain unclaimed dead, who had been buried by the Shap Yeuk in a communal grave, were worshipped.25 The side-hall to the other side was the Shap Yeuk Meeting Hall and office. The elders met here to adjudicate disputes, and to hold formal meetings: a meeting of 'several hundred' elders is recorded here in 1899.26 A second gun-tower was added", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213112, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "162\n\nof what they were told by their fathers, there had been no prostitutes here before 1898. The prostitutes' clients were mostly soldiers and Customs staff - the prostitutes spoke Cantonese, not the Hakka spoken by all the locals. A gambling house (opened in 1904), and an opium divan came at about the same time as the prostitutes - these served people from Hong Kong as well as the garrison. Most New Territories towns had at most one or two winemakers; Sha Tau Kok in the 1920s had four at least, of which one was solely in the wine trade, unlike most local distillers, who combined this business with a general grocery. Similarly, Sha Tau Kok's three restaurants (including a cold drink and coffee shop), two tobacco dealers, and two cakeshops, is more than is found in most of the local towns at this period. The three or four guesthouses in Sha Tau Kok were also more than usually found - when military officers of rank came to Sha Tau Kok on inspection, they did not share the barracks with their men, but stayed in the private rooms in the guesthouses, so here, too, the presence of the garrison probably led to an economic expansion. Some of these service industries had been in Sha Tau Kok before 1898. There had certainly been a guesthouse here in the 1850s, and a noodle shop in the 1880s. **It is unlikely that there were prostitutes, or a full-time gambling house or opium divan there then, although gambling and opium smoking certainly took place in the town at that date. The early presence of some service industries in the town before 1898 was a consequence of traffic on the Sha Yue Chung Ferry, but it is reasonable to see the establishment of the new frontier as having led to an economic growth in the town in the years following 1898. The smuggling industry also produced considerable profit, especially during the 1930s.\n\nThe new frontier, therefore, caused many problems. To the villagers, the need to pay duty on day-to-day purchases far outweighed any advantages gained from having a larger population to sell things to. For the shopkeepers, the economic advantages were similarly more than offset by the prevailing political chaos and uncertainty. It is not surprising that the main effect of the exclusion of Sha Tau Kok Market from the New Territories in 1898 was to force a re-location of the market over the frontier into the New Territories a generation later,\n\nRoads and Ferries: Sha Tau Kok and its Hinterland\n\nSha Tau Kok stood at a nodal point in the local road system, and it was this factor which brought about the town's prosperity in the century after\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213125, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "175\n\nOpposite the saltpans, on the bund, each saltworks had a small hut. These were used to store the salt before it was carried to Sham Chun. They also functioned as retail shops; villagers wanting to buy salt bought it here, not at shops in the town. There were also several lime-burners, making lime from coral dredged from Mirs Bay, operating in the Yim Liu Ha area.\n\n65\n\nThe most important building in British Sha Tau Kok in the 1920s was the Railway Station. This was the terminus of a narrow-gauge (2 foot) railway which linked Sha Tau Kok and the main-line station at Fanling, and which operated from 1912 to 1928. While it was slow, expensive and uncomfortable, it nonetheless linked Sha Tau Kok more effectively with the outside world than had ever been possible before, when every traveller had to make a long and weary journey by sea and mountain pass. The Station was built immediately on the frontier. When traders started to migrate across the frontier, it was the hawkers, with no overheads, who moved first - they moved to the area around the Station and its forecourt. Most hawking in Sha Tau Kok was carried out here from about 1925. When the railway was dismantled in 1928, following completion of the motor road from Fanling in 1927, the hawkers moved to the area at the end of the road - a permanent market hall for them was built nearby as part of the San Lau Street development in 1933-1934.\n\nBefore 1925, hawking had taken place mostly in Wang Tau Street - vegetable hawkers using the upper part, near Upper Street, and fuel hawkers the lower part, near Lower Street and the gambling house. Itinerant cooked-food sellers (mostly selling noodles), and villagers selling things like brooms, bamboo poles, etc. were also found here. But most of them moved to the Station forecourt in about 1925.\n\nThe only sizeable shop in British Sha Tau Kok before 1925 was the main town carpenter's in Tsoi Yuen Kok. This shop had moved there from Upper Street a few years before 1925, mostly because of the need for more space for its timber stores and saw-yard. The rest of Tsoi Yuen Kok was used for market gardens, where vegetables were grown for sale in the town.\n\nWhat did the town look like in 1925? Photographs are few and unrevealing. There is, however, one short description of the town at this date:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213129, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "179\n\nIt seems that the shops were not very long-lived; most must have existed only for the period of the founder's life. Where shops were succeeded to by a son on his father's death, it seems to have been common for the shop name to be changed. The coming of the new frontier seems to have led to a particularly thorough shake-out of shops. Of the 42 shops mentioned in the 1894 Shan Tsui tablet, only eight appear among the 19 mentioned on the 1906 Bride's Pool tablet, and only seven among the 39 on the 1920 tablet, including five of the eight which are mentioned on the 1906 tablet. Furthermore, the elders do not remember any shops with names corresponding to the majority of the donating shops in 1894 (only about 13 of the 42 shops donating in 1894 were remembered - about 31% - and two or three of these are doubtful): clearly many of these premises had gone out of business before the 1920s. At the same time, 10 of the 19 shops on the 1906 Bride's Pool tablet also appear on the 1920 Cheung Sha Kwu Tze tablet. Five of the 1906 donors appear on neither the 1894 tablet nor the 1920 tablet. This all suggests that more than half of the shops changed name between 1894 and 1906, but less than half between 1906 and 1920. It would seem that, on average, perhaps a quarter or a third of the shops changed names each decade.\n\nAll the elders contacted were land-people, and they knew little of the economic and social lifestyles of the boat-people. It seems that, while to the foreign visitor of 1925 mentioned above Sha Tau Kok was \"a fishing town\", Sha Tau Kok, while it had the essential structure of a wholesale fish market and a boatyard, was less dominated by the need to service the fishing fleet than towns such as Sai Kung, to say nothing of places like Cheung Chau or Tai O. The Sha Tau Kok area fishermen fished mostly within Mirs Bay - they did not, it would appear, normally join the fleets of better-located ports in exploiting the deep sea Wong Fa fisheries. Sha Tau Kok was a fishing port, but it was more of a land market than a sea market.\n\nAll the markets in the area required hawkers and coolies as well as shops, and Sha Tau Kok was no exception - indeed, given the importance of its carrying trade with Sham Chun, Sha Tau Kok may well have been more dependent on coolies than elsewhere. The hawkers were of two types: those who traded as a part-time occupation, and those who made their living by it. The villagers of the surrounding villages regularly supplemented their income by casual hawking in the town. Each village seems to have specialised in what it sold. Women from the villages near", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213130, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "180\n\nthe town would bring baskets of vegetables to sell retail on street in Wang Tau Street. Some sold their vegetables at Yim Liu Ha - even before the hawkers started to migrate across the frontier there was some trading here. The saltworkers had no fields, and had to buy all their food - since there was about 100 of them, this represented quite a market. Usually, those villagers trading vegetables with the saltworkers at Yim Liu Ha would exchange their vegetables for salt, which they then hawked around the villages away from the market. One or two villages specialised in this vegetables and salt trade. Yet others specialised in exchanging vegetables for fish (usually the poorer quality, or broken, fish), which they then hawked around villages away from the market.\n\nThe villages further from the market found the vegetable trade difficult, and they usually did not take part in it. Their specialty was fuel. The villages near the market had cut all the trees in the vicinity of the village, except for the untouchable Fung Shui groves, long before, and they were seriously short of fuel as a consequence. The remote mountainside villages of the Shap Yeuk area, however, still had plenty of wood, but were usually short of cultivable land. The economy of these villages depended, essentially, on exchanging firewood for rice. Village women would leave these villages at day-break, carrying loads of about 75 catties of wood, cut and dried, and prepared to suit the particular needs of the specific market aimed at. The boat-people required wood cut into very small and even billets, to fit the tiny stoves on board their boats. The saltworkers needed wood cut to larger sizes to feed their furnaces and stoves. Individual villager or shopkeeper households needed wood cut to medium sizes. Individual fuel-selling villages tended to specialise in one or other of these markets. The best-placed fuel-selling villages, those whose wood reached the market first, tended to sell their wood in whole loads, 75 catties at a time. Those who reached the market later tended to have to sell their wood retail, catty by catty, originally in Wang Tau Street, later from the Railway Station forecourt. It was the custom that, if someone bought a whole load of wood, then the seller had to carry it all the way to the buyer's house, no matter how far from the market. Individual seller villages tended to develop a close relationship with individual buyer villages and households - often buyers would look out for sellers they knew, and order a load of fuel for the next market day. As with vegetables, so villagers who sold fuel to the saltworkers or fishermen sometimes exchanged their wood for salt or fish, which they then hawked through the villages away from the market.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213142, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "192\n\nensure that the saltfields there were in the same County as the rest of the salt commission Yin Tin (Yantian, 鹽田, \"The Salt Fields\") almost certainly got its name somewhen in this period However, areas under the control of a Salt Commissioner were often merely the salt-pans, and the adjacent village of the salt-workers, in pockets scattered along the coast, and the presence of a salt commission could co-exist with a totally undeveloped hinterland See Luo Hsiang-lin (羅香林), 香港前代史 一八四二年以前之香港及其對外交通, Xianggang Qiandaishi Yiqian Ernian Zhi Xianggang Ji Qi Duiwai Jiaotong, Hong Kong, 1959, translated as Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1841, but without the footnotes. Hong Kong, 1963], ch 1, n 5, 13, 12, ch 4, n 14 See also ch In 13 See also S Y Lin, \"Salt Manufacture in Hong Kong\", in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol 7, 1967, pp 138-151 (reprinted from The Hong Kong Naturalist, Vol X, No. 1, January 1940)\n\n4 See Luo Hsiang-lin, op cit, ch 3; SF Balfour, \"Hong Kong before the British Being a Local History of the Region of Hong Kong and the New Territories Before the British Occupation”, in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Vol 10. 1970, pp 134-179 (printed from Tien Hsia Monthly, Shanghai, Vols Hand 12, 1940, 1941), K M.A. Barnett, \"Hong Kong Before the Chinese, the Frame, the Puzzle, and the Missing Pieces\", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 4, 1964, pp. 42-67; Sung Hok-p'ang, \"Legends and Stories of the New Territories Tai Po, Part I”, in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 28, 1988, pp 70-76 (reprinted from The Hong Kong Naturalist, May, 1935)\n\n+\n\n6 The Gazetteer mentions pirates in the Mirs Bay area in 1571, 1590, 1641, 1647, 1648, 1664, and 1672, 1688 Gazetteer, ch 12, 1819 Gazetteer, ch 12, Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979, pp. 119-120, and see also 1819 Gazetteer ch 7, and ch 19, Chung Lap Pao edition, pp 80-81, and 154\n\n* The 1688 Gazetteer gives a list of villages in existence in the area in and before 1662 (1688 Gazetteer, ch 3) See the note at ff 13-15, which makes it clear that the villages are those of the period before the Coastal Evacuation of 1662-1668, and not those contemporary with the Gazetteer\n\nThe Provincial Governor and Magistrate urged on the returning families the need to get tenants or purchasers to take over land which could no longer be tilled by the descendants of the previous owners (see Luo Hsiang-lin, op cit pp. 145-149, n. 15, 19, 23 relating to dates on the 1710s and 1720s) Within the Mirs Bay area, at least the Lees of Wo Hang settled there in 1692 \"on the [official] order to reclaim land\", see D Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1986, p 217, n 22 There is at least one case where a lineage abandoned land east of the mountains, to concentrate themselves in the more sheltered west The name of the village of Man Uk Pin, \"The Houses of the Man Family\") makes it clear that it was once lived in by the Man family That family, however, is now found only in Ta Kwu Ling, to the west, at Ping Che, Tong Fong, and Heung Yuen villages When the present inhabitants of Man Uk Pin, the Chung (鍾) lineage settled there in about 1700, it was deserted - clearly in his case a lineage had concentrated on its best lands to the west, and abandoned the marginal Mirs Bay land to newcomers\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213165, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "215\n\nTAKING A GODSON\n\nDAN WATERS\n\nOne June Sunday evening, in 1995, I attended a ceremony at a restaurant in Tonnochy Road, Wanchai, at which a childless couple (the wife has a daughter by a previous marriage) adopted (kai zi), Chinese style, a 28-year-old ‘godson'. The first ceremony of this kind that I went to took place in a private home, when a girl of 19, for whom the foster mother had great affection, was adopted. Presents brought to the foster parent's house on that occasion, by her real parents in 1966, included a live chicken.\n\nAmong traditional Chinese it is important for a couple to have a son to offer sacrifices, to worship the departed and to carry on the family line. Without a son, one cannot die in peace. If you do not have one you can adopt one. Not infrequently, if two families want to strengthen the friendship existing between them, then one couple may kai an offspring from the other family. On such occasions, Chinese speak of yuan fen (緣分), meaning ‘predestined connections”.\n\nAncient custom had it that there was no distinction between an adopted and a natural son. An adopted boy could not be disinherited except for offences which would apply to a natural son. On the death of his foster parents an adopted son mourned as for the death of his natural parents, although J. Dyer Ball, in Things Chinese (1903), says the adopted son need only go into ‘half mourning'. Ball also maintains that five per cent of Chinese families adopt children, 70 per cent of whom are male. A large number of Hong Kong Chinese families adopt children today.\n\nAlthough these adoptions are supposed to be permanent, come what may, I myself know of cases where relationships have been severed. For example, because of the alleged misconduct of the foster child.\n\nBut back to the case study in Wanchai. At that gathering in the restaurant there were four standard, Chinese, round tables, meaning that approximately 48 people, comprising relatives and friends, attended. A ‘good day' had been chosen according to the Chinese almanac. The ceremony of ‘adopting' commenced with a speech by godmother (kai neung ah).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213175, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "225\n\nHobber, Dorothy and Thomas, The Chinese American Family Album, New York, Oxford University Press, 1994.\n\nThe idea of having actual Chinese Americans put down their own experiences and impressions in their own words is an admirable concept, and the photographs reproduced in this book are magnificent indeed. Unfortunately, the text is a disappointment. Readers are assured by the publicity blurb that the authors have written more than 50 books, but it is clear that they are brand new to the field of the Chinese in America. The book is so full of inexactitudes that one reader, at least, could not venture beyond the first page without losing his self-control. Aside from attributing the cause for the practice of drowning female infants to the fighting between Punti and Hakka, the spelling of such words as litchée (page 10) and gooma and mut jay (page 14) boggles the mind and renders their meanings incomprehensible. There are also outright factual errors, such as noting Yang Chen-ning, the Nobel laureate physicist as Wang Chen-ning (page 107). There is no need to add that it was completely beyond the author's store of information to include the information that Dr. Yang's father also received his doctorate from the University of Chicago. Hopefully the publisher will ask someone knowledgeable to wield a blue pen before reprinting this otherwise worthwhile volume.\n\nKleiner, Robert, Chinese Snuff Bottles, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1994.\n\nThe author introduces the genre of snuff bottles of Qing dynasty China to the readers in this volume of the Oxford Images of Asia series. He discusses the nature of the materials of the snuff bottles as well as the craftsmanship of painters who decorated the insides of the bottles. Himself a collector, Kleiner writes with enthusiasm which readers may find infectious. There are, however, some unfortunate errors which could have been avoided had the editing been accomplished with a little more care. Romanization presented a problem for Kleiner and the editor, while traditional systems of transliterating Chinese characters were totally ignored. It is understandable when Chinese characters are omitted to save production cost, but this book was printed in bi-lingual Hong Kong. Still, this inattention would have been easier to forgive had the photographs of the snuff bottles' reign-marks been placed right side up.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213176, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "226\n\nPaludan, Ann, Chinese Tomb Figurines, Hong Kong and Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994.\n\nThere is no need to have a trained eye or any knowledge of Chinese aesthetics to appreciate tomb figures as they are shown by Ann Paludan. She describes two types of figurines found in ancient Chinese tombs of the Pre-Han era to the end of the Tang dynasty in chronological order - those made of clay and those of stone. Among the figures reproduced in the book are mounted horsemen; acrobats and musicians; jesters and storytellers; houses for humans and a sty for pigs; and, above all, the ubiquitous 'fat lady' of the Tang dynasty. As they peruse these pages, readers will encounter colour, pageantry, glorious ceremonies, and mundane everyday happenings. They will not find any sadness associated with death, but a great deal of humour suited to eternity.\n\nPostiglione, Gerard A. and Julian Y.M. Leung, eds, Education and Society in Hong Kong: Toward One Country and Two Systems, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1992 (1994 reprint).\n\nOne of a series entitled Hong Kong Becoming China: the Transition to 1997, this volume, comprising 13 essays, focuses on education and society in Hong Kong. The key word here is education, not society. The essays have been divided into five categories, as a glance at the table of contents will reveal. Non-specialist readers will find certain subjects more appealing than others. For instance, the decolonization of Hong Kong education should be more welcome reading than the allocation of secondary school places in the territory or listings of entire syllabi of courses taught in Hong Kong from 1972 to 1989.\n\nWen, Betty, and Elizabeth Lee, Cultural Shock: Hong Kong, Singapore: Times Publications, 1995.\n\nThe Hong Kong title of the Cultural Shock series, this information-packed and wittily written volume provides new residents and interested visitors to Hong Kong with considerably more than a cultural guide. The text includes an account of the territory's history, its people, traditions, customs, and life-styles. The authors' masterly reading of the Hong Kong characteristics and hilarious comments on work and leisure are further enhanced by Trigg's cartoons. In addition, there is a helpful section comprising a list of public holidays in Hong Kong, a chronology, a cultural quiz, and suggested reading.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213178, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "228 \n\nAnd what a worthwhile effort it is! Shoza gave a detailed account and clear analysis of the nature of the Chinese and the significant roles they played in Southeast Asia, their reasons for migration, and, even more importantly, their progress from being indigent coolies to the wealthiest element of the community, controlling all aspects of agriculture, mining trade and finance, from production to distribution.\n\nIt may be superfluous to state here that at the time of Shoza's writing, the mid-1930s, the world was still in the throes of a wide-spread economic depression. With the exception of what we know as Thailand today, Southeast Asia had comprised European colonies, thus any study of local economies had to take into consideration the colonial powers. As a rule, colonial powers adopted oppressive measures against the Chinese in their colonies. Readers need to keep in mind also that place names were also different from what they are today as they peruse the work,\n\nStill, the significance of the Chinese to local economies cannot be over-emphasised. By the 1930s, a poor Chinese in Southeast Asia was rare, Shoza avers. The growth of the Chinese economic power was due to a constant process of individual adaptations to changing market opportunities concluded Shoza, putting aside traditional reasons given for Chinese successes as the cultural trait of hard-work and parsimonious living.\n\nIt would be irresponsible for a reviewer not to point out that the author was a Japanese research scholar and that his intended readership was Japanese, therefore the book was written from a standpoint of Chinese intent on economic aggression in Southeast Asia. Shoza's statistics may be dated, observations he made are valid still more three score years later. 'The economy of the Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia, controlling the economic life of the natives, is a grand spectacle within the East Asian economy' (Chapter 9),\n\n++\n\nPolitically, the ethnic Chinese population in Southeast Asia today no longer need to worry about local citizenship as they did in the 1930s, but their relationship with the native population, like that between the Southeast Asian countries and the People's Republic of China is still of concern at the end of the 1990s.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213188, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "Visits:\n\nYin Tin Tsa, Sai Kung for annual Roman Catholic Church festival\n\n1994\n\n16 April\n\nPo For Island\n\n1 May\n\n16 July\n\n20 September\n\n21 September\n\n5 November\n\n26 November\n\n3 December\n\n10 December\n\nMa Po Marshes with shump supper (repeated in September)\n\nTai Hang Fire Dragon Dance\n\nMonkey God Festival at Sau Mau Ping\n\nSwire Institute of Marine Science, Cape D'Aguilar Tung Lung Island\n\nHK Zoological and Botanical Gardens\n\nExhibition of Contemporary Chinese Oil Paintings - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University\n\n17 December\n\nShing Mun Redoubt\n\n1995\n\n18 February\n\nSai Ying Pun Guided Walk\n\n4 March\n\nLei Yue Mun Headland\n\nVisits outside Hong Kong:\n\n1994\n\nOctober\n\n1995\n\nNorth Vietnam\n\nMarch\n\nTemples of South Taiwan\n\nOf course we must also thank all those who took time to lecture to us and let me read out a list of those\n\nLectures:\n\n1994\n\n15 April\n\nGreat Monuments of India. Dr. Shobita Punja\n\n13 May\n\n20 May\n\n17 June\n\nTurbans and Traders HK's Indian Communities Ms Barbara-Sue White\n\nTo the Farthest Port of the Rich East Salem's China Trade and the East India Marine Society Mr William Sargent\n\nPregnancy and Childbirth in Hong Kong Ms Diana Martin", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213191, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "now no longer on the second floor of the Murray Road Car Park and last month some of the more important records were placed in a special room in the Central Government Offices West Wing and these are accessible to members of the public. The other records have been placed in Tuen Mun in, I believe, reasonable surroundings. However, more importantly it has been reported that the Government has agreed to build a special purpose building for Public Records in Kwun Tong. This is very good news even though the building is unlikely to be completed for another two or three years. I should again like to thank all those who helped in this campaign. One of the incidental results of the move of the Public Records is that the Society's stock of journals which were there (rather surreptitiously I may add) is now temporarily (I hope) stored in the library of The Chinese University of Hong Kong. And in this connection I hope you will have a good look and buy some of these back journals at the back of the room,\n\nPublications, visits, lectures and other educational activities are the ingredients of the Society and what makes it move. However none of these can work well unless there is a satisfactory administration to back it up. The Society has been fortunate in the people who help in this direction. We have our Treasurer, Mr. Robert Nield, who helps us (even orders us!) to keep on the right financial track; he will tell us later that the Society's finances are in reasonable shape and we will not need to raise our subscriptions in January 1996, but may well need to do so in January 1997. Our Secretary, Mr. David Sheil keeps us in order at our Committee meetings and even from his Lamma outpost. Our Assistant Secretaries - you will note I have said Secretaries rather than Secretary, because we have had two in the last year. Mrs. Sharon Bruce who served in this capacity for eight years did a splendid job - her sympathetic listening and quiet efficiency served the Society extraordinarily well. Unfortunately she left in December and her position has been taken over by Mr. Martin Barnett. We welcome him; he promises to professionalise us, but not, I hasten to add, too much. He has already put our membership records on computer thereby giving us more information on the profile of our members than we ever had in the past.\n\nLastly, I think it would be useful to give some thought for the future. The Society by nature caters very much for the local amateur and professional academic interested in local affairs covering a wide range of interests, from political and social history, anthropological matters, archaeology, architecture, geography, and many other matters which stimulate the mind. This is how it should be. However, we cannot be\n\nXI1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213204, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "As a chartered monopoly the East India Company had the right to exclude British subjects who were not members of the company from residing permanently in China. Their presence was tolerated for only the few months of the trading season. Consuls representing a foreign country could claim exemption from this rule. In 1783, John Reed was commissioned as head of the Austrian Imperial Factory at Canton - the trading establishments were called factories. He had been born in Britain but subsequently became a naturalised subject of the Austrian Emperor. Another Englishman, a subject of Austria, arrived in Canton in 1787, carrying a certificate of naturalisation from Austria. There was, however, a dispute about the national status of Edward Watts and the British East India Company demanded he leave at the end of the trading season, but he stayed on for several more years ignoring the attempt to get rid of him.\n\nDaniel Beale, a British subject who had been in the employ of the East India Company, in 1787 was appointed the Prussian Consul at Canton. This post was held by subsequent partners of the firm of which Beale was a member. The firm eventually became Jardine, Matheson and Co. The present Rua Pedro Nolasco da Silva in Macao is called by Chinese Bak Ma Lo, or in translation White Horse Road. Father Manuel Teixeira, the Macao historian, states that the white horse was on the Prussian flag which flew over what was then No. 1 Rua Hospital, a building occupied by Jardines for some years.\n\nIn the lists of residents on the China coast published in the Chinese Repository and the Anglo-Chinese Commercial Directory, the first name I have identified as German is Edmund Mueller in 1835. He was from Hamburg but arrived at Canton from Manila. He became the editor of the Canton Press, holding this position from 1836 to 1844. In the latter year he went into trade at Macao. He appears to have left China by 1847.\n\nGustav Christian Schwabe is listed as a German residing at Canton in 1837. He had arrived from Calcutta in November 1836 and sailed for Manila in October 1837. The firm of Sykes, Schwabe and Co, which later became Boustead and Co., had its head office at Liverpool with overseas branches at Singapore, Manila and Canton. Mr. Schwabe was manager of the Liverpool office from 1845 to 1853. He then returned to China to head the firm of G.C. Schwabe and Co. at Shanghai. This firm was dissolved by lapse of time in 1859 and was succeeded by Bower, Hanbury and Co, Shanghai.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 } ]