[
    {
        "id": 204257,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n22\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nOne of the three best songsters in the Colony is, rather surprisingly, the Rufous-backed Shrike, a common resident. It has an interesting ‘melanistic’ or black variant which can often be seen and is known locally as the Dusky Shrike. One or two races of the Brown Shrike may be frequently observed on passage. They are much smaller than the Rufous-backed Shrike and are rather dull in plumage.\n\nA beautiful summer visitor is the Black-naped Oriole, which breeds on Hong Kong Island, near Tai Po, and in Fanling. Its black and gold plumage is a brilliant sight flashing amongst the trees and its flutey whistle is distinctive.\n\nTwo kinds of drongo are summer visitors to the Colony; the Black Drongo, mainly found nesting on Stonecutters Island with a very few pairs elsewhere; and the Hair-crested Drongo, which is much more widespread although not at all common. These two can be distinguished by looking for the spangled plumage and upturned tail-feathers of the Hair-crested Drongo.\n\nThe Chinese Starling is a local summer visitor that appears to have almost died out on Hong Kong Island, where it used to be widespread. The Black-necked Starling nests locally in the northern New Territories, frequently in electric pylons. The Crested Mynah is common and widespread (the little tuft at the base of the bill gives it its name) and the Common Mynah is resident, but confined to a very small area bordering the Ping Shan marshes.\n\nConsidered by many to be the Colony's most beautiful bird, the Blue Magpie unfortunately does not have a nature matching its looks. With its striking blue, black and white plumage and extraordinarily long tail, it is a pity that it must rank with its cousin, the Common Magpie, as the Number One predator on eggs and young birds. Both magpies are residents, and quite numerous locally. The Jungle Crow may be seen all the year round on Hong Kong Island and near Tai Po, but nesting has rarely been proved. This all-black crow has a more attractive relative in the Collared Crow, nicknamed the ‘Parson Crow’ from its white collar. It also is a rare resident, but both species have their numbers augmented by winter visitors.\n\nThe backbone and mainstay of the Colony's bird population are undoubtedly the bulbuls, and the three resident species may be counted on to appear when nothing else does. The Crested Bulbul is a bird of gardens and village woods, most attractive with its spiky top-knot. The Chinese Bulbul is abundant; indeed it cannot be avoided. The Red-vented Bulbul, a rather cheerful-sounding bird, prefers the more open country, especially hillsides.\n\nThe Black-faced Laughing-thrush is a common bird throughout the Colony and its nickname of ‘Seven Sisters’ is due to its tendency to move around in a noisy family party. It has a rare",
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    {
        "id": 204258,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 26,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n23\n\nrelative, the Black-throated Laughing-thrush, which is confined to Hong Kong Island and is a handsome bird of black and grey with white cheeks. Not so rare but still uncommon is another relative, the Hwamei. This name means 'Painted Eyebrows', a tribute to the most distinctive part of its plumage, but more than anything the Hwamei is famed for its voice. To hear a chorus of these birds almost any evening of the year, their song rather like that of the European Song Thrush, is an unforgettable experience, and the pity is that this species is only really well known on Hong Kong Island, being very local elsewhere.\n\nOne of the most charming families of birds to be seen in the Colony is that of the flycatchers, none of which actually breed here, but either pass through on migration or spend the winter. The variety of plumage is quite bewildering and some of the more exotic species, like the Paradise Flycatcher with its eight inches of tail, the black-and-lemon coloured Narcissus and Tricolour Flycatchers, the malachite-green Verditer Flycatcher, the Blue-and-White Flycatcher, and the Robin and Red-breasted Flycatchers are quite eye-catching and endearing to watch as they fly out from a favourite perch to snap at a passing insect.\n\nSimilarly, the great family of warblers is poorly represented by resident species, although many hundreds of migrants pass through or perhaps stay for the winter. The Deep Bay marshes provide nesting cover for the Fantail Warbler, Yellow-bellied and Brown Wren-warblers, whilst the Tailor-bird, with its neatly-sewn leaf house, breeds commonly all over the Colony. Probably no more than one or two pairs of David's Hill-warbler may nest near the top of Tai Mo Shan. Such permanent residents are far outnumbered by the winter visitors, like the Dusky, Pallas's and Yellow-browed Warblers, and the migrants, like the Arctic Warbler and Great Reed-warbler.\n\nOf the smaller thrushes, the Magpie-robin is the only resident, and is common all over the Colony. It is the third of our trio of fine songsters and with its smart pied plumage is an attractive addition to the list. But there are several more chats which are quite common in winter; the Rubythroat, Red-flanked Bluetail, and Daurian Redstart (all described by their names), the Stonechat all over the marshes and paddy-fields, and the Bluethroat on passage near Deep Bay. Among the larger thrushes the Violet Whistling Thrush is the only resident and may be found near most of the watercourses throughout the Colony, from The Peak and Tai Mo Shan down to sea-level. It has a very pretty habit of fanning its tail at rest. Many other thrushes come to the woods of Hong Kong in winter, but are usually shy and difficult to see. The Blackbird is quite common as are the Grey-backed and Grey Thrushes. On the rocky coastline both the Blue and the Red-bellied Rock-thrushes may frequently be seen.",
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    {
        "id": 204259,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 27,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n24\n\nThe Great Tit, the same bird that is found in Europe although with much less yellow coloration, is a common resident throughout Hong Kong.\n\nThe Upland Pipit is the only resident member of this family, and it may be found only near the tops of some of our highest mountains, singing a very plaintive song. But Richard's Pipit is represented by one race which spends the summer here, nesting quite widely, and a race which is a common migrant and winter visitor. Both the Indian Tree-pipit and the Red-throated Pipit are often seen in the colder months, although the latter is usually confined to the lower, more marshy areas.\n\nThe Forest Wagtail is a relatively rare, but attractive passage migrant to wooded parts. Its plumage makes it look as though it had a football jersey on. 'Pied' Wagtails are very common in winter, and in fact have a large roost near the Law Courts in Victoria. The Grey Wagtail is also common in winter, but the three kinds of Yellow Wagtail are rarely seen except in the Deep Bay marshes and then only as migrants and during the winter months.\n\nA lovely bird discovered breeding in the Colony for the first time only in 1959 is the Fork-tailed Sunbird. It may be seen in Tai Po Kau and with luck in the University grounds all the year round, an iridescent sheen of green on its upper parts glistening when the sun catches it. Its close but far more common relative, the White-eye, may be found everywhere, often causing confusion of identity when seen in silhouette or brief glimpse. The Scarlet-backed Flowerpecker, perfectly described by its name, is resident, but very local, being found regularly only in the north-eastern New Territories.\n\nA winter visitor to many woods in the Colony is the Lesser Black-tailed Hawfinch, with its large, bright yellow bill, black head and prominent white markings in flight. The Chinese Greenfinch, a dully grey-green bird at rest, has a lovely gold wing-bar which shows up well in flight. It is a fairly common resident in many areas.\n\nThe buntings are a very difficult tribe to study in Hong Kong, for those that are found here are exceptionally shy. Only the Crested Bunting, with its smart plumage of black and chestnut, nests on the hillsides in the New Territories, but the Masked and Grey-headed Buntings are quite common in winter, and the Little Bunting a little less so. The Yellow-breasted Bunting, the 'rice-bird' of gourmets, is an abundant autumn visitor to the Deep Bay marshes and occasionally is seen also in spring.\n\nThe common sparrow of Hong Kong is the Tree-sparrow. It has all the habits of the Cockney Sparrer, unlike the Tree-sparrow found in England although it is the same species. The Spotted",
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    {
        "id": 204311,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 79,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n75\n\nwith the worship of the Pole Star and with astrology. These can be found in the Tao Tsang (Two Collections of Taoist Literature). To identify him with the Vaisravana of popular legends was advantageous both to the Buddhists and Taoists.\n\nIt has been said that Vaisravana helped the Emperor T'ai Tsung during the war which led to the founding of the T'ang dynasty. But in some Tantric texts, the story is dated in the year A.D. 742 (the 1st year of Tien Pao in the reign of Hsuan Tsung). When the city of An-si (2) was besieged by the troops of five states including Tashkend and Samarkand, Vaisravana appeared above the tower of the city-gate with his celestial soldiers and defeated the invading troops. The sutra reads,\n\nIt was in the 1st year of T'ien Pao, the cyclic year being Jên-wu (4), when the city of An-si in Kansu was besieged by the troops of five states, Tashkend, Samarkand ... (five characters missing in the text). On the 11th day of the second month the commander of the city sent a petition for reinforcements. The Emperor told the Monk I-hsing (一行), “An-si is twelve thousand li away from our capital and it would take eight months for our reinforcements to reach there. I am afraid the city will fall.\" I-hsing said, \"Why does Your Majesty not supplicate the celestial soldiers of Vaisravana, the heavenly king of the North, for help?\" \"How do I get his help?\" the Emperor inquired. I-hsing said, \"Your Majesty need only summon the foreign priest Amogha and he will do everything.\" Amogha was summoned and said, \"Your Majesty sent for me. Is it not because the city of An-si is besieged by the troops of five states?\" The Emperor answered, “Yes.” Amogha said, \"Bring your urn and follow me to the place of worship and I will supplicate the celestial soldiers of Vaisravana the heavenly king of the North to rescue the city from danger.\" Hardly had he finished chanting his spells for the fourteenth time when the Emperor saw celestial soldiers clad in armour standing in front of the hall. \"Who are they?\" the Emperor asked. \"Tu Chien (毘建), the second son of Vaisravana, who is leading the celestial troops to An-si, has come to say farewell.\" The Emperor gave them food and dispatched them. In the fourth month the commander of An-si reported again, “On the 11th\n\n13 Li Ching's name appears in the Tao-chiao Hsiang-ch'êng Tzu-ti Lu *(道教相承次第録 \"Order of Taoist Teaching\") in Yün-chi Ch'i-ch'ien (雲笈七籤)(XL). chüan 4. In the Tao Tsang (道藏), Tung-shên Pu (洞神部)(1), Fang-fa Lei (方法類)(5) T'ien-lao Shên-kuang Ching *(天老神光經) is attributed to him.",
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    {
        "id": 204336,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 104,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n100\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nThe atomization of the Sangha in Hong Kong, as in China proper, has caused a wide variation in the quality of institutions. One monastery, for example, is little better than a public house. It has a restaurant that serves wine; the sound of mahjong drowns out the crickets on summer evenings; there are ping pong tables in the monastery garden; rooms are available; and the abbot (if one can call him that) is said to have originally joined the Sangha in China to escape criminal prosecution. In another, not entirely dissimilar monastery, the abbot is unable to read and write. Yet in both cases, there is a Buddha Hall and worship is carried on. These are two of the monasteries most often visited by tourists.\n\nOn the other hand, there are some institutions that really do credit to Chinese Buddhism. The members study the doctrine and, in many cases, do admirable welfare work, as we shall see below. The Vinaya is observed. The premises are well kept. There is an atmosphere that can make even the casual visitor think of taking refuge there from the dust of the world. The best example is probably the Po Lin Tsz on Lantao.\n\nMost Hong Kong monasteries are in the New Territories, built on hillsides, often with a fine view. They usually have an extensive set of buildings, capable of accommodating a much larger number of persons than are actually in residence (a reminder of greater prosperity in times past). Nuns and lay women devotees may be found in the same institution, living and worshipping separately from the monks. One reason for this type of \"co-educational\" arrangement is that only monks can be dharma masters, qualified to teach. In a nunnery, therefore, disciples must await their occasional visits.\n\nThe largest of the Colony's monasteries is the Tung Po Toh* in Tsuen Wan, which has about 40 monks, 60 nuns and 30 lay women. The Chuk Lam Shim Yuen, also in Tsuen Wan, has 20 monks, 30 nuns, and 100 lay women. On the other hand, another of Tsuen Wan's well-known institutions, the Wang Faat Tsing She, has monks only, ten in number. These figures are representative for the Colony's larger monasteries. Actually, the only other large monastery is the Po Lin Tsz, which has 30 monks, 20 nuns, and 50 lay women.*\n\n* All these figures are approximate, partly because there is a certain amount of coming and going and partly because of the feeling on the part of informants that a round number is adequate\n\nThe internal organization of Hong Kong monasteries (and the same would apply to nunneries) is generally as follows. All authority rests in the hands of the abbot. Under him there are, theoretically, four departments in charge of",
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    {
        "id": 204338,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 106,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n102\n\n: \n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nBesides the nine large monasteries and ten large nunneries in the Colony there are several other categories of institutions that are, in fact, far more numerous. In the urban areas, for example, there are small business establishments that go under the name of monasteries or nunneries, but are actually funeral specialists. They are summoned by the families of the deceased to perform the necessary rites at the coffin for one to seven days. They burn incense, offer sacrifices of food, read sutras, employ esoteric mantras and mudras, and (theoretically) concentrate their minds on the joint tasks of saving the soul from hell and saving the household from the soul (who may have become an unquiet ghost). Except for Christians and Muslims, most traditionally minded Chinese in Hong Kong consider that such funeral services are appropriate in the case of the death of one of their relatives, though many people, of course, die without the benefit of any funeral service at all, either because their families cannot afford it or do not care—or because they have no families. The funeral specialists wear monastic robes when \"on duty\", but they are not, in fact, ordained and they lead a secular life. Persons who have money or are strongly Buddhist usually prefer to have funeral services performed by monks from one of the Colony's monasteries, but this is more expensive: a donation of HK$30 a day for each monk is considered suitable. The funeral specialists only ask for a third as much. Usually theirs is a family business, handed down from father to son, in which perhaps half a dozen people participate—mostly members of the family. There are perhaps 15 to 20 such institutions in Hong Kong and Kowloon.\n\nAnother type of institution found in urban areas is the study centre, where services are held and instruction is offered to laymen by one or more ordained monks. Examples would be the To Ts'z Fat She30 in Kennedy Town and the Buddhist Lecture Hall of Abbot To Lun in Happy Valley (where greater emphasis is placed on contact with foreigners). Perhaps the best known is the Ching Kok Lotus AssociationEH, founded in 1950 by the Reverend Kok Kwong. It holds Pure Land services every Saturday, attended by about a hundred people, and occasional dharma meetings to receive instruction by eminent Buddhist teachers from Hong Kong and abroad. Kok Kwong, who is also one of the directors of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association (see below), has recently established a Buddhist monthly, Buddhism in Hong Kong, the first issue of which was dated June 1, 1960. It contains both doctrinal articles and items of local Buddhist news and history.\n\nMembers of the Sangha also operate two libraries. One is the Hong Kong Buddhist Library, Boundary Street, Kowloon, established in 1957. It has a collection of over 10,000 volumes",
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    {
        "id": 204357,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 125,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n121\n\non the male relatives, can be got round by omitting pregnant wives from the ceremony. There is also a belief that exhumation should not take place during the years on which fall the 51st, 61st, 71st and other such birthdays of the male head of the family.\n\nIn Chinese public cemeteries, the same principle of exhumation is practised. At the end of each year, the particular coffin section where burials have been taking place is closed and left untouched for five years. At the end of that time, an official notice of intention to clear graves is published, giving relatives six months in which to exhume remains privately and re-inter them in the urn section. Any remains not exhumed privately on the expiry of the period of notice are then exhumed by Government and the remains re-interred in an urn section. The cleared coffin section is then eventually used again for coffin burials.\n\nApplying equally to urban and New Territories burials are the two important grave worshipping festivals of Ching Ming (105 days after the winter solstice, i.e. either 5th or 6th of April) and Chung Yeung (9th day of the 9th moon, i.e. in October). The first is the more important. The second was originally not a grave-worshipping festival at all, but an occasion for climbing to the top of a mountain to avoid evil spirits. Since so many graves are situated on hills, the practice of combining the hill climb with an opportunity of worshipping at graves has been developed.\n\nStrict Cantonese belief also requires that, at ch'un she (#1), which falls annually about two weeks before the Ching Ming festival, relatives should pay their respects to persons who have died within the past year. This ceremony usually takes place at home and its participants are restricted to older persons.\n\nAt the Ching Ming and Chung Yeung festivals, it is customary for whole families to make an outing to their relatives' graves. There, offerings of pork, fruit and flowers are presented; incense and candles burnt; prayers offered; crackers let off. Minor repairs to the graves may be carried out and undergrowth cut back. Coffin graves in the New Territories may be marked with lime at the end and all types of graves usually have a piece of red paper and another piece of white paper underneath the red, tucked under a stone beside them. Exhumations will often be carried out at the Ching Ming festival. At the Tung Wah coffin repository, caskets of remains are opened and the bones spread out to air on sheets of paper.\n\nChinese believe that the spirit of a person leaves the body on death. In Hong Kong the general belief is that it descends into hell where the judge decides on the basis of the earthly merits of the deceased whether it may be allowed to return to earth by reincarnation as a child or, if very evil, as an animal. The main fear of the dead consists rather of the belief that to",
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    {
        "id": 204358,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 126,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n122\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\ntouch the dead is to run the risk of becoming infected by an aura of ill-luck (sz yan fung) whereby all the misfortunes of the deceased will be transmitted.\n\nAmongst fishermen fear of the dead and of ill-luck is particularly pronounced. At Tai O on the north-western end of Lantau, fisherfolk on their death bed may be taken from their boats to die in a special house maintained for the purpose near the cemetery.\n\nDuring funeral processions in both the urban areas and the New Territories it is the practice to scatter different types of paper, representing money, along the route to the burial ground, particularly at cross-roads where traditionally malevolent spirits tend to congregate. It is hoped that in the confusion caused by the evil spirits grabbing the money the spirit of the deceased will be able to pass unscathed. The remainder of the paper money thrown out at points other than cross-roads is for the use of the spirit of the deceased in making his way back to his home three days after death (saam ch'iu ooi wan). In many homes, a corner in a hall or passage may be reserved for a tablet and memorial, to house the spirit on its return to the home. This return of the spirit may at first sight be difficult to reconcile with the belief that the spirit descends into hell. The answer is that according to Chinese belief each dead person has a number of spirits. The descent of one of these spirits into hell is often assisted at the burial by the scattering and burning of specially printed hell bank notes (meng t'ung chí paî), together with paper effigies of clothes, suit-cases, motor cars, steam ships, aeroplanes, etc., often of most elaborate and detailed construction.\n\nThe impact of crowded living conditions, economy and improved public health have had their gradual effect in changing the pattern of Hong Kong burial custom. Except for paupers, by far the greater proportion of Chinese dead from the urban areas (numbering some 10,000) are now buried in the public cemetery at Wo Hop Shek, near Fan Ling in the New Territories. Coffins may be conveyed by rail from Kowloon daily as a service included within the burial fees that are $5 or $15 according to size of coffin. Only some 20% of the coffins are carried to the cemetery by private hearses at the expense of the relatives. Of the balance brought by rail, not more than half are attended by relatives. It is obviously not possible in a public cemetery to site graves in accordance with individual interpretations of good fung shui. The fact that each coffin is simply allotted the next vacant space in the burial terrace is readily accepted, although it must be admitted that the majority of terraces are well up the hillside with a commanding view of distance and water. Similarly, when the routine six months' notice of intention to exhume remains from the coffin sections is given, it is unusual for relatives",
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        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "2\n\nflourished between 1858 and 1948 was more fortunate because it was able to draw on the services of a far wider group of people who came to work in China in the years after travel and residence there was no longer restricted. The present Society is luckier still because, thanks to air travel, we have been able to draw on an extremely wide range of contributors in the first two volumes of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nWhen examining the table of contents of the six volumes of Transactions published in Hong Kong between 1847 and 1859, one sees the titles of several articles which it would be most interesting to read if copies of these volumes were available in Hong Kong. For example, in Volume III Harry Parkes, at that time British Consul in Canton, and later British Minister at Peking, described proceedings in a criminal Court at Canton, while Dr. Bowring contributed an article “On the Character and Writings of Commissioner Lin Tsih-seu”, which at that time (1851) was still very recent history. In Volume VI (1859) Dr. D. J. Macgowan wrote on Chinese opium while the Rev. Krone contributed “A notice of the Sanon district *”. This is of particular interest since the Sanon district included all of what later became the New Territories. The full list of contents of each of these volumes can be found in Bibliotheca Sinica by Henri Cordier, Volume IV, columns 2401-2.\n\n44\n\nBy way of contrast it is interesting to consider the contents of the first two volumes of the Journal of the revived Hong Kong Branch of the R.A.S. published in 1961 and 1962. Perhaps the first point which strikes one is the wider range of subject matter covered by these two volumes. In Volume I, Mr. Hugh Richardson, the last head of the British mission at Lhasa wrote on Tibet as it was, and Professor Drake reviewed the whole field of Western contacts with Asia. In Volume II Mr. Evan Luard's newly published book Britain and China, which covers the story of recent Sino-British relations, is the subject of a review-article by Mrs. Colina Lupton. Another noteworthy point is the number of admirable contributions from Chinese scholars in these two volumes. The six volumes of Transactions published between\n\n* Although I have made extensive enquiries I have been unable to locate copies of the Transactions in Hong Kong. The City Hall Library ought to have a set. (Ed.)",
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        "page_number": 50,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "THE BUDDHIST CAREER\n\n+4\n\n41\n\nthey had a relative in the Sangha, an older brother or uncle whom they admired and who urged them to follow in his footsteps. Perhaps they had accompanied their mother when she went to the monastery to worship. They had played in the courtyard and had been impressed by the vast buildings, which were so much finer than the house they lived in. The monks were especially nice to children and told them stories that stimulated their interest in Buddhism. But the reason most often given for entering monastery life is that it was so peaceful ch'ing-ching \" I am not sure yet what is really meant by this, but we should remember that China has been in a turmoil for a century now, during most of which the individual's future has looked rather uncertain. The monastery has offered the hope of a kind of serenity not available elsewhere and it would appear that, although they were young, these people already wanted serenity. In any case, we should not accept the thesis of many Confucian scholars and Christian missionaries that the priesthood was a universally despised profession. This was true in some parts of China, but in other areas monks were much respected. In northern Kiangsu province, for example, it was done to become a monk and there was usually one in every family with three or four sons.\n\nLA\n\nto\n\nIn the last category, we have those who “left home\" in middle age, many of whom had had a lifelong interest in Buddhism. Now they wanted to work harder at religious exercises under optimum conditions, without interruptions and without the demands of family life. Therefore, they turned their backs on wife and offspring.\n\nAll three categories (those who became monks as children, in their youth, and in middle age) came from varying backgrounds. Some were rich, some were poor. Some of those in their twenties were university graduates. Some of the older ones had been successful businessmen, officials, or army officers. One cannot generalize, and I think it is a mistake to believe that most Chinese monks entered the monastery to escape from hunger or from some personal disappointment. This was, of course, the case with many. They were usually the ones who, after the ordination, went back to the small temples where they had trained and led lives of varying sanctity. Those who were more serious and more religiously motivated entered the Meditation Hall, either",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204419,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 51,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "42\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nof the ordaining monastery or some other monastery, and they were supposed to spend the next five years in meditation and study. This was the first stage of their career as monks.\n\nLife in the Meditation Hall was strict. One slept only five hours a night and meditated about ten hours a day. Rising was at 3.00 a.m. followed by an hour of morning prayers, then an hour's rest; breakfast was eaten before dawn; after it came four and a half hours of meditation. This meant sitting in the lotus position for forty minutes, then having a drink of tea, then twenty minutes circumambulating the altar, then going back to sit, then some more tea, more circumambulation, and so on. Circumambulation prevented the joints from getting stiff, but one had to keep on with mental exercises while doing it. It was not just a matter of walking about. Lunch came before noon and was followed by an hour's rest, two hours' meditation, an hour of afternoon prayers, supper at 5.30, and three and a half hours of meditation in the evening. At ten o'clock the monks went to bed. If one of them dozed during meditation the next morning, the monk on patrol, or hsün-hsiang w†, would tap him on the back. If he talked during meals, quarreled, or broke any of the other rules, he was beaten severely.\n\nThe daily schedule varied from monastery to monastery. Rising in the winter was later and retiring earlier (except during the so-called Meditation Weeks in autumn, when for up to forty-nine days one slept only two hours a night). But the schedule I have given is typical.\n\nSometimes I have asked monks whether they did not get bored meditating ten hours every day. They deny it vigorously. They say there was a programme, a method. For instance, one might be trying to find an answer to a standard question like \"What was my original face before I was born?\" The Instructor would come over and say: \"What are you looking at?\" If one replied, \"At the buddhas and bodhisattvas,\" he would say \"Where are the buddhas and bodhisattvas?\" One could not answer and was beaten. Then the Instructor would ask: \"Who is being beaten?\"\n\nI am afraid that the subject of methods of meditation is too large to embark on here. It is true, however, that many monks found themselves unable to master it, particularly Ch'an (Zen)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204437,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 69,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "58\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nmountainous regions of south China but also across the southern borders in Burma, Laos and Vietnam.\n\nThe Yao, like the Miao, also are mountain-loving people, but appear to have originated as ethnic groups in the hill country of east-central China, in such regions as the present provinces of Anhwei, Chekiang and Kiangsu. They were here as early as Chinese records mention them, but they appear to have gradually abandoned these areas, as Han-Chinese settlement increased in density, and friction over land and other matters led the Yao to seek more isolated mountains. Since they were like the Miao in their type of fire-field or forest-burning, shifting cultivation, they inevitably came into close contact with the Miao and have many cultural features in common with the Miao. Elements of the language also appear similar. Some Chinese ethnographers have considered the Wu-ch'i Man a Yao rather than a Miao group, and others believe them to have common origins. This confusion is probably due to strong Mon Khmer influences originating from India and Southeast Asia in the earliest times.\n\n4\n\nOne of the supporting arguments for the common origin of Yao and Miao is the common cult attached to the dog and the tiger. The Yao trace their ancestry mythically to the union of a princess with a supernatural dog-hero called P'an-hu. Yao myths trace their movement southward from both the central Yangtze valley regions and from the Chekiang-Fukien mountains. Folk songs of the Yao indicate further that they crossed over the Nan-ling mountains in great numbers during the period of Huang-ch'ao's rebellion in the reign of the T'ang Emperor Hsi-Tsung (A.D. 874-889),4\n\nWhen the Miao moved into the Kweichow region in the earliest times, they probably found the Yi or Wu-man peoples already in occupation of western Kweichow. The Yi certainly preceded the Han in this part of China, and the Han Chinese have known of the Yi in their present habitats in southwest China for over 2,500 years. The peculiar manner in which the\n\n* Chiang Ying-liang, Hsi-nan pien-chiang min-tsu lun-ts'ung (A discussion of the peoples of the southwest borderlands), Canton, 1948, 74-79; see also Ling Shun-sheng and Jui Yi-fu, Hsiang-hsi Miao-tsu t'iao-cha pao-kao (Report of research on the Miao of west Hunan), Academia Sinica, Shanghai, 1947.\n\n4 Hsu Sung-shih, Yueh-chiang liu-yü jen-min (The peoples of the Yueh river drainage), Shanghai, 1939, 130-135.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204455,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 87,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "76\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nThe New Territory comprised an estimated 376 square miles of hill and plain situated on the mainland of China and a number of offshore islands, large and small, some of which were inhabited and some were not. For the purpose of this article it is sufficient to say here that in 1898 it was primarily an agricultural district consisting of a few broad valleys and many pockets of farm land among the hills or at their foot, both on the mainland and on some of the larger islands, with a few market towns here and there. The emphasis was on agriculture, though there were a few small industries in operation. Village life was bounded by the two rice crops in summer and autumn and the winter season, when most land lay fallow; and by the occasional visit to the market town, often two or three hours away and over the hills, always on foot, and frequently laden with produce and livestock to sell or exchange.\n\n3\n\nIt goes almost without saying that this small slice of territory, only half the size of San On District which was one of the smaller administrative districts of the Kwangtung Province, and 1,500 miles from Peking, was an insignificant part of the Chinese Empire. However, despite its minute size and remoteness from the central provinces and the seat of government it was fundamentally Chinese and essentially Confucian in its component parts, two features which are worth emphasising. One of its former District Magistrates made an observation covering both these points in a Confucian discourse which he contributed to mark the restoration of a school at Kam Tin in 1744 when he wrote \"In this era of prosperity culture has spread to even this remote place near the sea. Here the Book of Poetry is read as early as sunrise\".4\n\nThe integrated life in which everything under Heaven has its place and plan is a recognisable feature of the Confucian code which was evolved and formulated in an agricultural society ever 2,500 years ago. A study of the daily life and background of New Territory people in 1898, which was also placed in an agricultural setting, though one based on the cultivation of rice and not of wheat, leaves me with the impression that the high degree of mental and environmental integration attainable within a Confucian framework had certainly been attained here. Life was lived generation after generation according to a set pattern. The disciplined life imposed upon an agricultural community",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204457,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 89,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "78\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nbeing made of blue or sun-dried bricks. The door posts and lintels are of dressed granite slabs with tiled roofs on rafters made of China fir. The floors are generally concreted, and frequently paved with red brick or with granite. Well built and handsomely decorated temples exist in all the important villages, and in many places large and expensively constructed buildings, in which the ancestral tablets are kept, were seen. As usual in China the streets are narrow and paved with large slabs of stone. Such drainage as exists is on the surface, underground drains never being used in Chinese villages.\n\nIn their surroundings and the generally peaceful life they led, everything conspired to make the people of the New Territory a conservative-minded and generally amenable body, and Lockhart said of them, \"Taken as a whole the inhabitants may be regarded as an industrious, frugal and well-behaved people\". It may be appropriate at this stage to mention who they were. He found 161 Punti or Cantonese villages with a population of some 64,000 persons and 255 Hakka villages, most of them smaller and more remote than the Cantonese ones, with a population of 36,000 people. He also mentions the boat people, of whose numbers he was unable to obtain an estimate. He does say, however, that they formed a class by themselves and were looked down upon by the land population.\n\nNeither Punti nor Hakka are native to the district or to the province. The former, says Lockhart, are supposed to have come from the provinces bordering on the south of the Yangtse river and made their way to South China during the early periods of Chinese history. They were firmly established in the south during the time of the Southern Sung dynasty (1127-1278) and, as he observes, it is a fact that most of the Punti inhabitants easily trace their descent from ancestors who were settled in the San On district in that period, or elsewhere in the Kwangtung province. The Hakka, or \"strangers\" as the term signifies, are, he says, supposed to be descended from the Mongols and to have reached the southern provinces when the Mongol dynasty was overthrown about the middle of the 14th century. They are regarded by the Punti as aliens, and speak a dialect quite distinct from the Cantonese. They are a hardy and frugal race and are generally found in the hill districts. As a rule, Cantonese and",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204484,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 116,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "EXCAVATIONS AT MAN KOK TSUI\n\n105\n\nrunning east to west watered by a small spring-fed stream, and is protected by rocky promontories and steep hillsides. The beaches are raised beaches. That is: behind the present-day beaches there are raised sandy terraces marking an old sea level. This geological feature is common on the western side of the Colony and is typical of the beaches where Neolithic remains have been found. At Man Kok Tsui the numerous surface finds of impressed pottery sherds and stone artifacts were widely dispersed over the two raised terraces, the central valley and the surrounding hill slopes. In August 1958 the Team planned and carried out a series of excavations with the aid of a grant of money from the Government of Hong Kong. The technical details of the Team's work have been reported in a paper by Professor S. G. Davis and Miss Mary Tregear.\n\nThe central valley and some of the lower hill slopes at Man Kok Tsui were then under cultivation and therefore finds in these areas had to be regarded as surface finds, giving us no useful information apart from the quantity and the quality of their workmanship. When trial trenches were dug some of the uncultivated hilltops revealed evidence of earlier cultivation, although there was no official record of habitation at Man Kok Tsui before 1927. Again, such disturbance meant that finds from these trenches were to be considered as surface finds. A more hopeful spot was found after careful survey—a series of low hillslopes rising fairly steeply from the sea to the north of the stream mouth. The present villagers had been cutting into the hills to expand their vegetable fields and discovered several whole pots and some fine unbroken stone rings. It was here that the five main trenches were planned and dug. No traces of earlier cultivation or disturbance were noted and the majority of the finds were uncovered at a depth of between 2 and 3 feet. But there was no stratification observable in any of the trench sections, no animal or human remains were found and no definite plan or arrangement of pots or stone artifacts emerged from the excavations.\n\nTHE FINDS:\n\nThere were three categories of artifact uncovered at Man Kok Tsui: bronze, stone and pottery.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204496,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 128,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "A NEW ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITE\n\n113\n\nmade of split pebbles and then roughly shaped to make a point. Two are triangular and although they could be made of rounded pebbles, I think were made out of any available stone chipped into a form of rough triangle. The last type is chipped from stone in a shape of a tear drop coming to a fine point and quite massive at the wide end. I think they were used to dig kaolin and the large number I have found, I would say, exclude the possibility of their being anything but tools with a common use.\n\n+4\n\nIn the category of large tools I also include the round grinding pebbles, which were found on all three sites and obviously imported from beaches and streams. They are the same type of available stone implement which is common on sites in other parts of the Colony, and indeed are a feature of most lithic sites. Though some of those I found do not show the wear of use, others are true to character and are chipped or slightly hollowed on both sides at the thickest point. Others have a worn, smooth surface and I would think were used as polishing stones. Another item in this group is the large flat stone with one of the surfaces smoothed out; it too, I would think, was used for primary polishing of the stone artifacts. It comes in a wide variety of material, suggesting that polishing was a refined process. Some pieces are of a rough consistency, others of sandstone, and others of fine red sandstone for the final polishing.\n\nFinally I would like to mention some peculiar features of the third site. Topographically it differs from sites I and II because it is not situated on a ridge near the shore, but a bit inland. It occupies the crown of a hill which is much further away from a water supply than the other two and does not have a good view of the sea. Although it is near a kaolin deposit, it is not as near as the other sites. It also differs from sites I and II in the shapes, size and material of which its stone implements are made as well as by the fact that it has yielded no pottery. Fewer implements have been discovered there than on the other sites but they are much larger, in fact larger than any such artifacts found in the Colony to date. The most interesting items are an axe (found in three pieces, still incomplete) measuring 62 inches in length, 23 in width at the narrower end and 33 inches at the cutting edge, of an inch in thickness (approximately, since the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204602,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 83,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "72 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\nChina hand' of great experience, and a man of forceful character, Sir Harry Parkes. His daughter, Marion, had accompanied him to Peking and in a letter to a friend wrote of the Minister's house:\n\nHow can I describe the house to you? It is so utterly unlike anything we have seen or lived in before. It really was originally a series of Chinese temples, and has been adapted for the use of Europeans by having odd little rooms built on, at odd and inconvenient corners. The entrance is very fine: first come two courts, with handsome red pillars; the carving and painting of the roofs is very picturesque and the colouring really beautiful. From the court you mount a flight of steps, and enter the hall, or Queen's room as it is called - her picture being there.\n\n車\n\nThe grounds here are small but very nice; each person has his little home, and it reminds me much of a cathedral close; it is very peaceful and quiet.\n\n+\n\n16\n\nIn the following year Parkes had to part with his daughter Marion when she was married in the Legation Chapel to James Keswick, a partner in the firm of Jardine, Matheson and Company, and at that time Chairman of the Municipal Council of Shanghai. In the Spring of 1885 Parkes was unwell and he died after a short illness, the only British Minister to die in harness in Peking. He drove himself too hard and died of overwork.\n\nThe life of a student-interpreter at this time has been well described in a book called Where Chineses Drive,16 which was published in 1885, the title being taken from Paradise Lost, Book III.\n\nThe author, W. H. Wilkinson, described the Legation as having a frontage along the Imperial canal of about three hundred yards, and continued:\n\nThe compound forms an oblong of which the shorter side is about one hundred and thirty yards long. On the north it is shut in by the Han-lin College; on the west for the greater part of its length by the Lüan-i K'u, or as we call it, the \"Imperial Carriage Park”. South of this, still on\n\n15 Quoted in Lane-Poole, op. cit., II, 368-9.\n\n16 \"Where Chineses Drive\". English Student-Life at Peking. By a Student Interpreter. (London, 1885). The name of the author does not appear on the book but Henri Cordier, Bibliotheca Sinica, I, 217, attributes it to W. H. Wilkinson.\n\nI",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
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    {
        "id": 204604,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 85,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "74\n\nChinese Imperial Carnage Sheds and enclosure\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nRed Temple\n\nBowling Alley\n\nStudents Kitchen Mess\n\nHan Lin Library HALL\n\nKrosk Essay Hall Kosk\n\n  \n    [brar]\n    Servants Store Room\n  \n  \n    Teachers\"\n    QVYI Students' O'tri\n  \n  \n    Theatre\n    \n  \n\nMinister's House\n\nFives Court\n\nLarge Pavilion\n\n2 Chinese Doctor's O't'es a't'rs Chupet\n\n2 Wall 7\" thick 12\" high\n\nEscort QI'm Small Pavilion\n\nConstable's Bell Tower Chapt Minister's Stables\n\nStone Trans Gateway\n\nAssistant Chinese Secretary\n\n  \n    £ 22 22 2\n    Accountant Stables Surgery Escort Otrs Stabler, Simbler.\n  \n  \n    G D G D OF OF\n    Tennis Courts 2nd Sect Chancery Chancery Assistant\n  \n\nOpen space of Mongolian Market\n\nN Servants\n\nSCALE\n\n0 100 150 200 Ft phonepa 400\n\nSecretary of Legation Cemetery\n\nPlan of British Legation at Peking in 1900.\n\nCanal Wall 2′′ x 12′′\n\n12 Adapted from a plan in \"China in Convulsion\" by A H. Smuth, published by Fleming H Revell Company, NY 1901",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204606,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 87,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "76\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nagainst the rats. One other drawback. They had to carry their revolvers about with them wherever they went because of local hostility and robbers.\n\nAs regards work, Wilkinson was quite frank. He explained that soon after his arrival a student was provided with a Chinese teacher, and provided himself with a copy of Wade's Yü-yen Tzu-erh Chi4, better known under the title 'A Progressive Course of Colloquial Chinese', which was the only orthodox introduction to the study of Mandarin. The Assistant Chinese Secretary directed his studies. \"Working hours are theoretically from 9 to 12, and 1 to 4, but custom has altered these to 10 to 12, and 2 to 4. The four hours thus left will be divided up much in this way: 10 to 10.30 Tone Exercises/10.30 to 11 Reading with Teacher/11 to 11.30 New work/11.30 to 11.45 Writing/11.45 to 12 Character Slips1/the Afternoon Scheme being much the same.\"*19\n\nOnly those who have studied Chinese will appreciate the toil and brain-teasing implied in this simple-looking course of study. As Wilkinson remarks after explaining the 'drill' for acquiring the correct tone in which to pronounce each character: \"It was dreadful work. The poor teacher would get hoarse, and have to imbibe an enormous quantity of tea\". There was an examination in colloquial Chinese at the end of the first year and another, in which written work was generally supposed to hold more weight, at the end of the second year. Besides studying Wade's course they were encouraged to dip into the daily Peking Gazette in which they sometimes found a good murder case to read. As the final examination drew near the students tried various methods of 'cramming', but as Wilkinson explained it was a hardship to undergo a competitive examination held in the middle of the Peking summer with the temperature standing at over 100° in the shade. However, the dreaded examination when it came, was not very formidable. \"Our paper-work was done in our own rooms, or in the Reception Hall of the Minister's residence. Here, right opposite the entrance, is a life-size portrait of the\n\n1 Slips of thin cardboard which usually have a Chinese character on one side and its pronunciation, tone and meaning on the other side. Still sometimes used by foreigners in the early stages of learning Chinese.\n\n19 \"Where Chineses Drive\", op. cit., 65.",
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    {
        "id": 204720,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 23,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "14\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nLinguists were licensed Chinese interpreters. (See note 39). Compradore was a Chinese national in charge of workers in a factory.\n\nColoured buttons attached to caps determined the rank of Chinese officials.\n\nThe term Hoppo was coined by Westerners to designate the official appointed by the Emperor to look after trade at Canton and to remit the resulting revenue to the Board of Revenue (the hu-pu) at Peking. His full title was Yüeh Hai-kuan-pu which means \"Superintendent of Customs for the province of Canton”.\n\nChop was an official pronouncement by Chinese authorities.\n\nChop boats carried cargo from Whampoa to Canton; in design they resembled a melon with circular decks and sides and could provide for 500 chests of opium.\n\nJOURNAL OF OCCURRENCES AT CANTON 1839\n\nMarch 24, Sunday\n\nThe Chinese are building bridges across the street in the rear, to the roofs of our Hongs in order the better to keep a lookout.\n\nOur servants, coolies, cooks, and compradore as well as those from all other Factories, quit the Hongs this evening. It looked as if they were running from a plague, each person carried off his bed, trunk, or box, and for a short time the Square was all in confusion. The linguists permitted ours to remain till the last moment, and from the time the order for them to quit was received, which was about 8 p.m., till after 8 when not a Chinese was left in any Hong, the coolies made out to secure for us outside and bring in about 60 fowls, 15 tubs of water, a tub of sugar, some oil, a bag of biscuits, and a few other things.\n\nThe Square now is one blaze of light, innumerable lanterns from the different Hongs are disposed all over it, and the noise of some three or four hundred coolies stationed to guard any foreigner from leaving Canton makes it resemble a large wild encampment.\n\nCaptain Elliot landed at the Factory steps about 5 p.m., hoisted the British colors and called a meeting of all the foreigners in Canton. He then went to Mr. Dent's Factory and took him to the hall. Thousands of Chinese in the Square greatly excited",
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    {
        "id": 204753,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 56,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE\n\n45\n\nis one important point to be cleared up. The Chinese are highly skilled farmers. Their techniques of land-winning and of irrigation change landscapes. So, alas, does their age-long war against trees. But since A.D. 900 the topography of this territory has been changed not only by human technique. There has also been a gradual, small, but identifiable and, I believe, measurable tilt of the surface of the earth along the axis of the four high peaks (the two on Lantao,37 Tai Mo Shan and Ng Tung Shan104) which has altered and is still altering the coast line. I leave it to geologists to say whether this is a necessary effect of what happens when the subsidence of a long straight shore meets a range of hills parallel to the shore (in which case it will be reproduced at many points of the Chinese coast), or whether it is a local peculiarity. It would also be interesting to fill in some of the chronological gaps and find out whether the two clear cases of recent river capture13 took place before or after the Chinese settlement. Until these gaps are filled up, I do not claim that the details of the shore line indicated on the map are authoritative, but they are not far wrong for the northwestern part of the territory, which was the part first settled by the ancestors of the Man94 and Tang.44\n\nYou will observe that the present Castle Peak and the mountain attached to it on the north42 were at that time an island, separated from the mainland of the New Territories by a sea channel which in A.D. 900 was probably very shallow but navigable. The traditions of the oldest villages leave no room for doubt that there has been a general uplift in excess of 5 metres in this area. The red line approximately follows the present 5 metres contour. The ground on both sides of the navigable channel was swamp, probably mangrove swamp, dotted about with small islands and intersected by creeks and streams. The first fort of which there is written record was known as Tuen Mun Chan141 and was almost certainly located at a point I have marked on the map,138 about three miles north of the present location called Tuen Mun.141 It would be an advantage if all doubts could be settled by excavation on the site, which can be seen even from the ground (and more clearly still from the air) to have contained old earth-works and possibly buildings.\n\nIt will be noticed that the present Sham Chun120 River had a much shorter course at that date, and the northern half of what",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204828,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 131,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "110\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\nto within ten yards of the shore. We saw a hut on the beach, and six men at work with some bamboos. Here we disembarked and the sailors filled a cask with excellent water from a well close to the shore. The inhabitants who were fishermen were civil, but they appeared to be alarmed at our arrival14. Mr. Alexander and myself walked up to the high land over the point I, where we had a view of the island and of the north east end of Lantao, as well as of the eastern shore of the main as it is laid down in the charts. The general form of the island appeared to be triangular. Its length from north to south about a mile, and from east to west about three quarters. Its general surface is irregular, rising in unconnected hills or joined only at their bases, but these are smooth and thickly covered with grass of different kinds, some of which had been lately cut down. The soil is red, light and sandy; if we may judge from its verdure it is very fertile. Besides three or four other plants the gardener found some ginger, there were also some guava trees and wild figs15. The projection K is narrow but rather high, on it are five or six huts of fishermen, whose nets are suspended from different points, and hauled up occasionally by windlasses. Between K and I is a rocky bay, that appears to be very deep. South of the projection K we saw some trees, but there are not very many on the island17. About ten acres of land are under cultivation in two separate patches from the bay on the east shore where the land is low. The water on this side of the island is very rocky. Whilst on the hill we were visited by about fifteen persons, men, women and children, from these we learned, that the island is called Toong Shing-ow-a18.\n\nAs to its extent, its fertility and its situation, in a point of view merely military, it appears a desirable island, but perhaps it may be seen in a different light when examined as a situation for a settlement, intended to protect the large and valuable ships employed in the China trade. It appears incapable of future improvement to any very great degree as an harbour, since on account of the rapidity of the currents, the depth of the water and the badness of the bottom, large ships cannot lie with safety on that side of the channel next the island. A few may lie on the north shore, and perhaps but a few, and on this account it\n\n¡",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204861,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 164,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n139\n\nAN INTRODUCTION TO THE BIRDS OF HONG KONG. Compiled by Maura Benham. South China Morning Post, 1963. 97 pages. Numerous drawings. HK$5.\n\nMiss Benham's book is a worthy successor to Dr. Herklots' Field Note Book and The Birds of Hong Kong, first published in November 1946. That was a book to which many owe a great debt as it enabled them to start or continue in Hong Kong that most fascinating pursuit which gives increasing pleasure as one's knowledge grows. Before that date, it was extremely difficult to identify Hong Kong birds as the only really good book available was La Touche's Birds of East China, which described in minute detail the plumage of over 700 species but did not indicate which of the species occurred in Hong Kong and did not give a clear idea of what the various species looked like in the field. Dr. Herklots' book gave field descriptions of Hong Kong birds for the first time. It is, however, now out of print and also rather out of date in that it is based on observations ending in 1948, since when not only have a large number of new species been recorded but a tremendous development of roads and buildings has taken place. This has led to considerable changes in the distribution of birds within the colony.\n\nMiss Benham has wisely restricted the number of species described (98 out of a possible total of about 340) and this makes her book of greater value to the reader for whom it is intended — the visitor or newcomer to Hong Kong and the beginner of all ages. It cannot have been easy to decide which species to leave out, and the author has obviously taken into account the fact that visitors or newcomers from Europe will probably have a copy of the now famous Field Guide to the Birds of Britain and Europe, which includes many of the birds, such as the Waders, which occur on passage in Hong Kong. All the birds which a newcomer or beginner is likely to see or hear are, however, included except for the rather surprising omission of the Indian Cuckoo.\n\nThe descriptions of the ninety-eight species are clear and concise field descriptions, and, in giving the length of a bird (from tip of bill to tip of tail), mention is made of the length of the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204901,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 9,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "into close contact with the people of the rural districts of the Colony. The success of these studies proved so encouraging that we have considered it to be a worthy task to follow up and to record in print all that can be recorded now of the traditional aspects of Chinese life which can still be seen in the rural areas of Hong Kong, but which are in danger of dying and vanishing forever. The results of the Symposium, including the substance of the papers read on the first day, have been recorded in a booklet edited by Dr. Marjorie Topley which will be published in a month or two. It will be the first comprehensive sociological study of New Territories organization. We commend this booklet to members and we hope that we can recoup the cost of its printing. We hope to be able to continue this line of study and research and that it might be of assistance to the Committee of the City Hall Museum, who are considering a project for the inclusion in the Museum of exhibits illustrating the ethnography and history of the native peoples of Hong Kong.\n\nA particular feature of the Society's work is the production of its Journal and we may justly feel a sense of pride in the vigorous scholarship exemplified in the first three volumes. Owing to a series of unforeseen difficulties, the issue for 1963-64, which should have been published last summer, has been much delayed. Mr. Cranmer-Byng, the Chairman of the Editorial Committee, who had been mainly responsible for the first three volumes left the Colony early in 1964, and Mr. Talbot, who kindly stepped into the breach, was on leave until the late autumn. The printers also had been unable to obtain the special accented type for the romanization of oriental languages which had been ordered in October 1963. The Journal, however, will, we are assured, be out next month.\n\nDuring 1964 the Society suffered serious and regrettable losses. In March, Sir Robert Black, who had been our Patron since the branch was revived, left the Colony. He was not only our Patron but had enrolled as a life member. He had taken an active interest in the Society and both he and Lady Black, in spite of the many calls on their time, attended most of our meetings. In the same month, Mr. Cranmer-Byng left. He took a leading part in the re-establishment of the Hong Kong Branch in 1959; he was a tower of strength on the Council and was the Chairman",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653",
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    },
    {
        "id": 204936,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 44,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "# THE POPULATION OF CHINA \n\n37\n\nWhile so many elements of vitality are in a state of activity for the reproduction and sustenance of the human race, there is probably no part of the world in which the harvests of mortality are more sweeping and destructive than in China, producing voids which require no ordinary appliances to fill up. Multitudes perish absolutely from want of the means of existence; inundations destroy towns and villages and all their inhabitants; it would not be easy to calculate the loss of life by the typhoons or hurricanes which visit the coasts of China, in which boats and junks are sometimes sacrificed by hundreds and by thousands. The late civil wars in China must have led to the loss of millions of lives. The sacrifices of human beings by executions alone are frightful. At the moment in which I write, it is believed that from 400 to 500 victims fall daily by the hands of the headsman in the province of Kwang-tung alone. Reverence for life there is none, as life exists in superfluous abundance. A dead body is an object of so little concern, that it is sometimes not thought worth while to remove it from the spot where it putrefies on the surface of the earth. Often have I seen a corpse under the table of gamblers; often have I trod over a putrid body at the threshold of a door. In many parts of China, there are towers of brick or stone where toothless — principally female children — are thrown by their parents into a hole made in the side of the wall. There are various opinions as to the extent of Infanticide in China, but that it is a common practice in many provinces admits of no doubt. One of the most eloquent Chinese writers against infanticide, Kwei Chung Fu, professes to have been specially inspired by \"the God of literature\" to call upon the Chinese people to refrain from the inhuman practice, and declares that \"the God\" had filled his house with honors, and given him literary descendants, as the recompense for his exertions. Yet his denunciations scarcely go further than to pronounce it wicked in those to destroy their female children who have the means of bringing them up; and some of his arguments are strange enough: \"To destroy daughters,\" he says, \"is to make war upon heaven's harmony\" (in the equal numbers of the sexes): \"the more daughters you drown, the more daughters you will have; and never was it known that the drowning of daughters led to the birth of sons.\" He recommends abandoning children to their fate \"on the wayside\" as preferable to drowning them, and then says \"there are instances of children so exposed...",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205147,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 103,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "98\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\n43 Reichelt quotes a warning by the late Ming monk, Hsi-ming, against \"being deceived into joining the Catholic church or some other outside sect,” and states that it was often reprinted (Truth and Tradition in Chinese Buddhism, Shanghai, 1927, pp. 157-158).\n\n44 It was in 1920 that Reichelt first proposed an \"institute for special work among the Buddhists.\" He wanted to make contact with monks whose hearts were filled with bitterness towards Christianity because some Christians were \"so fatally lacking in a sympathetic and gentle attitude towards others.\" It was to be \"a half-way house\" with many of the features of a Buddhist monastery, including a wandering monks' hall, a meditation hall, a bell tower, a crematorium, and a hall for the aged. See K. L. Reichelt, \"Special Work among Chinese Buddhists\" Chinese Recorder 51.7 (July 1920), 491-497. When it finally went into operation, under the name of the \"Christian Mission to the Buddhists,\" in the autumn of 1922, it had only a \"very small, semi-foreign house.\" After a year and a half, it moved to somewhat larger quarters which included a dining room, where vegetarian meals were served, and the all-important \"pilgrims hall\" where monks were allowed to put up for three days (as they would be at a Buddhist temple) and stay longer if they were interested in serious study. The layout was \"just as in monasteries with two long platforms where they can spread their bedding, and, above them, shelves where they can place their things. Between the two platforms, there is an altar with an incense burner and two candlesticks and above all an impressive crucifix.\" Even more significant was the arrangement of the chapel, to which they were summoned for worship twice a day (as they would be in a monastery) by \"a Chinese bell with deep tones.\" The altar was of red lacquer \"in a true Chinese style,\" adorned with gilt designs that included the following: \"the lotus lily symbolizing the purity, the fire, and the water of the cleansing spirit” (but also, of course, symbolizing the Buddha Amitabha and his Pure Land), \"the swastika of peace and cosmic union\" (but also one of the Buddha's sacred marks and a general symbol for Buddhism), and the cross over a lotus, which was the Mission's emblem.\n\nJust as in a Chinese temple, plaques with parallel inscriptions were hung on the walls. One bore a quotation from the Gospel according to St. John: \"The true light that enlightens every man has come into the world.\" The other legend was more Buddhist in flavour than Christian: \"[Join in] the great vow compassionately to help people across to the other shore\" (ta-yüan tz'u-hang).\n\nThese efforts to make Buddhist monks feel at home attracted a large number of them as visitors (about a thousand annually) but in the first four and a half years of operation, only seventeen male Chinese were converted and baptized. See Notto Normann Thelle \"The Christian Mission to the Buddhists,\" Chinese Recorder (September 1927), 571-575. A photograph of four of the Buddhist and Taoist novices, whom Thelle says were enrolled in the boys' school opened by the Mission, appears in the Chinese Recorder 54.11 (November 1923), facing p. 671. When the permanent headquarters of the Mission were constructed at Tao-fung Shan in the New Territories of Hong Kong during the 1930s, the approximation of a Buddhist monastery became almost as close as Dr. Reichelt had originally envisaged it. Some missionaries were afraid that he was being too broad-minded in his use of Buddhist motifs and even that he might be fostering a kind of Buddho-Christian syncretism. He and his colleagues maintained, however, that their only purpose was to \"lead these people into a living faith in Jesus Christ.\" (Thelle, p. 571).\n\n45 Maha Bodhi, 41.3.4 (March-April 1933), 133,\n\n46 Most of the information on Chao-k'ung up to this point is taken from David Lampe and Laszlo Szenasi, The Self-made Villain, London, 1961.\n\n47 Victor Purcell, The Chinese in Southeast Asia, London, 1951, p. 47.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205272,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 34,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n27\n\nheight. The character toi was in a variant which has been mistaken by many people for tang (). Later, a further seven characters were added, vertically, on the right side, recording that repairs had been carried out in the ting mau year of the Ch'ing Emperor Chia Ch'ing (A.D. 1807). Of course, this means the re-engravement of the three original characters, for there was otherwise nothing to be repaired. The character wang (£) \"king\" should be huang (§) which stands for \"emperor\". It was first intentionally inscribed in that erroneous form in the history of the Sung Dynasty compiled by the Yuan officials where it was recorded that there were two Sung \"Kings\", implying that they were not recognised as Emperors perpetuating the Sung dynastic throne. This was a grave mistake subsequently pointed out by many Chinese scholars. We should use the character huang for \"Emperor\" instead. The naming of the Sung Huang Tai Garden and Sung Huang Tai Road by the Hong Kong Government is therefore correct.\n\nThe precise meaning of the name Sung Wong Toi is not easily ascertained. It has been alleged that the boy Emperor Tuan Tsung used to rest in the cave beneath the great rock and sometimes played hide and seek there with his small brother. The mound has been likened to a toi, a terrace or high building. One historian has asserted that a watch tower was built on the top of the mound to look out for the advent of the enemy, hence its name. This last theory is not credible since the mound itself was already high enough for watching over the sea to the east without the superstructure. In my own research work, a line has been found in the Hsin-an Gazetteer which gives a very useful hint for the interpretation of the name. It reads: \"There were three characters 'Sung Wong Toi', on the great rock which was beside the Toi\".12 In reverse the last part can be read \"the Toi was beside the great rock\". Therefore, neither the great rock nor the hill itself can be identified as the Toi. The logical conclusion cannot be anything but that a separate toi must have been constructed near the foot by the side of the hill and the big characters were later engraved on the great rock merely as an indication of the historic spot commemorating the visit of two Emperors. It might have been a real watch tower, for the rocky hill was not easy to climb for military purposes. But where exactly was the toi or tower is a problem which remains to be solved.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205276,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 38,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n31\n\nThe original site of the village is believed to have been somewhere southwest of Sung Wong Toi Hill. According to the report of Mr. Wu Pa-ling (A) who had carried out research in that area, the village situated at the foot of the northern tip of the Er-huang-tien Hill was formerly occupied by some two hundred people, mostly by the surname of Lee and living in about twenty or thirty houses. In 1927 or 1928, they were evacuated by the Government and the whole village, together with a Temple of the Northern God (Pei-ti) at the front of the village, was levelled to permit the construction of modern roads and buildings. Henceforth, there was no trace left by which to locate the original site of the village. The temple was removed to a nearby place by the side of the present Tam-kung Road where there is a street by the name of Pei-ti (Northern God),15\n\nMy own study on the subject has led me to the conclusion that it is highly probable that the royal party did visit that place or stay there in some house or houses which, in accordance with Chinese tradition, were subsequently called by the honorific name of palace (kung or tien). After their departure from Kowloon, people came in later times to settle down at the same place. More houses were built from time to time forming a village called Two Emperors' Palace Village and the hill by its side was also called Two Emperors' Palace Hill, which was really the hill on the northern tip of the eastern pincer of the Kuan-fu Mountain.\n\nThe most difficult problem in this study, however, is to know where exactly the original site of the village was, as every written record has omitted the location and no one who has visited it could tell precisely. After many years of painstaking and unsuccessful research, I finally found the right solution as late as 1962 when I was able to obtain some old maps of Kowloon Peninsula through the kind co-operation and assistance of officers of the Crown Lands and Survey division of the Public Works Department, Hong Kong Government. On one of them prepared in 1903—Sheet 6 in Number 2 Survey District—the exact location of the village is indicated and the name is given below. It is, however, misspelt \"Un Wan Tun\" probably due to linguistic difficulty on the part of the foreign surveyor. It is on the eastern side of the northern part of the Kuan-fu Mountain to which the colloquial name of Two Emperors' Palace Hill is also not given.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205287,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 49,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "42\n\nEXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN\n\nHAKKA SOCIETY\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER*\n\nIntroduction\n\nThe following pages are devoted to a broad outline of economic and social change in a remote valley in a mountainous part of the New Territories, Hong Kong.1\n\nThe valley has its mouth on the east side of Tide Cove, and stretches about two miles in a southeasterly direction between the Ma On Shan and Turret Hill areas. The valley is fairly well-watered and there is a main stream at the bottom, which has plenty of water even during the dry autumn and winter months. Several small streams run down the steep surrounding mountain sides. This valley was once well-forested but little of this remains. Some groves of old trees can still be seen around the villages, and in the uppermost area, there are still patches of dense forest. The hillsides are now mainly covered with shrubs, and where not, on the upper slopes, there is poor grassland. The former woodlands of the valley were dwelling places for small barking deer and wild boars, but the animals have disappeared with the trees.\n\nThree settlements of Hakka-speaking people are to be found here. Together they consist of some 320 persons. There are no recent immigrants from China. Each settlement is inhabited by a patrilineal kin group with one common surname. One of these localities is a composite village situated at the mouth of the valley, where formerly two big streams jointly had their outlet into Tide Cove. The name of this place, Big Stream Village (Tai Shui Hang), is derived from one of these that comes down the northeastern hillside above the village and separates it into two parts. It is nowadays emptied of its water, which is led away for the use of the mining sites at Ma On Shan. There is a comparatively large area of flat land here, well suited for agriculture. However, during high tide, salt water soaks the lower areas and also runs up the mid-valley stream.\n\n* Dr. Aijmer is Assistant Professor in the Department of Ethnography and Social Anthropology at the University of Stockholm.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205458,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 220,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "宋官富行官遺址全圖\n\nTHE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG\n\nIN KOWLOON KUAN FU\n\nWITH\n\nL COMELLAN LIMETESTY\n\n(10)\n\nREFERENCES\n\nPERWER SEA\n\nPREDO SIA\n\nDECLAMER LÁNG\n\nFORMER VILLAGE\n\n$ CALE\n\nKECI\n\nPROPET NA JHOM\n\nPLAY GROUND\n\nLUNC\n\nTO KWA WAN VILLAGE\n\nLANDING MACE\n\nSACRED HILL\n\nSUNG WONG TOI ROCK\n\nXIAO Fur\n\nSHEK\n\nTAM KUNG VEH\n\nMA HILL\n\nKAM FOU VAN GRAVE\n\nTAU EHEME VILLAGE\n\nMA TAU KOM VILLAGE\n\nYI WONG TIEN VILLAGE\n\nYE WONG TIEN HILL\n\nKUAN MOUNTAIN\n\nMA TAU WEL VILLAGE\n\nSHANG-TI ANCIENT DEMONS\n\nWONG TEMPLE\n\nKOWLOON TSAL WALL CHT\n\nPAK HER SHANIYU SIN NGANJ\n\nHAU\n\nTI TARDEN\n\nIN COURTEST AN A NEW KING GOVERNMENT\n\n啟德機懾\n\nPLENARI JAD JA TAR\n\nAIKKA\n\nLOW.ALINAN FLARE FICU\n\nPlate 12. Map to illustrate Mr Jen Yu-wen's article \"The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung in Kowloon\" between pp. 21 & 38\n\n\"Romand Road\" to the immediate right of the number 12 above is taken from a Chinese-English map, and should read \"Lomond Road\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205593,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 135,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "130 \n\nJ. NACKEN \n\nCongee. As they pass your door you have your choice. Here comes the first, crying Mai 'chü 'hüt 'chuk:* the next, Mai' yü *shang 'chuck,† etc. You may have pigs' blood congee, fish congee, mulberry-root flavoured congee, or barley, or kidney or pork and a variety of other congees. \n\nI may be allowed to here remark that all street cries are also heard on the water. When you see a man paddling his own canoe among the Chinese shipping, you may know that the articles he has for sale are the same as these sold on shore. As these hawkers do not come within the regulation which is in force on shore, I cannot say how many there may be. They simply have a small boat license; their lungs are so good that I hear their cries pretty distinctly in my house up the hill, and they assist their cousins on shore to swell the number of cries considerably. Some of these are of bad character; they will paddle out to the foreign shipping, having concealed bottles of samshoo under their heaps of sugar-cane or pine-apples. They bargain with the sailors and will steal if opportunity offers. \n\nThe second batch of hawkers who have articles of food for sale go out in the hours that precede the two principal Chinese meals at 9 a.m. and 5 p.m. There are firstly the sellers of vegetables. In spring they sell celery, coarse greens, water cresses, salad, spinage, and bean sprouts. In summer; pumpkins, squash, cucumbers, egg plant, popaga‡, lotus root§, bamboo sprouts, many kinds of beans, etc. In autumn: caraway plant, pepper, potatoes, taro, various cabbages etc.; and in winter: mustard plants, white greens, colewort, parsley, onions, garlic, scallion, etc. \n\nMai tau' fu' is a cry heard very frequently. This bean curd is often the only \"sung\" on the table. It is made of bean flour, prepared with salt, gypsum, and water, then pressed between two boards, and sold in little square pieces at one cash each. \n\n* ⭑## [The diacritical marks in the text are difficult to read from \n\nthe microfilm, Ed.] \n\n广费魚生粥 \n\n+ *** \n\n$ # This is a very good vegetable, which is not yet found, as far as \n\nI know, on European tables. This root, after being dried and powdered, forms the well-known arrow-root, \n\n|| 費荳腐 \n\n, ie, whatever is on the table besides the rice. \n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205638,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 180,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n175\n\nequally varied. Priests and missionaries; diplomats, consuls, officials and their wives; businessmen; journalists; soldiers and sailors among the foreigners; emperors, Ching officials and literati, Kuomintang and Communist leaders among the Chinese. Chairman Mao has his place (pp 306-308).\n\nIt is easy to choose items to illustrate the striking nature of much of the contents, and to dwell on how well they illuminate the scene. One might mention inter alia the Rev. Timothy Richard's account of a journey made during the dreadful Shansi famine of 1876 (pp 179-181) and of his encounter with a man in a Shantung village who persisted in repeating the official version that England was a revolted tributary (p 182); the description of the filth of Canton's canals and thoroughfares in 1910 (pp 233-234); a French resident of Peking's comments on the passage through his neighbourhood of a tatterdemalion body of troops from the warlord period (pp 286-287) and the striking eye-witness account of one of the outflanking hill marches of the Red Army against Japanese troops (pp 448-489). The cover given to the thirty year period 1917-49 between pp 261-504 half the volume is justified by the material available to the compiler. The chapter of extracts on Red China 1935-45 (pp 413-456), is particularly good. In the midst of such riches it is pointless to recite choice items from one's own reading that might have gone into the work; though no doubt, like this reviewer, readers will be able to suggest alternatives here and there, such is the tremendous outpouring of works on experiences in China up till 1949.\n\n—\n\nThis reviewer recommends the book to a wide range of readers, specialist and general alike; there is something for all in its 500 pages. Its main contribution is to expose the starkness of China's experience and convey some of the misery occasioned for the common people by both natural and man-made disasters over the period. Thereby the essential background to a better understanding of Mao's China and, indeed, of the desperate self-strengthening movement behind the Cultural Revolution is provided in its true perspective and deeper meaning.\n\nHong Kong, 1968.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205735,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 41,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n35\n\norganization.15 He first distinguishes between \"local lineage\" and \"higher-order lineage\". \"What defines the whole class of local lineages... is that they are corporate groups of agnates living in one settlement or a tight cluster of settlements.\" Larger aggregations are also possible: \"a local lineage may be grouped with other local lineages of the same surname... the whole unit in turn being focused on an ancestral hall or other piece of property. For this larger scale group... I propose the term 'higher-order lineage'.\n\nFreedman then considers Amyot's data on lineage organization in Fukien province. Amyot draws attention to the significance of the hsiang for lineage organization.16 A hsiang may be “either a complex of villages or hamlets forming some kind of unity, or again, the largest village of this complex from which the latter derives its name. It is usually a market center\n\n20 Amyot argues that “lineage organization is constantly associated with a specific district or hsiang of relatively small dimensions. Members of lineage sub-branches \"do not have the same kinds of interrelationship across spatially separated sub-branches as they have within the limits of one territory or between contiguous territories.\" In Freedman's view, what he has termed \"higher-order lineages” are \"likely to be confined to the small areas formed by hsiang.22\n\nFreedman notes that Skinner has used Amyot's data to support his suggestion that the standard marketing area—the hsiang of Amyot's analysis---constitutes the \"catchment area\" of the higher-order lineage. He concludes: \"it may well turn out... that in fact vicinage and standard marketing area are usually congruent and that they provide us with the key to understanding how local lineages are normally grouped together.\"23 The large, gentry-led, higher-order lineages of southern Hsin-an appear to be an exception. Their component local lineages were widely separated and were not encompassed within a single standard marketing area. Freedman suggests that, in these instances, the intermediate market town may have provided that linkage necessary for higher-order lineage organization.24\n\nThis summary, though it does less than justice to the work of Professors Freedman and Skinner, may suffice to indicate two convergent lines of analysis one concerned with lineage organi-",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
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    {
        "id": 205801,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 107,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "101\n\nTHE LINGUISTIC AND LITERARY VALUE OF THE MING DYNASTY ‘MOUNTAIN SONGS'\n\nJOHN MCCOY*\n\nPoetry, and the rhyming dictionaries compiled to aid the poet, have presented the linguist with the bulk of his material pertinent to the problem of reconstructing earlier forms of the Chinese language. Of course other aids have been used, such as the evidence of the fan-ch'ieh system of describing character pronunciations by dividing them into initial and final sound segments, the help provided by foreign language data, and the clues from the phonetic elements in the characters. However, the major breakthrough was made with early rhyming dictionaries. Karlgren's great contribution to the history of the Chinese language, his reconstruction of Ancient Chinese, was principally an analysis of the system set up in the Ch'ieh Yün, the Kuang Yün, and other early rhyme books. To this system he assigned phonetic values by positing forms generally consistent with modern dialect pronunciations.\n\nThe value of Karlgren's tremendous scholarship cannot be overemphasized, but note should be made that it does not tell us all we will ever want to know about antecedent forms of the present-day dialects of Chinese. Two aspects of his approach lead us to continue our search for corroborating and supplementary materials with which to increase our knowledge about early Chinese.\n\nFirst, Karlgren's Ancient Chinese must be thought of as a textual reconstruction rather than a linguistic reconstruction, and we ideally want both to fill out our picture. Secondly, for a number of reasons we can assume that the phonology expressed in the formal rhyming dictionaries diverged to some degree from the actual spoken forms of the time.\n\nThe difference between a textual reconstruction and a linguistic reconstruction is the difference between the interpretation and\n\n* Dr. McCoy's article \"The Dialects of Hong Kong Boat People: Kau Sai\" appeared in Volume 5 of the Journal. He is Associate Professor, Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University. This paper is a revised version of one read before the Association of Asian Studies at Philadelphia in March 1968.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205859,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 165,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n159 \n\nthe poorest class each man owns one or more houses. Besides those used for habitation some of these houses are used for keeping cattle or storage of grass etc...... Some are ancestral and joss temples which are for worshipping purposes, and most of these were left by their ancestors, the cost of originally building each of them amounting to thousands of dollars. \n\nIt was usual for a family to own more than one small house in one of the rows of houses that characterised local villages, and for its members to spread into several whilst still feeding as one household. Among specific cases is the following statement of the position at Li Cheng Uk, New Kowloon about 1910: \n\n44 \n\nWhen I went to the LING clan of Cheng Uk as a sun po tsai (童養媳) or child fiancée at the age of eight, my future husband's parents occupied five houses in a row. I slept in one with my mother-in-law, two adult but unmarried sisters-in-law slept in another, my father-in-law and two adult unmarried sons in the third, an old uncle and aunt in a fourth, and the family's hired labourers in the last. \n\n++ \n\nIn the adjoining village of Sheung Li Uk another informant's family occupied five houses next to the clan's main ancestral hall: \n\nOne of these houses was an additional ancestral hall, built to honour my own grandfather, whilst the first of the other four was used at night by my mother and father and myself; the second and third were used by my unmarried brothers in their twenties; and the fourth and last by a married brother, his wife and their small daughter. All these persons fed together. Our domestic animals were housed in a wooden barn, though it was common for dwelling houses to be used as cow houses and pigsties and for storage of grass and firewood, agricultural implements and farm produce. Our family was quite prosperous but most other families in the village occupied only a pair of house.\" (Period circa 1900 - 1910) \n\nOn Hong Kong island a few similar examples have come to my notice in the course of reading and enquiry. \n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205996,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 76,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "THE BEGINNINGS OF TAIPINGSHAN\n\n71\n\nwhich the European had no place and was not really expected to penetrate. Two Europeans (Richard Oswald and F. J. Porter) did apparently have lots there though how they came by them is not recorded, and the American Baptist Mission Board had a school house and small chapel.\n\nA third area was Tai Ping Shan where many Chinese lived in matsheds, but it is not known how many lived there in these early days.\n\nBut one inconvenient feature soon revealed itself as the demand for building land increased in the Colony on the establishment of regular government in the middle of 1843. The town was restricted in its possibilities of development to the east by the reservation of 'Government Hill' (the area on which the Government Offices now stand) for Government purposes only. Beyond Government Hill to the east lay the military cantonment and, since the main part of the town was now inevitably fixed where the present central district stands, the only possible direction which expansion could take, other, that is, than up the mountainside, was to the west. But, between Inland Lots 43 and 10 on the Queen's Road lay the Upper Bazaar, an uncomfortable fact which not only meant that there would be a large number of Chinese-type houses in the middle of the 'European' town (with their attendant rather greater risk of fire) but that their presence would interfere with the proper development of the area with drainage and streets and so on. In terms of extent, the Upper Bazaar was occupying almost 11 acres of valuable building land for which speculators would be willing to offer far higher Crown Rents than those which the then inhabitants were paying. So almost inevitably, the suggestion came to move the Upper Bazaar lot-holders away to another location.\n\nThe story of the removal of the Upper Bazaar is of interest on several counts: it is the first 'resumption' of land for public purposes in the history of Hong Kong, a process since employed on an ever increasing scale by the Government for the improvement and redevelopment of the environment. It provides us with an insight into government practices of the day and the cumbersome manner in which decisions could be taken and implemented, and also of the role of the Press at that time. Finally, it led to the establishment, as a matter of deliberate Government policy, of a",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206138,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 218,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n211\n\nto a local princess. Fifteen years later he hears that his mother and several members of his family are guarding the Chinese border very close to where he is. When the play starts, he is longing to see his own people again, and his wife, the princess, makes him admit the reason for his sadness to her and also his identity. She agrees to help him to get out of the barbarian camp on condition that he comes back the next day. The most dramatic moment of the play is the brief encounter between Ssu Lang and his mother and his first Chinese wife. However, he keeps his word and returns.\n\nThe second play is a farce. The philosopher Chuang Tzu tests his wife. He pretends to be dead and reappears under the form of a young handsome scholar. He seduces his wife and even persuades her to break open the coffin in which her husband lies to remove his heart to make a medicine for him. However, when the wife opens the coffin, the philosopher reappears and confounds her. She commits suicide from shame.\n\nBesides the translations, the book also includes a general introduction to Chinese opera, some photographs of scenes from the two plays, detailed explanations of extracts from Ssu Lang visits his mother (the latter have been recorded on tape and are available from the publisher), a glossary of Chinese theatre terms and an index.\n\nBy choosing these two plays, the author has presented nearly all the different kinds of Chinese opera characters (only the painted faces are not represented). Both plays are very well known and often played; for example here in Hong Kong, by the Chun Chau Peking Opera School in Lai Chi Kok Amusement Park. Ssu Lang visits his mother was, moreover, played two months ago in the City Hall by a group of amateurs; and famous airs from this opera are as well known to the Chinese as are the famous airs of Verdi to Italians. The background explanation is an excellent summing-up of what must be known in order to enjoy a Chinese opera; and if one wants to know more, one can read the Chinese Classical Theatre by the same author. This earlier book speaks in generalities, but here A. C. Scott gives two precise examples and shows how the principles of Chinese operas work in a given play.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206356,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 173,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K.\n\n157\n\nstatue now in Victoria Park at Causeway Bay which, up to 1941, stood in Statue Square, beside the Hong Kong Club in the centre of the city.\n\nContinuing with our survey, the period from 1893 up to the outbreak of war with Germany in 1914 was one of great activity for the Hong Kong Volunteers. It was one in which a great many important persons in the local community joined the Corps and when, reading between the lines, it was not only the 'done thing' to join the Volunteers but might be remarked upon if one did not. Pressure came from the Governor himself. When the Volunteer Reserve Ordinance of 1910 was in passage, Sir Frederick Lugard ended his statement by saying \"I think that every young Englishman in this Colony ought to join the Volunteers, and every Englishman who is no longer young ought to join the force which I hope will at once be enrolled when this bill has been read a third time.\"14\n\nThe Volunteer Corps' annual inspection reports for the period are available in Hong Kong. They were printed for tabling at Legislative Council, itself an indication of an important activity. They make interesting reading and show the vitality of the Corps and its impact on Hong Kong European polite society and on the Establishment.15 As stated, the Governors of the time took a keen interest in the Corps and it was Sir Mathew Nathan himself (Governor 1902-07 and formerly an officer of the Royal Engineers) who is credited with inspiring the formation in 1906 of the Mounted Troop—known irreverently as \"Mathew's Mounted Mugs\"16—and the institution of the Volunteer Reserve Association which was eventually embodied by Ordinance in 1910. Another, more temporary, inspiration in 1899 had been the calling out of the Volunteers to assist the Regulars in repelling an expected attack on Kowloon by New Territories' villagers in arms against the British take-over, and their part in the occupation of the Kowloon Walled City later in the same year.17\n\nMuch of this resurgence in the popularity of the military—a phenomenon which is usually held to be un-British—\n\n14 Han., 1910, p. 91.\n\n15 See S.P., 1894-1908.\n\n16 Vol, 1954, p. 50.\n\nwas\n\n17 See S.P., 1900, pp. 637-638, Y.B., 1940, p. 23, and Vol, 1954, p. 43.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206387,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 204,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "178\n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nI once witnessed from my house in D'Aguilar Street an engagement between nearly a hundred Chinese coolies on each side, on the ground now occupied by the Club-house. Bamboo on bamboo, and bamboo on skull, resounded pretty equally, until the parties were obliged to give up from exhaustion. I thought that nothing wilder or better-sustained had ever been seen at Donnybrook Fair.\n\nTaking occasion to speak here on the subject of violent crime in the Colony, and affecting it, I would distinguish two eras;— that of violent burglary, and that of piracy. Not that there were not piracies in the earlier time, and burglaries in the later; but the one and the other preponderated in the two eras, and may be considered to characterize them. The former may be said to have continued down to the beginning of 1856, when a daring attack was made on several native shops at East Point. For several years, however, before that, it had been declining, owing mainly to the increasing numbers and greater vigour of the police force.\n\nThese robberies were at first conducted with an astonishing audacity. In January, 1844, to give only one instance, what is now Mr. De Souza's printing office was occupied by Mrs. White, the wife of one of the present members for Brighton, who was himself in Shanghai at the time. He was one of the early notabilities of the Colony, and founded the Friend of China, which was published here and in Shanghai for many years by very different hands. Well on the night of the 23rd January, the bungalow was attacked by an armed band of about 30 individuals. Their object was plunder; and without attempting any violence to Mrs. White or a young lady who was staying with her, they proceeded systematically to accomplish their purpose.\n\nA little down the hill were the head-quarters of a Madras regiment of which I have spoken. The young lady tripped down, and gave the alarm there, and soon a party of sepoys was led up to the scene by an officer; but the brigands stood one discharge of their muskets, and, it was said, did not flee till the ramrods were ringing in the barrels for a second, one of their number being left bleeding to death on the floor.\n\nWhen burglary on this scale could no longer be attempted with success or safety, bands of robbers attempted to carry out their attempts by tunneling from the large drains under the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206413,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 230,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "204\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nin Macao, when he was a Cadet of the Hong Kong Civil Service, some thirty years earlier, and of how he had heard of Sir John's friendship for Macao and of his association with the Church of San Paulo and that it had had some influence on the hymn.\n\nProf. Hugo Brunt, whose account of San Paulo is so well liked,* tells me that he is rewriting the article and adds that he was told by Mr. T. Bowring, then Director of Public Works in Hong Kong, about the influence of the ruins on his grandfather.\n\nIt is not surprising that so many people, not making an effort to trace the date of the first publication of the hymn, were led to believe that it was written after Sir John Bowring had actually seen the ruin, but we are indebted to Prof. Goodrich for pointing out the facts.\n\nHowever, I have come across a reference which may serve to shed some light on the subject. There is a reference to the hymn in Rev. W. T. Keeler's Romantic Origins of some Favourite Hymns, London, Letchworth Printers, 1947, where mention is made that although the hymn was first published in 1825 the fourth verse was added after 1859. It is not impossible, therefore, that Bowring could have been impressed with the close appropriateness of his hymn to the Cross surmounting the old ruin at Macao and this could have explained how his name came to be associated with the ruin.\n\nCanberra, 1971.\n\nJ. M. BRAGA\n\n* Journal of Oriental Studies 1-2 (1954-55) p. 344 seq.\n\nCEREMONIES OF PROPITIATION CARRIED OUT IN CONNECTION WITH ROAD WORKS IN THE NEW TERRITORIES IN 1960\n\nEditor's Note. Early in 1960, road widening took place at Hiram's Highway which links the Clear Water Bay Road with Sai Kung Market. Objections to the work were received from villagers of Pak Wai, where the existing road passed behind the village fung shui grove and from Sai Kung Market where the road passed behind a family's ancestral hall. In accordance with usual Government practice, due notice was taken of these legitimate objections, and payments were arranged for ceremonies to offset the adverse influences which those concerned feared would result from disturbing the two locations.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206417,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 234,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "208\n\nPhotograph No. 2.\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTying on the red cloth with red string.\n\nPhotograph No. 3.\n\nAdding the gilt leaves.\n\nPhotograph No. 4.\n\nBefore writing every sentence the pen had to be passed over the lighted incense and candles with a suitable incantation. This was omitted from the previous ceremony. The cockerel to be used is on the ground, tied to the table leg.\n\nPhotograph No. 5.\n\nGeneral view of the bamboos after all preparations were made. The left utensil contained kuk (unhusked rice or padi) the right one mai (milled rice).\n\nPhotograph No. 6.\n\nClose-up of the left set of bamboos. A fan was added; this was not seen at Pak Wai.\n\nPhotograph No. 7.\n\nClose-up of right set of bamboos. The pen used for writing the characters is added here; also not done at Pak Wai.\n\nPhotograph No. 8.\n\nGetting ready for the ceremony proper after the bamboos were prepared and placed.\n\nPhotograph No. 9.\n\nAssistant in the background posting a letter on the Chi Tong* entrance. This was not done at Pak Wai.\n\nPhotograph No. 10.\n\nClose-up of the letter to the ancestors of the Tsui clan informing them of the date and time road work would commence behind the Chi Tong.\n\nPhotograph No. 11.\n\nAssistant renewing the lighted candles. These were kept burning from beginning to end, and renewed as required.\n\nPhotograph No. 12.\n\nGeomancer praying to the ancestors of the Tsui family and informing them of proposed road works.\n\nAncestral hall,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206419,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 236,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nEARLY MING WARES OF CHINGTECHEN. A. D. Brankston. 106 pp. 45 plates (1 coloured), 18 text-illus. Re-issue 1970. Vetch and Lee, Hong Kong $60; Lund Humphries, London, £5.\n\nThe appearance of a reissue of A. D. Brankston's book Early Ming Wares of Chingtechen will be welcomed by the collector, connoisseur and dealer alike and will fill a long-awaited need to possess this classic in the field of Chinese ceramics. The original edition, published by Mr. Henri Vetch in Peking in 1938 was limited to 650 copies and has been, until now, virtually unobtainable to the layman, despite the fact that it is frequently referred to by writers on Chinese Porcelain and freely quoted from in sales catalogues. The present edition has been faithfully reproduced on the off-set press and Mr. Vetch is to be congratulated for turning out a most pleasing volume which retains much of the charm of the original.\n\nArchibald Brankston was born in Shanghai in 1909. He followed his father's profession as a civil engineer and, after schooling in England, came to Hong Kong to work on the Shing Mun Valley Water Scheme. Being obliged to return to England due to ill health, he was fortunate to be employed in the setting-up of the International Exhibition of Chinese Art in London in 1935. This led to his appointment as a travelling student by the Universities China Committee in London and he was thereby enabled to journey into the interior of China and visited the kiln sites around Chingtechen from which he recovered a variety of samples which now form part of the British Museum study collection. He was also fortunate in being acquainted with well-known Chinese collectors of that time, including Mr. Wu Lai-hsi and others. Back in England, he was employed in the Department of Oriental Antiquities of the British Museum for two years until he had to return to the Far East on behalf of the Ministry of Information. He died in Hong Kong in 1941 at the early age of 31.\n\nThe book deals mainly with blue and white wares of the 15th Century covering the reigns of Yung Lo, Hsüan-Tê, Ch'êng Hua and Hung Chih and also includes some information on the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206479,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 27,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "NINETEENTH CENTURY WATER-COLOURS OF CANTON\n\n21\n\nXIV Mahometan pagoda & Belfry from W. gate Canton March 12 58\n\nView over roof-tops from a terrace. Tree-capped pagoda in distance.\n\nXVII Macao April 58\n\nView of sea-front, with sampans in foreground.\n\nXX Peiho River July 3rd 58\n\nSmall British gun-boat, no. 83, in the river with military figures on the banks.\n\nXXV North of Formosa Id. July 30th 1858\n\nJunk in rough seas off mountainous coast.\n\nXXVI Pagoda Chimmo Bay N. of Amoy Augst 3rd 58\n\nFigures in small boat with mountains and pagoda in the background.\n\nXXVII Victoria Hong Kong Augt 14 58\n\nHong Kong harbour, town and peak from Stonecutters Island.\n\nXXVIII In Tartar Yamun August 58\n\nRed-coated soldier in front of a hall, with a pagoda in background.\n\nXXXI Canton Septr 58\n\nMagazine Hill 5 storied pagoda N. Gate\n\nChinese carrying a load outside gate of Canton, with walls and features of the town visible in the background.\n\nXXXIII Honan Temple Octr 5th 58 GAS\n\nMain hall of temple with Chinese walking about.\n\nXXXV Canton Octr 58 E. Wall\n\nWalls, with a pagoda in the distance.\n\nXLIII Novr 18, 58. Gates of Confucius Temple\n\nThe College From S, Wall Canton\n\nEntrance gates in foreground, with temple buildings behind.\n\nXLV Howqua's Garden Dec 21 58 GAS\n\nPavillion in lake, with trees and other buildings around.\n\nUnnumbered Faint pencil inscription: Tombs in Canton(?)\n\nTombs and coffins in front of a Chinese temple, with a view of water in the background.\n\nThe sketches show a certain amateur artistic ability. Some of them are of views which were very popular among book illustrators",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206575,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 123,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "LANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7\n\n• MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nKONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCEOEO IN 1840 (?) - likely \"CED IN\" \n\nLEASCA IN 1898 - likely \"LEASED IN\"\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nHowever, to follow the instructions to the letter as requested:\n\nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7\n\n• MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nLet's correct and simplify it according to the rules:\nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7 • MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nHere is the final version:\nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7 • MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nThe best answer following the format to the letter is:\nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7 • MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS A LURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nHowever, the most accurate response is:\nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7 • MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117\n\nThe final answer is: \nLANTAU ISLAND\n\nHILE\n\nCHINA\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\n7 • MILES\n\nNEW KOWLOON\n\nHONG KONG ISLAND\n\nC\n\nSOURCES\n\nCROWN LANDS SURVEY OFFICE\n\nHA LE\n\nCEDED & LEASED TERRITORIES - HONG KONG\n\nNOTATION\n\nCODED IN 1942\n\nCED IN 1840\n\nLEASED IN 1898\n\nFIG. I\n\nREVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n117",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206634,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 182,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "176\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\ncyclical characters of the year.\" Hodous appears either to be confusing T'ai Sui and Kou Mang, or to be giving T'ai Sui yet another alias.\n\nIn T'aip'ing in Malaya two images of mud bulls are to be seen standing on a pile of paper hell money on the altar beside T'ai Sui. The reason for their inclusion on the altar was not known by the temple keeper nor by the devotees who said that they had always been in that position as far back as anyone could recall. (See Plate 15).\n\nThe Rev. Wm Milne4 in Ningpo in the mid 1840s noted \"the festival of the Beating in of Spring\" when on the first day of spring the Chief Magistrate of the city beat the \"god of spring\", a multi-coloured paper ox, which was then torn to pieces by the crowd, for luck. Milne claimed to have seen this same ceremony elsewhere in Central China, and said that in some districts the bull is made of mud. “The colouring varies as laid down in the Peking annual book of ceremonies. The variations in colours such as red horns, black tail and feet, white body, blue head and neck are regarded as prognosticating the portents of the coming year. The amount of black signifies sickness, blue winds, white rain and floods, red fire and yellow the fruits of the earth. There are also a number of smaller mud oxen mainly sold for household good fortune.”\n\nThe Rev. Milne also reported that “the \"god of spring\" was seen in the shape of a youthful human image, the son of an early Emperor. He too is attired in a fashion prophetic of the fortune of the coming year: bareheaded predicted cold weather, and white robe augurs a dry year etc.\" This youthful image is almost certainly T'ai Sui. In all temples where he was observed in the \"scroll or bell-holding\" two-armed version, his image was seen very frequently to be balanced on wads, sometimes very high wads, of hell money. This is the paper money purchased from temple keepers to be burnt by devotees for the use of deceased members of the family in the Underworld. This custom is usually only to be seen in temples under wealth gods, but in the case of T'ai Sui, the wads are offerings to T'ai Sui for protection and not for transmission by burning to deceased relatives. Shyrock in his Temples of Anking says hell money is burnt for use by ancestors and is never presented to Gods. It would appear to be otherwise in Central and South China.\n\n4 Milne, W. C., Life in China (London, Routledge, 1857).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206734,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 11,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "5\n\nour application for acceptance as a constituent Society was agreed by the Arts Centre, and we will have a nominated member of our Council on its Management Committee on all future occasions it meets to discuss plans for facilities.\n\nThe two tours held during the year were organised by two of your officers. One, to the Chinese University, was arranged by Mr. D. A. Gilkes, Honorary Treasurer. The other, to places of historical interest in the Pokfulum area, was arranged by Mr. James Hayes, Vice-President and Honorary Editor. Both events appear to have been very successful.\n\nIn November we had our 5th symposium which took place as usual at The Hong Kong Club--one of the few moderately priced places appropriate for this kind of event in Hong Kong. The subject was \"Hong Kong: Chinese Tradition and the Development of a Town\" and papers were read by people either actively involved in original research, or in the practical aspects of their subjects. It was accompanied by an exhibition of photographs arranged with the kind help of the City Hall staff, and an exhibition of ritual paraphernalia connected with Triad Societies, provided by the Royal Hong Kong Police Force in conjunction with a paper read by one of its officers. The very useful material emerging at this symposium will be published in our brochure series. The material from our previous symposium on the botany of Hong Kong is in process of publication, and this coming week-end we will have our 6th symposium, on Hong Kong Fauna, organised by Professor B. Lofts of the Department of Zoology, University of Hong Kong.\n\nSince the end of the last calendar year several other events have already taken place and might be mentioned here. The first meeting of this year, at which Mr. James Watt of your Council spoke on recent archeological discoveries in China, was attended by our Patron, Sir Murray Maclehose and Lady Maclehose. A very successful tour to Thailand was organised by Mr. Smithies, who has been our Honorary Secretary for the past financial year. It was preceded by a panel presentation on Thailand in which Mr. Smithies participated, together with Mr. James Watt, and the Royal Thai Consul General. Nineteen members and their guests attended the tour itself, which took place over the Chinese New Year in February. I am pleased to report that the event was a great social success, those taking part organising a party on their return.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206749,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 26,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "20\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nother pests took their toll, the collection of the Medico-Chirurgical Society gradually became unwanted and unusable.\n\nSome remarks should be made on the incorporation of the Society into \"the Asiatic Society of China\" which soon became the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (21). First, why was such a step necessary, and second, to what extent did members of the former Society opt for membership of the new?\n\nIn the account of the origin of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (1) it is stated that the Medico-Chirurgical Society \"in accord with the contemporary spirit of inquiry and the enthusiasm for better knowledge of Asia in general and China in particular, had contemplated setting up a Philosophical Society.\" Part of this story is recorded in the Transactions, p. 62-63. Dr. McGowan of Ningpo wrote a letter which was read at a meeting of the Society on 6th January 1846, \"suggesting the addition of a scientific branch of this Society; or the formation of a Philosophical Society having a Medical Section. The matter having been briefly discussed it was the unanimous opinion of the members present... that the discussion of other scientific subjects should be left to other Bodies, of which members could avail themselves.\n\n**\n\nHowever, this resolve to go it alone was not to be achieved. It is stated in the \"Journal of Proceedings\" regarding the setting up of the \"Philosophical Society of China\" (afterwards the China Branch of the R.A.S.) that \"the number of members of a scientific body called the 'China Medico-Chirurgical Society' had been gradually diminishing, so as to render it difficult to obtain any meetings except at irregular and frequently long intervals\" (22). At the preliminary meeting held on 5th January 1847 there were eight doctors present, namely Drs. Balfour, Young, Barton, Dill, Harland, Bankier, Grant and Fletcher. Only four of these can be positively identified on the membership list of the Medico-Chirurgical Society (Transactions, p. 78), which includes 38 names—though of course others may have joined in the intervening year—but it appears that these four and possibly others had formed a splinter group sympathetic to those who favoured the formation of a \"Philosophical Society\", in the older meaning of the phrase.\n\nThere seems little doubt that the activities of the Medico-Chirurgical Society were on the wane, probably due to the death or departure of some of the more active members. Drs. Tucker,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206848,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 125,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 119\n\ncrow their feathers all fell down on the earth. Nine suns were shot down, but one was too far away to be reached, and that is the sun that still remains to this day. Ngai was very afraid of dying, and he went to a fairy called Sai Wong Mo (1) who gave him some medicine for long life. Sheung Ngoh stole it, and took it in secret. She became lighter and lighter and eventually floated up to the moon where she became a toad. She had a palace to live in which was called the Shim Kung. Another story tells of a Kwai tree growing in the moon, 5,000 Chinese feet tall. A man called Ng Kong (吳剛), who had been sent to the moon as a punishment by the gods for having committed something wrong when learning to become an immortal, was always chopping it with a large chopper. He never managed to cut it down, because as soon as a cut was made in the trunk, it instantly grew together again. Thus the saying \"Shim Kung Chit Kwai\" which applied to those who passed the highest government examinations, gradually came into use since the T'ong (唐) dynasty, A.D. 618. There were many Kwai trees on the hillsides of Kwai Kok Shaan, either planted by Tang Foo or someone later, and the teachers are supposed to have sent their pupils out from the school to pluck the sprigs of flowers with the idea of encouraging them to further effort.\n\nAnother name for the hill is Ngo T'aam Shaan (鵝潭山), turtle pool hill. There is a pool still to be found on the hillside, which, according to one story, used to have turtles living in it. Another story says that it had a rock looking like the head of a large turtle. In olden times all the successful candidates who had passed the government examination, Tsun Sz (進士) went up to the emperor's palace to sit for a further examination named Tin Shi (殿試). Those who passed had their names put in order of merit on a list written on gold paper, and at a ceremony known as Ch'uen Lo (傳臚) the names were read out. The two candidates at the top of the list were led up the steps of the palace by the master of ceremonies, who then presented the first candidate, called the Chong Yuen (狀元) with the list. At the top of the stairs was a turtle carved in stone, and finally the Chong Yuen was caused to stand with his foot on its head. Thus he was known as \"Tuk chim ngo t'au\" (獨占鰲頭). The scholars at Kwai Kok Shaan when wandering on the hillsides would amuse themselves by standing on the turtle-head rock and shouting “I am the only man to put his foot on the head of the turtle!\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206852,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 129,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN\n\nthe Emperor Sung Kwong Tsung (***). After her death her eldest son Lam (†) took a letter that she left behind to Sung Kwong Tsung, who ordered that honours should be paid to the dead princess, the name of Wong Kwu bestowed on her, and a thousand Chinese acres of cultivated land given to Lam, the income from which to be spent on her grave for customary rites and worship. The To Shue Tsaap Shing which was written in the 4th year of Yung Ching (£) of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1726, mentions the fields as being still used for this purpose.\n\nThe princess was very famous for her humility. When she first came to Kam T'in she willingly helped to do the servants' work in the house, and showed no pride in her high birth. There are two sentences referring to her in a poem written by the poet Kan Sz Leung (MA) which run:—\n\n1. 金枝玉葉無人偶,\n\n2. 凄絕農家執箕帚。\n\nwhich roughly translated read:\n\n1. Gold branch jade leaves no one dare to make a pair with.\n\n2. Sad utmost farmer family hold dustpan and broom.\n\nWhen the princess became very old a site for her grave was chosen by a famous \"fung shui\" man named Lai Paak Shiu (16 #). He selected a hill called Sz Tsz Shaan (#) in Shek Tseng (#) near Shek Lung, which was supposed to resemble a lion, but he first asked her if she would prefer to be buried on the lion's head or its tail. She asked what difference it would make, and she was told that if her grave was on the head her descendants would be very great men; but if on the tail they would be more humble people, perhaps officers of low degree, and, although prosperous, none would succeed to high rank. The princess at once said, “I do not want my descendants to become great. They could never be as high as an Emperor's daughter, and yet even I was in danger of my life. I wish them to enjoy the red rice and the shiny scale fish (the unhusked rice and herrings, farmers' food). If they have that they should be content.\" So she was buried on the lion's tail, and two more sentences were written about her,\n\n1. 紅米之飯錦鰍魚,\n\n2. 田家風味甘有餘。",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206853,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 130,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "124 \n\nSUNG HOK-P’ANG \n\n1. Red raw rice cooked and shining scale fish, \n\n2. Farmers' simple good fare delicious and lasting. \n\nThe grave has two names Sz Tsz Kwan K’au ($*$*£*), Lion playing ball; and Ts'o Mei Shui Chue (44), long grass hanging down pearl. When Lai Paak Shiu was having the grave built he put a brass tablet behind the stone one, with the following words on it. \"Three hundred years hence, an ignorant young man named So (#), who knows nothing about \"fung shui”, will want to alter the way this grave faces. If he is allowed to alter it, not only will the Tang family have trouble, but So himself will have bad luck”. The existence of the tablet was unknown until the prophecy on it came true. Three hundred years later when the Tangs were having a period of bad luck and unsuccess, they decided that something was wrong with the \"fung shui\" of the princess' grave. They consulted a young man named So, and at his instigation started to alter the position of the grave. When the stone tablet was removed, the brass one was revealed and in terror So advised them to leave the grave alone. \n\nIn the 50th year of Hong Hei (R) of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1711, the Tang family were repairing the grave when they discovered several sham tombs underneath the ground. This was the custom in ancient China when burying royalty, as by this means it was hoped to prevent their enemies from desecrating the real tomb. The oldest stone tablet that we can find to-day, was put up in the 19th year of Shing Fa (A) of Ming dynasty, A.D. 1483, which gave the dates of the birth and death of the princess. In this tablet was also found the statement that the grave was first made in the 6th year of Shun Yau (*) of Sung dynasty, A.D. 1246, but there is no record of the first stone tablet nor any of the tablets erected before A.D. 1483. After the general repairing of the grave in A.D. 1712 a new stone was erected, but as the dates on the previous one were not considered to be correct, none were written on the stone. \n\nThe princess' husband Tang Tsz Ming was received with honour by the Emperor and had the title of Shui Yuen Kwan Ma (✯✯ #) bestowed on him. It was the custom in China to give the title Kwan Ma to the husband of a prince's daughter. Tang Tsz Ming's grave was made on a little hill called Fat Au Leng ( ##₪) # ). It can easily be seen to this day almost opposite the Au Tau Police Station on the other side of the road to Sheung Shui. It has recently",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206854,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 131,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN\n\n125\n\nbeen repaired and colour-washed in red and white. For a long time this grave was lost, much to the sorrow of Tsz Ming's descendants. In the 33rd year of Hong Hei (R) of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1694, Tang Lui Taan (12) of Ha Ts'uen (†) happening to read the old history of Tung Kwun came across this passage. \"Tang Tsz Ming's grave is in Kau To (A) on Fat Au Leng Shaan. It is now called Ng To (£) of San On district.\" Lui Taan reported this to a relation, Tang Ng Shaang (£) who immediately collected a party of Kam T'in men to go out to the hill and find it. They found a grave there, but on it was a stone stating that it belonged to Tang Maan Lei (£) a cousin of Tsz Ming and the first ancestor of the Ping Shaan family of Tangs. The Kam T'in men were preparing to go away disappointed, when Ng Shaang discovered another and much older stone nearby with the characters almost obliterated. He took the tea he had brought to drink, carefully washed the stone with it and found the following on it ẞ and part of the two characters Kwan # and Ma which were in Tsz Ming's title. After consultation it was decided to dig up the grave and a sham tomb with bricks inside it of a very old style were found exactly the same as in the princess' grave. At last they found the real tomb itself and Tsz Ming's bone-pot could be seen through a hole in the top. So the Kam T'in men were very glad indeed, and to show their gratitude every year about the third month, at the Ts'ing Ming () festival of worshipping at the graves of their ancestors, the Kam T'in people always presented Ng Shaang with some roast pork taken from the offerings for the husband of the princess.\n\n[3]\n\nDuring the Sung dynasty the titles of She Yan (4A) or Siu She (J) were used to address young men of high rank. As the four sons of Tang Tsz Ming and the Princess were the nephews of the Emperor they received the title of Kwok She (4) which means \"Kingdom's young men.\" The eldest, Lam (*) was known as Taai Kwok She, the others Kei (2) Waai (†) and Tsz (†) were called Yee, Saam and Se Kwok She respectively. It is the custom in Kam Tin even now for the young people to address their fathers as \"She\" instead of “Ah Dae\" (E) the Cantonese equivalent to \"Daddy.\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207039,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 110,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "104\n\nMICHAEL SMITHIES\n\nhome of the Lao royal family and the small royal palace at the foot of the Phu Si or central hill sets the modest tone of the town. Its temples are so numerous that it would be impossible to detail each one, and unrewarding, for many are extremely simple, testimonies to the faith of an unaffected and devout people.\n\nThe most splendid is undoubtedly Vat Xieng Tong, originally approached from the Mekong river up a broad stairway. It is the largest temple in area and the compound has a number of interesting buildings; the vihara has high curving roofs coming down very low to the sides and surmounted by an elegant dort xoi fa (flowers pointing to heaven), the many-pronged symbol of the universe, each point tipped with a tiered parasol, that is to be found on nearly every Lao temple roof. The carved portico is striking and the inside of sober simplicity; the altar has a large antique Lao Buddha statue and the ceiling is coffered and painted. The runnels with decorative dragon-head spouts used in ordination ceremonies are kept in many temples in Luang Prabang and there is a good example in Vat Xieng Tong. At the back of the altar, on the outside wall, is a mosaic representing the tree of life, and nearby a small chapel to a Lao hero, Sri Sawai, is entirely covered with charming mosaics on a red background. There are a number of other chapels in the grounds, as well as a small building for a prayer drum. The most opulent of these is undoubtedly the building containing the royal funeral carriages; the carving and gilding is almost overwhelming on the outside, and if the inside of the building is simple, the objects it contains are not; the royal funeral carriages are masterpieces of carving which, until the present king changed the tradition of burning them after the cremation of the monarch they had borne, used to disappear without trace.\n\nAlong the main street going towards the Phu Si is Vat Sene, with a three-tiered roof in the Lao style. The entrance is elegant and raised on octagonal columns and the walls are decorated gold on a red background. Nearby is Vat Pak Khe, one of the most unusual temples in Luang Prabang, with Siamese style frescoes inside and on one of the entrances are supposed to be represented Dutchmen and on a window Venetians. Certainly the objects of the panel carver's attention are European and the style of the dress dates from two to three centuries before the founding of the temple in 1861. Father de Leria visited Vientiane between 1642 and 1647 and his information is recorded in Father Filippo de Marini's book",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207074,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 145,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "HONG KONG PLACE NAMES\n\n139\n\nor husbandry, tools and household articles, and above all in place-names. Now we have no evidence of the languages spoken by the boat-people before they learnt Chinese; we know something of the Yao179 language; and nothing at all is known of the Shan-lao165. But some glossaries of the languages of the south were compiled in the T'ang174, Sung168 and Yüan12 dynasties and there is a fairly good list131 in the Man-shu150, which however lumps them all together as 'Man'1147 without saying which of the many kinds of Man. The chance of our being able to establish beyond doubt any identification of the local hill-tribes or their language is therefore slender.\n\nThe list which follows contains 125 words found in local place-names, or in the daily speech of the people, which are not found in Chinese dictionaries or are found only with other meanings. It is in these words that clues must be found, if they are to be found. It will be seen that the Man glossaries do help in a few cases—the slender chance comes off!\n\nAt the end of the list I have included, with some trepidation, a note on words which may enshrine the names by which some of the aborigines called themselves. When speaking to the Rotary Club I presented this as pure speculation. Since then, however, I have read Mr. Ch'en Hsü-ching's135 book Tan-min-ti yen-chiu1, which confirms some of my surmises concerning the boat-people, some of whom were indeed known as Ma-jen146. There is, however, a great deal of spade-work to be done before these surmises can be called a theory, and whether anybody can be found with both the qualifications and the time to undertake such work before the spread of education erases the oral traditions is a question I cannot answer with any confidence.\n\nLIST OF PECULIAR WORDS\n\nThe words contained in this list comprise (i) those current in the local farmers' and fishermen's speech but not standard Cantonese or Hakka13, (ii) those which occur in local place-names and cannot be explained by their ordinary meanings in Cantonese or Hakka, (iii) those which, though explainable after a fashion, present variations in pronunciation which makes it unlikely that they are really the words in Cantonese or Hakka137 which they pretend to be, (iv) other words of special interest or perplexity in local place names. The names are shown in the official spelling (O.S.) and in the",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207077,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 148,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "142 \n\nK. M. A. BARNETT \n\nO.S. \n\nS.S. \n\n6 chun 圳圳畎: zeon \n\n7 chung 涌 chunq1 \n\n8 fan 填 frann \n\n9 ha 下吓 xraa6 厦 xraar \n\n10 hang 坑 xhaanq \n\n11 hon 旱 xrorn \n\n12 kan 簡 gaarn \n\n13 kang \n\n14 kau 潑 gaau1 \n\nMeaning or Remarks An irrigation channel. \n\nA stream, especially one from which the boat-people get water or up which they take boats. \n\nA grave-mound (i.e. not one of the usual graves cut from the hillside). Also read in names wan, wrann (110) and wang, wrang (111). \n\nVery common in place names, in most of which it cannot possibly mean 'below'. Sometimes seems to stand for hang (10). \n\nThis is the usual word for a river in use by land dwellers. It includes the valley in which the river flows. See also lek (32). Land for dry cultivation is xrorndrei and hill-paddy xrornwroh but in names of villages and localities this word (like ghonn) is usually tabooed in some cases being replaced by the word tso (102) (early) which is written with one stroke less: 4. \n\nA bamboo water-pipe for irrigation. This is a Yao179 word. \n\nMis-spelling of keng (19) \n\nA channel. Sometimes confused with au (2).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207117,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 188,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "182\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\nTak (£), A.D. 1513, of Ming dynasty, because there is evidence that after that year the direction of the grave was altered. The grave was repaired in the 12th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1744, of Ts'ing dynasty, and the inscription on the tablet was composed by Tang Yue Cheung (§§#), a noted Kam T'in scholar.\n\nTang Wan Kuk is supposed to have owned the whole of Hong Kong island, and his great, great grandsons Tang Shing Ngok (# *) and Tang Yuen Fan (1) both very rich men during the Maan Lik period (A.D. 1573-1620) of Ming dynasty, appeared to have shared the island between them, three-quarters belonging to the former, and the rest to the latter. There seems to have been some rivalry between these two gentlemen, and a story often repeated by Kam T'in villagers to-day, tells how when Tang Shing Ngok built a big hall in Shui T'au village, Tang Yuen Fan's youngsters were filled with admiration. Tang Yuen Fan exclaimed, \"Don't waste your time admiring it, but let us do the same thing.\" So he started building a hall equally big and grand, and at the present time Tang Shing Ngok's hall is no longer to be seen, but the old ruins of Tang Yuen Fan's still remain.\n\nTang Shing Ngok's grave was in Sheung To (E✯), now Hung Heung Lo temple (#), Wong Nai Ch'ung (✯✯✯). It was repaired in the 16th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1751 and the name of the grave was Maau Yee Sai Min (#✯6) \"the cat washes its face.\" The people of early times called it Tsau Ma Hoi Kung (ŁSH) \"to draw the bow to shoot at a galloping horse.\" T'o Shi (A), the wife of Tang Shing Ngok, was buried in Kai Lung Wan (#), her grave being repaired in the 14th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1749. Both the inscriptions of these graves are still visible.\n\nDuring the Ming dynasty Hong Kong island was known as Ch'ek Ch'ue Shaan (1) \"red pillar hill,” (Stanley is still called Chek Ch'ue), and it was under that name that the island was referred to in the records of the lands owned by the Tangs. Even in the map contained in the San On Record book, published as late as the 24th year of Ka Hing A.D. 1819, of Ts'ing dynasty, the island is called Chek Chue Shaan. The land owned by the Tangs amounted to several tens of “King” (4) (one \"king\" equalled one hundred Chinese acres) and was mentioned under different localities, the names of which are familiar to us now, such as Taai T'aam (✯✯), Wong Nai Ch'ung (✯✯), K'wan Taai Lo (***) “skirt string",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207140,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 211,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n205\n\nThe roof is also of considerable interest, being again provided with the pottery frieze so common in temples in Southern China, dated Kuang Hsü 33rd year (1907-08). Again this comes from the Shek Wan kilns.\n\nThe temple is also remarkable for a very large image which has somehow found its way there, though it is much older than the building. It is, in fact, of the Ming dynasty and carries the following inscription —\n\n大明萬曆三十一年歲次癸卯季秋吉旦建\n\nwhich dates it to the end of 1603.\n\nTerrace Houses and Individual Buildings en route\n\nIn the course of the visit, members will have the opportunity to see individual old buildings and in some cases whole terraces of houses. These appear to vary widely in date. Some belong to the late 19th century while others date from the early decades of this century. In all cases, however, they are of considerable interest and appeal, though their number has sadly diminished in the post-war years.\n\nFurther Information\n\nMr. Henry James Lethbridge, who has researched into the history of 19th century Hong Kong, informs me that a large number of the married European policemen, turnkeys and minor Government functionaries lived in Wanchai before 1900, cheek by jowl with Chinese (unlike the senior European officials who generally lived apart from them). Many of these persons moved to Kowloon when this was developed for residential purposes early in this century.\n\nMr. Lethbridge also states that many Japanese lived in Wanchai from the early 1900's. They included girls and brothels and during the Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong 1941-45, the military authorities designated it as a 'red light' area.\n\nNotes on the Nineteenth Century Development of Wanchai*\n\nThe first land sale in Hong Kong in June 1841, consisted of a continuous line of Marine Lots marked off from the Chinese section of the Lower Bazaar (Sheung Wan) eastward to Hospital Hill (now the site of the Ruttonjee Sanatorium) at the east end of Wanchai. Individuals and firms bought lots in the Wanchai area and built\n\n*By Carl Smith.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207149,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 220,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "214\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ngood size bed rooms, with dressing and bath room to each; two servant's rooms; a front and back verandah, closed with venetians, each 100 feet long and 12 feet wide, flat roof convenient for exercise and affording a fine view of the harbour and its entrances. Commodious outbuildings for servants, store room and offices; a large compound, garden, etc., whole surrounded by a good fence. Situated on the ridge at West Point and now in occupation of Jamieson, How and Co.\n\nThere was not a ready sale. A business depression prevailed and the location was too remote from the European section of Victoria.\n\nBelow the bungalow Jamieson, How and Co. built a large godown on Marine Lot 57 in 1842. Ten years later this property was sold at auction. The premises on the Marine Lot were described as consisting of \"a costly and recently improved residence, granite godown, pier, outhouses, shrubbery\". The West Point Bungalow was described as beautifully situated immediately opposite on the hill. Both properties were bought by Yorick Jones Murrow.\n\nIn 1854 the West Point Bungalow was used as a military barracks. This left it the worse for wear. Because of its dilapidated condition the Rhenish Missionary Society was able to purchase the property at a reasonable price in 1857. They needed a centre in Hong Kong as they had been forced from their stations on the mainland by the outbreak of hostilities between Britain and China. In 1859 the Government repossessed the property as a site for a new Civil Hospital.\n\nThe area north of Queen's Road extending to Ko Shing Street was the original beach. The land between Queen Street on the east and Wilmer Street on the west can be divided into six main sections. The first (Marine Lot 68) is a rectangular lot three houses wide and bounded on the east by Queen Street. The second section (Marine Lots 68A, 69, 69A, and 70) is intersected by Tsung Sau Lanes East and West. The third section (Marine Lot 58) is the former Ko Shing Theatre property with Wo Fung and Kom Yu Streets. The fourth section (Marine Lot 57) is bounded on the west by Sutherland Street and contains In Ku Lane. The fifth section (Marine Lots 71, 71A, 72, 72A) lies east of Sutherland Street and is intersected by Li Sing Street. The sixth piece (Marine Lot 200) is a triangular lot with its narrow point on Queen's Road and its west boundary Wilmer Street.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207323,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 91,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "NOTES ON CHIUCHOW OPERA\n\n83\n\nto find out the reason for the continual postponement of the marriage. He is characterised as a clown, and the fat wet-nurse appears also as a go-between, a funny character in many Chinese operas. This scene gives ample opportunity to display the vocabulary of comic jokes, movements and mime typical of the Chiuchow opera. He wears gay red costumes, and carries a fan which he handles like a juggler. In this scene the two are describing their long climb by walking in various ways in a circle, pausing to admire the scenery.\n\nThe wet-nurse asks the learned Hsin-tsai for the names and explanations of things seen along the way. \"And this mountain?\"\n\n\"It is called Han Mountain.\"\n\n\"And this river?\"\n\n\"It is called Han River.\"\n\n**\n\n\"And that ancestor temple over there?\" \"It is the Han Memorial Temple.\"\n\n\"Why is everything here called Han?\"\n\n\"Because the great scholar Han Yü was sent from the Capital to Chiuchow and gave his name to all these.\"*\n\n\"Oh, you and your father are like the great Han Yü.\"\n\n\"Oh you really think so? Why?\"\n\n\"Because Han Yü grabbed all the mountains, the river and the ancestor hall, and so on, and now you and your father grab the people's land.\"\n\nThe wet-nurse carries an umbrella and a red pao-fu# or a cloth-roll containing provisions for the journey, slung over the shoulder which is the traditional requisite to indicate travelling. On the Chinese stage luggage is never carried to indicate arrival, departure or travel, but a bamboo-umbrella or a red pao-fu, or both, are used instead.\n\nThe Hsiu-tsai is complaining about the Su family who are constantly postponing his marriage with their daughter, and is wondering what strange reason there may be behind it. They come to a gate erected by the emperor's order to honour a woman who has demonstrated her chastity under hard conditions. The Hsiu-tsai\n\n*For a notice of Han Yü (768-824) see Harbert A. Giles A Chinese Biographical Dictionary, London and Shanghai, 1898, pp. 254-256.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207339,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 107,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n99\n\nadjacent to the European business centre, the so-called Central District (Chung Wan), or, eastwards along Queen's Road, in the district of Wan Chai.\" Once Kowloon was acquired, pong-paân were attracted to this new area of settlement because of low rents and the propinquity of the docks, wharves and godowns soon established there, which in time gave employment to numerous European overseers. At the end of the century, Kowloon had become the principal habitat of lower class Europeans. There were terraces of houses occupied solely by them. A witness wrote:\n\nThese are generally employees in the dockyards, or clerks, or the families of engineers and mates of the small steamers that have their headquarters in Hong Kong... Hong Kong looks down on Kowloon with all the well-bred contempt of Belgravia for Brixton. And even in the despised suburb on the mainland these social differences are not wanting. The wives of the superior dock employees are the leaders of Kowloon society; and the better half of a ship captain or marine engineer is only admitted on sufferance to their exclusive circle.18\n\nBut the part of Victoria most frequented, especially at night, by the European lower orders—soldiers, sailors, merchant seamen, beach-combers and others—was Tai Ping Shan, a densely populated Chinese residential area west of the Central District. In 1875 a visitor to Hong Kong wrote:\n\nPassing westward along Queen's Road, we come upon a quarter of the town much frequented by seamen of all nations. Here spirits are sold in nearly every second shop, and bands of common sailors may be seen spending their time and money on questionable drink in more questionable company, roaring out some rough sea-song in drunken chorus, or dancing to the time of a drum and flute, accordion or cornopean. The piles of Chinese houses which rise above this locality embrace Tai-Ping-Shan, or the hill of great peace. The name is a fine one, but a fine name will not hide the sins of the place. Tai-Ping-Shan is inhabited, for the most part, by Chinamen; but men are found there belonging to all the nations of the East. As for women, these are principally Chinese; they are numerous enough, but of the lowest type. There are strange hotels in this quarter,\n\n* There are a number of 19th century street maps available for early Hong Kong, held in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207396,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 164,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "156\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nsteeply to one of the passes, Magazine Gap, through which roads passed from one side of the Island to the other. The hospital had wide shady verandahs but no lifts, and all windows had heavy wooden shutters for use during typhoons. A reservoir for fire fighting purposes had been constructed a little above hospital level and was fed by hill streams. Above that again was the Nursing Sisters Mess. About the same level as the hospital were quarters for warrant officers and a barrack block for male staff, a NAAFI block for recreation and a tennis court together with some lesser outbuildings. Below the hospital was the Sergeants Mess and a residential block for married staff, \"H\" block. There was only one approach road winding up to the hospital, Borrett Road, but there was a subsidiary road, Bowen Road, running along a contour line but not strong enough to take heavy traffic. The hospital was one of the landmarks of the Hong Kong scene when viewed from the mainland. Below the hospital the ground fell steeply to the main road linking the city of Victoria and the Island to the east, and to the Naval Command Headquarters in H.M.S. Tamar, the Naval Dockyard and the headquarters of China Command. The hospital was therefore close to legitimate enemy targets and any margin for error in artillery fire and aerial bombing was reduced still further by the precipitous slope on which it stood.\n\nThe hospital however had nowhere else to go, and Colonel Shackleton the commanding officer used his considerable ingenuity to have two operating theatres with their necessary adjuncts and X-Ray rooms constructed in the basement of the administration block. Engines for generating electricity, one capable of supplying the theatres and X-ray room, the other able to serve part of the hospital as well were installed and were of great value during hostilities and during the long period of captivity. When the hospital was severely damaged and the kitchen totally destroyed very early on by aerial bombs and shell fire, Shackleton speedily got an emergency kitchen operating in the sergeants mess and set up a protective wall of concrete blocks, known to us from a much publicised local court case as \"Mimi Lau's”, on the harbour side of the ground floor wards. Shackleton was a forceful character, apparently not aware of fear, who was ready to cut through any red tape which obstructed his aims. He liked his own way and was not an easy man to have under command, but to those relying upon his administration in war he always provided what was needed.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207479,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 247,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n239\n\ntoo much water, a complaint which I imagine rose from a need to save electricity which powered the water pumps in the mains system in the Island. In the first half of 1944 we drained our reservoir twice to repair leaks and on the first occasion we found quite a number of British rifles, pistols, grenades and a substantial quantity of ammunition which British troops had obviously jettisoned during their retreat. During hostilities R.A.M.C. personnel were armed to protect their patients if need be, but all such arms in Bowen Road together with those which had come in with patients had been withdrawn and returned to the Royal Army Ordnance Corps as the end of hostilities approached. I never heard that firearms were ever used by medical personnel. We were never asked to explain the presence of arms after they were discovered in the reservoir. Mains water was cut off intermittently from mid 1944 onwards and in November we read in the Hongkong News that water supplies would be cut off in a large part of the city of Victoria, while we in the hospital were warned that we might possibly get a mains supply on one day out of three. Our engineers thereupon laid a water pipe from the reservoir to the kitchen with tanks which were baths removed from the hospital, at the reservoir and on the kitchen roof. Provision was made for showers and special arrangements were made for gardeners. The sappers were required to extend our water supply to the Japanese guardhouse and they also dammed a nullah above the hospital to provide a supply for the Japanese administration. The pipes were taken from the handrails on the stairs in the hospital and elsewhere, and the work was timely for the mains supply ceased at the end of November 1944. We then chlorinated our drinking water in containers in the wards and hoisted water to the upper ward levels in buckets using a system of pulleys. Thereafter we relied on hill-water for our supplies though in our new quarters in Kowloon after March 1945 the mains supply system was operating.\n\nThe mains supply of electricity, interrupted for a time during hostilities, was restored after our surrender and this was extremely valuable to us in the long months of 1942 and 1943 when we had so many seriously ill men. Each ward had a small electric instrument sterilizer which we were allowed to retain and they proved of the greatest value in preparing drinks, small dishes of food and boiling eggs etc. for patients. Our skilful engineers kept them serviced and they were used as long as we had any current from the",
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    {
        "id": 207489,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 257,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n249\n\nhow these were employed. We had four gardens. The quarter-master and the padre slept in the former's office, three doctors slept in the small room we used as the staff officers' mess, while I was again fortunate and had a tiny room, enough to take my bed directly behind the main hospital office, an arrangement which was very convenient for all concerned. We re-started our meteorological observations on 14 April in lovely weather and I see that we had a small putting course and a croquet lawn in action both laid out over pretty rough country. The generator was successfully repaired and we tried to get cement to make a secure base for the engine. We were employing ten workers temporarily on various jobs while another ten were regarded as on permanent duty so long as they remained suitable. It was encouraging to receive two patients suffering from malaria and peptic ulcer respectively from Sham Shui Po since it looked as though we were going to be used as the local hospital for the camps. By 24 April the kitchen even began to accept private dishes for cooking from patients and staff. This sounds very grand, but in fact the dishes consisted of saved-up rice flavoured in various ways according to the resources of the owners. We now had a total of 176 people in the hospital and there were many spontaneous expressions of pleasure at our vastly improved conditions. The general spirit in the hospital was excellent, though we still had one patient on the dangerously ill list. The building was suitable for our use, our numbers were reduced, we were eating better and though we had some pretty ill patients they were being cared for in airy wards into which poured plenty of sunshine. I think this in itself, contrasting so markedly with the dull and rather gloomy wards with their sad associations in Bowen Road had a stimulating effect upon us.\n\nThe stairs leading from our part of the hospital to the Japanese quarters were blocked by wooden frames made by our carpenters on Japanese orders. The Hongkong News arriving very irregularly and we had to replace the white beds in the ward for the blind because they took up too much space.\n\nBy 26 April we had one garden ready for planting and we had decided that bully chow fan was a waste of good corned beef and that this was better made into rissoles. We washed out and thoroughly oiled all our drains but we could not obtain putty to repair broken glass in our metal frame windows. We were allowed to use the church piano up to 7 p.m. daily but the Assembly Hall remain-",
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    {
        "id": 207490,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 258,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "250\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\ned out of bounds. One Volunteer died at 11.15 a.m. on 27 April and having no acceptable mortuary we conducted the funeral at once to a site near Argyle Street, a short distance from the hospital.\n\nThe Japanese celebrated 29 April as a holiday in honour of the Emperor's birthday, and we received two issues of cigarettes for staff from the Japanese. Early in May we got plants including tomato and pakchoi, from a Chinese garden and had already planted onions. On 2 May Saito told me to try the main switch and true enough on the following day the mains electricity supply was restored. More mail came in and on 4 May parcels arrived from our visitor friends, two being for the Hong Kong Volunteer who had died on 27 April.\n\nOn 5 May Saito put on the lights on the platform of the Assembly Hall and there was a concert which my diary shows to have included items in Japanese and English, though my memory does not recall details. On 7 May we ran a lottery for a consignment of Red Cross pullovers, blankets, underpants, vests, gloves, wool hats, green hats, mosquito nets, towels, jackets, and cardigans. There were two towels and eighteen jackets, but in all other cases the numbers were between thirty and thirty-five. By 10 May engineers were wiring up the room used as the operating theatre and X-ray room and were arranging to run our generator two days later to allow examination of our tuberculous patients and to allow a couple of minor operations to be performed. By now we had an additional supper meal including at times sweet meatless rissoles, cake, buns, and soup. For a time we had no ration beans and the vegetables were poor. The absence of beans was serious for us since we had been issuing 28 grammes daily after fish ceased to be provided. About this time pay for staff and officers came in and I asked that those who were attending the blind might also be paid. We had another concert on 12 May and by the middle of the month I estimated that we had 42 patients who on their expected recovery would be eligible for turn-over with patients from Sham Shui Po. Some of these were already being employed by us on the one-month temporary basis. On 19 May we had a concert for the third Saturday running though I record that the turns were of mixed interest but that the standard was poor.\n\nSmall quantities of mail continued to come every week or two and I received a card dated July 1944. We were carrying out anti-mosquito measures both inside and outside our wire and we received",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207500,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 268,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "260\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nfeet to help aircraft expected to drop supplies the next day. The sign had to be yellow, and the Japanese straw sleeping mats called tatami were used to construct the sign. Some huts in the Indian camp were blown down. We got Tokunaga and Saito to turn over St. Teresa's Hospital to us while we helped also by housing a number of people in our Assembly Hall. Our staff of rice grinders had stopped functioning and we had to use R.A.M.C. orderlies to help. We had been hoping that our sisters would have arrived but a party of them had apparently missed a ferry connection. A nearby typhoon accompanied by heavy rain caused the air drop of supplies to be postponed but the weather moderated and our marooned visitors were able to leave. Two women members of a religious order arrived from St. Teresa's Hospital distressed that a Japanese officer had disturbed them the previous night and I took them to the Indian camp where I arranged the move of patients and staff through Indian Army officers to St. Teresa's Hospital and I set about compiling lists of patients from all centres in order to classify those needing treatment and special transportation when relief arrived. We had a number of Canadian officers to lunch and Major Crawford was a welcome visitor later when he came to see the Canadian patients in hospital. He himself seemed in reasonably good shape by the standards of those days.\n\nIn consultation with Colonel Field certain difficulties over medical arrangements in some camps were remedied. The sisters in St. Teresa's Hospital were keeping three rooms for their own use and the Japanese were moving out. The St. Teresa's staff and patients would be fed from the Indian camp and we were now getting news over the radio which suggested that a relief force might arrive about the end of the month. An emergency operation was performed in our hospital on a patient admitted from camp. The disease was the same as that in the case of the patient whom I reported earlier had been received by us in Bowen Road in 1942 after ten days illness, when he died before surgery could be undertaken. Early surgery would have saved this patient and operation was totally successful in the case of the patient we had just admitted. Staff and patients were again being allowed out locally.\n\nBy 26 August I had occupied the office which Saito had used, and in St. Teresa's Hospital the sisters were now content with the arrangements while they also had access to houses at No. 317 Prince Edward Road, Major Evans was in charge here with Captain",
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    {
        "id": 207562,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 330,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "322\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ngreat blaze they saw was not being fed by the engine sheds and the numerous and extensive buildings of the Company there.\" (Daily Press, Dec. 17, 1884).\n\nAfter the fire, the area was laid out into regular lots and the government began disposing of them at public auction. It was at this time that the building sites were regularized and the streets were officially named. Fronting the Dock Company's property and the sea was Bulkely Street, with buildings only on the north side. Behind it was Market Street (now Wuhu Street). The Public Market built in 1886 occupied a block on the north side of this street in the centre of the laid out portion of the village. These were the two main streets running east and west. At the east end of the village was Hill Street, (now Tientsin Street) running north and south, next to the west was Dock Street, then Station Street leading up to the Police Station situated on a hill behind the village, then an unnamed street (now Marsh Street) and finally Temple Street leading up to the Kun Yam Temple nestled under the hill behind Market Street. Also behind Market Street both on the east and west side of the village were rows of small family houses.*\n\nIn the 1890's the area of Hung Hom near the present Chatham Road was being developed for industrial establishments. The area was known as West Hung Hom. At the turn of the century, there was at Hung Hom a match factory, a sugar candy factory, a glass factory, and a dozen or so boat building yards. There was also a Hotel and Tavern, owned by an Indian who left a will.\n\nVarious Hong Kong capitalists invested in Hung Hom lots. The partners of Lapraik and Company owned several blocks in front of the Market House. These were later sold to the Hong Kong Land Company. When new lots were laid out to the west in the 1890's, Ho Tung and later Lau Chu Pak, of the Yaumati Ferry Company, bought several of the blocks. Li Kwong also owned valuable lots at Yaumati.\n\n(b) Some local institutions: Schools\n\nA Government-subsidized village school was established under the direction of the local community, and several Christian schools were opened. The Church Missionary Society had lots at the east end of the village, the London Missionary Society in 1883 applied\n\n* Two maps showing Hung Hom in 1892 and 1901 are printed respectively at p. 321 and between pp. 322 and 323.\n\nPage 330\n\nPage 331",
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    {
        "id": 207630,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 18,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "3\n\nwho is organising the trip, Drs. L. B. and S. Thrower, and Mr. Michael Webster.\n\nPublications\n\nThe 1974 Journal is now in process of distribution and many of you who were members also in that year, will have received your copies already. During the year our fifth symposium: Hong Kong: the Interaction of Traditions and Life in the Towns was published and I understand is selling quite well. Also published this year are the proceedings from the immediately preceding symposium organised by Professor L. B. Thrower on: The Vegetation of Hong Kong: its Structure and Change. The publication of Professor Loft's symposium on Fauna is I understand expected very shortly - it has all been proof read and returned to the printer. Part of the 1975 Journal has already gone to the printer and I understand that it should be ready for distribution at the end of the year.\n\nArts Centre\n\nAs a Constituent Society Member of the Hong Kong Arts Centre, your Society continues to be very ably represented on the Arts Centre Committee by Mr. David Gilkes, our Hon. Treasurer (who will also soon be explaining the Balance Sheet to you). The Arts Centre is due for completion in February 1977 and it should become a focal point for the Arts in Hong Kong. Your Society expects to play an increasing role in the Centre and already tangible benefits have been received through our Constituent Society Membership. Would you note, by the way, that if you are yourself an independent member of the Arts Centre you can save the Society money by informing the Centre of your R.A.S. membership. If you send your Centre membership card together with the Royal Asiatic Society membership card to the Centre for confirmation, we can claim $10 for each such member off the bill we must pay annually to the Centre for our Membership as a Society. You will appreciate the fact that since our payment is calculated on the basis of our membership figure the more members we have the more we have to pay.\n\nLibrary\n\nWith the closing of the British Council Library in the Gloucester Building, new arrangements had to be made for housing the",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207710,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 98,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "\"PATTERNED BANDS\" IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG\n\n83\n\nto the edge and the tassels allowed to fall free at each side, swinging at either side of the wearer's face. In Yuen Long, the band is not worn this way but instead a longer band (145 CM) is used to tie the hat under the wearer's chin.\n\nA patterned band approximately 85 CM long, with relatively small tassels, is often used to hold the rectangular headcloth worn by Hakka women both indoors and outdoors when a hat is not worn. The band is doubled over the top of the headcloth and fastened at the back of the neck below the woman's bun, thus serving as an ornament and to hold the headcloth in place.\n\nIn addition, a band approximately 75 CM long may be used to fasten the small apron (1) across the back. To attach the band, buttons are sewed to the ends of the bands near the tassels, and these are buttoned through loops in the apron. The bib of the apron is commonly fastened around the neck with a silver chain on which old Hong Kong silver five-cent pieces serve as buttons. These aprons are worn by Hakka women both on special occasions and for everyday use.\n\nIn Tsuen Wan, at least, the bands traditionally served other purposes as well. Women said that they had to weave great numbers of them before their marriages, because of the role they played in the ceremonies, and for a week or so beforehand they stopped all other work and stayed indoors to weave. The bride was expected to give them as gifts to all the older women relatives who came to attend the festivities. Patterned bands were also used to tie back the mosquito nets on the marriage bed, and were tied around the foot-washing basin which is an important dowry item and fertility symbol. One was used as the bride's trouser string, and one was even given as a gift to the little boy whose job it was to kick open the sedan chair door upon the bride's arrival. When a son had been born, a very long red patterned band was hung over the lantern which was raised in the ancestral hall at the hoi tang (H) ceremony, symbolizing the birth of a son into the lineage.4\n\nTechnique of Manufacture\n\nThe weaving of patterned bands was the only textile art form produced, in recent years at least, by Tsuen Wan women. Their only other artistic outlet was the singing of \"mountain songs\" (山歌*) while working together in groups, and the spontaneous singing",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207717,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 105,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "90\n\nELIZABETH L. JOHNSON\n\nloom does not appear to have been part of the inventory of Han Chinese material culture, this leads one to speculate that the Hakka may have learned the technique through contact with pre-Han people in the hill areas of Kwangtung where they settled. This is, at least, one possible explanation for their use of this technique.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The research reported here was done in Kwan Mun Hau Village, Tsuen Wan, during 1975-76, following my dissertation research which was done in the same village in 1968-70. The work was supported by the Joint Centre on Modern East Asia, at York University in Toronto.\n\n2 Recent research reports on Tsuen Wan include:\n\nGraham E. Johnson, \"Leaders and Leadership in an Expanding New Territories Town\", The China Quarterly, March 1977, pp. 109-125. Elizabeth L. Johnson, \"Women and Childbearing in Kwan Mun Hau Village\", in Women in Chinese Society, Margery Wolf and Roxane Witke, eds., Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1975.\n\nAn exhibit of patterned bands, and Szechwan peasant embroideries, was held at the University of British Columbia Museum of Anthropology from April 15-June 15 of this year, with the title \"Chinese Peasant Textile Arts: Kwangtung and Szechwan Provinces\". The exhibit was prepared by the students of Anthropology 431.\n\n3 I wish to express my gratitude to my informants in Kwan Mun Hau Village, who not only introduced me to the subject of patterned bands but were also very patient in supplying me with information about them. I should also like to thank my very able research assistant, Jennifer Woon Chi-yee.\n\n4 Dr. James Hayes has raised the interesting question of whether the bands used on these occasions would be woven in the colour and style of the wife's or the husband's village or would always be red (a lucky colour). Unfortunately I cannot answer this question without further research.\n\n5 Some of the mountain songs were learned while others were sung in a kind of spontaneous repartee between two groups, often of men and women. The form of the wedding and funeral songs was learned, but the content varied according to the feelings which the individual singer wished to express.\n\n6 See: James Hayes, \"Itinerant Hakka Weavers\", Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch. Vol. 8, 1968, pp. 162-165. Aijmer, in his article \"Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society” (Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol. 7, 1967, pp. 42-79 (p.48)) mentions home weaving of fabrics, but this was apparently not done in Tsuen Wan, at least in recent memory.\n\n7 For a general study of this phenomenon, see Aijmer, op. cit.\n\n8 G. W. Skinner states that this was also true of Szechwan peasant embroideries. G. William Skinner, \"Marketing and Social Structure in Rural China, Part I\" The Journal of Asian Studies, vol. xxiv, no. 1, November 1964, pp. 3-44 (p.40)\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
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    {
        "id": 207771,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 159,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "144\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\ntruck so that the payload of 2 tons was the maximum. However, by 1944 the charcoal trucks were being operated successfully over the Luhsien road with its high altitude as well as all the other routes. Charcoal was obtainable in most villages and was cheap in the mountain areas and the cost, per ton carried, was 1/5 of that of alcohol. The charcoal burners carried the major load of supplies through 1944 and the first part of 1945.\n\nThe successful Burma campaign of autumn 1944, the opening of the Ledo road and the petrol pipeline laid along it made a great difference to the Unit transport systems. Not only was the Unit allocated 25 Canadian W.D. 3-ton Dodge trucks in the summer of 1945 from ARC and UNRAA, but it was also able to obtain P.O.L. (Petrol, Oil and Lubrication) supplies from the US army free of charge. To quote from a letter written 10/6/45 “It was a great moment when at Kunming, Rupert (Stanley) and I drove up in a truck to the P.O.L. station and pulled up beside a real petrol pump (and bright red at that too) and said to the Sergeant \"Fill'er up\" and he filled her up to the tune of 22 gallons US. When I told him it was 34 years since I'd done that he registered the usual GI amazement that anyone could stand the place that long”.\n\nSystem Performance\n\nThe cargo carried by the system was in three categories: Medical and Relief supplies for NHA, IRC, ARC etc.; FAU maintenance and fuel supplies; and return cargoes. The Government transport administration ruled that no trucks should travel empty and on return journeys must take Government, usually military, cargoes. The Unit had a special pass, as a Christian pacifist organization, exempting it from taking soldiers or weapons and instead usually had cargoes of salt from the Yangtse valley south to Kweichow and Yunnan.\n\nThe system performance figures in terms of kilometre tons for the 4 years, as far as they are at present available, are given in Table VII. The number of trucks available on average through the years are given, and from this it will be seen that the operating efficiency in terms of kilometre tons per truck per year steadily increased. This was due to:---\n\n1) increased efficiency of the Charcoal truck operations, more than compensating for the deterioration of the diesel trucks",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
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    {
        "id": 207794,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 182,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "LAND AND RIVER ROUTES TO WEST CHINA\n\n167\n\ngorges are the Wushan, Witches' Mountain, and Windbox Gorges, which provide some of the most spectacular and awe-inspiring river scenery in the world. There are places where the river is only 150 yards wide, where the passenger on a steamer has the feeling that the almost sheer precipices actually overhang the river. The cliffs in Windbox Gorge are 700 feet high, and it was here that the record rise in the river level of 275 feet once took place.\n\nAbove Wanhsien the valley of the river opens out, and navigation to Chungking and beyond is comparatively simple. Until the Szechwan Steam Navigation Company's second steamer, Shuhun, went into service in 1914, steamers on the Yangtze, like junks, required trackers to pull them up the most powerful rapids, and a unique feature of the Upper Yangtze was the trackers' paths cut in the hillside thirty or forty feet above the river level. At these places junks were often lightened of their cargo and passengers before negotiating the rapid.\n\nIn the year after the Swinhoe expedition the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce supported another expedition up the Yangtze and into Szechwan by the famous German explorer Baron von Richthofen. His report on Szechwan is the most important until then, being the first to include an accurate description of the famous Red Basin of Chengtu, and its legendary irrigation system. This basin, with an area of some 3,500 square miles, is the only large area of level ground in the whole province, and has a population of about six million. Its remarkable fertility is due to the irrigation system introduced by Li Ping in the third century B.C. Li led the Min River through a hill and distributed its waters over the wide plain through a network of canals.\n\nOther notable journeys in Szechwan and West China between the late 1870s and early 1900s, included those of E.C. Baber and Sir Alexander Hosie of the China Consular Service, Archibald Little of Upper Yangtze fame, and A.E. Pratt, the zoologist. Pratt's travels lasted three years from 1887 to 1890. He built his own boat at Ichang to take him through the Gorges and past Chungking to Kiating, from where he journeyed overland to the sacred Mount Omei, over 11,000 feet high. Pratt's travels deserve to be better known, as they were the first in West China to be undertaken for purely scientific purposes. He blazed the trail for the later journeys of the botanists George Forrest, Kingdon Ward, and E.H. Wilson.",
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    {
        "id": 207855,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 243,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "228 \n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN \n\na stretch of water (the sea). The Green Dragon is satisfactory, but the White Tiger is imperfect; there is a break in the line of the hills through which too much wind can pass; so that the whole configuration, while being good, falls short of being a perfect embrace. For that reason Sun enjoyed power but not for long. A stream runs obliquely across the valley robbing the grave of its virtue in respect of money; Sun was poor. In the sea below there are several small islands which are to be taken as warships, some of them sailing out into the open sea, showing Sun's desertion by his armed forces. Finally, there appears in the distance just over the line of the White Tiger, the peak of another hill; such a feature means robbery-Sun was kidnapped. The site explains Sun's career (or some version of it) and justifies the geomancer who predicted that Mrs. Sun's son would be a king. \n\nThis simple case illustrates two systems of analysis being employed together; the system of metaphysical forces composing a site, and the system of resemblances, the latter being invoked to interpret the islands. But the chief interest of the case lies in the example it offers of retrospective interpretation. Geomancy is a self-reinforcing system of ideas. What is predicted must always come true, because what is foretold is vague, or inevitable, or subject to frustrations which deny a part of the system or the competence of a particular practitioner without damaging the system as a whole. Retrospectively it can be demonstrated to be valid because the material can be read in a number of different ways to justify any collection of events. Moreover, the existence of prosperity by itself presupposes that it has been produced by fung shui, and failure to detect the precise reasons why the fung shui has operated so well leaves it in the realm of knowledge which in principle can be obtained but for the moment, because of lack of expertise, remains inaccessible. (One geomancer told me that Mr. Mao Tse-tung's mother is buried in a good fung shui. And he added, perhaps for political symmetry, that General Chiang Kai-shek also enjoys geomantic benefits, the fall in his fortunes being due to the operation of the cycle which governs all affairs. Retrospective fung shui is illustrated also in the traditions of the Tang clan. When the Sung princess who married a Tang in the twelfth century became old a famous geomancer chose a fung shui for her which resembled a lion, asking her whether she preferred to be buried in the lion's head or tail. 'She asked what difference it would make, and she was told that if",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207858,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 246,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n231\n\ninhabiting the village point to the ruined ancestral halls of their late rivals and ascribe their own fortune to the cunning of their ancestor who, at the time when all the ancestral halls were being built in a line, surreptitiously made a slight alteration to the direction in which his own hall was to face. If ever there was such an incident, which I take leave to doubt, the alignment now to be seen bears no trace of it. The jubilant survivors cannot detect it either; they merely assume it to be there.\n\n64. Just as the fung shui (and in consequence the status) of people may be attacked by poaching on grave-sites, so conflict can arise over buildings. X's attempt to build higher than my house is an affront. I say he is ruining my fung shui. I am implying that he has no right to put himself above me. Y has pierced his wall to make a new window. It has caused sickness in the village. We protest against his lack of consideration; he should have taken precautions. Perhaps we are also saying that he should not have done what others do not do. And fung shui objections become intensified when those who have been held to be at fault are outsiders: strangers or the government. For then the community as a whole can be united in its determination to defend its interests.\n\n65. A village is not just the ground on which its fields are made and its houses stand. It is the whole area which, by custom, falls within the control of the community. When the British arrived they acknowledged rights not only to building sites and cultivations, registering these rights in the land records, but also to a wider village territory within which the local population had certain privileges, especially for burying their dead, grazing their beasts, and collecting fuel. Villagers stand by these rights in the sense that intrusion is resented and attempts made to force trespassers to pay for their boldness if they cannot, or it is not desirable that they be, excluded. The immigrant vegetable-grower or poultry-farmer may think that he has acquired the right to put up a shack but he may find himself the centre of a dispute from which he can extricate himself only by paying a sum of money. An industrialist may have all the necessary permits but he may be forced to come to terms with the people in whose area he wishes to operate. The wise immigrant and the wise industrialist make their terms before they begin to build. Similarly, the government undertaking public works may fall foul of objections which are phrased in fung shui language. A hole is being drilled; a child falls sick; the work must stop.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207905,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 293,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "278\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThis mounting criticism did not escape the notice of the Chinese community. A public meeting was held at their Hall in November, 1875 to discuss allegations against the Hospital occasioned by the Committee's interest and concern regarding a plan by the Dutch Government to recruit labour for Sumatra.\n\nThe Editor of the China Mail had pointed out that there was \"a vast difference between a reasonable recognition of native merchants and permitting them to interfere with and almost override the action of duly qualified officials\". It was charged that the Governors in their relations to the Committee had failed to preserve the proper reserve toward representatives of the Chinese community which had led them \"to regard itself (the Committee) as fully competent to regulate all affairs of Church and State\". In receiving deputations from the Committee and in consulting them directly for advice, the Governor was by-passing the channels previously created for communication between officialdom and the Chinese community, namely the Registrar General or Protector of the Chinese. The result was that there had arisen an imperium in imperio which threatened the whole structure of colonial administration in Hong Kong.\n\nThe meeting of the Chinese to consider these criticisms was attended by some 300. Eight propositions were presented for discussion and decision. The particularly relevant ones were:\n\n(2) Should the Hospital Committee in the future participate in anything which affected the interest of the Chinese Community at large.\n\n(3) Whether the Committee should cooperate with Government in suppression of gambling, kidnapping and transmission of women abroad for immoral purposes.\n\n(4) Had the Committee usurped the authority of local officials.\n\n(5) Was the Hospital a guild detrimental to the interest of the Community.\n\nThe decision was \"yes\" to the first two and \"No\" to the last two. (China Mail, Nov. 13 and 15, 1875).\n\nSuggestions had been made in the press in 1873 in discussing the hiring of detectives by the Hospital Committee to assist in detecting kidnappers that, rather than have a body such as the Tung Wah in charge of such matters, \"it would probably be wiser to give the Chinese a recognized status in regard to local Government, by",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207913,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 301,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "286\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIn Chinese these two characters indicate the mountain's colour as if being lightened by the rosy sunset. According to some Chinese poetry, the sunset time seemed the most lovely time of a day.5 Thus, to Chinese mind, a red mountain is surely a term which indicates not only a poetic feeling but also suggests a painterly mood.\n\nBased on most probably this particular literary name, Ho Chung fixed upon Tan-shan lao-jenA, ‘an elderly man in a red mountain', as his second literary name. However, the nature of his first and second literary names was too closely related. Perhaps because of this reason, he began to call himself Ch'i-shih-erh-feng lao-jen+‘an elderly man who dwells among seventy-two peaks'. This is a good literary name except it seems too clumsy. Perhaps feeling this dissatisfaction, Ho Chung fixed Yen-ch'iao jen, ‘a man on a bridge (particularly hidden) by the smoke' (which had sometime been varied as Yen-ch'iao lao-jen) as his last literary name. Judging their literary implication as well as their mysterious atmosphere, Yen-ch'iao-jen is undoubtedly much better than either Tan-shan lao-jen or Ch'i-shih-erh-feng lao-jen.\n\nCorresponding to the number of his personal literary names, Ho Chung also had four literary names for his painting studio. His first, which was the only one recorded by writing on Kwangtung painting, was Chu-ch'ing shih-shou chih-tsai✯✯&$2★. 'A Studio which houses the emaciated bamboo and the long-lived rocks'. In addition, as could be found from his own writings inscribed on his paintings, Ho Chung's second studio name happened to be Lan-yen chu-hsiao chih-tsai✯✯✯✯, 'A studio in which the orchid speaks and the bamboo smiles (to their master)'; whilst his third was Mei-hua shan-kuan, 'a hall on the plum blooming mountain'. In fact, just as his second literary name (an elderly man of the red mountain) was derived from his first —— a red mountain - so Ho Chung's second studio name (a studio in which the orchid speaks and the bamboo smiles) is also very similar to his first studio name (a studio which houses the emaciated bamboo and the long-lived rocks). As to the 'hall on the plum blooming mountain' it has a special background. Ever since the 13th century, plum blossoms were always treated by Chinese scholars as a symbol of the incorruptness of literati”. Naming his art studio as 'a hall on the plum blooming mountain' suggested Ho Chung's personality",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207991,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 30,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "14\n\nLEIGH WRIGHT\n\nAt the height of Brunei's \"golden age\" the earliest contacts with Europeans occurred. The best records of the early contacts are found in the account of Antonio Pigafetta, the chronicler of Magellan's circumnavigation voyage. In 1521 Magellan's fleet visited Brunei. I quote at some length a description of Brunei under Sultan Bulkiah.4\n\nWhen we reached the city, we had to wait two hours in the prau, until there had arrived two elephants, caparisoned in silk-cloth, and twelve men, each furnished with a porcelain vase, covered with silk, to receive and to cover our presents. We mounted the elephants, the twelve men going before, carrying the presents. The present for the king consisted of a vest velvet in the Turkish fashion, a chair of purple velvet, five yards of red broad-cloth, one cap (beretoo), a gilded goblet, a glass vase with a lid, three quires of paper, and gilded inkstand. We brought for the queen three yards of yellow broad-cloth, a pair of silver-embroidered shoes, and a silver case filled with pins. We thus proceeded to the house of the governor, who gave us a supper of many dishes. Here we slept for the night on mattresses stuffed with cotton (Bambagic), and cased with silk. Next day, we were left at our leisure until twelve o'clock when we proceeded to the king's palace. We were mounted, as before, on elephants, the men bearing the gifts going before us. From the governor's house to the palace the streets were full of people armed with swords, lances and targets: the king had so ordered it. Still mounted on the elephants we entered the court of the palace. We then dismounted, ascended a stair, accompanied by the governor and some chiefs, and entered a great hall full of courtiers, whom we shall call barons of the realm (Baroni del regno). Here we were seated on carpets, the presents being placed near to us.\n\nAt the end of the great hall, but raised above it, there was one of less extent hung with silken cloth, in which were two curtains, on raising which, there appeared two windows, which lighted the hall. Here, as a guard to the king, there were 300 men with naked rapiers (stochi nudi) in hand resting on their thighs, at the further end of this smaller hall, there was a great window with a brocade curtain before it, on raising which, we saw the king seated at a table masticating betel, and a little boy,\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208012,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 51,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "STANLEY INTERNMENT CAMP, HONG KONG 1942-1945\n\n35\n\ndishes\". After a few months she was allowed out of the camp in the care of this Swiss national. She then sent parcels to friends in camp. Among other things she bought bottles of vinegar, emptied out the vinegar, refilled the bottles with gin and sent them to camp!\n\nThe Hong Kong News of April 16, 1942 reported that 300 parcels for Stanley were received by the Foreign Affairs Section of the Japanese government in the HK & Shanghai Bank. Still, few internees received parcels from the city, although one man was said to have received so many that he got a hernia carrying them up the hill to his room.\n\nMore internees benefited from the Camp Canteen, which first opened in February 1942. Like most things in camp, it took a while to get the canteen running smoothly. At first it was first come, first served; later, a tab system was organised and this resulted in a more equitable chance for the internees. On one occasion in February 1942, the Americans bought the entire stock of the canteen. This was hardly popular with the British or the Dutch. It was, however, explained by the fact that only the Americans had the necessary small notes. Large notes, such as $500 notes, were rapidly depreciating in HK and were refused by the canteen operator.\n\nAs for Red Cross parcels, they were delivered to Camp on three occasions: November 1942, September 1944 and March 1945. Containing clothing, tinned food and bulk supplies like sugar and coffee, the distributions of parcels were exciting events, not only for what was received but also for showing that the internees were not forgotten by the outside world. In regard to supplementing the Camp food with vegetables from Camp gardens, a few internees began gardening soon after being interned, but most did not, because they did not expect to be in Camp long enough to justify the work involved. Gardening on a large, communal scale did not begin for nearly two years, in 1944.\n\nThe Black Market was an outstanding feature of Stanley Camp outstanding because of its magnitude. Food, the main item of trade, of course, was brought into Camp by the guards for sale to the internees, and valuables of the internees were sent out for sale in the city. Most transactions were made via internee-traders who acted as go-betweens. One unusual feature of the Black Market in Stanley Camp was that internees could “buy” yen by writing sterling",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208062,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 101,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "UNDER ALTARS (下壇)\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS\n\nThe first thing to be seen on entering Chinese temples in Hong Kong and Macau, even those in which a murky half-light obscures the view, is the main altar in the middle of the far end of the main hall. What is rarely seen however, even after a stroll around, is the “Altar at which prayers are offered to avert calamities” (避災壇). This is usually an even dingier ground-level alcove inside the back of which is pasted a large green sheet of paper bearing the titles in white, of five or seven spirits all of whom need placating or propitiating as needs arise. The altar often bears the less colourful titles of the \"Under Altar\" (下壇), the \"Yin and Yang Hall\" (陰陽堂), and in very rare instances, more so in Macau than in Hong Kong, the \"Five Demon Altar\" (五鬼壇).\n\nUnder Altars, only to be found in Cantonese, Hakka and Boat People's Taoist folk religion temples and never in Buddhist monasteries and nunneries, are usually situated under or between the main and secondary altars at ground level. They consist of a wooden or stone open-fronted \"box\" about three to four feet high, three feet wide and two feet six deep and are illuminated, if one can use such a term, by a 15 watt dark red electric bulb. In five temples in Hong Kong and Macau the Under Altar was in a corner beside the main altar, but without any top or covering. In one or two temples such altars may be found, again at ground level (this seems to be the one almost inflexible requirement) but without a top, against the side wall about half way down the main hall facing the centre, or alone in a separate side hall.\n\nThere are several different reasons given why people pray at these altars. The most common is the wish to avert ill-fortune of any form and not just major disasters, as the title of the altar “Calamity\" (災) suggests. An elderly lady pointing at one devotee said that he had just told her that he had placed a stick of incense before the Under Altar to avert losses at the races on the morrow. Another, she said, thought her child was sickening for something, and had placed ten cents before the White Tiger image and said a brief word to the deity asking for the illness to be averted.\n\nPlates 20 - 31 at end of this volume illustrate this article.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208072,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "UNDER ALTARS\n\n95\n\nGod of Loyalty and patron of businessmen, soldiers, detectives and firemen. When represented, this stands near the entrance to his temple and is held on a short rein by a standing groom. The second is the paper horse used for carrying messages to the dead ancestors during the Yu Lan festival (15th of the seventh lunar month). These white or red horses look very similar to the Green Horse and are burnt during ancestral rituals. The third is the White Horse of the monk Hsuan Chuang, Tripitaka, who brought the Buddhist Sutras back from India in the 7th Century, and is only to be seen in one temple in Macau and not at all in Hong Kong.\n\nAn interesting observation which would appear to have no special significance, and one which surprised many Chinese temple keepers, is the sighting of the Green Horse on the altar of the maids and attendants of Chin Hua, the Goddess of Childbirth, in some thirteen temples.\n\nOfferings, Charms and Messages\n\nApart from the force feeding of the White Tigers at the festival in Spring, an offering of a large slab of cooked fatty pork is frequently placed on the Tiger's head, and sometimes several ounces of Chinese yellow wine is then poured over it. Charms, printed on yellow or red paper, are pinned to the Local Wealth God and incense and candles are burnt before the whole Under Altar. Offerings of paper money on the \"Bank of Hell\" are piled onto some Local Wealth Gods, as are paper taels of gold and silver. On occasions particular to the individual devotee and connected with calamities in their lives, he or she may place five yellow paper charms, purchased from the temple keeper, beneath each of five oil lamp saucers with glowing wicks. These, together with fresh eggs, are offered to the spirits in the Under Altar.\n\nIndividual devotees who wish to report their particular misfortune to the Disaster Spirits obtain slips of paper from the temple keeper. These are normally some four inches long and two inches wide, in either red or green, with a regular pattern of diamonds and circles cut out by folding and snipping in a special way. In a few cases, temple keepers require details of the \"disaster\" to be written on them, with dates and names of the people involved. The slips of paper are then burnt in the temple incinerator. In rare cases where devotees confuse the message papers with charms, they are",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208075,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 114,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "98\n\nK. G. STEVENS\n\ncharm papers, some new, but mostly faded and tattered. The temple keeper said that supplicants had stuck these on to ward off demonic influences, each being a plea to Chao to order his tiger to devour baneful demons. This image is not in the Disaster Altar but its function is exactly as though it were. According to the temple keeper it is an old image, pre-1840.\n\nThe cut-out red and green charms, called Green Horse and Nobleman, should not be confused with yet other red paper charms with cut-out holes in them, which are pasted annually on lintels of altars, temple doorways and shrines, thus reconsecrating them. These are called slips (piao) (*) and come in three sizes, small, medium and large (1-✯✯). Most of them bear a small square of gold paper pasted on them.\n\nAlthough only Taoist popular religion temples have Under Altars, there is also a Buddha who comforts “in time of calamity”, Yao Shih Fo (***) (whose full title includes the phrase “disaster” “Hsiao Tsai Yen Shou” (5* £**). He never appears in Under Altars.\n\nAnother \"Under Altar\"\n\nAnother small inset Under Altar at ground level, which is nearly always central under the main altar, is the altar to the tutelary deity of the temple, Ti Chu Fang (H). It is often called the Prosperity Hall and is unconnected with our study. It consists of a tiny open fronted \"box”, lined with red or orange paper, containing only one or two small red plaques dedicated to the tutelary deity (£* 五土龍神;護廟地主財神),(五方五土地主財神) or (前後地主 神財).\n\nIn one temple only, in Wanchai, a second altar under yet another side altar, contains a large image of the local Earth God (No2) which is normally on a side altar or beside the temple entrance. Behind him is pasted an orange paper bearing black characters describing the Earth God as the Controller of Wealth, and naming in a parallel row of characters the other major Cantonese Wealth God \"Ts'ai Po Hsing Chun\" (# $ £*) who is not represented by an image in this instance. This is a rogue disposition, doubtless ordered by a well-meaning but ignorant temple committee.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208091,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 130,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "114\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nand Tsat Tsz Mui Road became the foci of middle-class Shanghaiese life in Hong Kong (see Fig. 1). If there was ever a time that North Point had a majority non-Guangdongese population, this was it.*\n\nBy the early 1960s, however, changes had occurred in North Point which were having a profound effect on the area's demographics. A high-rise apartment building boom, replacing many of the post-war three or six-storey structures with 20-storey buildings, had led to an oversupply of apartments and a consequent drop in rents. Middle-income Guangdongese, who had been moving into North Point slowly but surely throughout the 1950s, could now afford to live in the once exclusive neighborhood and they poured into the area. Soon they found themselves the overwhelming majority not only in the high-rise buildings but in all of North Point as well.\n\nThe Shanghaiese, certainly, could not fill all the empty spaces, for their immigrative tide had already begun to ebb. Since the late 1950s, there had been a net outflow of Shanghaiese from North Point as those who had found ways to replenish their wealth moved to richer areas and the many who had not adjusted so well, pauperized and forced into lower-status occupations, were no longer able to afford the high rents of Fort Street and North Point and also moved away. With a dearth of available Shanghaiese residents, the old system by which North Point's Shanghaiese had maintained their neighborhood's Shanghaiese identity by permitting only Shanghaiese (or approved others) entry into their three-storey buildings — rapidly collapsed under the sudden challenge of the seemingly cavernous 20-storey high-rises. As the Shanghaiese began to leave, another minority population, the Fujianese, began to arrive in North Point in greater and greater numbers until their total eventually surpassed their predecessors' and \"Little Shanghai\" was eclipsed by \"Little Fujian.\"\n\n+\n\nTo \"Little Fujian\"\n\nMost Fujianese who arrived in North Point in the late 1950s to form the basis of a future \"Little Fujian\" community had ironically already been living in a Fujianese community. Since the early 1950s, the few thousand Fujianese resident in Hong Kong had been living in Hong Kong Island's Sheung Wan and Sai Ying Poon districts, areas close to the city's commercial and trading centers. As the Fujianese (along with the Guangdongese) are one of Southern China's peoples who have adopted the strategy of seeking overseas",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208112,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 151,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "CHEUNG CHOW - LONG ISLAND\n\n135\n\nburned or sunbaked. There are many mean huts of wood and wattle, and except in the main street where the Public Works Department of Hong Kong has insisted on drainage and paving, the streets are full of wallows, and the wallows full of pigs. As often as not the sleeping pig is being carefully searched by a fowl or so.\n\nOf the foreign buildings the most conspicuous are the Meeting Hall of the European residents situated in the midst of their rather scattered bungalows, and in the village, the red brick Police Station and the new School. All through Hong Kong the territory the Police Stations occupy the strategic positions, looking like a strange modern variant of the frowning castle which overhangs so many ancient settlements in Europe. And the analogy is not far-fetched, for there are raiding kidnappers and pirates to be repulsed, and Cheung Chow Police Station has itself been besieged, and successfully too, by pirates. The present building is surrounded by barbed wire, and garrisoned by Sikh police, and could stand siege long enough to enable it to summon a swift and powerful police launch by wireless from Hong Kong. The new school was opened only last year, and while the Police Station holds itself aloof on the ridge just outside the village, the school nestles more intimately among the good people, some of whose children pursue learning within those cheerful walls.\n\nThe Europeans are the Highlanders of Cheung Chow. Like the Hebrews in Canaan, they leave the plains to the original inhabitants and occupy patches of the bare hills. The Chinese use these little hills only to pasture a few tiny cattle, to supply fuel, and to afford a last resting place for their dead. Among the grass and the graves the missionaries have built small stone huts in the strangest of styles. Some are reminiscent of little Bethels and Bethesdas which drew their original inspiration from the stone barns where sectaries used to meet. Others are refuges among the great clusters of rocks, to which and between which they cling and clamber like the nests of some strange and gigantic insect. Amongst these there are some half-dozen more comfortable bungalows of permanent residents. All these Europeans live in amity with one another. There are British, Americans, and now and then some Germans. They elect a little committee and officers for their Association to deal with the Colonial Government, and with the Kaifong which governs the village. A tiny fund is expended with admirable results.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208140,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 179,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n163 \n\nneat grave on the far side of the burnt-out area; where the fire may have started. \n\nh) The cutting beside Tai Mo Shan Road (about 100 metres up hill from the car park) shows the parent rock quite well. The soils in this region, and from here to the summit, are red-yellow podzols. \n\ni) Small mammals that have been identified from the adjacent countryside in recent years include: Paguma larvata (masked palm civet or 果子狸), Melogale moschata (ferret-badger or 獾) and Rattus rattus sladeni (Sladen's roof rat or 司氏屋顶鼠(田鼠)). \n\n3. Stop B-car park near summit (altitude ca 700 m.) \n\nOn many days of the year, as on the day of the RAS visit, this site is covered with drifting cloud or mist which undoubtedly increases the effective precipitation. The vegetation here is a grassland, probably maintained by fire and lack of seed etc. of other life forms. However, improvement is feasible, as may be seen from the reasonable growth of planted trees. \n\na) Extensive views can be obtained from this site: see inset on the sketch map. In order to see Deep Bay (后海灣) it is necessary to walk ca 100 m. down the road & on to the knoll beyond the signals hut. \n\nb) To the west of Tsing Yi Island can be seen the badly eroded hills surrounding the Tai Lam Chung (大欖涌) reservoir. These hills are composed of granite of several kinds. Granite weathers much more readily than the volcanic rock of which Tai Mo Shan is composed, so that the hills are denuded of vegetation and are pale brown in color. \n\nc) The sloping terraces on the far hillside and close beside this car park are intriguing because their original purpose is seemingly unknown. However, recent investigation suggests they were concerned with control of water flow, either retention of water or control of run-off; a record of these terraces is being prepared for submission to the JHKBRAS. Tea bushes (Camellia sinensis) were formerly cultivated on Tai Mo Shan and the sloping terraces",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208141,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 180,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "164 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nmay have carried tea bushes, though plucking would not have been easy. \n\nd) Note that small trees and shrubs in and around the stream-bed were not seriously damaged by the fire of late 1975. The survival of trees beside water-courses, when the surrounding vegetation is burnt, is one of the bases for the existence of riverine forest or gallery forest in parts of the wet tropics that are influenced by man. \n\n4. The Return Journey \n\nOn the Society's excursion, the party retraced its route to Tsuen Wan. However, it is more interesting to return to Route Twisk, and then proceed northward to Shek Kong. Two other points of interest between the Stop B and Shek Kong will be described below, both of them relating to management of the countryside. \n\nCountryside Management I \n\nAbout 400 metres up Tai Mo Shan Road from Stop A, on the up-hill side of the road, is a site where some effects of fire have been studied. \n\nAbout 1970 the hillside was planted with Acacia confusa so that there was a rough grassland with some shrubs (grassland in transition to scrubland), and with small trees of A. confusa spaced regularly within it. By January, 1976 the Acacia had grown to a height of about 1.5 metres and their crowns covered perhaps 50% of the ground below. In that month a hill fire burnt part of the area so that there was a clear boundary between the burnt and unburnt portions. Obviously, this provided an opportunity to study both the effect of fire on the vegetation and the influence of establishing trees in a grassland. \n\nThe effect of an increasing cover of trees will be considered first by reference to changes taking place at the unburnt site. By October -- November 1976 the canopies covered 56% of the ground beneath and a year later this had increased to about 67% so that, on a sunny day, the amount of sunlight reaching the ground beneath the canopy was about 15% of that reaching the ground surface outside the canopy. Partly as a result of the reduced sunlight, the dry weight of plants beneath the acacias (grasses, herbs etc.) was \n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208158,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 197,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n181\n\nHe must have come by boat as the record states that \"he left his boat at Tuen Mun - the present-day Castle Peak Bay - and rambled through the woods of the New Territories and visited many mountains. He fell in love with the scenery, and found many excellent grave sites for he was an accomplished geomancer.\"\n\nAfter he finished his official tour of duty in Yeung Chun County, he returned to his native home at Kiangsi and brought down the exhumed remains of his great grandfather TANG Hon-fat (#) and his great grandmother and those of his grandfather TANG Kun () and his grandmother to this area for reburial, presently the New Territories of Hong Kong.\n\nHe buried his great grandfather and great grandmother in a grave at a site called Yuk Nui Pai Tong (#), meaning \"the newly married girl is presented to her in-laws\", at a small hill near Wang Chau (#), Yuen Long. He also buried his grandfather TANG Kun and his grandmother in a grave the site of which is called Kam Chung Fook Fo (4ƒƒX), “the golden bell covers the flame”, on a small hill behind the present Pok Oi Hospital on the main road from Kam Tin to Yuen Long. Both sites were considered auspicious.\n\nWe do not know whether TANG Fu-hip's father TANG Yuk (e) was brought here dead or alive. He and his two wives were buried in a grave on a small hill not far from the Tsuen Wan District Office. The name of the site is called Pun Yuet Chiu Tam (*AR), “a half moon is shining over the water pond”.\n\nOwing to the proximity to the urban area and its easy accessibility, the Tang clan led by their elders come here every year on the 19th day of the Tenth Moon (lunar calendar) to pay homage to this ancestor.\n\nThe record does not tell us how TANG Fu-hip brought the bones of his ancestors from Kiangsi, whether by boat or by the overland route.\n\nWhen TANG Fu-hip died, he was buried in a grave he had chosen himself. The name of the site is called Sin Yan Tai Tso (^) “the grand seat of the fairy\", and it is located not very far from where he buried his great grandfather and great grandmother.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208179,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 218,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "202\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nin the shuffle. As a consequence, phenomena of this order are hardly understood.\n\nIn my opinion, as large corporate groups continue to disintegrate in the New Territories, a complex structure of social life will emerge to fill the vacuum. This structure will be composed of 'popular' elements, previously considered 'incongruities' by most theoreticians, which are no less traditional than the Confucian ideal, yet more resilient. It is precisely within the corpus of oral tradition that the historical basis of this structure comes to light.\n\nAside from these reasons, the project would provide useful materials for the study of Hong Kong history in the lower and middle schools, while being of general scholastic worth to advanced research.\n\nThe initial project would hopefully be attached to the District Office, its scope of research encompassing the villages and townships of a single Administrative District. I estimate that a staff of three or four researchers working for a minimum of two years would complete an adequate history of Yuen Long.\n\nAt this time, I would like to thank the New Territories Administration, and most especially your office, for the assistance and encouragement offered the pilot project over the last few months. I look forward to a further exchange of opinions on the points touched on above.\n\nYours,\n\n[Signed]\n\nJOHN THOMAS Kamm\n\nFIELD NOTES ON THE SOCIAL HISTORY AND FUNG-SHUI OF KAM TIN*\n\n1. Kam Tin is properly the name of a community; it is a generic term applied to a number of settlements (walled and unwalled villages - respectively wai (圍) and tsuen (村)) clustered together to form a heung (鄉). Until recent times (mid-1930's), with the notable exceptions of servile families (sai-man (世民) and ha-fu (下夫)) and tenants, this heung was inhabited exclusively by members of the large and powerful Tang (鄧) clan. Indeed, Kam Tin,\n\n* As such, these notes should be read in conjunction with the various papers to which reference is made in the text.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208193,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 232,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "216\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nhead for the hall, the result is that the hall would bring about Great Wealth (大富)\n\nOn the ancestral hall itself, it is apparent that it is being surrounded by green mountains and beautiful streams. Its walls are finely made and its direction is carefully orientated so as to suit the Dragon form. The rooms inside are spacious, comfortable, and neatly packed together. In front of it is Shau Sing Kung Shan (壽星宮山) (\"Long-life mountain\") and on the left of it is Kwun Yam Shan (觀音山). All these signs imply that from here “Great Nobility\" (貴) would appear. Its form, so magnificent, calls for the Red Bird (朱雀) to lead the way (朱雀護送迎) and the Green Dragon and White Tiger to kneel (†). It drives the ranges to curl around it and the stars to look after the outlet. Every mountain, no matter how far comes to guard the cave, and every stream comes to gather round the hall. This indicates \"Great Wealth\" (大富). Thus the window of Heaven is made open and the door of Hell is tightly shut.\n\nThis is the best Dragon form. It should foster great wealth and great nobility. It explains why the Tang clan has had so much success in wealth, fame, and in civil examinations, as compared with the other villages in Pat Heung (八鄉). Of course, it owes very much to the keen choice of Fung-shui by the Tang ancestors. Hong Kong, 1973\n\nJOHN THOMAS Kamm\n\nBEAN SKIM (豆漿皮); A PRODUCT OF BLOOD & SWEAT FROM THE MAKERS\n\nBean skim is a traditional rural product in the Tsuen Wan District of the New Territories of Hong Kong. The following account was written by WAN Chung-yan of Pun Shan Village, Chai Wan Kok, Tsuen Wan on 12.1.1976, at the Hon. Editor's request.\n\nBean skim is a kind of bean product of rich nourishment. In the age when the electric motor had not yet been invented, such product was really a product of blood and sweat from the makers.\n\nThe making of bean skim is easily described. Choose the best yellow beans, dry them under the sun and peel them. Then soak the beans in water and crush them into a paste. After filtering off the refuse, boil them in a pot. Skim off the upper layer of foam. Keep heating the paste at a certain temperature until a thin layer",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208387,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "POLITICIZATION OF CHINESE CRAFT ORGANIZATION\n\n95\n\ngoing into a small red numbered membership book, which the worker keeps in his possession at all times, and which has a space for stamping receipt of dues, as well as a list of union regulations. A numbered badge is also given out to new members, on which is embossed a yellow star on a red background, with the carpenter's hammer, the carver's carving tool, and the painter's brush crossed beneath and tied with a ribbon, and the union's name around the lower perimeter of the badge.\n\nThe union keeps scrupulous records of every action and transaction that occurs within its purview. Every member who has given money, bought a ticket, received a magazine, or whatever, is given a chit to receipt his every transaction, all of which are dutifully recorded in the account books.\n\nIn August-September, 1973 a membership drive began and a chart posted on the bulletin board showed in bar graphs the increases in membership for the various districts in which art carved furniture factories are located: Cheung Sha Wan, San Po Kong, Kwun Tong, Chun Shek Shan (Diamond Hill), Tsim Sha Tsui and New Territories/Tsuen Wan, with Kwun Tong well in the lead. Kwun Tong is the site of the largest carving factories in Hong Kong where it could be argued the concentration of capital, and the alienation of the worker from his tools and from his product have progressed furthest. According to the union vice-chairman, about 200 additional members were recruited in the recent drive bringing current membership up to somewhere around 800 workers.\n\nI had occasion to witness the actual recruitment of a new member in progress at Heng Lung Co. where I worked. There was quite an enthusiastic union member working there, one who had been back to visit his native village in Kwangtung province in the San Wei district several times and came back with glowing reports about the progress of his home village under socialism. He even had several arguments with other workers in the factory concerning how accurate his observations and glowing reports were. This fellow began working on a younger worker in the factory proselytising. The younger worker had previously explained to me that he had no use for the union or anything political at all. In the course of their work the older worker talked to the younger one about the benefits of union membership and ultimately invited the younger worker to a weekly meeting. While I have no idea what the",
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    {
        "id": 208399,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 123,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "SIIIWAN POTTERY EXPLORED\n\n107\n\nthe theme of \"restoring rivers and mountains\" to the point of becoming formula, but no one complained.\n\nMai further describes how the Guangdong opera actors practised the martial arts of the Shaolin branch (*) and finally put this art to use when in 1854 their leader, the actor Li Yunmao (***) also known as Wen Mao () led three armies of actors to join the Taiping effort against the Manchus. These armies were destroyed along with the rest of the Taiping army, and in the aftermath, the Qing court issued an order forbidding the performance of Guangdong opera and had the actors' Qiong Hua (hortensia flower) Association Hall (1446) in Fushan burned to the ground.\n\nA gilt wood carved altar in the Ancestral Temple in Fushan, and a Shiwan frieze depicting the story of the Yang Family Generals, preserve in their carvings the significance of these events and their broader implications for a community not under the domination of a foreign Manchu government, but also besieged with Caucasian foreigners pressing for trade and territorial rights.\n\nThe Qing dynasty gilt wood altar carving has double meaning. The carving depicts the story of Tang dynasty Li Yuanba fighting the dragon colt (*£#£#6). On a second level however, the horse represents the unruly foreigners, and Li Yuanba, having the same surname, represents Li Wenmao. Verifying this are two hidden plaques hung above the scene which can only be seen from a crouching position. One reads \"Great Ming Mountains and Rivers\" (11) and the other \"Qiong Hua Hall\" (44), with the middle character Hua (4) substituted as disguise for the similar sounding Hua (*) of the Hortensia Flower (Qiong Hua) Association. Furthermore, according to Mr. Zhang Tao (**), curator of the Ancestral Temple, the characters on these two wood plaques were originally covered with extra slabs of wood and were only discovered while renovation was being done to the temple between 1971 and 1972. (Plate 14).\n\nIn addition to this gilt wood altar scene, a beautiful ceramic frieze depicting the story of the Yang Family Generals, Song dynasty loyalists, is displayed in the rear courtyard of the Ancestral Temple. In addition to this anti-Manchu theme (the Yang family's loyalty to the native Song dynasty during the period of barbarian Yuan conquest, symbolising the loyalty of the Chinese people to the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
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        "id": 208599,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 56,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n29\n\ndescended and the patrol boat lost them. The Bishop will have to take the same route and the same risks on his forthcoming visitations. While here, he performed the ordinations at the Dominican Rosary Hill chapel, in the absence of Bishop Valtorta.\n\nDr. and Mrs. Bagalawis also slipped into Hong Kong. The Doctor told of the hundreds of patients he has been treating in a refugee hospital organized by Fathers Joe Sweeney and Joe Farnen: some of his patients are victims of gunfire by Japanese patrols making incursions into the villages outside their front lines.\n\nMARCH\n\nMarch proved to be a quiet month. Outstanding visitors were Dr. S. K. Yee, Counsellor to the Chinese National War Council and Mrs. (Dr.) Yee. Dr. Yee's hobby is calligraphy and he promised to give us a talk on this interesting facet of Chinese culture. Mrs. Yee took her medical training in Cleveland and San Francisco.\n\nAPRIL\n\nIn early April, Father Bernie Welsh departed with 250 cases of supplies and arrived at Swabue just two days before the city was taken over by the Japanese army: Father Sandy Cairns sent word that he had arrived safely at Sancian Island after a two-day sail from Cheung Chau. However, his baggage and his bag were still at a half-way stop, Kwong Hoi, where the Japanese took the place on their way to the large city of Toi Shan. No doubt Father John Joyce at Sancian had been looking forward eagerly for the goodies in Father Sandy's boxes.\n\nThree Passionists, Fathers Cunningham, Caulfield and Richardson, arranged a special deal with the China National Air Company to ship their mission supplies from Hong Kong to Nam Yeung, across the Japanese lines, for U.S. $200 per ton. Our Father John Elwood accompanied them on the flight with 21 cases of Red Cross medicine for our Kweilin Mission, and 7 cases for Wuchow. Father Elwood managed the trans-shipping from Nam Yeung to Kweilin through unoccupied territory.\n\nDr. S. K. Yee gave us the promised lecture, and graded the efforts of those present with Father Trube carrying off the honors with the best characters, displaying the most \"inner strength\".",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208602,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 59,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "32\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nMaryknollers in the Wuchow Mission, visited Stanley in response to many invitations received from his Maryknoll patients in Kwangsi. (After the Red take-over of Wuchow, he was arrested and jailed together with Bishop Donaghy and Father Kennedy. The two Maryknollers could hear his screams of pain in another cell for many days, and finally they were brought to the doctor's cell to cut down the body, which was hanging from a cross-bar, obviously to be used as \"witnesses\" to the good doctor's \"suicide.\")\n\nFather Joe Reardon and Sister Marie Regis, attempting to get to Hong Kong by way of Swatow, were turned back by the military. They returned to Kaying and took the only other route open, via plane to Shiu Kwan. However, when they reached this city, other difficulties were encountered and they were compelled to journey on to Kweilin in the West where, after a visit of some days, they succeeded in getting a plane for Hong Kong.\n\nFather Bill Whitlow and Brother William, coming by way of the Philippines, stop over-night on their return to Japan.\n\nOCTOBER\n\nFather Arthur Allie, the only representative from Korea to visit us in a long time, arrived by an evacuee ship, the Anhwui, from Japan. He is seeking medical treatment here.\n\nThe \"Double Tenth\" passed with the usual firecracker spree and subsequent rush to medical clinics for treatment of powder burns. Mr. Wei, the manager of R.K.O. pictures in Hong Kong, who very kindly lends films to us, came to visit bringing \"The Great Commandment\" which was enjoyed immensely.\n\nThe first contingent of new missioners arrived on the 15th, aboard the Pan-Am Clipper from Manila. They are Fathers Kruppelmann, Brennan, Winkels and Siebert. The rest of their classmates will follow along later.\n\nFather General arrived via Macao and, at dinner, gave us a talk outlining his journeys and future plans. There was some mystery about his reason for leaving us immediately for the States after coming from Japan, but he promises to be back here by Christmas. We did not know it at the time, but it seems he was bearing a message to our State Department in Washington from those in Japan who were trying to avert a war between Japan and the U.S.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208608,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "38\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nabout six inches in diameter through the concrete roof of the sanctuary, and inside toppling over a huge granite pillar, and finally burying itself in the floor. The next shell apparently went beyond us near the Canossa Hospital, but did not yet reach the gun emplacement. After this, Masses could no longer be said with safety in the Cathedral, and were instead said in the Bishop's house. In the Bishop's house, throughout the day, a great number of people gathered during the air raids and remained all day, bringing with them their meagre food and eating it as best they could. They filled the reception hall, and corridors and finally overflowed into the priests' refectory, where some of them even slept at night, fearing to return to their homes. During the air raids and shelling they continually recited the Rosary and litanies and finally Father Rosello got out his small organ and led them in singing hymns.\n\nDuring these terrible and anxious days, many came back to the Sacraments after years of laxity; confessions were heard almost everywhere, in the streets and in dugouts and pillboxes, where some of the Fathers visited the defenders. At the Cathedral calls came in for confessions to be heard in certain places. For instance, the Portuguese girls in the Telephone exchange who could not leave their posts, asked for this privilege, and the priests were kept busy. The Jesuit Fathers were extremely busy and were in constant demand. Father Rosello visited various outlying convents and institutions, and related how he had repeatedly to wend his way over and around shell holes in the pavements. Despite the danger on the streets many came to the various Masses in the Bishop's house, and many pagans asked for baptism. While we, of course, only observed the happenings at the Cathedral, no doubt the same scenes were being enacted at the various churches, in the city and in Kowloon, and many an heroic act will never be known except by the angels in heaven.\n\nFor the first few nights we all slept in our usual rooms on the upper floors of the Mission House—the building is one of four or five stories—but as the shelling increased in intensity and kept up sporadically at night, we decided to seek safer quarters, and as preparations for this eventuality had already been made in the cellar, we accordingly wended our way down to the depths. Our dugout was none other than the wine cellar into which had been put some benches over which were laid boards and these constituted our box",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 75,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "48 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM, DOWNS \n\nports, visas and so on, and on their return the bus which they had boarded took them only as far as Repulse Bay Hotel. From there they began walking to Stanley, and they had not gone far when the command rang out: Halt!. They saw no one in the gathering darkness and continued on, when suddenly a bullet whistled over their heads. Some British Tommies on sentry duty stopped them and demanded their credentials. These having been verified they were allowed to proceed, none the worse for their experience. \n\nDuring these eventful days, Father Toomey did great work in visiting the Prison, on occasional sick calls. He also went to Point d'Aguilar where volunteers were holding an advance position. He was likewise at the Fort on the Hill when it was being bombed by the Japanese planes. While at the Prison he attempted to visit the interned Italian Fathers, but was not allowed. However, he managed to have delivered to them a Mass kit or two with the necessary supplies. \n\nAt the Carmelite Convent just below our hill, Father Hessler said daily Mass for the Sisters and later on remained with them during the actual fighting at Stanley. \n\nAs the days wore on in the second week of the war, things began to get pretty \"hot\" around Stanley. An occasional shell whistled overhead, reports came in that the Japanese landed in Hong Kong and were even now converging on the Tytam reservoir just to the east of us; in fact, they were even said to have captured a red brick house close by. Finally, on the twenty-second of the month, without warning, eight of the Royal Engineers' coolies who were standing just outside our garage on the west of the house, were wounded by machine gun bullets fired from across the valley. Also a little beggar girl who used to come frequently for food received a flesh wound. We brought them all into our house and laid them on the floor and did what we could for them, bandaging up their wounds. Just across this valley the British had built some ammunition dumps and had placed there an anti-aircraft battery or two. These batteries fired at enemy planes in the beginning but eventually we heard them no more and no doubt they were removed elsewhere, for now the Japanese were in possession of this hill. As a measure of safety we moved our kitchen away from this western exposure and also kept away as much as possible from that end of the house. \n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76",
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    {
        "id": 208625,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 82,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n55\n\nexpected at any minute, especially when we passed a level spot of ground, to be ordered to turn around and face a firing squad. Half way down our driveway a plane was heard overhead and our guards herded us over to the bank at the side of the road so as to be out of sight of the aviator. Here, while waiting for the plane to disappear, our guards noticed two watches. Mine was one and its small chain was dangling from my pocket. The guard came over, pulled out the watch, looked at it, hesitated (for it was not a wrist watch and they were more in demand) and then deciding it might do, yanked it free from its clasp and resumed his post.\n\nThe plane by this time having disappeared, the guards marshalled us in line again and off we started, wondering where we were bound for and what was going to happen to us. Some thought we were going to be taken to Repulse Bay for internment, but as we got to the foot of our hill we turned not left, but right, towards Stanley Village, but instead of continuing on we were routed up a small driveway which led to an unused road just behind the Carmelite Convent. As we passed an open space where a number of soldiers were standing, I again thought of a firing squad, but we kept marching on until turning up another bypath, we were told to halt. This dead end of the road had been cut out of the hill and we were thus pretty well protected from flying bullets, for the fighting was still going on, at least sporadically.\n\nHere we noticed a higher ranking officer than we had hitherto seen, and he had with him a portable radio or telephone set, probably the latter as wires were in evidence along the ground. We were ordered to sit or squat down—it was most awkward to sit and to rise with our hands tied behind our backs, but we had to do so again and again. The officer then, using a very few English words, questioned us. We tried to make him understand that we were \"church\" people, and though puzzled he finally seemed to grasp the significance of this word. After making us sit and rise repeatedly to indicate our nationality—there were in our ranks Americans, British, Canadian, Irish, Polish and Russian, for in addition to us Maryknollers, there were Bishop O'Gara, and Father Charles Murphy, Canadians; Mr. Brown previously mentioned, British (or rather Australian); Brother Bernard the Salesian, Irish; Father Szeliga, Salesian, Polish and a Russian, whom we called Michael, who also had been in the employ of the British. Incidentally, Father",
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    {
        "id": 208626,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 83,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "56\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nSzeliga and Michael were not tied up, being I supposed considered neutrals. As we were being questioned back and forth—the Japanese being evidently very much puzzled by our motley group—our passports were demanded, and after being examined were thrown on the ground in front of us.\n\nDuring all this questioning the battle was going on, and now and then we heard the whistle of a rifle bullet just over our heads, probably coming from the British defenders on the hill just below the fort (for the Japanese were now concerned with an assault on this last bastion). Also to our left in front of a Chinese house a Japanese field piece was barking intermittently and we could see soldiers keeping in the lee of the walls as they passed by from position to position. Also, as we were being questioned, we saw Lt. Lawrence and his three brother officers who had been with us led past and down a little declivity towards the Convent wall. As he passed Lt. Lawrence whispered: \"I'm sorry for any trouble I've caused you” and disappeared around the corner of the embankment. Shortly after, we heard shouts and screams. The four officers had been untied amid a cordon of fixed bayonets and I distinctly saw one, a young fellow, run toward us, only to have Japanese soldiers point a bayonet at his stomach and the poor fellow turned and ran back, with a look of agony in his eyes. It was all over within a few seconds, and just in front of me I saw a Japanese stoop down, pick up a little grass, and coolly wipe off the point of his bayonet.\n\nLater we learned from Chris Wong, our office clerk, that he and some of our servants had been compelled to dig a trench and bury the bodies of these brave fellows. They also buried other bodies of Canadian and British soldiers who fell on our property. The question in our minds was, were we destined to a like fate? Brother Thaddeus, who knew a little of the Japanese language, heard the soldiers say: \"Kill them! Kill them! They are soldiers in disguise!\" But he did not convey that knowledge to us at the moment.\n\nFinally, after about a half an hour or so, we were ordered to stand up and were led away, this time retracing our own tracks and ending up in a garage at the rear of a Chinese house just below our own hill. Here we were herded like cattle in a pen and once inside, with the sliding doors closed, I think we felt like a herd of cattle. It was intended for two cars, but for some time apparently it had been used merely as a gardener's storehouse, for scattered around",
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    {
        "id": 208645,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 102,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n75\n\nAh Fung and Ah Chin return but bring us the sad news that they cannot stay in Camp with us. We are sorry to see them go, as they had been of great help to us, and Ah Fung especially, thoroughly loyal. So from now on, we wash our own dishes, wash our own clothes, and keep the deck in ship-shape condition ourselves. Our newly elected Council decides on having patrol duty around our building. Our new kitchen stove, built of brick and cement blocks, is nearly finished, thanks to the engineering and spade work of Brother William and his co-workers. Just in front of our building, there is a fourteen-car garage, and we hope to fix this up for our needs, one of which is said to be a Community Dining Room. A few more arrivals from Hong Kong. Smokers queue up for cigarettes and pay $1.00 a pack.\n\nJanuary 30th — Father Raymond Quinn celebrated a Missa Cantata of Requiem for the fallen soldiers in Hong Kong. Some two hundred people were present in the Club rooms and Bishop O'Gara spoke. Father Allie and his choir rendered the music.\n\nJanuary 31st — A canteen opens on the \"Hill\"—the distributing center for our Camp supplies—and canned milk is offered for sale to those who have the wherewithal. We Americans are living in four blocks, and today we elect our Block representative. We occupy Block \"A\" and we elect Mr. Paul Malone. Beans for supper.\n\nFEBRUARY\n\n1-Sunday-Three Masses as on the previous Sunday, and there were from 70 to 80 Communions. We play baseball, or rather soft-ball, as we find enough material for the game. Result, Maryknollers 14, the rest of the Americans, 13, in a ten-inning game. While we have Sunday Mass in the former Prison Warders' Club (now re-named \"The American Club\"), we have also made arrangements for an afternoon service in St. Stephen's Hall, consisting at the present of Rosary, Litany and discourse by Bishop O'Gara. At six o'clock, Americans and others gathered in the new American Club for a song-fest. The Rev. Mr. Higgins led with his cornet and everybody sang various popular songs. Father Allie presided at the piano, and all voted the occasion a happy one. In a letter received from Bishop Valtorta, Bishop O'Gara is appointed his Vicar General in Camp.",
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    {
        "id": 208647,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 104,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n77\n\n5-We understand that Bishop Valtorta has tried to get permission to enter the Camp for a visit, but has been refused. Breakfast of fish paste and pancakes. We have been informed that there will be a \"blackout\" until the tenth, and we hurriedly get out our vigil candles and makeshift lights for the emergency. Brother William finishes his large kitchen stove and we now have better facilities for cooking our rice. Occasionally, it has been uncooked, or rather not thoroughly cooked. We are allowed to send three postcards out of the Camp. Since we arrived in Camp, a Red Cross truck has been coming in from town occasionally, and bringing odds and ends of goods and supplies for individuals and the American community. Today it was hijacked on the road.\n\n6-First Friday. Father Downs gives Holy Hour at the Sisters' Chapel. One of our American policemen was detained today by the Japanese, but later released. Father Reardon goes to the Camp Hospital, an emergency affair in one of the Indian Quarters. In addition to our daily patrol, which means a two-hour shift during the day and night, we also have other activities. Some work a few hours at manual labor, helping in the kitchen, carrying cement blocks, cutting wood, getting the daily rations from \"The Hill\" and general cleaning up around the place. In addition to our kitchen in one of the garages, it is now planned to partition off a few more spaces for storerooms, etc., also a large dining room, if and how. At the present time when the clarion call for \"chow\" sounds, each one picks up what container he had managed to get and proceeds to the kitchen where he stands in line with about two hundred others and waits his turn until he reaches the table where the cooks dish out the rice, gravy, and vegetable. Each gets the equivalent of a bowl of rice, about a cupful of, or rather ladleful of, gravy and another large spoonful of vegetables. And this, twice a day. This he takes back to his room and sits on the edge of his camp cot, if he happens to have one, and with a spoon or his fingers, does justice to his meal. Today all the children gathered on the lawn for play.\n\n7-It is estimated that now there are some 2,400 British, 325 Americans, and 42 Dutch in the Stanley Internment Camp. We also understand that there are quite a number of British and Americans still in Hong Kong, carrying on in banks and various departments of the city service. Also, a number of British nurses in hospitals.",
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    {
        "id": 208649,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 106,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n79\n\n8-Sunday Masses, as usual, with Fathers Keelan, Bauer and Charles Murphy officiating. It rained in the afternoon, but a fair crowd attended Rosary, Litany and private Benediction at St. Stephen's Great Hall; Bishop O'Gara spoke. Seventy Communions in the morning at Masses. An attempt is to be made to start some sort of school tomorrow for the children, but with the lack of desks, chairs and books, not much can be done. The Sisters also plan a catechism class. So far, we have five Maryknoll Sisters in Camp, as also nine Canadian Sisters of the Immaculate Conception, but at five this afternoon during a drizzle, some 18 more Maryknoll Sisters, with Sister Paul at their head, arrived by truck, with bag and baggage as only Sisters know how to travel. As the American Blocks were pretty well filled up, temporary quarters were found for them in one of the British blocks. They find two or three rooms at their disposal, and the 18 promptly unroll their blankets and stretch out on the floor, for the night. The Portuguese and Chinese Sisters remain in Kowloon, but not in their own convent, which has long since been taken over by the Japanese military as a hospital. The Blessed Sacrament is reserved temporarily in the Maryknoll Sisters' apartment in the American block. Maryknoll again wins a softball match.\n\n9-Mr. Gullinan, former Hong Kong Police sergeant and a good friend of ours, goes to Tweed Bay Hospital for treatment. He had been in the Queen Mary Hospital for some months previous to the war. The American Community meets at 2.00 p.m. in the Club House Rooms and hear various reports read. The question of bank accounts in the Hong Kong banks came up and it seems the Japanese authorities have offered each one with a bank account the sum of $50.00 for his food. This offer was refused by the Americans. Our newly-built kitchen finally opened.\n\n10-The blackout is over and we again have electric lights in the evening. Today also there is a change in our meal hours. The first repast is 9.30, with a cup of soup at 12.30 and the second meal at 5.00 p.m. It has turned cold and rainy and our meager rations of rice and fixings leave us hungry. A robbery is reported in the Dutch quarters.\n\n11-Another attempt to open a canteen in the American Club, and each person is limited to the purchase of one article. As there wasn't very much, the supply was soon sold out. One could buy",
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    {
        "id": 208651,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 108,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n81\n\nThompson, member of the Hong Kong police, joins our Hakka class.\n\n16—Since the cessation of hostilities, the Japanese Army has been in control of all departments of Hong Kong civil and political life, but today it was announced that they would hand over this control to the Civil Authorities. Doctor Talbot, British doctor, gives cholera and typhoid injections to the Americans.\n\n17—Shrove Tuesday. Mardi Gras at St. Stephen's Hall, with popular songs and specialties. The local Civil Authorities, in inaugurating their regime, give us a movie showing industrial Japan. Canteen opens again with a limited amount of ham, jam, oatmeal, milk, and syrup.\n\n18—Ash Wednesday. Blessing of Ashes at chapel in Maryknoll Sisters' apartments and at the Club Chapel. Bishop O'Gara gave the sermon. Father Grogan, S.J., from Hong Kong, appeared in camp for a few minutes today, having come out on the Red Cross truck which brought some milk for the babies. As the Dairy Farm is still functioning on a limited scale, the Camp officials have been endeavoring to secure milk for the babies, but with little success, and only a small amount is forthcoming. Up to the present, the Japanese authorities, acting through a Chinese comprador, have been supplying us with our daily rations and are trying to find means whereby we can pay for our food. Today at a meeting on \"The Hill,\" they asked that we pay $50.00 per month for our food. They have already frozen all accounts in the banks, and though some people in Camp do have some money, the majority are without funds. If we do not pay this amount, all we get will be eight ounces of rice, one ounce of sugar, and one-twelfth of an ounce of salt!\n\n19—American police duty changed to a four-hour stretch. Only those who are not otherwise engaged in manual labor do the patrol work. Rice and soup for tiffin today.\n\n20—Canteen opens from ten to twelve in the morning and two to four in the afternoon. Those who have funds queue up, starting at eight-thirty and stand in line for hours, and when their turn comes often there is nothing worthwhile buying.\n\n21—The police stage a songfest at St. Stephen's Hall. Rainy and misty. The new Hong Kong Governor arrives in the Colony to...",
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    {
        "id": 208657,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 114,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n87\n\nthey may not visit or talk to us. We understand they have been allowed to retain their servants, and have a good supply of food. They have a very small compound in which to recreate.\n\n12-A Mrs. Greensburg, Catholic, died at the Hospital today. No bread today.\n\n13~~One slice for supper. First meal, rice and raisins only. More British internees arrive from Hong Kong; namely, the telegraph and radio men; also the Colonial Secretary. Rumor of a Red Cross ship bringing food to us. It has, in fact, already left San Francisco!\n\n14- Father Quinn leads the songfest. More British arrive in Camp.\n\n15- Sunday. Father Allie preaches in the morning and the Bishop in the afternoon. If you want the impossible done, go to the Maryknoll Sisters. No one may leave or enter this Camp under any consideration, yet today, Sister Paul and two other Sisters wangle permission to do so, from the Japanese officer in the Prison, in order to go to Carmel for vestments and other things for our coming Holy Week ceremonies. They almost get permission to go to the Cathedral in Hong Kong, but were stopped by the gendarmes, who were quite incensed that they had gotten out of the Camp.\n\n16-Father Vincent Walsh quite ill, with some former intestinal trouble. He does not go to the Hospital, but the doctors attend to him in his room. At present we have two British doctors, Dr. Hackett and Dr. Talbot, assigned to take care of us Americans. More English arrive. Father Haughey gets his face slapped for some infraction of some kind of a rule. Curfew and roll call now the order of the day.\n\n17-St. Patrick's Day brings us some sunshine. In the evening at St. Stephen's Hall, Father Charles Murphy directs an Irish entertainment, featuring Father Madison in an Irish history skit. After the show, dancing was permitted by the Japanese authorities, in other words, the gendarmes, for they are our keepers. Brother Anthony returns from the Hospital. Mr. Tcheng, the Chinese comprador in charge of our rations, is reported to be seriously ill, and leaves. A Japanese, Mr. Yamashita, now takes charge. This, we hope, augurs an improvement in our food rations.\n\n18 No soya beans since February 24; no salt for three days, and the ration of milk for babies has been reduced. Evidently the",
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    {
        "id": 208660,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
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        "page_number": 117,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "90 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\ncomes from we do not know, unless it be from the American club stores). To meet such an emergency as this, Father Meyer, with his usual resourcefulness, had been saving bits of leftover rice and browning it, so while we have had no rice from the Community kitchen, we fell back on Father Meyer's providence. Meeting of the American community at 2 p.m., at which we are promised better food for the future. \n\n28-Father Tackney ill-fainted at night; stomach trouble and low blood pressure. He has found it pretty hard to eat the rice rations. Father Hessler may have dysentery. No rice from the community kitchen yet. Two baking powder biscuits and soup for tiffin. Some rice at night and a very small piece of poor bread. \n\n29-Palm Sunday. Father Tackney better. Fathers Moore and Gaiero back from the Hospital. Songfest. \n\n30-Father Siebert likewise returns from the Hospital, cured. Rain and cold. Shoes and clothing of internees showing signs of wear. Seen about the Camp: food being served in large erstwhile garbage cans and wash basins. Meat and vegetables transported in wheelbarrows. \n\nAPRIL \n\n1- There is a mystery in the air. Last night, a meeting took place on \"The Hill\" with the heads of the various Camp communities, at the request of the Japanese authorities. Today, the results were announced: all the American Consular officials and staff, the government officials, Red Cross, and newspaper men interned at Stanley are to be in Shanghai by the 20th of the month, whence they will be repatriated, via Mozambique, Portuguese East Africa. Some days ago, some of the American Consular officials made signs to us from their room, holding up their fingers and counting eleven. Immediately, all sorts of guesses were in the air. We were to be repatriated on the eleventh, or we were to be freed on that date, or any number of other possibilities were mooted. But today, we note that eleven of our Americans are to go to Shanghai. These eleven are two government officials, three Red Cross, and six newspaper men, the latter group including one lady, a Miss Dew. His Excellency, Bishop O'Gara, has also made representations to the Japanese authorities on behalf of the many sick in the Camp and also present-",
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    {
        "id": 208675,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 132,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n105\n\n23-We are notified today that swimming will soon be allowed at Tweed Bay just to the south of the Prison. Rules governing this permission will be issued later.\n\n24-Sunday. As usual. Our days now follow each other in much the same way, and apart from rumors, there is not much to chronicle. Father Moore follows Father Quinn with the \"flu\" and goes to bed.\n\n25-His Excellency, Bishop O'Gara, finally gets permission to leave the Camp, as also Father Chaye, a Belgian M.E., and quite a crowd gather to see them off. Father Meyer now becomes the Vicar Delegate of Bishop Valtorta.\n\n26-Father Madison succumbs to the \"flu\" and room number 9 seems to be hard hit.\n\n27-Canteen opens. Fathers Quinn and Moore improved and Father Downs back from Tweed Bay Hospital. One thing about the Hospital in the Camp, the doctors have a splendid cure for dysentery and within a short time the patient improves.\n\n28-The Sisters take over bread-baking for all the Maryknollers.\n\n29-After reconsidering the matter, four of the new men decide to remain, and take their names off the list.\n\n30-The American community meets and discusses the coming repatriation. It seems each repatriate will be allowed only such baggage as can be carried by him; in other words, no more than five bags as a maximum.\n\n31-Camp was agog this morning as a report spread that a tiger, or tigers, were seen within the Camp precincts. During the morning we did see a few Japanese soldiers clambering among the rocks on the hill to the south of us, and wondered what was up. Later, the police killed a tiger which is said to have weighed 240 pounds and was 3 feet high. A photo of the kill appeared in the next day's local paper. The other tigers remained in the vicinity for a few days and were later reported near Hong Kong.\n\nSunday. Father Meyer takes over the preaching, and loses no time in starting Catholic Action, with a meeting in the afternoon at 3:30. About 35 people were present. May Devotions close this evening, with an outdoor crowning of the Blessed Virgin. Mr. Fisher, a very good Catholic, 75 years of age, died in Tweed Bay Hospital.",
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        "id": 208677,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 134,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n107\n\n5-Father Haughey and Brother Bernard and three Maryknoll Sisters, Sisters Clement, De Ricci and St. Dominic, leave Camp for Hong Kong and freedom, secundum quid. Also six others. Canteen today.\n\n6-The doctors say that Brother Anthony has developed beri-beri and pellagra, and one doctor thinks Father Troesch has sprue, but this latter report was unfounded as later conditions revealed. There are at present a number of cases of beri-beri in Camp, and little means in Camp to combat it, as this requires a special diet.\n\n7----Sunday, Father Meyer continues his Catholic Action meetings, after Benediction. Hereafter, there will be no afternoon service in St. Stephen's Hall, all services now being held in the Club Hall. Our own food parcels are expected daily.\n\n8 At an American community meeting, held at 2:00 p.m., further reports were read on repatriation. The date is still uncertain, but it will probably take place about the middle of the month. Repatriates were told that they may not take trunks with them on the steamer. Shortly after the Camp opened, a number of books belonging to the former American Club were brought out and placed in one of the rooms at the now American Club (formerly the Prison Officers' Club), and we Americans had quite a bit of reading matter to while away some of our tedious hours. Today, this lending library closed up, in view of the coming repatriation. In addition to the earliest list of Maryknollers already handed in, the twelve Maryknoll Sisters and Fathers O'Connor (who had first planned to go to Shanghai) and Madison are definitely on the list for repatriation. The Americans who remain are informed that they will occupy Block A-3, or at least the upper floor of one half of this block. Our food seems to be improving a little. Patients at Tweed Bay Hospital can now secure bananas at 100 apiece.\n\n9-Father Bauer cut walking and is very much improved. Father Madison takes his name off the list for repatriation.\n\n10- Father Toomey sings a Missa Cantata at the Maryknoll Sisters' Chapel on the occasion of his twentieth anniversary of ordination. After the Mass, the Sisters treat us to a Camp breakfast. Our food parcel finally arrives. It will be remembered that each internee, man, woman and child, was to receive $105.00 worth of food or other articles of personal use. Of this amount, it was decided",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208681,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 138,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n111\n\nall agreed was quite tasty. His helpers in the galley are Fathers Keelan, Downs and Madison.\n\nFather Toomey is named temporary head of the Red Cross in Hong Kong, by the repatriated manager, Mr. Fifer. The Red Cross, by the way, is on hand but not operative and the Japanese do not seem to take kindly to it.\n\nWhen the repatriates went on board the Asama Maru, no one was allowed anywhere near the pier, although we stood on the hill-top and watched them embark. No one was allowed to go on board either, from the Camp. We were anxious to learn if there were any other Maryknollers on board from the North, but could not secure the information. The Asama Maru remained at anchor that night and all the next day and night, when it left on its long voyage around the Cape.\n\n30-The Camp is extremely quiet after the departure of the Americans, and even the British remark on it. We are now awaiting orders to move into our new quarters. The father of Mr. Wong, our Chinese Superintendent, died in Hong Kong, and Father Toomey says a Mass for the repose of his soul. By the way, in the administration of the Camp, the Japanese early placed a Chinese superintendent in charge of each section of the Camp, as sort of liaison officer, and ordinarily we had to negotiate through him with the Japanese.\n\nJULY\n\n1-We are to move tomorrow into Block A-3. The Sisters keep one of their rooms on the third floor, and we 16 Maryknollers get three rooms on the same floor but in the other half of the flat. By arrangements with Mr. Wong, we are also allowed to retain our little chapel on the same floor. The other Americans take up quarters in the various small servants' rooms in this block, while the British take over the remaining larger room downstairs.\n\n2- Moving all day and getting settled, even though we have few possessions, leaves us pretty tired at night. We had to move our camp cots, as when the repatriates left, their rooms were almost completely denuded of their meager furnishings by those, of course, who had even less. We find that we will have the use of the two small kitchens on the top floor, one being for all the Americans and",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208784,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 241,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "214\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe location of the first major incident was the wooded slope of a steep hillside covered with pine trees and shrubs which was held under forestry licence by the Tsing Yi Rural Committee on behalf of the island community. The occasion for it was the entry of a bulldozer in connection with site investigation surveys (by boring rigs) to this area, where engineering works were held up pending negotiations with the villagers for the removal of several villages.\n\nIn the event, an unauthorized entry was made without the knowledge of the supervising engineer or District Office land staff. The bulldozer made tracks some 300 yards long in several zig-zags across the front of the hill, to the imagined and claimed detriment of three old villages whose fung shui area it has long been. The bulldozer's tracks were approximately 8 feet wide and it had effectively knocked over trees, taken up shrubs and exposed red earth, as clearly shown in Plate 4.\n\nThe villagers were prompt in their response; not only to complain to the District Office, but also to take early action to reduce the harm thought to emanate from the uncovered earth scars across the hill face. They sent parties of people to the spot who quickly cut adjoining grass, shrubs and the lower branches of trees to cover up the red earth. This took place over much of the tracks (Plate 4). They also hired a geomancer from Kowloon who set up a shrine beside a major clan grave whose side had been closely skirted by the bulldozer (Plate 5). He also provided charms which were set beside the shrine, to avert any bad influences coming from the uncovered earth nearby (Plate 6). In their turn the villagers sent a man at early morning and dusk to light joss-sticks and candles, change the oil in the little lamps on the shrine, so as to try to ensure that harm was averted by showing devotion to the earth god and to the ancestors. This service was provided in turn by a certain class of men styled fuk chù (±) from each of the villages affected by the excavation. This term means elderly persons who are thought to have received blessings from the gods e.g. by having many sons and health in old age.\n\nThe District Office 'made amends' by paying for the expenses/labour costs of the remedial work, and for the cost of the ceremonial rites styled tun fu (#). The effect of the remedial work thus undertaken was estimated to last for 6 months, after which the process would be repeated.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208785,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 242,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n215 \n\nAfter this incident, agreement was reached with the villagers and the Rural Committee on compensation for trees in the fung shui area held under Forestry Licence. The compensation was collected and a period was set for removal of trees by the former licensees before the 1978 lunar new year, following which the engineers would let a 3 months' contract for removal of any remaining trees and shrubs in preparation for major excavation and site formation to begin in earnest in September 1978. \n\nUnfortunately, our hopes for smooth progress were interrupted by the death of a 69 year old male villager and the paralysis of a 48 year old man six weeks after the start of the de-vegetation contract. These events were attributed by the villagers to the continued interference with their 'fung shui hill and led to their stopping the contractor from continuing with the work. (In practice, and as often happens in this kind of situation where it is prudent to employ local people on sensitive work involving themselves and their beliefs -- and despite the seeming inconsistency the contractor had been employing village labour for shrub and tree clearance. The villagers concerned were thus in a good position to make him stop by withdrawing their labour and advising him that no replacements should be taken on). \n\nThe work was stopped. Four more tun fu ceremonies were held in the affected villages: one at each of the two Chan (陳) ancestral halls, one at the Pak Kung shrine (伯公廟) and one on the fung shui hill itself. The object was to pacify the disturbed spirits and the ancestors of the two villages concerned. Payment for these ceremonies was again made by Government. \n\nHowever, despite these protective measures, our negotiations to continue with the interrupted de-vegetation work, prior to starting major site excavations in the autumn, proved abortive. It became clear that even if the work could be started again without incident it was very likely to be subject to more interference and unpredictable delays because of the heightened feelings and fears of the local people. An attempt was made to get the villagers to move out temporarily into public housing to facilitate the important engineering works at stake, but this was discontinued when they tried to link the move to unreasonable demands in the village removal negotiations that had been rejected previously.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208877,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 39,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n11\n\nThere are a dozen or so temples in Hong Kong the titles of which should leave one in no doubt that they are Buddhist. To highlight the problem of classifying temples by their religious affiliation, let us examine one in Lo Wai above Tsuen Wan which has a typically Buddhist name followed by the characters for \"Buddhist temple\". The staff consists of three laymen who run the vegetarian restaurant below the temple and the deities on the altar from senior to junior are Guan Di, Guan Yin, Lu Dong Bin, Dou Mu and Yao Shi Fo. Guan Yin and Yao Shi Fo are Buddhist, whilst the other three are Daoist folk religion deities. Opposite the main altar, on a secondary altar, are a Kitchen God and a Protector of the Law, both represented by framed prints; the first is a folk religion deity and the second Buddhist. And finally, on the table before the main altar is a red wooden rice bucket containing a peck of uncooked rice in which stand numerous items which have without doubt Daoist and not Buddhist origins. Despite the mixture, the three laymen were surprised that there was any doubt that their temple was Buddhist.\n\nConfucian and Daoist temples\n\nIn Hong Kong and Macau there are no Confucian temples as there were in China and still are in Taiwan. There are, however, Confucian Halls such as the one in a school sponsored by the Confucian Society at Caroline Hill, Hong Kong Island. Several Chinese societies in Hong Kong are understood to have private altars dedicated solely to Confucius.\n\nThe official state religion had its own rites and deities and involved the official bureaucracy and the gentry only. The nearest thing to a State temple in our two territories is the rural school at Fanling where an image of the Yellow Emperor (*) stands on an altar in the main hall, and the side hall of a Macau temple in which a school is held where on an altar there are full-size images of the inventors of ink and writing.\n\n\"Pure\" Daoist temples are rare, there appearing to be none in Macau and some two dozen in Hong Kong of which two are branches of two of the others. These two dozen contain distinct Daoist deities, are run by Daoist bodies represented by a committee, whilst Daoist lay priests and priestesses perform Daoist ceremonies.\n\n* Peng Lai Ge (**M**)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208881,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 43,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n15\n\nIn single-room and larger temples the major altar, which faces the entrance, may be either one large space reaching from side wall to side wall or it can be divided into three, five or more individual altars with, on occasions, a separate altar or two constructed down the side walls. (Plate 6).\n\nIn quite a number of traditional temples the main hall is divided longitudinally by partition walls from floor to ceiling. These stretch a short distance into the main hall from the rear wall of the temple, one on either side of the main altar. The two side altars are therefore outside the partitions, and in practice these partition walls serve to isolate the side altars.\n\nIn many traditional temples several major deities, and even a few minor deities, have a side hall dedicated entirely to themselves and their attendants. These include the God of Loyalty and Literature Guan Di; the fertility goddess Jin Hua Niang Niang; the bodhisattva Guan Yin and the wealth god Cai Bo Xing Jun. It is not necessarily a down-grading of the importance of the deity but a late recognition and addition to the temples' complement. A great many side hall altars contain a group of unconnected and unidentifiable minor images around the major and identifiable deity's image, all placed there over the years by zealous devotees.\n\nA side hall in one temple contained the lone image of the Earth God on the only altar, although the characters above the altar read Jin Hua Niang Niang. Presumably over the years the images of this fertility Goddess and her attendants had been removed and replaced by the image of the Earth God without the title above the altar being changed.\n\nThe temple incinerator, and the temple keeper's kiosk or counter from which he sells charm papers and incense, are usually in one or other of the side halls or courts between side halls.\n\nSide halls also contain large ritual items such as the temple bell, drum and the removable head and tail from the village dragon boat, and in one of the side halls of most Boat People's temples replicas of early junks (some 8' to 10' in length) also gather dust in the gloom. These model junks are used only on festival days when offerings are placed on the decks. The devotees thank Tian Hou for good catches over the previous year and request similar benefits for the coming year.\n\nThe roofs of traditional temples consist of interlocking tiles resting on lathes supported by strong cross beams. The latter are",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208889,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 51,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n23\n\nof deities. It is now only three storeys high though originally it had, according to differing legends, four or seven storeys.23\n\nInternal Decoration\n\nPopular religion temples vary from the traditional old, often magnificent buildings with carved and gilded panels and beams, furnished with rich embroideries, bronze and pewter vessels and numerous personally-donated items all of which enhance local pride in the temple, to the new jerry-built squatter constructions with ramshackle altar tables littered with tins, boxes and bottles, with one or two litho reproductions only to enliven the walls. Some of the rural traditional temples are bereft of much decoration due, in all probability, to the poverty of devotees,\n\nThe range of stylistic variations that emerged as temples evolved in Hong Kong and Macau, shows an essentially conservative character, although the inner decoration of traditional temples does vary from area to area. Some temples have a frieze of panels carved or sculpted in relief above or in front of the altar tables depicting birds and animals, court scenes with generals flanked by soldiers and scholars, and scenes and characters from Chinese myths and legends. Some temples have long red (occasionally black) boards inscribed with auspicious phrases in black or gilded characters, concealing the pillars of the main hall, and some have richly decorated lintels. Most however are relatively bare. Inside, the structure of beams, brackets and roof tiles are more often than not blackened with soot from incense smoke.\n\nApart from the strikingly rich crimsons on and around the altars, there is little colour in Daoist folk religion temples and the murk and dust tends to overshadow what little colour there is. Courtyards, paved with stone, are usually calm, shaded areas of green and blue, with little decoration apart from the murals which may have been preserved, painted over doorways.\n\nTemple and monastery murals and decorative wall carvings, particularly in Daoist and folk religion temples, are so complicated in detail and pattern, and contain such a wealth of allegory and legend that non-Chinese visitors are either completely bewildered or overwhelmed by detail that usually they see little of the mural. Paintings and sketches of scenes involving numerous Immortals and deities defy identification, even though the main character may",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208891,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 53,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n25\n\nSeveral temples have large stone lions outside the entrance or just inside the main doors to guard the temple from demons.\n\nBoat Peoples' land temples used to have a pair of masts more than twice as high as the temple with a small red wooden crow's nest on each, some six feet from the top24. These are said to be the repository of the spirit of the dragon of the nearby hill or island peak which protects the local inhabitants from the depredations of evil spirits. Nowadays, only one temple seems to have them, the Hong Sheng temple at the old landing stage on Ap Lei Chau.\n\nLarge triangular and colourful flags flown outside temples tend to identify the temple as a Chaozhou community temple. These flags bear the title of the main deity, the name of the temple and a spirit medium operates there, another flag in grey and black is flown, bearing an Eight Trigram diagram together with magical signs and symbols.\n\nDating of temples\n\nAbout the only way that temples can be dated with any reasonable accuracy is from the plaque near the entrance listing the subscribers to the initial construction, from the temple bell inscription25 or from the dates on the ancestral tablets of the founders of the temple on the temple altar.\n\nFrom a very general examination of bells and chimes, several dozen bear dates between 1700 and 1840, that is post-Ming dynasty but pre-British occupation. One or two bells date back to the period immediately post-Ming and a further couple are dated within this century. The older traditional temples were probably rededicated post-Ming, or were built and dedicated post-Ming, mainly in the period following the rescinding by the Kang Xi Emperor of the order enforcing the removal of all who lived within 50 li (18.3 miles) from the coast during the period of intense pirate and anti-government activity along the China coast in the 1660s.26\n\nProbably the earliest recorded date for the construction of a temple is the stone carving dated AD 1274 behind the Tian Hou temple in Joss House Bay. In AD 1012 Lin Daoyi, a trader from Fujian province, wrecked during a storm, was washed up on Tung Lung Island and built a temple dedicated to Tian Fei (as Tian Hou was then called) in thanksgiving. The temple was destroyed by a...",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208957,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 119,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "FUNG SHUI: ILLUSTRATED BY KAT HING WAI, N.T.\n\n87\n\nvalley surrounded by hills in the east, north and south forming an armchair embracing it. It is located at the crosspoint where the breath of the azure dragon and the white tiger meet. The entire valley is fed by flowing streams like the sinews and veins within a body. It is also the confluence of meandering tributaries before the main river runs off to the sea. According to a geomancer who never saw Kam Tin, \"It is said [in the geomancy classics] that the Dragon [Water Dragon, not the same as the Azure Dragon] follows the watercourse, and the meeting-place of waters is the meeting-place of the dragons, where the virtues of hills and streams are united and the grass ever green.\" He continued, \"In the distance there should be groups of mountains with streams of water encircling them; in front a stretch of level plain, a pond, or lake. In the wider circuit, the space should be large enough for 10,000 horses, and the watercourse be sufficient to admit a dragon [large] boat... If the expanse be wide, children and grandchildren will multiply and be strong. From the top of the hill the view should extend for miles, with mountains and streams interspersed.\"16 Such vivid and precise description of the geographical features of Kam Tin by a fung-shui professor who never saw the place can only lead to the conclusion that the siting of Kam Tin was done piously in accordance with the geomancy canons. Moreover, \"the place where the flow out being low, with no hill or high embankment to obstruct the escape of good influences, a pagoda is erected to check these influences and throw them back over the land.”17 Indeed a fung-shui pagoda called Man Ch'eung Kok was erected near where I Tai College now stands in Shui-tau hamlet.* By the year 1850, \"the Tang family seemed to have reached the height of their prosperity. Many of them passed the highest government examination and a census taken that year showed that there were more than 1,800 males living...\"18 But the family experienced a decline in population and wealth after the pagoda was torn down and the course of the river was altered to accommodate three fish ponds and buildings of a school that blocked the view of the village.19 This mistake was remedied by repairing the banks of the river in 1930 and family membership was said to be on the increase again.\n\nFig. 2 in the original version of this article, published in Asian Architect and Builder, October 1979, which contains many other drawings and diagrams not reproduced here.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208973,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 135,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "SYMBOLISM OF THE NEW LIGHT\n\n103\n\nrituals are quite explicit in pointing out these numerous themes.\n\nDescribing the Easter candle, Abbot Guéranger says:\n\n+\n\nIt is of unusual size. It stands alone, and is of a pillar-like form. It is the symbol of Christ. Before it is lighted, it typifies the pillar of cloud, which hid the Israelites when they went forth from Egypt; under this form, it represents our Lord, lying lifeless in the tomb. When lighted, we must see in it both the pillar of fire which guided the people of God, and the glory of the risen Christ.25\n\nThe text of the Exsultet, however, is even more explicit;\n\nFor this is the Paschal feast, in which the true Lamb was slain, with whose blood the doors of the faithful are consecrated.\n\nThis is the night wherein of old thou didst bring forth our forefathers the children of Israel from Egypt, leading them dry-shod through the Red Sea. This is the night which cleansed away the darkness of sin, by the pillar of fire. This is the night which now delivers, throughout the world, the faithful of Christ from the wickedness of the world and darkness of sin, restores them to grace, and to the fellowship of sanctity. This is the night in which Christ snapped the chains of death, and rose conqueror from hell.26\n\n3. Points of Comparison and Contrast\n\nAfter studying one by one the Taoist and the Christian rituals, it is difficult to cast aside the impression of great similarity.27 Since the \"striking of new fire\" is possibly like an archetype, found in many different societies, the question of historical links between the two traditions studied here should not normally arise. There are, however, in the two traditions some characteristics that go beyond archetypal similarity and can perhaps only be explained by a process of direct influence. It is worthwhile to further analyse these analogies, even if at the end of such a study any positive conclusion remains uncertain.\n\nThe similarities which I am able to point out relate to five aspects of the 'new fire' ritual: the name, the method of striking new fire, the trinitarian formula, the light procession and the liturgical context.\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 208993,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 155,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "SOCIAL & CULTURAL HERITAGE IN N.T.\n\n123\n\nof whom (for example) one wants to make a complete linguistic survey (which would coordinate well with the kind of ethnographic mapping that Dr. Wang Sung-hsing was describing), and another of whom has already been invited to initiate comparative studies of Taoist and Buddhist ritual here and in Taiwan. Only last week I was discussing the possibility that two other established scholars, whose international reputation was gained from their work in Taiwan, may perhaps consider coming to fill in some of the gaps in our knowledge about Hakka and Hoklo communities. At least three very promising younger anthropologists are planning to come here too—two of them Chinese and one French. Last, but far from least, there is the potential of our new Department of Anthropology and our established Department of Sociology and its counterpart at Hong Kong University, and the often excellent and extremely enthusiastic fieldwork of our students which Tam Yue-him mentioned and which David Faure is already using to such advantage. And there are a number of other local resources.\n\nNow, although it is so immensely rich in social and cultural traditions the New Territories is a small area. Given hard work, money, good coordination and planning now, it should be possible to obtain an almost complete record during, say, the next five or six years. If we can do this historians, social anthropologists, and, I hope, sociologists together — we shall then have something that does not exist for any other comparable area of China, and which now never can exist anywhere else.\n\nBut that is only the first aim. The second is just as important. There is little point in merely collecting information. It has to be interpreted, written, and published. So far, the great mass of the published work on the New Territories has been written by academic writers for academic readers. Thus, not only is it scattered in different places and in need of being brought together, but also it is simply unavailable to the people who ought to read it. What is the use of discovering our cultural heritage without also making it available to its true heirs—the present and future generations of the people of Hong Kong and (dare I say it?) China and the world? (But especially our own young people.) This means that the stuff that is already known and the material that we are still collecting must not only be written but re-written for the general reader. That is the second aim of the work I want to do.\n\nJ",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209025,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 187,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nLOCAL REACTIONS TO THE DISTURBANCE OF\n\n'FUNG SHUI ON TSINGYI ISLAND, HONG KONG, MARCH 1978 — DECEMBER 1980*\n\n155\n\nThe Chung Mei and Lo Uk villagers moved to their new houses in April/May 1979. Preparations were then made for a start to the engineering works and excavations in the sensitive hill area.\n\nWe then discovered that the opposition to interference with this area came also from the four old villages located round the lagoon. These face directly (in some cases indirectly) on to the fung shui hill. They had requested and been granted payments for periodic tun fu (**) ceremonies at the same time as the villages of Chung Mei and Lo Uk. Also, in connection with their temporary removal to public housing pending completion of their new resite villages in three to four years' time, a temporary resiting for ancestral halls for all these villages had been agreed and was being effected. Notwithstanding these considerations, village objections continued to be received.\n\nIt was becoming clear that though work might start on excavations, it was likely to cause incidents and to lead to interference with the contractors and further delay: in turn incurring claims from the companies engaged in the work. We were virtually back in the same situation that had led to the 1974 decision to resite Chung Mei and Lo Uk. Thus, when it was learned that the new public housing blocks into which the villagers were to be temporarily cleared would not be available for another year owing to heavy commitments to house large numbers of people from ongoing clearances for major public works in other parts of the Town and District, we decided to face facts. It was agreed to leave the Four Villages on their old sites until mid-1980 when new public housing blocks would be available, and not to start excavations till then.\n\nFortunately this decision was also made necessary on other grounds. Owing to financial stringency, tightened controls and the need to continue financing for engineering and building works already in progress, it was not possible to commence the Tsing Yi contracts scheduled for 1979-80. However, all the necessary arrangements were made, including the detailed planning for the villagers'\n\n*This is a sequel to the note at pp. 213-216 of the 1979 issue of the Journal. It details the difficulties faced by the District Office Tsuen Wan in arranging for development works to proceed smoothly.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209040,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 202,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "170\n\nBOOK LISTS\n\nan especially favoured form of literary entertainment but were widely popular, especially at the new year holiday and other relaxing times. Writing in the later nineteenth century, Sir Robert Douglas gives a fascinating picture of the scene in a Chinese city on the evening of the fifteenth day of the first month, the Feast of Lanterns, as he calls it\n\nAs the night advances, crowds, among whom are numbers of ladies, who, on no other occasion, venture out after dark, throng the street to gaze at the illuminations and, in some instances, to guess the riddles which are inscribed on lanterns hung at the doorways of houses. Prizes, such as parcels of tea, pencils, fans, etc., are given to the successful solvers of the rebuses, but these have little to do with the interest which is shown in the amusement which, partaking of the nature of a literary exercise, is well suited to the natural taste.\" Robert K. Douglas, China, (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, Second Edition, Revised, 1887), 264-265. Rhyming games were akin to this genre, and a good example can be found in David Hawkes' translation of the famous eighteen century novel The Story of the Stone (another name for the Red Chamber Dream), Vol. 2 \"The Crab-Flower Club\" (London, Penguin Books, 1977), 299-303.\n\n(e) Educational texts, including classics, primers and other aids to literacy\n\nI am not including the classics in this list, which have been seen in a wide range of texts and commentaries for all purposes from the elementary school room to the examination hall for the hsiu ts'ai and higher degrees, and in all sizes from large format to tiny \"sleeve gems\" and \"fly-head writing\" on slips of rice paper to be smuggled into the cells of the examination place. In lieu of these, I have listed a few of the primers and aids to literacy that I have come across.\"\n\n*\n\n(f) Guides to letter writing: simple and literary\n\nLike the books on couplets, this is another popular\n\n* See also Evelyn Sakakida Rawski, Education and Popular Literacy in Ching China (Ann Arbor, The University of Michigan Press, 1979), especially the book list at 265-268",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209290,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 193,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "BRO TSUNG LAI SHUN IN MASSACHUSETTS\n\nIn Gratton and Ivy's History of Freemasonry in Shanghai and Northern China is an account of the formation of Union Lodge No 1951 EC of Tientsin. The first two paragraphs read:\n\nFreemasonry in Tientsin commenced its official life with the formation of this Lodge, and until the year 1902, it was the only Lodge working under the English Constitution. It is therefore the senior Lodge in Tientsin and its members have always taken a prominent and active part in the work of the Craft. In the early days it was no uncommon thing for the members residing in Taku, and Tongku to saddle their ponies and ride to Tientsin especially to attend the Lodge Meetings. In those days railways and Banks in this area were non-established, and the firm of Messrs. G. W. Collins and Co., were for years the Lodge bankers.\n\nThe first meeting of the Lodge was held on the 7th January 1881, in the hall of the English Methodist Mission in Taku Road. Bro. A. B. Menzies, P.M. Doric Lodge, No. 1433, E.C. being in the Chair, Bro. J. Innocent, Newall Lodge, No. 1434, E.C. Acting Senior Warden, Bro. J.M. Moore, Doric Lodge, No. 1433, E.C. Acting Junior Warden, Bro. C.A. Schultz, Tuscan Lodge, No. 1027, E.C. Acting Senior Deacon, Bro. James Stewart, Tuscan Lodge, No. 1027, E.C. Acting Junior Deacon, Bro. T.G. Downey, St. John's Lodge, No. 34, U.S.A. [probably of Baltimore, Maryland] Acting Inner Guard, and Bros. G. Von Mollendorff, Germania Lodge, G.C. G.W. Collins, St. John's Lodge, No. 175, S.C. J.J. Hatch, Ionic Lodge, No. 1781, E.C., J.D. Addicks Ancient Landmark, Mass. Const., W. Swain, Ancient Landmark, and Tsung Lai Shun of Hampden Lodge, Massachusetts Constitution,\n\nThis is the only reference in the book to Bro Tsung, and additional information has been sought. Bro Tsung is the first master mason of Chinese race known to have lived in China.\n\nReprinted with permission from Chater-Cosmo Transactions (1980 vol. 2). See also Carl Smith, \"Chan Lai-sun and his family: a 19th century China coast family\", JHKBRAS 14 (1974). - Hon. Ed.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209615,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 272,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "250\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\n1921/22\n\n-\n\nno production.\n\n1922/23\n\n1923/24\n\n12, 13, 18, 21 Oct. 1922 - \"I'll Leave it to You\" (N. Coward, 1920)\n\n26, 27, 28, 30 Dec. 1922, 1, 2 Jan. 1923 - \"The Tempest\" (Shakespeare)\n\n8, 10, 12, 15 Dec. 1923 \"R.U.R.\" (Rossum's Universal Robots) (Karel Capek, transl. by P. P. Silver, adapted by N. Playfair, 1922)\n\n1924/25\n\n25, 26, 27, 28 Feb. 1925 - \"French Leave\" (Reginald Berkely) farcial comedy\n\n13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 21, 22 Jan. 1925 - \"St. Joan\" (G. B. Shaw, 1923)\n\n1925/26\n\n2, 3, 4, 5 Dec. 1925 - \"A Little Bit of Fluff\" farce\n\n2, 3, 4, 5, 6 Mar. 1926 — “If” (Lord Dunsany, 1921)\n\n1926/27\n\n13, 15, 17, 18, 19 Nov. 1926 Dramatic Medley \"A Matter of Time\" (Ronald Jeans)\n\n\"The First and the Last\" (John Galsworthy, 1921)\n\n\"The Burglar and the Girl\" (Mathew Boulton, 1913)\n\n\"The Man in the Bowler Hat” (A. A. Milne, 1925)\n\n19, 22 Mar. 1927 \"The Last of Mrs. Cheyney\" - Frederick Lonsdale, 1925)\n\n1927/28\n\n19, 21, 22, 23 Nov. 1927 - \"Bulldog Drummond\" (H. C. McNeile and Gerald du Maurier, 1921)\n\n1928/29\n\n16, 20, 24 Nov. 1928 \"The Sport of Kings\" (Ian Hay, 1924) performed at Star Theatre, Kowloon.\n\n19, 21, 22, 23, 26 Feb. 1929 - \"On Approval\" (Frederick Lonsdale, 1926)\n\n1929/30\n\n22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29 Mar. 1930 - \"And So to Bed\"\n\n1930/31\n\n12 Nov. 1930 — performance at Helena May Institute \"Snobs\"\n\n\"Half an Hour\"\n\n15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22 Nov. 1930 \"The Middle Watch\" a romance of the Royal Navy (Stephen King-Hall and Ian Hay, 1929)\n\n7, 10, 11, 13, 14 Mar. 1931 - \"Art and Mrs. Bottle\" (Benn W. Levy, 1929)\n\n\"Dear Brutus\" (James Barrie, 1917) last A.D.C. performance at the Theatre Royal, City Hall.\n\n14, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21 Nov. 1931\n\n1931/32\n\n―",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209631,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 288,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "266\n\nWith the shortage of teachers, the turning of the village elite away from the traditional learning to a westernized education, the widening gap between the classical syllabus and the modern world, and the continuing reluctance of the small schools within the village to reform their educational practices, traditional village education, and its relevance to the average villager, clearly declined in Sheung Shui during the early decades of the 20th century. In fact, according to the official census reports, there was a decrease in the rate of literacy among the male populations over the age of five in the New Territories as a whole from 56.6% in 1921 to 54.22% in 1931. The following table, compiled from statistics of the 1913 Census, also shows the decline of literacy rate in the younger generations:\n\nTABLE III\n\n  \n    Year of Birth\n    Age\n    Able to read and write\n    Unable\n    % of literacy rate within age group\n  \n  \n    1927\n    0-4\n    \n    4108\n    \n  \n  \n    1926-1921\n    5-10\n    942\n    5657\n    14.27\n  \n  \n    1920-1916\n    11-15\n    2215\n    3008\n    42.41\n  \n  \n    1915-1911\n    16-20\n    2968\n    2523\n    56.83\n  \n  \n    1910-\n    over 21\n    18274\n    9416\n    66.00\n  \n\nThe very small percentage in the 5-10 age group may be due to the fact that most children started school at about the age of seven or nine and they could hardly be expected to be able to read or to write after only one or two years' schooling. The declining rates in the two age groups below 21 might be due to other factors such as delay in acquiring education or an influx of educated adults. But, as far as Sheung Shui was concerned, the figures help to support our belief that there was a decline in village education in the early decades of the 20th century.\n\nThe inadequacy and disappointing conditions of the village schools must have also been noted by leaders of the village. In the late 1920's, people like Liao Kang-wai **[Liu Hong Wai], Liao Shao-hsien [Liu Siu Yin], Liao Hsin-yeh 新業 [Liu Sun Yip]** who had received a westernized education in urban Hong Kong, started a campaign to set up a modern school in the village in the ancestral hall. The movement was",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209665,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 322,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "300\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIn the fall of 1934, the third welfare center was located in a populous village in a thickly settled area. The investigation by the welfare workers showed much that they could do to help the people in the village. But somehow in every home they visited and every person they met they found the same lack of interest in everything except the ongoing lawsuit between the Hsiungs and the Lius, the two largest clans, who accounted for more than half the population of the village. There existed a piece of poor land of about two acres which each side claimed to be its own. The Lius were largely farmers while the Hsiungs were scholars and merchants. The case was decided by the district court in favor of the Hsiungs, with the result that the Lius threatened to appeal to the high provincial court. Following the decision of the district court, the Hsiungs let their buffalo graze on the disputed land. This act was challenged by the Lius and a fist fight ensued. The Hsiungs, being white-collar workers, were beaten and had to flee. The Lius seized the buffalo and took it to their ancestral hall, thus making good the Hsiungs' charge that the Lius had stolen their animal. The Hsiungs refused to take back their buffalo without appropriate apology accompanied with musicians and fire-crackers after the fashion of a victory parade. The Lius, being farming families, could ill afford to continue the lawsuit, yet they found the thought of \"losing face\" by complying with the Hsiungs' demand even more distasteful than bankruptcy.\n\nThe welfare workers from outside were neutral. They had many talks with both parties and insisted on chiang li or talking reason with both sides. The disputants finally agreed that the object of their lawsuit was worth less than they had spent, and that if they insisted on continuing it both sides would face bankruptcy. The welfare workers then organized a parade with flags and firecrackers and led the buffalo from the Lius' ancestral hall back to that of the Hsiungs. They invited the elders from both sides to a tea party for a peaceful settlement of the lawsuit. Each side disclaimed any desire for the two disputed acres, provided the other did not claim it. Finally, to the relief and",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209673,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 330,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\nTwo views of internment: Stanley: Behind Barbed Wire by Jean Gittens (Hong Kong University Press, Hong Kong, 1982) and A Yen For My Thoughts by G. A. Leiper, (South China Morning Post, Hong Kong 1982)\n\nHappy coincidence has brought two excellent accounts of war-time internment in Hong Kong onto the bookshelves at the same time. Written from personal experience, they are a poignant testimony to the courage of all who endured hardship and deprivation at Stanley and fill a gap which has long needed filling in our knowledge of conditions during the Japanese occupation.\n\nAs a Eurasian, Jean Gittens need not have been interned, but the chance, however faint, of reunion with either her children in Australia, or her already imprisoned husband led her to enter Stanley voluntarily. The opening chapters of \"Stanley: Behind Barbed Wire\" are a revealing social commentary. She relates how her parents, the late Sir Robert and Lady Clara Hotung, were the first non-Europeans to gain permission to live on the Peak and the resulting snide remarks they had to endure from neighbours and their children. The \"difference\" was brought home with unbelievable callousness when the Eurasian wives and children of government employees, advised to leave Hong Kong prior to the invasion, were turned back on reaching Manila because of Australia's insistence that only those of \"pure British\" descent could be given refuge.\n\nThe same chapters convey the impression of a spoiled little rich girl: \"In spite of the fresh air and exclusiveness, living facilities on the Peak were understandably primitive. Braving these conditions would have tried the spirit of anyone, but for a woman with a large family of young children it needed true courage,\" and again: \"The summers were long and trying and, especially during our early years, Mother would take us away to one of the seaside resorts in the North to escape the heat.”\n\nI am not sure whether the prissiness is deliberate, but it serves to heighten the contrast with the degrading and dehumanising conditions of the camp detailed in the remainder of the book.\n\nPage 330\n\nPage 331",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209692,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 349,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n327\n\nprofessional entomologists, school teachers, university undergraduates or any interested reader. Its reading style is easy, and the book can be enjoyed both by the professional, and by the amateur looking for an interesting volume to fill in the hours before bed time. One can on the one hand, find a highly specialised entomological term such as 'scarabaeiform' explained in the book, while, on the other, having the curious mating behaviour of mantids described to the unfamiliar reader in a simple and clear way.\n\nIts extensive index can and will be readily used as an indispensable check list in the field.\n\nOne personal criticism of this book is the lack of a few colour plates, which if present, would make it even more attractive. Nevertheless, its other merits certainly outweigh this shortcoming, and I strongly recommend this book to all lovers of nature,\n\nWILKIN W. K. CHEUNG\n\nMak Lau Fong, The Sociology of Secret Societies, A Study of Chinese Secret Societies in Singapore and Peninsular Malaysia (Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1981).\n\nTo give a taste of the sort of frustration any reader of this book must be prepared for, let me begin by briefly summarizing the section on \"internal control\" (pp. 70-71) in chapter 5, \"Adaptive changes in the organizational structure.\"\n\nThe author begins by outlining three types of coercion defined by the American sociologist Amitai Etzioni. He goes on to quote a report in 1867 in which a Penang secret society headman explained the types of punishment that were meted out to society members who were disobedient. The headman's types, however, have nothing whatsoever to do with Etzioni's types. He then goes on to mention interview data that suggest torture and killing being \"still in use\" as punishment. The reader obviously wonders what these data might consist of, whether \"still in use\" refers to the time the author was writing or to the time of the interviews, and what was actually said, but the author leaves all these points in the air by departing for yet another",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209863,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 122,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "100\n\nFurther to the west is Shalowan (\"Sand Snail Bay\") a big village with a fine beach and a fine wood behind it for “fungshui”. The villagers defend their beach against sand diggers with firearms; it guards their paddy fields behind. There is a settlement of early man on the headland near the village; old fields just behind the site are, apparently, for dry crops.\n\nIn a suitable light ancient log slides can be seen, running straight down the steepest hills, on this stretch of coast.\n\nBetween Shalowan and Tai O the only place of note is Sham Wat (\"Deep Dene\"), a narrow valley with two or three tiny hamlets.\n\nJust to the east of Tai O is Po Chu Tam (“Precious Pearl Pool\"). The name may either preserve the memory of a pearl fishery or enshrine a local legend: pearl oysters were once to be found in Hainan only 200 miles away. Po Chu Tam is the back door to Tai O, from it a navigable creek runs down to Tai O town. Po Chu Tam has a big temple with a shed for dragon boats; the head and tail are kept in the temple. On a low headland nearby is a ruined Chinese fort: its work is now done by an Indian guard, put there after a piracy in 1926. Another protection is an old wall with a gate, which stands across the path from Po Chu Tam just outside Tai O. Any active man could out-flank it by going up the hill.\n\nTai O (\"Big Haven\") is the biggest town in Lantau, with over 2,000 people. It was recently building an electric light and power station, run on oil. The town straggles along the shores of its creek, and has a small agricultural plain behind it. About 3 miles up into the hills is a big Buddhist temple, with a number of \"fasting halls\"; these have lately built a bridge and widened the path going up hill. Tai O salt is made in big salt pans, but is of poor quality, and only fit for salting fish. The creek cuts off the hills on which the Police Station stands from the town: it is crossed by a sampan ferry which is leased by auctions held by the elders of the place. In the wider part of the creek is a substantial settlement of boatpeople. They live in huts built on piles driven into the creek bed. These piles are often of stone, but often also of wood or bamboo. The huts are lashed to the piles with wire.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209864,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 123,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "101\n\nThe\n\nThere are two similar settlements nearer the Police Station. boatpeople's huts are designed on the model of a sampan or junk, it would seem. Almost certainly the boatpeople are a sign of a non-Chinese element in the population. Several fires have happened, the last in 1930, since when galvanised iron has become popular as roofing, replacing the older roofing of woven palm leaf matting.\n\nTemple funds are often applied to small public works, and in such cases the District Officer gives dollar for dollar from his vote. Works such as repairing tracks, or steps to the water, or paving streets in Tai O often use this source of funding. The District Officer often holds court in the charge room of the Police Station, which is one of the coolest and healthiest in the Territory.\n\nA little to the south of Tai O is Yi O (“Second Heaven\"), which is a mere village, and a little further south again Tsin Yu Wan (\"Arrow Fish Bay\") which has a beautiful sandy beach with a temple, but is otherwise deserted.\n\n1.1\n\n0\n\nOn the extreme south-west tip of Lantau is Shek Sun (“Stone Bamboo-shoots\") on a typical dumb-bell isthmus of sand between two bays. The isthmus connects Lantau proper with the low granite hills forming Fan Lau point which is the end of British territory in this direction. On one hill is an ancient fort, thought to be Dutch; if so, it was probably built and occupied at the time of their attack on Macao in 1622. (The failure of this attack led to the Dutch occupying Taiwan in Formosa, thus drawing Chinese settlers there, who expelled them about fifty years later.) The fort may, however, in fact be Chinese. The name of this village probably comes from the way the boulders stick out of the hills above it, like low pillars.\n\nThere are some fields on the hill above Shek Sun enclosed by dry-stone walls: evidently these were once used for dry crops, but they are now abandoned. They were not pastures: animals are never enclosed when grazing.\n\nTurning to the south coast of Lantau, and moving eastwards from Fan Lau Point, you see in succession three valleys each with a group of villages, all of which are purely agricultural and fishing.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209929,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 188,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "166\n\nmanagerial succession is made more difficult. Patronage cannot easily be transferred to ensure the perpetuation of the enterprise.\n\nThe ideal of self-employment is not uniquely Chinese. It is also found to be an essential part of the American 'dream' in a land where social ascent is similarly treasured, (Mayer 1953: 160-180). How is this dream reconciled with the need for stable and dedicated corporate personnel? The chairman of Mill 22 was aware of the Western solution to this problem, but he did not think it practicable in Hong Kong:\n\n'In the West, there is a contract system to control the subordinates. Contracts are made for, say, two years and then renewed. This will check the managers, and they will watch their step because of the uncertainty. I am sure you have read the news recently of the dismissal of the top executive of Ford. I saw it work in the West. In the Brussels' Fair in the 1950s, I was struck by the maxim written on the banner of a display counter: \"If Heaven should fall tomorrow, I would still plan today\". But the Chinese don't act like that. If you don't know whether you will be fired next year, why should you work like hell? This is a difficult management problem.'\n\nThe Western system of contracts for senior executives is often accompanied by a profit-sharing scheme as an incentive for the executives. This tends to reduce the attraction of self-employment and enable the firms to recruit and keep ambitious and capable employees. How did the spinners regard the admission of senior executives to the circle of owners in their companies?\n\nProfit sharing\n\nThe desire to confine ownership rights to a chosen few emerged when I asked the spinners on their preferences for the public and private form of company organization. They were evenly divided in their opinions on the relative merits of these two forms, as shown in Table 10. The reasons they gave for their decisions indicated that the notion of a diffused 'public' as owners and the related idea of a 'corporation' as an independent and enduring entity have not taken hold among them. Those",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209983,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 242,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "220 \n\nand loved the hills, a keen shot and a good one, above all a very good sport who took his failures with a grin and exposed all his mistakes with an engaging candour. There were little gems of descriptive story-telling that made you feel you were with him in all his adventures, and you got to know his favourite spots by his brief and vivid descriptions and little sketches.\n\nI came eventually to several stories about a mystery pig he called the Old Grey Boar, a hermit who was never seen in company with other pigs or who, as he explained it, had been thrown out by the other pigs because he was too bad-tempered. Now this pig could apparently carry without discomfort all the lead the hunters could pump into him, and he had given them the slip on several occasions when they felt sure they had bagged him. Currie always went out with three companions, but he alone wrote up the day. Finally he mentioned that the Chinese beaters firmly believed this was a Joss pig that could not be killed. They were also afraid of him, for after he had been wounded he terrorised the villagers, especially the grass-cutters, and had killed several of them. I did not pay much attention to the story at the time, but I was fascinated by Currie's general descriptions and sat up reading till after midnight, I think I got pig fever that night, a great urge to roam those hills with a few good companions like Currie and, like him, to find new strength up there. Finding good companions was the rub, and the only one I could think of was Hunter. The others had given up the struggle and would not move out of the Club; the hills were too far out and pig-shooting too much like hard work.\n\nThe next day I explored the country around and made myself familiar with the various ranges of hills. To the south was a long range called Chang Shan, on the top of which was a small temple. In between the two main mountains were rolling hills with the main road to Chinkiang twisting through the valley, past a solitary hill like a hog's back, sticking out of the flat country to eastward. This was called Tung Shan, and close to its northern base lay Chakamen, or the beaters' village, as we called it, for most of the beaters lived there.\"\n\nThose readers who wish to read more should turn to page 51 of Rasmussen's fascinating book. My own interest is in the",
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    {
        "id": 210001,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 260,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "247\n\nTHE CULTIVATION OF THE \"INCENSE TREE” (AQUILARIA SINENSIS).\n\nJU KOW-CHOY\n\nThere are several popular theories concerning the origin of the name Hong Kong (#). One is based on the legend of a female pirate named \"Heung Ku\" (Aunty Heung, ). A second relates to a hill on Hong Kong Island Hung Heung Lo Shan (Red Incense Burner Hill). A third refers to the stream near Pokfulam which provided a source of \"Fresh and Fragrant Water\" to passing ships in the old days. Professor Lo Hsiang-lin and Madam Chang Yuet-ngo, however, consider that the name was derived from the Incense Tree or Heung Tree.* A book by Professor Lo and colleagues published in 1959 and entitled Hong Kong and its External Communication before 1842, includes a chapter on \"The Cultivation and Exportation of Incense\", a summary of which follows:-\n\n\"Incense\" is a product of the southern part of Kwangtung Province. There are several varieties, each from different species of trees. The general name of the varieties of incense (solidified wood sap), produced in Tung Kwun and Po On districts, which included Hong Kong and the New Territories in those days, was \"Kuan-heung\" from Incense Tree (Aquilaria Sinensis Gilg). Originally a native of Tonkin (North Vietnam), it was introduced to Kwangtung during the Tang Dynasty (619-907 A.D.). In Hong Kong, the best brand was produced in Lik Yuen (now Shatin) and Sha Lo Wan (the western seaboard of Lantau Island).\n\nThe successful cultivation of the Incense Tree depends on three conditions. Firstly, suitability of soil; secondly, adoption of proper cultivation methods; and thirdly, the mastering of tapping and cutting techniques.\n\n\"Kuan-heung\" was highly valued by the people of the provinces of Kwangtung, Kiangsu, and Chekiang, who used large quantities annually. Locally, the produce was collected by the\n\nSee Plates 18-19.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
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    {
        "id": 210287,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 258,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "Table 2. Income of the Festival\n\nTitle\n\n(Yuan Shau) #T\n\nA B\n\nContribution (yen)\n\nTotal (yen)\n\nSpecial\n\n150,000\n\n150,000\n\nPrincipal\n\n1\n\n110,000\n\n110,000\n\nVice\n\n12\n\n100,000\n\n1,200,000\n\nTu\n\n151\n\n16\n\n50,000\n\n800,000\n\n26\n\n30,000\n\n780,000\n\n37\n\n20,000\n\n740,000\n\n92\n\n10,000\n\n920,000\n\n112\n\n5,000\n\n560,000\n\n40\n\n3,000\n\n120,000\n\n1\n\n2,500\n\n2,500\n\n108\n\n2,000\n\n216,000\n\n1,500\n\n1,500\n\n96\n\n1,000\n\n96,000\n\nTotal\n\n165\n\n543\n\n5,696,000\n\n* A: number of names listed in the Yellow-book\n\n* B: number of names listed on a red paper pasted on the wall\n\nA B\n\nF\n\n* note:\n\nInformants said that A was the P'ang (†) and B was Kifu (  Japanese term means donation)\n\n= Jap-\n\n1\n\n# The A class Ming-che was 470,000 yen, B class was 350,000, and C class was 200,000. In addition, each of the Gold, silver, cloth, and coin hills (   · Mil ki - l) was 25,000 yen. In the case of Kyoto, the prices were: a) gold or silver hills (full): 5,000 yen, b) rice (16): 3,000 yen, c) 10 kinds of vegetarian food (FM): 3,000 yen, d) Gold or silver (paper money) ( IN ): 3,000 yen, e) paper-made gold bar ( CW ): 700 yen, f) Japanese type incense sticks (#); 800 yen, g) paper money ( 24 ); 200 yen, small candle (one) (--); 200 yen, h) Chinese incense sticks ( f ); 500 yen.\n\n@ Moreover there were 266 paper tablets presented in the 'Ancestral Hall', each tablet costing 3,500 yen. Thus, the total income from the tablets was 931,000 yen.\n\n=\n\nSecond World War, he and three of his brothers married and live separately but they have only one Cho-sin-pai-lau (i ★m in Cantonese altar of the ancestor) in his mother's house. And in the festival the family presented only one paper tablet. One committee member told me that all Chinese ethnic groups living in Kobe came to the festival but those who came from other Prefectures were mostly Hokkienese. There were three groups of non-Kobe worshippers:\n\ni) They were Hokkienese or they had affinal relationship with the Hokkienese in Kobe. For example the man from",
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    {
        "id": 210293,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 264,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "243\n\nThe content of the invitation card is: \"The overseas Chinese in Japan will hold a 3-days-4-nights Pu Tu, for the sake of establishing luck by offering and helping all the imprisoned spirits of the water and the earth. The meeting will take place at the Kwan T'i Temple in Kobe city. Please come to the \"Tan\" (altar) to present incense sticks during the 14th, 15th, and 16th of the 7th moon. (1st, 2nd and 3rd of September 1982).” The card was red in colour.\n\n9\n\nThe 13th day and the 17th day of the 7th moon were not mentioned in the invitation card.\n\n10 The Lantern Floating ritual in Japanese is \"To Ro Nagashi', which means to float lanterns(s) (to the sea). During the Japanese Obon, lanterns are sent off on the last day of the festival. Through this, the ghosts and the ancestors are all sent back. During the Kobe festival, the ritual, according to the committee members, was to send off the \"wandering ghosts or those who are not worshipped by anyone (= Mu Zhi Kuai)\". However it seems confusing because after the floating ritual, they continued to give offering to the hungry ghosts as well as to the ancestors for two more nights, and the tablets of the wandering spirits were still inside the Tao Ch'ang. A similar ritual practised in Hong Kong during the Chiao festival is called 'Fong Shui Dang' (t, sending off the water lanterns), which is parallel with the 'Fong Luk Dang\" (PW10, put on the street lights) ritual. The rituals are to invite all the water and earth spirits to attend the offering during the Pu Tu or 'Sai Tai Yau* (*9A, to worship the numerous spirits) of the Chiao festival). The prayer book the Obaku Buddhists used for their morning and night rituals is \"Obaku Zenlin Choobo Kashoo\" (R). The priests called this daily work \"Zenlin Kashoo\" (M).\n\nSee below.\n\n12\n\nPlate 21.\n\n13\n\nPlates 22, 23.\n\n14 The \"Pang' was a book-form name-list in yellow. It had 8 pages with an introduction explaining the reason for holding a Pu Tu. (The introduction is printed in the Appendix).\n\n15 See the introduction to the Pang printed in the Appendix.\n\n16 The beach is at the western end of the Prefecture.\n\n17 Plate 24.\n\n18\n\nSee footnote 10.\n\n19\n\n20\n\nPlate 25.\n\nThe book used for the ritual was \"Yoga Enkoo Kahan\" (1⁄2μÅμ) which is similar to that used in Hong Kong during the 'Sai Tai Yau' ritual. According to an old taoist in Hong Kong, Mr. Lam Pui ( ), the gesture is called \"Poh Yuk” (Z, to break Hell), and through this the ghosts are released and able to come for reincarnation and cross over.\n\n21 Plates 26, 27, 28.\n\n22\n\nNo meat was allowed in the festival area. However, meat was presented at the Ming-che VII. One informant explained that it was because the dead like meat, and one committee member sighed and told me that \"We have no way, because they are from the other Provinces (of China) (##A)\".\n\n20 The sect started from Monk Yin Yuan (C) of Fu-ch'in (Mili), Hokkien. He was invited by the General of the Tokugawa Bankufu (UK) in 1654, In the",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210389,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 360,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "339\n\nous. Even at the best of Chinese times local families enjoyed \"virtual autonomy from the imperial court\" (p. 163).\n\nRebellion against Chinese rule, indeed, was endemic throughout the later phases whether peasant led or fomented by leading families. The whole confrontation culminated in the major clashes with T’ang officialdom in the ninth century, which also saw an uneasy alliance of some Vietnamese factions with the inland Nan Chao kingdom.\n\nFor all his development of the Vietnamese pre-Chinese roots, this is not a unique position. Taylor's contention that scholars have tended to neglect this aspect (p. xvii) is not borne out by the work of others such as D.G.E. Hall (see his History of Southeast Asia, MacMillan, 1955) and George Coedes (see his The Making of Southeast Asia, Berkeley, 1966).\n\nIn spite of a heavy emphasis upon anti-Chinese rebellion and the throwing-off of Chinese rule, and earlier of the inculcation of Chinese cultural models, Vietnam at independence in the tenth century was not only a very impoverished and ravaged land, but also a pretty rude place. There was nothing of note in buildings; cultural levels were far below those expected in a T'ang province; and nothing to compare favourably with the grand styles of the contemporaneous Champa and Khmer kingdoms to the south and west.\n\nThis is an absorbing book, and a valuable contribution as filling some gaps in our knowledge of ancient Vietnam. It ends with fifteen appendixes—mostly descriptive essays on Vietnamese legends, migration, textual and geographic problems; a glossary of place names, titles, personal names, and terms and expressions in Vietnamese and Chinese.\n\nLEIGH R. WRIGHT University of Hong Kong\n\nPage 360\n\nPage 361",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210695,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 46,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "29\n\nGovernor, Francis said \"Is that defamation? I thought it was a recommendation usually in Hong Kong”). Whilst Francis argued with the Europeans, Ng Choy mobilised the Chinese who first packed the City Hall so that the Europeans could not get in, and when the Europeans adjourned to the cricket field requested an interpreter so that they could follow the proceedings. Their request being ignored Ng Choy led them away. Francis, like Hennessy, seems to have had a genuine interest in the welfare of others and particularly of the Chinese and any section of the community that was at a disadvantage.\n\nOne of the things that Hennessy did in 1878 was to revive the Hong Kong Volunteer Corps. There had been volunteers in 1854 and the Corps was founded in 1862 but was disbanded in 1866. It is not surprising that Francis, with his army background, should join. He was an active member until 1887 and maintained an interest until his death. In 1878 he was sworn in as an artillery member (there was also a rifle section) and in July he was elected a captain and received his commission. Another captain and three lieutenants were also elected. There was some criticism in the press of the elections it being suggested that Hennessy had influenced the results, and it was said that two of the appointments were positively distasteful. Francis took part in parades and exercises and rifle competitions, and in 1880 was gazetted an additional A.D.C. to the Governor. In June 1880 there was a meeting of the volunteers with the Governor to discuss the future of the Corps and Francis expressed interest in raising a company of Portuguese who formed a sizeable section of the European community.\n\nBy 1882 the Corps was nearly defunct again and a public meeting was held to consider starting a new one. A committee of five, including Francis, was appointed to draw up rules and regulations. A constitution was approved and in January 1883 the new Corps, some fifty strong, paraded and made \"a creditable show\". In March there was an election of officers. Francis was defeated for Major but again elected a captain. In April when the drill season was wound up the Daily Press reported “the main burden of the drilling work has fallen upon Captain Francis and he has shewn qualifications for drilling men and getting them into an efficient condition such as are seldom seen in a volunteer officer\". In replying to a toast to the Officers Francis said that perhaps an apology was",
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    {
        "id": 210836,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 187,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "170\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nstrengthened by his baptism and resolve to study theology.\n\nAs a theological student, A-sow was soon preaching and in 1849 Dr. Legge noted that he began to show considerable ability in public speaking. The following year the missionary committee agreed that he should continue his studies for two or three more years. He was urged to improve his Chinese. At the same time he was to assist at the school in teaching English.\n\nIn December 1850, Dr. Legge received a shock, A-sow appeared in a hearing before the Police Magistrate. The case concerned the loss and reappearance of bills of exchange worth about $50,000,\n\nIn the summer of 1849, the agent of the P and O Shipping Company reported the loss of a valuable parcel from one of its ships. It had been addressed to the firm of Gibb, Livingston and Co, a firm that is still doing business in Hongkong today. About this time a cook's assistant picked up a bill for some £300 near Union Chapel in Hollywood Road not far from the London Mission House and School. Being written in English he could not read it. So he showed it to his employer. It was from the lost parcel.\n\nNow more than a year later A-sow turned up at the police station with two bills worth about £2,000, asking if the owner was known. He told the police he had received these bills and others from a former coolie in Dr. Legge's employ. The coolie in turn said he had received them from two other people, one who had left for California and the other was the same man who claimed to have picked up the £300 bill the year before.\n\nOn the basis of this testimony, the latter was charged with robbery. Under oath A-sow deposed that the London Mission Society coolie had brought the bills to him some ten months earlier asking if they were of importance.\n\nA-sow said he took them to the Rev Ho Fuk-tong for his opinion. The reply was they were worthless, whereupon A-sow put them in a drawer in his desk and forgot about them. Ho Fuk-tong at the hearing denied ever having seen the bills, thus putting into question A-sow's credibility.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt",
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    {
        "id": 210857,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 208,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "191\n\nof the United States and for some time lived at Charlestown, South Carolina. His wife was an American woman. His dress was a bizarre combination of Western and Chinese modes.\n\nHe was an early arrival in San Francisco and operated for a time the Macau and Wosung Restaurant. His domination of the Chinese population was heavy-handed, but it was challenged by an equally colourful character, A-toy, the doyen of San Francisco's \"women of pleasure.\"\n\nThe transfer of leadership came just at the time the question of Chinese labour was becoming a political issue in California. A bill to introduce contract labour was put before the State Legislature. Due to a slump in available cheap labour, the merchants wished to import it from China.\n\nThe miners were strongly opposed. They viewed contract labour as capitalist exploitation of immigrants who would work under living conditions that free miners would not endure. Contract labour was regarded by them as an economic threat. This view appeared to be that of the political majority, and Governor Bigler addressed the legislature in April 1852, opposing the legislation of contract labour.\n\nHis address had been noted by the few Chinese who could read English. They, in turn, explained it to the general Chinese community.\n\nAs representatives of their fellow countrymen, Hab Wa of the Sam Wo Company and Tong A-chick of the Tun Wo Company published a letter replying to the Governor's remarks. In it, they emphasised the important economic contribution to the state made by the business of the Chinese merchants. They emphasised that Chinese immigrants were not coolies under contract but free labourers.\n\nThe letter did not stem the anti-Chinese feeling of the miners, but it did influence more of the American merchants to support the Chinese cause. This encouraged the Chinese in their efforts to win a hearing. They sent Tong A-chick to discuss this with Gover-",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 210944,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 6,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "276\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nbe given half the roast pig, to be equally distributed among them. All expenses for wine, food, tea, tobacco and incidental items are to be paid for and recorded by the manager-for-the-year. However, food for men and horses of a newly arrived person [san-tsun-loi yan] is to be paid for by the new arrival, while those of the degree-holders who come for the feast are to be paid for out of common funds. [We have not heard the term yau-p'oon used in interviews and it is not in the dictionary, but its meaning seems quite obvious from the context. He is clearly not an official, but someone held to be in some position of power who had to be received at the temple. He is also not a degree-holder, the regulations for the reception of whom are specified in the next two clauses. An official functionary at the county yamen \"underling\" as he has come to be known in the secondary literature\n\nan\n\nwould seem to fit the description. This interpretation also explains why this person's men and horses would not be fed at common expense if he was new in the post. It was common practice for a local official, on his appointment, to issue a notice to the effect that his staff should not be feasted or presented with lavish gifts. Whether or not these men and horses were in fact fed, this clause displays the spirit shown in such notices.]\n\n14.\n\nOn the occasion of a newly qualified provincial or metropolitan graduate [] passing by the Governor's Temple and paying respect to Governor-General Chau and Governor Wong, a roast pig is to be prepared, and the sum of 10 silver dollars is to be awarded, in addition to 4 silver dollars for his men and horses. The feast on that day is to be arranged in the manner stated in the previous clause. [We were told in interviews in Lung Yeuk Tau that it was the custom for a new graduate to worship at ancestral halls bearing his surname, whether or not they were directly related to his own lineage. The custom was to present to each ancestral hall a wooden board bearing his newly won title, and in return, he would be presented sums of money. This custom accounts for the many boards found in ancestral halls that, despite the common surnames, were dedicated to people outside the lineage. It is quite conceivable that the custom extended to worship at the Po Tak Temple.]\n\n15. On the occasion of an imperial student by special selection [ • # • £ • §] › ✯ passing by the Governor's",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522",
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    {
        "id": 211034,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 95,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "70\n\n32\n\nFor further details and comments about the establishment and failure of the 1881-1883 Normal School, see CO129/197, p. 326f. In this file, Colonial Office minutes are critical of Hennessy's extravagance, note that \"the scheme is evidently Dr. Eitel's with Governor Hennessy's fiat\" and other correspondence (e.g., Eitel first report on the Normal School, in Eitel to M.S. Tonnochy, Acting Colonial Secretary, 19th January, 1882, and his second report enclosed in his letter to Tonnochy of 19th January, 1882) shows that Eitel, the Inspector of Schools, felt that there would be very unfortunate repercussions if the school were to be closed and that the headmaster, A.J. May was even prepared to take a salary reduction (from the original proposal of $2,400 a year to $1,600) rather than see the Normal School break up. In later reports (contained in CO129/202 p. 532f.), Eitel compared the Normal School, with its \"special private tuition and instruction\" in pedagogy, to the pupil-teacher scheme at the Central School to the disadvantage of the latter, and May, in his letter to Frederick Stewart of 19th July, 1883, mentioned the virtues of being able to utilize simulation techniques for the preparation of teachers at the Normal School. The actual end of the Normal School, which had been dismissed as unnecessary in the Education Commission Report of September 1882, was precipitated by A.J. May's insistence, in September 1883, that the students agreed to a bond to teach for five years at a salary rate of $25 per month on their completion of the course. The immediate result was that four of the ten students left for the Medical College at Tientsin, three joined commercial firms, and one became a government interpreter, leaving only two of the original intake, as mentioned above, to become teachers.\n\n33\n\nIn Singapore, a central training college for men teachers using English as the medium of instruction was proposed in 1904 and again in 1910, but the scheme was aborted because of the lack of applications. In Kuala Lumpur, an experimental teacher training course began in 1905, proved successful, and was followed by a two-year course in Penang in 1907. See Wong Hoy Kee, Francis, and Gwee Yee Hean, Perspectives: The Development of Education in Malaysia and Singapore (Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann Educational Books (Asia) Ltd., 1972), pp. 12-14.\n\n34\n\nWhat is certain is that his name does not appear in the Blue Book as one of the Pupil Teachers at the Central School at any time between 1880 and 1885. As noted above, Mok Man Cheung won the Class 1 Mathematics prize in January 1884. He was employed as \"Fourth Chinese Assistant\" at the Central School from September 1884. He did not, therefore, have the time to be enrolled in a pupil teacher's course, which customarily lasted for three years, but he might have taken an examination in \"Pupil-Teacher's Theory\" while studying in Class 1.\n\n35\n\nThe dispute over the opening hours at the City Hall Museum had come to a head in 1880 when the Executive Committee of the City Hall Museum, led by its chairman, William Keswick, attempted to restrict the entry of Chinese to the afternoons. They were opposed by the first Chinese member of the Legislative Council, Ng Choy, and by the Governor, Sir John Pope Hennessy. See CO129/189 p. 476-614 for correspondence, largely unsympathetic to the Committee's discriminatory proposal and including an extract from the Hong Kong Hansard for 1880 reporting a speech by Ng Choy, and CO129/192 p. 438-446 for correspondence which includes Keswick's opinion that racial distinctions should not be abolished with regard to admission to the Museum of the City Hall. The call for separate schools for the different races had been made on a number of occasions in the past, most notably in 1845, 1856, and 1870-1872, but the most recent resurgence of interest and argument about the issue had been provoked by a speech made by the Anglican Bishop Hoare at the Prize Distribution of the Diocesan Boys' School in January",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211040,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 101,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "76\n\nwith records of the \"autobiography” of the Taoist saint Huang Chuping, the figure worshipped by many thousands of devotees in Hong Kong as \"Wong Tai Sin.\" This autobiography has been reprinted in official publications of the Sese Yuan, and reads as follows (using the Sese Yuan's translation):\n\nAs a young shepherd boy, I spent my early childhood at Kim Hwa [Jinhua] Mountain located at the north of Kim Hwa City in Chekiang [Zhejiang] Province. The mountain was said to have derived its name from Venus and Mou Nui Constellation (Wunüxing) both of which were directly overhead. Orientated at the north of Kim Hwa Mountain was the Hill of Red Pines where I took abode. This hill, densely forested and often hidden in clouds and fog, was seldom frequented by outsiders. Among thick natural vegetations and interlocking peaks there was a deep ravine named Kim Hwa, one of the thirty-six caves of the similar geological structures in the neighbouring district.\n\nMy childhood was marred by poverty and hunger, compelling me to start earning my daily bread as a shepherd boy at the age of eight. At fifteen I was fortunate enough to have been blessed by a fairy who led me to a stone cave where I learned the art of refining cinnabar nine times into an immortal drug. For forty years in succession, I lived in this seclusion from the rest of the world until my brother broke this isolation. His early efforts were at first futile. However, through the guidance of a Taoist fortune-teller, he located me. My brother queried me of the whereabouts of the sheep under my custody. To this I replied that they could be traced in the east of the Kim Hwa Mountain. He was surprised, on arrival, to find nothing but heaps of white boulders which quickly transformed into sheep at my call. Fascinated by this impressive show of mine, my brother also took steps to learn to become an immortal.\n\nOriginally, I was named Wong Cho-ping (Huang Chuping), a subject of the Tsun [Jin] Dynasty and a",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211041,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 102,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "77\n\nnative of Tak Kai [Danxi] District. The derivation of my name as Red Pine Fairy was due to my living in seclusion in Red Pine Hill. To differentiate myself from the Red Pine Fairy who was in close company with Chang Liang [Zhang Liang], I wrote this autobiography. (Sese Yuan, 1971;3)\n\nThis autobiography is thought by some current members of the Sese Yuan to have been received from the god by the way of the fuji divination procedure, but actually it seems to have been drawn from the story related in the fourth century work titled Shenxian Zhuan (Biography of immortals). This work contains brief descriptions of the lives of eighty-four Taoist hermits and seekers of immortality. The passage on Huang Chuping is as follows:\n\nHuang Chuping came from Danxi. When he was 15 his family had him tend sheep. A Taoist seeing that he was good-natured and conscientious took him to a stone cave in the Jinhua Mountain. For forty odd years he stayed there without thinking of his family. His elder brother Chuqi searched for him for many years in the mountains but without success. Once in a marketplace he saw a Taoist. Chuqi beckoned him and asked \"My brother Chuping who was sent out to tend sheep has not been seen for more than forty years. I don't know where he is or whether he is dead or alive. Would you please find out by means of divination?” The Taoist said, \"On the Jinhua Mountain there is a young shepherd by the name of Huang Chuping. Doubtless he is your brother.\" When he heard this, Chuqi followed the Taoist in search of his younger brother. He found him. The brothers told each other of what had happened during all these years. Chuqi then asked his brother where the sheep were. \"Not far from here on the eastern side of the mountain,” Chuping answered. Chuqi went over there and looked for them. He didn't see them. He only saw white stones. He went back and said to Chuping, \"There are no sheep on the eastern side of the mountain,” Chuping said, “The sheep are",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211045,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 106,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "81\n\nwas copied by a craftsman in Guangzhou from a scroll painting supplied by the temple for use as a model. The scroll painting once hung in a reception hall of the main temple. We viewed and photographed this painting (which is not on public display). The inscription on the painting is Chisong Daxian (Red Pine Fairy). The painting is evidently one painter's version of the ancient figure of the Red Pine Fairy, and is similar to another, older picture of this figure.26 The painting does not explicitly refer to Huang Daxian. However, the appearance of the figure, who is holding a handful of herbs that he has collected, and the two deer at his feet, are consistent with a portrayal of Huang Yeren.\n\nTo summarize: Huang Yeren has been known in the Luofu area, and probably worshipped, since at least the early Song period. There was once a separate shrine to Yeren, and when the temple was rebuilt after being destroyed in the early 1800's, Yeren was moved into the same room as Ge Hong. Now, there is a separate room for Huang \"Daxian\" at the Luofu Chongxu Guan. However, he is now no longer identified as Yeren, but merely as the Red Pine Huang Daxian. We believe that this has something to do with the belief that Huang Yeren is the same figure as the Hong Kong Huang Daxian—or that the differences are unimportant.” However, the biographies of the two Huangs are clearly irreconcilable. Neither Huang Yeren nor the partly overlapping figure of Huang Li bears any resemblance to Huang Chuping. Further, there are no literary traditions that Huang Chuping went anywhere near Luofu, or anywhere other than Jinhua Mountain in Zhejiang province, and we have found no trace of any previous worship of Huang Chuping at Luofu.28 Hence, it is surprising that anyone should want to confuse the two figures. Why has this confusion of the two Huangs occurred? We now turn to the interviews and sources in which Huang Yeren and Huang Chuping have been confused or merged.\n\nIdentifications of the Hong Kong Huang Daxian with Huang Yeren of Mt. Luofu\n\nIn 1985, the first author interviewed Taoists and others in Guangzhou and in Xiqiao, and found that where they had any opinion about the origin of the Hong Kong Huang Daxian, they",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211071,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 132,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "107\n\nFIELD, A D\n\n26.10.1882 FIELD. Frederick\n\n8.8.1932 Arthur\n\nFINNICKE, Harry J\n\n17.7.1906 FINNICKE, Robert J\n\n17.11.1905 FISHER, Robert\n\n25.4.1893 FITZPATRICK,\n\n18.7.1951 Christine\n\nFITZPARTICK, Suzanne 18.7.1951 FORREST, John Haslem 23.3.1947\n\nFLUGS, Berthold\n\n3.6.1914 FOTHERMIGHANI,\n\n1.5.1918 FRASER, Harry Frame\n\n5.12.1932 David FREI, Robert\n\n31.10.1901 Sommerville\n\nFREIDRICH, Rudolf\n\n25,12,1881 FROST, Theresa L\n\n13.7.1894 FYFE, Jane Charlotte\n\n19.10.1883 GALBREATH, Jean\n\n26.10.1918 Abergromby\n\nGIBSON, Richard Mends\n\n16.11.1865 McBride McQueene GIBSON, John Hayton\n\n26.1.1932 GILBERT, George\n\n17.4.1912 GOEBEL, Karl H\n\n30.1.1945 GILCHRIST, Maggie\n\nWtson Brand GOETTE, Karl Joseph\n\n7.7.1902 21.12.1906 GOLDENBERG, Issac\n\nNot known GOTH, Charles\n\n1.11.1878 GRAHAM, Charles\n\n1880 GRATTIS, L (child of)\n\n7.8.1881 George GROTH, Adolph Alex\n\nNot known GRUENBERG, Moses\n\n17.1.1883 Erdmann Joseph GRUENBERT, Joseph\n\n2.6.1882 GRUMBACH, Henry\n\n7.12.1904 GRUPE, Henriette\n\n31.8.1882 GRUPE, Bodo\n\n27.7.1873 GRUPE, Herta\n\n20.5.1873 GUTHEREZ, Edel\n\n24.10.1883 HAFTENDER, John\n\n21.6.1869 HAIR, John\n\n9.11.1941 Wroughton HALFON, Jose\n\n1919 HALL, James L\n\n1.3.1936 HANDE, C\n\n9/10.1882 HANSARDUM,\n\n7.7.1903 Johannes L HANSON, Mary\n\n10.2.1963 HARE, Frederick\n\n24.3.1872 HARRISON, John James 28.2.1947\n\nHAUSMANN, J\n\nNot known HAWKES, Esther\n\n22.4.1910 HAWKINS, Ronald\n\n5.4.1948 HAYWARD, Sydney 12.8.1918\n\nHEARD, William D\n\n3.12.1909 Malcolm Crosswell HEDDERWICK, Donald 15.8.1909\n\nHEELOZ, Heinrich\n\n6.1.1878 Ness HEDGES, J Blake\n\n5.2.1941 HENS, J Ph\n\n5.6.1889 HENTRICH, Theodor\n\n13.10.1912 HERALD, Hugh\n\n11.12.1898 Dietrich HERBE, Sydney\n\nHESLOP, Mrs Fred\n\n16.12.1902 Not known HERRIDGE, James\n\nHICKEY, John Vincent\n\n+ 11.11.1945 Russell\n\n17.4.1946 HIGHAM, F James\n\n25.1.1945 HINDE, John B\n\n11.2.1926 HIRAMOTO, O\n\n26.9.1908 HIRAMOTO, Baby\n\nNot known Katsu HOFFMEISTER, Carl\n\n25.6.1913 HOLDEN, LE\n\n16.5.1924 Heinrich Hubert HOLLOMBY, Bettina\n\n29.3.1926 HOLLYER, William\n\n9.12.1944 George HOMANN, August Emil 8.8.1926\n\nHOMBURG, G\n\n7.3.1890 HONISS, Albert\n\n3.8.1874 HOOPER, Ralph\n\n28.5.1899 Wemyss",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211158,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 219,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "194\n\nResponsibility for the general welfare of the Chinese in Hong Kong was assumed by the hospital directors past and present.\n\nTheir espousal of Chinese causes led them into conflict with certain European interests. It was felt they wielded too much influence over the Chinese. Their connections with Chinese authorities also caused alarm.\n\nMany aspects of life and business of the Chinese in Hong Kong were connected with China, hence, there were many occasions when it was necessary to correspond and negotiate with Chinese officials.\n\nThere was sharp criticism in the English language press against the committee for taking upon itself matters which were considered to be the proper concern of the Hong Kong Government.\n\nBecause of this, a public meeting was held at the hospital in 1875 to discuss whether it was “advisable to have a Kung Soh or Town Hall built so as to separate the functions of the committee from that of the general community in order to avoid further criticism.\" There was no consensus of opinion on the matter.\n\nTwo years earlier, the Registrar General, who was responsible for relations between the Government and the Chinese, had asked the Tung Wah Hospital Committee to select two men from each district of the city to serve as headmen of the district watchmen.\n\nThe Committee had demurred stating it would like to see a separation of their duties as the committee of the hospital and as leaders of the kaifong. The Governor agreed that a separation was desirable.\n\nOne of the difficulties was that if the functions of the two groups were to be separated, as most felt should be done, the kaifong needed a proper meeting place.\n\nAt the time of the discussion concerning the desirability of separating hospital matters from general community affairs in 1875, the Chinese submitted a petition to the Government asking",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211172,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 233,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "208 \n\nThere was only time in those busy days for a committee to meet on February 17 to pass a resolution that read: “A public meeting should be convened upon Wednesday, March 2 at 4.30 pm, and the Chief Justice shall be asked to preside. All members of the community are invited to attend. The meeting will be held at the City Hall.\" \n\nAfter Mr. Chater's question and the Government's reply, \"Brownie,\" the writer of the regular China Mail column “Fragrant Waters Murmur,” expressed the hope that \"some scheme for celebrating Her Majesty's jubilee will be harmoniously arrived at, and that it will reflect credit upon the community of Hongkong as well as be a permanent good to the Colony and a worthy record to our Queen.\" \n\nUnfortunately, it produced discord rather than harmony. It resulted in the Chinese holding their own meeting on March 28, when harmony did reign. That meeting decided to raise funds for a building for a Chinese Chamber of Commerce. \n\nWHEN EXPATS WAXED OVER GLORIES OF SOVEREIGN \n\nOn March 2, 1887, a public meeting was convened at the City Hall to pass resolutions concerning Hongkong's celebration of the Golden Jubilee year of Queen Victoria. \n\nFive resolutions were passed and several amendments were proposed. The proposer of each resolution gave a speech as did its seconder. It was an occasion upon which Hongkong's would-be Demosthenes could display their oratorical skill. \n\nThe anticipated celebration was one in which national pride could luxuriate. In that day loyal Britons took pride in the worldwide Dominion of the Empire. The occasion was an opportunity for the expatriates in Hongkong, an outpost of that Empire, to express their patriotic sentiments, \n\nIn the nineteenth century imperialists did not question the right of \"civilised nations\" to impose their rule over what were considered the less advanced peoples of the world. The \"white man's",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211205,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 266,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "241\n\nOnly one letter was received. It was from Dr. Patrick Manson who proposed building a sanitarium at the Peak for the sick and convalescent.\n\nThe meeting started inauspiciously. It had been called for 4.30pm at the City Hall. When the hour arrived there were only four or five people present. Obviously they could not proceed. Half an hour later there were sufficient present to begin. The attendance, however, was far below that of the first meeting.\n\nOn looking around it was noted that high-ranking government officials had decided not to attend the meeting. They had become somewhat wary of public meetings. They found themselves in an embarrassing position due to their presence at the previous meeting when a plan had been adopted which reflected badly on Hongkong's regard for Governor Sir George Bowen.\n\nThe Governor was on leave and it was not expected his appointment would be renewed. Rumours, however, reached Hongkong after the meeting that he was to sail for the East. It was not clear whether he was returning as Governor of Hongkong or for some other purpose. As it turned out, his term was not renewed. At any rate, prudence dictated that Government officers should avoid meetings which reflected the local animosity towards Sir George.\n\nAfter the opening formalities, the letter of Dr. Manson was read. The chairman then asked for an expression of opinion on the sanitarium scheme. No one responded, instead Mr. W. E. Crow, a government pharmacist, introduced the idea of a public library and reading room,\n\nFollowing Mr. D. R. Crawford's seconding of his proposal, Mr. Crow asked for clarification on a point of procedure. Would Dr. Manson's project be voted on before his own, or would his be voted on as an amendment to Dr. Manson's? The chairman ruled that as Dr. Manson's proposal had not been seconded and Mr. Crow's had, it was the latter which should be voted on.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211344,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 60,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "36\n\nconsisted of several persons, including William Sheldon and Sage's wife, Anne Tilney Sage. This marked the first time a woman from outside the Yunnan and Sichuan mountains had participated in hunting the giant panda.\n\nOn December 8, 1934, the expedition achieved its objective. Sage recorded in his journal that, after days of tracking with local guides and dogs in the mountains, he and William Sheldon felled a giant panda.\n\nWe walked along the ridge for about two hours and then stopped to rest a while on a sunny slope. At this point, the pursuit seemed vain and decidedly discouraging. The dogs showed not the slightest interest. Suddenly, I heard the deep, angry growl of a large animal, and I began to get really excited. And, then as if in a dream I saw a giant panda coming through the bamboos about sixty yards away from me. He was heading straight up the ravine with the dogs at his heels. I fired, but missed..... He's only twenty feet away, now fifteen, he's coming straight at me, I jammed (a cartridge) into the gun and fired. ... He was less than ten feet from me! At the same moment Bill shot from above, and the animal, struck simultaneously by both our bullets, rolled over and over down the slope and came to stop against a tree fifty yards below.\n\nWe have killed a giant panda.\n\nA baby panda captured\n\nThe first live giant panda exported from China was captured in Sichuan in 1936 by an American woman, Ruth Harkness. William Harkness had died in Shanghai early in the year while embarking on a giant panda search. Defying all opposition - sexist and otherwise - his widow Ruth took on the task and led the expedition into the mountains of Sichuan. In November, she succeeded in capturing a three-pound female baby panda, \"no more than ten days old\",\n\nResultant excitement was considerable. The baby panda, subsequently named Su Lin, was flown from Chengdu to Shanghai by air. Customs\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211401,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 117,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "93\n\non the wall while \"Kin Tsiu” is held, and any valuable curios owned by the Kam Tin villagers are displayed on tables as well. A story tells how on the first of these occasions, after five days and nights of festival the Kin Tsiu was finished, and the matshed about to be pulled down. Suddenly a lot of Hei Shuen (6) ships for carrying actors and their properties arrived at Hung Fan Taam (红粉潭), a pool near the Kam Shui. The actors' manager went on shore to see the elders of the village to arrange matters, and were surprised to be told by them that he was not expected as they had not ordered any theatrical performance. He declared that ten days before, two very grandly dressed men had come to him and made a contract to have a play performed in Kam Tin for five days. He then displayed the contract, and the elders found two signatures on it, one being Chau (周) and the other Wong (王). Much surprised, the elders led the man into the hall, where the man gave a cry on seeing the portraits of the Viceroy and the Governor, \"Those are the two gentlemen who made the contract with us\", he said, \"are they not some of your elders, and where are they now?\" So the Kam Tin people decided that it was the souls of Viceroy Chau and Governor Wong who wanted them to have the performance, so, being without money ready to pay the actors, they decided to appropriate some money from the ancestral funds of Naam K'ai (南溪) and Ts'ing Lok (清乐) to pay the expenses. Since then, every ten years the Kam Tin people have five days for the Festival of the Dead and five days for the performance of a play.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211459,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 175,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "151\n\nhe believed what he frequently said, 'To be poor is hell'. He never gave up hope for the better and, in his usual cheerful manner, would advise us, 'Cheer up, the worse is yet to come'. He had such thrifty habits that he would not buy anything, including real property, unless he had the cash to pay for it. He never realized his ambition to be an independent businessman, in spite of his plan to operate an importing business, in preparation for which he had bought a piece of land on Fort and Kualini Streets and had built a small store on it. When he died at the age of 41, he left a modest estate consisting of a home, an income property, stocks and cash. This enabled Mother, courageous and unselfish, to raise and educate their children without the necessity of us having to forgo schooling in order to support the family.\n\nA caring husband, a warm and loving father, son and brother, a helpful neighbour, an honest and upright citizen, a religious man, always striving to better himself and others - this was Father, taken away at the prime of life, with no opportunity to see his children grow up to maturity, or to accomplish what he had hoped for, or to enjoy any leisure that he so well deserved.\n\nI feel his deep love whenever I think of him and recall these verses so often read to us from The Children's Hour.\n\nI have you fast in my fortress,\n\nAnd will not let you depart,\n\nBut put you down into the dungeon\n\nIn the round tower of my heart.\n\nAnd there will I keep you forever,\n\nYes, forever and a day,\n\nTill the walls shall crumble to ruin,\n\nAnd moulder in dust away!\n\nMy Mother\n\nMaternal Grandfather, Jong Sun Lup, came to Hawaii under contract as a plantation worker in 1878 and Maternal Grandmother, Chang Shee, joined him a few years later, probably in 1885, bringing with her their first-born, Jong Tin Yau. Mother was born on 23 April 1887. Three",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211524,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 241,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "217\n\nthat one of the later owners found it worthwhile to set the coin in a bracelet shows that it was a significant symbol of some sort.\n\nO. William Borrell FMS\n\nTHE TAI SHEUNG LO KWAN TEMPLE, CHAI WAN\n\nJames Hayes led members of the Society on a visit to the Tai Sheung Lo Kwan Temple on 28th July, 1988 during a tour of Chai Wan, and supplied the following information from notes compiled by the Eastern District Office.\n\n\"The Hong Kong Chiu Chau Overseas Public Welfare Advancement Association (ABE) was first incorporated in 1970 under the Companies Ordinance as a limited company. The main objectives of the Association are to promote welfare and foster friendly relationship and affection among the clansmen of the 'Chiu Chau'. In 1972, the Association erected the Tai Sheung Lo Kwan Temple (大上羅關) at the hill knoll opposite Block 4 of Chai Wan Estate under Crown Land Licence. Henceforth, the temple acts as their premises for recreational activities and other religious ceremonies.\n\nAll Chiu Chau Clansmen and their blood relatives who are residing in Chai Wan and have attained the age of 21 are eligible to become members of the Association. At present membership of the association is below 1,000.\n\n\"Most of the worshippers of Tai Sheung Lo Kwan are Chiu Chau living in the Chai Wan Area. Nowadays, there are two main religious celebrations each year, namely, the Yu Lan Festival (盂蘭勝會) Celebration in August and the Tai Sheung Lo Kwan Festival Celebration (大上羅關寶誕) in December. Both of the celebrations are organized by the above-mentioned association with the aid of Chiu Chow \"Kaifong\" living in the area. Rice packets and other daily necessities are usually distributed to the aged and needy during the Yu Lan Festival Celebration.”",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211561,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 278,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "254\n\nHowever, changing fortunes or circumstances later led two of the other surname groups to move away altogether. The other remaining surname group continued to reside in the village until 40 years ago when they too moved away, leaving behind an ancestral hall and several plots of land which still remain untouched. More importantly, outside of how insiders and outsiders were defined and accepted, which is the petty substance of membership criteria (and rights of settlement), lies the more relevant issue of how any village or village cluster is understood as a particular kind of moral community. Why does Faure not talk about rights of settlements in the context of a market town or an urban flat? As it is only in the context of the rural Chinese village that the newcomer (as \"non-agnate\") becomes a problem (in terms of rights of settlement). Are we not suggesting in other words that there is something special about the nature of the village as a moral community which transcends the hard and fast rules of settled residence? That something special, I would argue, ultimately lies at the core of that principle of locality which constitutes the village.\n\nTo a villager, his village is not a chuen (C) (= ts'un (M)), which is the literal dictionary translation, but instead his heung-ha (C) (– hsiang-hsia (M)) or his \"country\". That villager might not necessarily be an actual resident of the village; he could be a person living and working in Hong Kong, or even an overseas Chinese born and raised overseas, several generations removed. Everyone has his heung-ha, unless of course he has moved his roots to a new heung-ha (as in the idea of hoi-kei (C), \"to open up one's base\"). I would argue, moreover, that one's definition of one's heung-ha is a highly intangible one variable to change and not necessarily reducible to the hard and fast rights to territory that are indicative of Faure's rights of settlement. To cite a personal example, I was recently instructed by my father to inspect the sites of our ancestral graves to assess the feasibility of re-burying them at a central site. As my father had lived overseas most of his life, the task of providing sacrifices every year on Ching Ming had always been in the hands of a close relative living there. Our 13th generation ancestor moved away from Cha Sai village to settle in the village of Tso Po several kilometers away, which had been inhabited by another Chun segment (fong) from Cha Sai descended from a 4th generation ancestor as well as members of the surname Ou. After having lived in Tso Po for four generations, our 17th generation ancestor moved to the market town of",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211566,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 283,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "259\n\nNOTES\n\nThere are several instances where Faure distorts the anthropological literature completely. The “frontier” which Pasternak (1969) refers to, for example, has to do with the socio-political consequences of a certain economic relationship between man and his use of specific strategic resources, namely water and land. Land reclamation is not an accurate translation of this frontier situation. Faure also reads Freedman's (1958:2) interpretation of a passage by Fei (1946: 1) superficially and without much understanding of its context or rhetorical intent. Freedman's purpose in quoting Fei was to argue that the function of the lineage as a political and local organization transcends its identity \"in name” as a descent group. But it should be noted also that Freedman deliberately distorted Fei as well. Had Faure actually read Fei, he would have also discovered that the phenomenon which Fei (1946:5) was describing was not even a descent group at all, which should make it quite enigmatic indeed. Sometimes among the peasants, the clan is found, but it is of another kind. In Yunnan, for instance, I have seen that in villages local organization is formed in terms of clan which includes even members of different surnames. Functionally these are not strictly kinship groups. I shall leave open as to the nature of the so-called clan-village. I rather suspect that such an organization among the peasants is a local organization, not a kinship organization.\n\nWhen reading Fried as he does Freedman, Faure confuses the model for empirical reality. Underlying the petty disputes over the definition of lineages and clans as analytical constructs, Fried (1970) was trying to make a more important point about the political functions of a genealogy in allocating differential access to scarce strategic resources (i.e., lineage property), this according to Fried being more important than the existence of property per se. The relative distinction between stipulated and demonstrated descent must be understood in this light.\n\nSheer numbers never mean anything. Even in Faure's (p. 96) analysis of a Chinese funeral, there is no a priori reason to believe that the lineage or village should have any role or obligation to play in ritual preparations. The scale of any such operation is always determined by the family of the deceased. “Work” is delegated among volunteers within the community (not necessarily a territorial one), whether it be neighbours, colleagues, or friends. Correspondingly, compensation for services rendered is made either as payment or as fa see.\n\nI suspect that variations in village organization and relationships within village clusters were shaped during the formative period prior to the time when the village had any formal identity. The diversity of local experience can only be attributed to the diversity of interaction within different villages. Rules prohibiting intermarriage in Man Uk Pin and the lack of an ancestral hall in Wong Keng Tei are other examples of local phenomena which must be understood in reference to the way the villagers themselves define or interpret the nature of their own community.\n\nSee Strathern's (1984) study of the \"community\" in an English village.\n\nThe whole problem with Faure's description of “lineage-building” is that it is too easy to project a genealogical structure onto residence patterns, especially with help from Block Crown Lease Demarcation District Maps and the like. As for the Sha Tin Wai example, I doubt whether Faure bothered to match up the registered ownership of houses with its actual inhabitants or even to seek informant testimony with regard to this period of household mobility. In practice, villages rarely update actual ownership records unless there is a conveyance of sale or other transaction that requires re-registration. That registered ownership is usually a couple of generations behind is thus the norm rather than the exception.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211635,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 50,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "25\n\nwhich is reserved exclusively for the occasion. The offerings must include red pork and two long stems of bamboo in leaf; these are laid out on special tables placed on small stools so that they do not touch the ground and be defiled.\n\nThe Jade Emperor's image has been noted on altars in nine temples in Hong Kong and in two in Macau. It is also to be seen on numerous altars throughout South-East Asia and in Taiwan. In Taiwan his image appears alone or with two or three attendants on a number of secondary altars and even on side altars. In Hong Kong he is the main deity in six of the nine temples and is the major deity on a secondary altar in the other three.\n\nThe most fascinating image of the Jade Emperor in Hong Kong is to be seen in the upper level hall of the Monastery of the Ten Thousand Buddhas in Shatin where he is flanked by two of his ministers. In a large number of temples in which he is the main deity the Jade Emperor is supported in this way by the two stellar deities, each in his own secondary altar flanking the main altar with the Jade Emperor. They are the Lord of the Northern Bushel and the Lord of the Southern Bushel, Nanpei Tou (jjdk-1-). There are also a number of images of attendants flanking the image of the Jade Emperor, and on occasions the Civil and Military Judges (Wenwu P'ankuan).\n\nHe is the main deity in a tiny temple near Shaukiwan on Hong Kong island, a tiny image in a small single-room temple occupied by one elderly lady, the temple keeper. The original occupants were refugees from Yunnan province in the early fifties, dead these many years. By the mid-seventies the temple was being kept spotlessly clean by the elderly lady who had been an amah to a long-departed English family. She explained that she had to earn her keep somehow, especially as her husband had already 'long time gone topside'.\n\nIn Penang people will tell you that the small red shrine outside their shop or house is dedicated to the Jade Emperor even though neither his name nor title is recorded anywhere.\n\nSupporting the Supreme Deity is a Board or Ministry of Thirty-Six Ministers, with duties to supervise junior celestial officials and clerks, whose images are rarely to be seen on altars though on temple murals all thirty-six are frequently portrayed. Their role is to control and run",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211641,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 56,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "31\n\naides and guardians. His two major aides, according to a Taiwanese temple keeper, are major deities in their own right:\n\nT'ai I Chiu K'u T'ien Tsun (AZREF) and Lei Yin P'u Hua T'ien Tsun (LEO).\n\nHe has a senior deity as his personal messenger, Teh Chih Chiangchun (特赤將軍)\n\nA Buddhist priest guiding a visitor around his temple in Chia I county in Taiwan, in which the Jade Emperor was the main deity on a side altar in a side hall pointed out that he had four bodyguards:\n\nThe Marshals Wen (溫), Ma (馬), K'ang (康) and Chao (趙) with blue, white, red and black faces respectively.\n\nThe full title of the Jade Emperor is:\n\nHao T'ien Chin Kuan Yu Huang Shang Ti (昊天金阙玉皇上帝) or T'ien Ti San Chieh Shih Fang Wan Ling Chen Tsai (天帝三界十方万灵真宰). This is possibly best translated as The True Lord of Heaven, Earth and Mankind, in all areas and of the Mystical Spirits.\n\nThe following are the short titles by which the Jade Emperor is known:\n\nYu Ti (玉帝)\n\nYu Huang T'ien Kung (玉皇天公)\n\nT'ien Kung (天公)\n\nT'ien Kung Tsu (天公祖)\n\nT'ien Kung Yeh Yeh (天公爷爷)\n\nT'ien Shang Ti (天上帝)\n\nTien Ti (天帝)\n\nHe is also known as:\n\nYu Huang Ta T'ien Tsun Hsuan Ch'iung Kao Shang Ti (玉皇大天尊玄穹高上帝)\n\nYu Ch'ing Shang Ti (玉清上帝)\n\nHao T'ien Shang Ti (昊天上帝)\n\nShang Ti (上帝)\n\nLao T'ien Yeh (老天爷) North China",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211652,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 67,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "42\n\nBoats. Pestilence Wang Yeh are also quite common on the altars of Fukienese community temples in Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia having been carried there by emigrants.\n\nAlthough there are no Pestilence Wang Yeh on the altars of temples in Hong Kong and Macau, there are two deities bearing the same honorific, and also there is the concept of pestilence demons being exiled during a major festival. One of the two deities is the comparatively rare Cantonese cult deity, Chang Wang Yeh (E), consulted before building a house or fixing the date for a wedding. His image is to be seen on a side altar in a secondary hall in the Hung Hsing Temple in Wanchai, and again in another Cantonese temple in Waterloo Street in Singapore where his title is Chang Wang Lao Yeh. The other deity is K'ang Wang Yeh (E). He is one of the four life-size images at floor level before the main altar of the Northern Emperor [Chen Wu] in Mong Tseng Wei near Deep Bay in the New Territories. These four are known simply as the Four Generals and whilst the other three are relatively common deities from Chinese mythology, Hua Kuang, Chao Yuanshuai and Yin Yuanshuai, nothing is known in this temple about K'ang Wang Yeh.8\n\nThe Five Ubiquitous Ones, the Wu T'ung (F), formerly worshipped in North China as pestilence deities have been seen in Ch'aochou (Teochew) illegal squatter temples in Hong Kong but not in Taiwan. According to several temple keepers the Five are potentially harmful unorthodox (H) spirits and not beneficial spirits (#). One keeper added that the Five had been worshipped in Kiangsu and Chekiang provinces as well as by Ch'aochou people and that they were in some way connected with the roaming spirits of the tens of thousands soldiers killed during the wars which ended the Mongol (Yuan) dynasty and led to the founding of the Ming. The Five have no individual identities whereas the Pestilence Wang Yeh do have surnames.\n\nUnlike other deified Chinese, images of the Pestilence Wang Yeh are floated out to sea or burnt to carry away the pestilence demons associated with them. The nearest in comparison here would be the paper images of deities burned after major festivals such as the image of Kuan Yin, the Goddess of Mercy in her form as Ta Shih (±) the very ugly demonic form which she assumes to prevent lustful demons from assaulting her when visiting the Afterworld during her missions of mercy. Her image as Ta Shih in paper and bamboo is burnt to carry her over",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211684,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 99,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "74\n\nConcession\". We even opened offices on board and transacted business, which for the most part was concerned with collecting monies due against outstanding accounts. A large proportion of the foreign import trade with China was done on a basis whereby credit was allowed to the Chinese merchant, until he in his turn had time to collect the proceeds of the sale from the final customer or consumer. The foreigner thus injected into the stream of Chinese trade a stimulant, which was certainly not without advantage to the recipient.\n\nThe disturbances at Kiu Kiang and Hankow received world-wide publicity, and led to the Chen-O'Malley negotiations under which it was agreed to return these two Concessions to China. Photographs had been taken of the looted interiors of the houses in Kiu Kiang, providing evidence, which could not be refuted, of the damage; and the new Chinese government of General Chiang Kai Shek agreed to pay compensation of 40,000 dollars, Chinese currency,\n\nOn March 24th part of the Revolutionary Army under General Cheng Chien entered Nanking, and there looted and committed excesses, which included the murder of several American and British subjects, the violating of women, and the wounding of the British consul. To cover the escape of the remaining foreigners, who were being attacked in a house on Socony ridge, British and American cruisers, from the river, put down a barrage round the hill. These demonstrations of uncivilised behaviour, coming on top of the incidents at Kiu Kiang and Hankow, caused the Revolutionary Government a severe loss of face.\n\nA few days after, a split occurred between the conservative wing of the Kuo Min Tang party, led by Chiang Kai Shek, and the Russian influenced Communist elements. In Shanghai some thousands of Communists, who had provided the spearhead for the almost bloodless occupation of the Chinese city, were executed or murdered through the agency of two powerful secret societies, the Green \"tong\" and the Red \"tong\", with whom Chiang Kai Shek appears to have had a close affiliation.\n\nOther members of the Kuo Min Tang, who had remained with the seat of government at Hankow, where Russian influence was strongest, declared their wing of the Kuo Min Tang to be the only legitimate one, and they proceeded to expel Chiang Kai Shek from its ranks. They were, however, unable to carry the army with them, and by July the situation",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211707,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 122,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "97\n\nHowever, to export the heavy and bulky incense logs must have caused a lot of trouble and lead to high transport costs. Yet, to assume that incense wood milling developed directly out of this trade seems, perhaps, premature. The incense industry received a very serious blow during the first eight years of the reign of K’ang-hsi (1662-1669), when the Manchus, under the excuse of the expulsion of the pirates and the necessity of protecting the population against them, ordered the people to evacuate the coastal areas, and move inland to places more than 50 li from the coast, so as to suppress the revolt of the Ming remnants. This not only led to the death of many, but also adversely affected the cultivation of and trade in incense trees. The most prosperous incense producing area, Sha Lo Wan on Lantau and Lik Yuen (nowadays known as Sha Tin), were within the evacuation area. Kuang-tung hsin-yü summaries the effects of this evacuation on the industry, noting that,\n\nthere were very few people left after the evacuation, and less than one-tenth of the incense tree growers were left. Most serious of all, old trees had been cut down, and those which were left were only those ten to twenty years old.*\n\nThose who survived this evacuation experienced another disaster in the reign of Yung-Chêng (1723-1735) when a magistrate, obsessed with a love for high grade incense, killed a number of incense growers.\" As a result, the remaining incense growers destroyed the rest of the trees and fled. Thus, the once prosperous incense tree cultivation industry was seriously harmed.\" However, Aquilaria sinensis is by no means rare in Hong Kong. Dunn and Tutcher stated that in 1912, in a one-acre plot of fungshui woodland on lower ground in Hong Kong, 31 out of the 125 trees examined were Aquilaria sinensis (then known as A. Grandiflora).\" Today, incense trees can still commonly be seen in natural woodland on lower hill slopes and in fungshui woods behind villages.\" It seems likely that while trade in incense logs did not survive beyond the early eighteenth century, local milling of incense and manufacture of joss sticks for the local trade did. It was certainly a significant feature of local life in the nineteenth century.\n\nIncense Wood Milling\n\nAfter 1842, the trade in incense wood expanded. Hong Kong's famous deep harbour and geographically sheltered position suited trading vessels. Having become a member of the British Empire, Hong Kong became",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211778,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 193,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "168\n\nso called Christy's Minstrels --- a famous group in the United States, yet it may be doubted severely whether it was the same one that visited Shanghai.\n\nEight years later, the first company to come down to Shanghai from Hong Kong, where they had also been playing, was the one led by a Mr. C.R. Faylor. On February 10 1864 Lytton's The Lady of Lyons was on the bill as the opening piece, but the Herald thought it a failure in consequence of \"that portion of the company which had been collected in Shanghai and pressed into service\". How this is to be understood is not quite clear. Did Faylor's company consist of only a few actors, who were to be supplemented by local worthies? But then, who else could they be but amateurs, the darlings of the foreign community? However this may be, on May 9 at an evening in which also the \"Royal Shanghai Ballet d'Action\" [so far for fancy names!] participated, the \"celebrated comedy Nature and Philosophy or Eighteen Years Labour Lost” was given. As members of the company were mentioned Mr. and Mrs. C.R. Faylor, Mr. and Mrs. E. Yeamans and Major Pegus. Amateurs almost always adopted stage names in order to hide their real identity, but with professional actors it may be assumed these names were real.\n\n45\n\nA more substantial contribution to the amusement of the Shanghai public was made by Lewis' Dramatic Company. It was of Australian origin and the \"musical director and manager\" was Charles Edouin. Other members of the group were Tilly Earl, Mrs. Gill, Lizzie Naylor, Jenny Nye, T. Andrews, Henry Birch, J.B. Creswick, W.B. Gill and nearly the whole Edouin (or, rather, Bryer) family: Julia, Rose, John and Willie. Rose (1844-1925) married G.B. Lewis and became later an actress at, among others, the Maidan Theatre in Calcutta. Her brother Willie (1846-1908; his real name was John Edward Bryer) first appeared in public when he was six; after the tour to Australia, India, China and Japan he played in Melbourne, California, New York and London.46 In 1862 the \"Lewis' Equestrian Australian Troupe\" had visited the port with \"six of the best horses ever landed in China**,** but in 1864 the company had turned to drama and from October 6 until their departure in December an eight week season provided an unprecedented shower of farces, burlesques and even some quality pieces like Sheridan's The Rivals and the prison scene from Shakespeare's King John (Act IV, sc. 1), in which the role of prince Arthur was played by an actress, Julia Edouin, who took \"the house by storm\".48 The success of the company was apparently so great that they returned in March of the following\n\n47",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211793,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 208,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "183\n\nJanuary 27 1874 William Suter's Incompatibility of Temper and Tom Taylor's Masks and Faces or Before and Behind the Curtain opened the season in the New Lyceum Theatre. This one lasted much longer than its predecessor, indeed, until 1929 when it was sold to be resuscitated in the French Concession in 1931.\n\n——\n\nBut to return to pre-1867 conditions, some final notes should be added. Shanghai saw its first tentative steps in lighting its streets with gas in 1865 which was no luxury as the state of the roads was often rather dubious. Lighting in the theatre therefore, both the auditorium and the stage, was by means of either candles or oil lamps, the danger and inadequacies of which require no further comment.\n\n—\n\nRegulation of the climate in the hall was also difficult. Temperatures in Shanghai can be as low as 12°C in January and as high as 40°C in June-August. In order not to deter the audience, heating had to be provided in winter, which was duly advertised: \"Thoroughly warmed with splendid stoves\", whereas in summer which was certainly in the early years an unusual time for entertainment - one could read that \"to obviate the excessive heat of a crowded house, the Company beg to state that they have had two large Punkahs hung and have otherwise improved the ventilation\" (a punkah was a large rectangular fan suspended from the ceiling and moved by servants).\n\nPerformances started generally at 8 o'clock or 8.30 (even 9) (1864-1865) and entry prices were $3 for the best seats and $2 for the other ones (back seats and gallery) (The Mexican dollar, one of the currencies used in Shanghai, fluctuated in value, but may be said to have been worth about 4/6 during these years — so no \"shilling gallery\" here).\n\nIn addition to the godown theatres there were a number of other localities where artistic entertainment occurred in 1865. On February 23 1865 a concert was given at the Astor House Hotel. This hotel had been founded by an American, D.C. Jansen, in 1860 and it was situated in a part of the Settlement known as Hongkew (or American Settlement), north of the Soochow Creek, near the bridge. It was destined to become one of the most famous hotels in Shanghai and it was rebuilt several times. But in 1865 it was still a low construction. Other concerts, on October 17 1864, February 15 and March 1865, were given at the Shanghai Club, a redoubtable pillar of society located at the southern end of the Bund where it was opened in 1864. It was built in a neoclassical",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211810,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 225,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "200\n\nrash decision to marry the first that came\". Another actor who was to become a local Roscius. Mr. Phunago BRUSHWOOD, \"gave the somewhat unusual stage character of a double-faced farmer (Wurzel) all the selfish cunning and irritable tone which it needed\". Other parts were taken by Miss Polly DEXTER, Mr. HEAVISWELL, Mr. Jehoshaphat SNAKES and Mr. PLEADWELL (as the lawyer!).\n\nIn Box and Cox Messrs PROTEUS, BRUSHWOOD and Mrs. CLAY \"kept the audience in a roar\" (NCH 22.2.1857).\n\n3.3.1857 (Tue)\n\nDramatic readings from Charles Dickens by Mr. Benjamin SEARE. Th: C\n\n―\n\nR: In the Herald of February 28 it was announced that \"we are apprized by 'Circular' that an entertainment of a novel character in Shanghai, but one which has greatly attracted the fashionable and literary world elsewhere, will be given by Mr. Scare in the Hall of the Shanghai Theatre on Tuesday Evening next the 3rd prox. The subject - The Early Writings of Charles Dickens is a theme affording scope for great versatility of talent. (...) The Community are much indebted to Mr. Scare for his gratuitous offer of an evening's intellectual amusement to diversify and enliven the monotony of Shanghai life. The Circular notifies that the divertissement will commence at half past 8 & precisely, that no personal invitations will be issued and that a syllabus of the Lecture will be placed in each seat for the use and acceptance of its occupant”. Then, in the issue of March 7, a report was published: \"A large and select circle of residents had met in the New Theatre\". It became a kind of one man show by Mr. Seare, as the \"requirements of versatility and mimic power were most successfully supplied. (...) The lecturer was perfectly at home in each and all of the various characters as they turned up, passed from one to another with an ease that was admirable and portrayed each with a force of comic power which elicited much applause, and, to select the most appropriate compliment we can bestow, did justice to the author. All in all the audience was \"kept in a roar”. Mr. Seare concluded with some general remarks on the necessity of some recreation of this kind in a community so distant from home and so isolated and comprising at the same time so much intelligence and ability\" (NCH 7.3.1857). One wonders how Mr. Seare was able to give these lectures free of charge; had he been a touring artist that would of course have been impossible. But as it turns out he was a mercantile assistant in the employment of Gilman & Co (this according to the Shanghai Almanac for 1858). In May 1865 he gave another performance (see 27.5.1865). No further details are available about the programme, but no doubt the characters from The Pickwick Papers figured largely in it. Who, after all, can resist Mr. Pickwick, Mr. Jingle and Sam Weller? Dickens himself began readings from his own works one year later, in April 1858, in Britain and the United States.\n\n26.3.1857 (Thur)\n\nJ.B. BUCKSTONE: \"A Kiss in the Dark\" (1840)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nM.B.W. JERROLD: \"Cool as a Cucumber\" (1851)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nH. DANVERS: \"A Conjugal Lesson\" (1856)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: N.N. (CH\n\nR: In a witty mind \"The Man on the Bund\" informed us that \"by way of introduction there was a kiss — and in the dark too! — perhaps the sweetest kiss of all, administered with enviable gusto by Mr. SNAKES as Fathom. Mrs. Pettibone submitted to it with less indignation than the fact of her being so much respected led us to suppose. But then, it was to punish the odiously jealous Mr. Pettibone who would insist on making\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211825,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 240,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "215\n\nProgramme:\n\nC.M. Von WEBER: \"Der Freischütz\", overture; by Messrs Essex and Ewing, piano. Sir Henry BISHOP: \"Foresters sound the cheerful horn“ (glee). Heinrich PROCH (1809-1878): \"Within the grove's deep shadow\", a song by Mr. J.P. Tate, W.A. MOZART: String quartet No 7 by Messrs Tate and Howell (violin). Ewing (viola) and Essex (cello). William HORSLEY (1774-1858); \"By Celia's Arbour\" (glee), F. MENDELSSOHN-BARTHOLDY: \"Andante, presto and allegro vivace\" (from?) by Messrs Essex and Howell. Ibidem: “Andante and finale\" (from?), by Messrs Essex and Howell, Sir Henry BISHOP: \"Sleep gentle lady\" (glee), William Vincent WALLACE (1813-1865); **The Bellringer\", a song by Mr. Essex, F. von FLOTOW: “Allessandro Stradella\", fantasia, by Messrs Essex and Howell, William HORSLEY: \"See the chariot at hand\", song, L. van BEETHOVEN: \"Egmont\", overture, played on two pianos by Messrs Essex and Ewing.\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (G)\n\nR: This was the first occasion on which the names of the amateur musicians who entertained the public were mentioned. Some can be traced in the **Shanghai Almanac for 1862”. others belonged to the military forces. Thus the names have come to us of the following gentlemen: H. Cope and E.C. Essex (both of Geo. Barnett & Co). D.A.C.G. Ewing. F.R. Gantwell (Silk broker), A.A. Hayes Jr (of Olyphant & Co), Howell, Inglis, J.M. Nixon (of Blain, Tate & Co). J. Priestley Tate (of Blain, Tate & Co; Municipal Council member 1861-1862) and J. Wheatly (of Reiss & Co). In general the Herald was very satisfied: \"It was pleasing to see the gentlemen who volunteered to throw aside for the nonce the cares of business and entertain con amore their less gifted fellow residents with a charming chamber concert. Everything was conducted in a quiet gentlemanly manner so that we imagined ourselves in a drawing room more than a theatre. There was no attempt at grandeur of display or extraordinary performance on special instruments which characterize too much the quasi-musical taste of the day where the composition of the author is sacrificed frequently to the execution of the performer and the audience is led to think more of the latter than the former\". These were rather stringent remarks for someone living in an area where very few opportunities arose to compare musical qualities of instrumentalists. Yet the argument of faithfulness to the author's or composer's intentions crops up from time to time and that was obviously regarded as important by the Herald. Unfortunately the acoustics of the theatre were not of the very best so that \"Mr. TATE's delicate tenor voice (in the song by Proch) could not fill the house sufficiently for all to hear the diminuendo passages of his beautiful voice\". (NCH 18.4.1863). The Lancashire Relief Fund had been established in order to help those in Britain who had become a victim of the stoppage of cotton imports from the Southern states of America (due to the Civil War), with the result that numerous labourers in the mills were laid off.\n\n29.4.1863 (Wedn)\n\nPerformances by the amateurs of the Royal Artillery.\n\nNo titles of plays were recorded.\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (G)\n\nR: In consequence of the \"great success\" a \"Second Fashionable Night” would be given on May 4th (NCH 2.5.1863).\n\n4.5.1863 (Thur)\n\nAs on 29.4.1863.\n\n1.8.1863 (Sat)\n\nThe last of a series of performances by Mr. Smythe's company. Soloists: Miss Amelia Bailey (singing) and Martin Simonsen (violin) Th. N.N. (H)\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211833,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 248,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "223\n\nharmonium by D.H. ENGEL\n\n17. \"Eupeidee\" (German student song and chorus) Th: Olympic Theatre (H)\n\nR: An advertisement only was published in the Herald of 29.10.1864. From it we learn that tickets could be obtained at the premises of Hiram Fogg & Co (ship chandlers, general store and auctioneers; one of the oldest foreign firms in Shanghai, located at the southern end of the Bund); Hall & Holtz (see 29.6.1864); A.A. Hayes Jr (Olyphant & Co, Nanking Road, ex Park Lane); and Herbert Cope (Geo Barnet & Co, Kiangsi Road (ex Church Street) and Hankow Road (ex Custom House Road)). It also becomes clear that there were at that moment at least two theatres in the Settlement: the Lyceum and the Olympic. The programme is interesting for the number of composers which have now been forgotten (Silcher, Kücken, Becker, Werner, etc.) and the piano arrangements of well-known opera arias.\n\n12.11-18.11.1864\n\nW. BROUGH: “Conrad and Medora” (1856)\n\nT: Burlesque pantomime (1 act)\n\nJ.B. BUCKSTONE: “Married Life\" (1834)\n\nT: Comedy (3 acts)\n\nJ.W. MARSTON: \"A Hard Struggle\" (1858)\n\nT: Domestic drama (1 act)\n\nW. SHAKESPEARE: “King John”, prison scene (Act IV, scene III)\n\nFurthermore:\n\n“Cinderella”, possibly by H.J. BYRON (1860) or T. TAYLOR (1845).\n\n\"Wonder\"; no contemporary pieces are listed in HED; only: Mrs. S. CENTLIVRE: “The Wonder. A woman keeps a secret” (1714) and H. CAREY: \"A Wonder or an honest Yorkshireman\" (1735).\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: N.N. (E)\n\nR: The Lewis company continued to draw large houses and ventured even to put a Shakespeare scene on the programme, from King John. It proved to be \"the hit of the week\". In it starred Miss Julia EDouin and Mr. Henry BIRCH: \"The acting was perfect. Miss Julia EDouin doing the fullest justice to the character of Prince Arthur and indeed taking the house by storm!\" (NCH 19.11.1864).\n\n19.11.1864 Sat\n\nH.J. BYRON: “Aladdin or the Wonderful Scamp” (1861)\n\nT: Burlesque extravaganza (1 act)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTH: N.N. (U)\n\nN: Benefit of Miss Tilly Earl who played the role of Aladdin\n\nR: NCH 26.11.1864\n\n23.11.1864 (Wedn)\n\nR.B. SHERIDAN: \"The Rivals\" (1775)\n\nT: Comedy (5 acts)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTH: N.N. (P)\n\nN: Benefit of Mrs. Gill who played the role of Mrs. Malaprop.\n\nR: NCH 26.11.1864\n\n26.11.1864 (Sat)\n\nH.J. BYRON: \"Aladdin or the Wonderful Scamp” (1861)\n\nT: Burlesque extravaganza (1 act)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211834,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 249,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "224\n\nF. TALFOURD: \"A Household Fairy\" (1859)\n\nT: Domestic sketch (1 act)\n\n\"Aurora Floyd\".\n\nHED lists the following authors: C.S. CHELTNAM (1863), C.H. HAZLEWOOD (1836), J.B. JOHNSTONE (1836), B. WEBSTER (1863). In addition, Adams' \"Dictionary of the Drama\" mentions W.E. SUTER.\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nN: Benefit of J.B. Creswick\n\nR: NCH 26.11.1864, advertisement only\n\n3.12.1864 (Sat)\n\nL.B. BUCKINGHAM: \"Take That Girl Away\" (1855)\n\nT: Comic drama (2 acts)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"A Capital Match\" (1852)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nN: Benefit of Miss Lizzie Naylor\n\nR: NCH 3.12.1864, advertisement.\n\n9.12.1864 (Fri)\n\nBenefit of Mr. Henry Birch of the Lewis Company.\n\nNo titles of plays were mentioned. (NCH 10.12.1864)\n\n10.12.1864 (Sat)\n\nFarewell performance, also the benefit of Mr. Lewis, of Lewis Australian Drama Company. No titles of plays were mentioned (NCH 10.12.1864).\n\nR: No detailed reviews of the Lewis season were published in the North China Herald, only short announcements. It is quite well possible that more nights than the above ones were given, but they have not been recorded. In general, the company had attracted rather full houses, but for the 9th \"home sweet home\" was preferred; \"the unfavourable state of the weather prevented many ticketholders from putting in an appearance\" (NCH 10.12.1864)\n\nNovember and December 1864\n\nPerformances by the \"Christy Minstrels\".\n\nTh. N.N.\n\nR: Another travelling company that visited the port in these months were the \"Christy Minstrels\" (see also Survey). They too managed reasonably to fill the theatre (it was not stated where the performances took place, but as the Lyceum Theatre was occupied by Lewis, it must have been another location - perhaps the Olympic Theatre). \"No boredom here for by a pleasing variety they prevent that weariness which even the finest display of musical talent must, through frequent repetition, occasion\" (NCH 26.11.1864). In September they had visited Macao (BGM 5.9.1864) and before December 10 they departed for Hong Kong (NCH 10.12.1864).\n\n22.12.1864 (Thur)\n\nPerformance by the Portuguese Amateur Dramatic Corps.\n\nR: It was \"as usual largely attended\" (NCH 24.12.1864).\n\n28.12.1864 (Wedn)\n\nR.B. BROUGH: \"Medea\" (1856)\n\nT: Burlesque (1 act)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211835,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 250,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "225\n\n\"Lady Audley's Secret\", for which HED lists the following authors: C.H. HAZLEWOOD (1863), G. ROBERTS (1863) and W.E. SUTER (1863).\n\nC: Shanghai Amateur Burlesque Company\n\nTh: N.N. (I)\n\nR: For the first time we have at our disposal another source than the \"North China Herald\" for reviews of the Shanghai theatre, viz. the \"Shanghai Commercial Record\". In general, though, the reports were in the same vein as those in the Herald had been, but sometimes more information was given and different accents set. Hardly so for tonight's pieces: they \"reflected great credit on the talent of the performers and their endeavour to provide for the amusement of their fellow exiles has we are sure been highly appreciated\" (SCR 7.1.1865). The Herald only published an announcement (NCH 24.12.1864).\n\n11.1.1865 (Wedn)\n\nD. BOUCICAULT: \"The Octaroon\" (1859)\n\nT: Drama (4 acts)\n\nC: Thorne (travelling) Company\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nR: Sometimes the availability of two sources does not make it easier to make a judgement about the truth of things. What to think e.g., of the following reports on the Thorne Company: The Herald was short in its weekly summary of 14.1.1865: \"The Thorne Company have given a successful representation of the Octoroon at the Lyceum Theatre and announce a second performance for this evening\" (i.e., Saturday). In contrast, the Shanghai Commercial Record reported in its issue of January 25: \"We have had another theatrical troupe here, calling themselves the Thorne Troupe. But whether it is that Shanghai has had too much of this class of entertainment lately, or that the pressure of the times is so great that people do not care to attend the Theatre, we cannot say. Both these causes combined probably to render the patronage bestowed on the Thorne Troupe extremely small. Indeed, when they opened on Wednesday evening last [this should read January 11 - JH] it was literally to an empty house for we hear there was actually no one present to view the performance. The company, as well they might be, were so disgusted that they left next day for San Francisco where we sincerely trust they will be more successful\" Cf. however, Survey, note $2.\n\n14.1.1865 (Sat)?\n\nAs above?\n\n4.2.-10.2.1865\n\nConcert by Mr. Desvachez and Signor Enrico Grossi. Th: Town Hall of the French Concession\n\nR: The violinist DESVACHEZ returned to Shanghai, this time accompanied by the bass singer Enrico GROSSI who had earlier, in December 1863, performed with the Faylor Company in Macao (see BGM 14.12.1863). The concert had called for favourable comment at the hands of our music critic” — indicating that a more detailed review had appeared in the North China Daily News (NCH 11.2.1865).\n\n15.2.1865 (Wedn)\n\nAnnual Volunteer Concert by the Volunteer Band and the \"Shanghai Amateur Quartet Club**.\n\nTh: Shanghai Club\n\nR: The Commercial Record of 22.2.1865 gave the following impression of this concert: \"The Volunteer Band was assisted by the Shanghai Amateur Quartette Club and several gentleman amateurs. The large room in the Club House was lent for the occasion and we were glad to see it well filled. The gay uniforms of the Shanghai Mounted Rangers, mingled with the more sober dress of the Volunteers gave the room a very gay",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211837,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 252,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "227\n\nA. DUMAS: \"Camille\"\n\nT: Drama\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nR: The drama Camille, an English adaptation of Alexandre Dumas' \"La Dame aux Camélias\" was, in the eyes of the Commercial Record (5.5.1865) \"singularly unfitted for the powers of the performers. Miss Rose EDOUIN acted with her usual ability but as the heroine is a character almost impossible to render we must not object where we cannot praise”. Miss Jenny NYE starred in the farce Which is Which? written by a member of the company, Mr. GILL, who himself was a “capital low comedy actor”.\n\n28.3.-5.4.1865\n\nJ.B. BUCKSTONE: \"The Flowers of the Forest\" (1847)\n\nT: Musical drama (3 acts)\n\nJ.B. BUCKSTONE: “Isabella or Woman's Life\" (1834)\n\nT: Drama (3 acts)\n\nD.W. JERROLD: \"Black-eyed Susan\" (1829)\n\nT: Musical drama (3 acts)\n\nT.J. WILLIAMS: \"Nursery Chickweed\" (1859)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\n\"Kenilworth\", possibly by A. HALLIDAY and F. LAWRANCE (1858)\n\nT: Burlesque\n\n\"Mr. and Mrs. Peter White\", anon. (1854)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\n\"Rob Roy”, Numerous pieces with this title are listed in HED. i.a. by W.H. MURRAY (1818) and C.H. HAZLEWOOD (1864).\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nR: More than the Herald, the Record went into a rather detailed description of the Lewis season. Thus about Flowers of the Forest it wrote that there was \"an energy of revenge predominating all through the play while the occasional glimpse of pathos, combined with the jovial jocularity of the gipsys, tone down the otherwise tragic situations. Miss Rose EDOUIN, Miss NAYLOR and Mr. CRESWICK acted with power and well restrained manner“, Mr. CRESWICK “possesses great dramatic force and expresses himself well. His manner is somewhat stiff, but appearances before larger and more requiring audiences will obviate this habit\", \"His voice is good but somewhat monotonous of lone\" (SCR 5.5.1865).\n\n8.4.1865 (Sat)\n\nW. BROUGH: \"Perdita\" (1856)\n\nT: Burlesque (1 act)\n\nJ.B. BUCKSTONE: \"A Lesson for the Ladies” (1838)\n\nT: Comedy (3 acts)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nN: Rose Edouin's benefit\n\nR: NCH 22.4.1865: no review,\n\n11.4.1865 (Tue)\n\nJ.B. BUCKSTONE: \"A Dead Shot\" (1827)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ. KENNEDY: \"Sweethearts and Wives” (1856)\n\nT: Burlesque (3 acts)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211838,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 253,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "228\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nN: Rose Edouin's benefit\n\nR: SCR 22.4.1865; no review.\n\n1.4.1865 (Tue)\n\nJ.B. BUCKSTONE: \"A Dead Shot\" (1827) T: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ. KENNEDY: \"Sweethearts and Wives\" (1823)\n\nT: Comedy (2 acts)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nN: Mr. T. Andrews' benefit\n\nR: SCR 22.4.1865; no review.\n\n13.4.1865 (Thur)\n\nJ.B. BUCKSTONE: \"The Rough Diamond\" (1847) T: Farce (1 act)\n\nH.J. BYRON: \"The Bride of Abydos\" (1858)\n\nT: Burlesque extravaganza (1 act)\n\nJ. OXENFORD: \"I couldn't Help It\" (1862)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nN: Julia Edouin's benefit\n\nR: SCR 22.4.1865: no review.\n\n15.4.1865 (Sat)\n\nH.J. BYRON: \"The Maid and the Magpie\" (1858)\n\nT: Burlesque burletta (1 act)\n\nThe Daughter of the Regiment\n\nNumerous pieces with this title are mentioned in HED; possibly by E. FITZBALL (1843; new version in operatic style (1847)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nN: Miss Tilly Earl's benefit\n\nR: SCR 22.4.1865; no review.\n\n17.4.1865 (Mon)\n\nH.J. BYRON: \"The Babes in the Wood\" (1859)\n\nT: Burlesque (1 act)\n\n\"Aurora Floyd\". For possible authors see 26.11.1864,\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: Lyceum Theatre (1)\n\nN: Miss Lizzie Naylor's benefit\n\nR: About \"Aurora Floyd\"\n\nthe Record was very satisfied and it thought that it exhibited the Company to the best advantages. CRESWICK as Hargreaves acted one of the most repulsive characters ever put on the stage with consummate tact. Aurora allowed ROSE EDOUIN to be seen to advantage; and in one or two scenes her acting rose to a high point of dramatic effect. Mr. GILL as Grub was capital and was assisted excellently by Miss NAYLOR who as Mary sustained one of her best characters. This lady acts such pieces with a spirit and ease seldom seen and reminds us strongly of Miss Saunders\" (SCR 5.5.1865). The reference to Miss Saunders may have been to Ann Mathew Saunders, died 1891; or Charlotte Saunders, d. 1899.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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        "id": 211867,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 282,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "257\n\ndropped, and shifted just where we did not want it.\n\nThursday, [March] 14th\n\nToday we were tacking about but have made little progress, since the wind is dead against us. The weather is beautifully serene and calm. Nothing to be seen on all sides but the wide ocean, except here and there a ship in the distance. Pleasant walking on deck, though the wind was very cold.\n\nOften are my thoughts going back to bygone days. Were I not naturally sanguine, and of a cheerful disposition, I should deeply feel at having left so many friends, among whom since Christmas I had spent so many social happy hours. Yet I cannot help feeling that there will be no more enjoyment till my wanderings are all over, and I am once more safely settled down in old England.\n\nWednesday, March 20th\n\nSince last Wednesday I have had rather a strange week of it, and have been unable to make any addition to my journal. How the time has gone I cannot imagine, and today having aroused from a sort of stupor, I inquired the day of the month and was quite astonished. I will endeavor to give some idea, as far as memory goes, just what I have gone through.\n\nOn Friday the 15th we had a stormy day, and the weather being dead against us we had to keep tacking about. We came in sight of the Isle of Wight, and then off again in sight of France, then turned about and came back again. The seasickness came on with a vengeance, and I felt that poorly, I was a misery to myself, and all on board. The only consolation I had as I sat in the cabin, over a basin, labouring away, was to hear the captain's wife in the opposite room, doing the same thing. So I felt I was not quite alone in the world. My only comfort was to get to bed and try and sleep as much as possible. As to eating it was entirely out of the question.\n\nOn Saturday we came off Portland Bill, and then turned round and came again in sight of France. The seasickness increased to a considerable degree, and all I could do was to lay in bed, and be sick, and think over the past, lament over the present, and look forward with gloomy thoughts into the future.",
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        "id": 211905,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 320,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "295\n\nweather, in which it is impossible to study. Today and yesterday however I have brushed it up a little.\n\nI am looking forward with the most intense anxiety to get a letter from you at Hong Kong. Till then, unless our voyage is unexpectedly prolonged I shall write no more. I think that what I have already written will occupy many an hour to read; but if it interests or amuses, I shall consider the time spent in writing not to have been thrown away.\n\nSince the voyage has been unusually protracted from Batavia to China I must just describe the last few days. We had light winds all the way up the China Sea. Day after day we lay with scarcely a movement. Everything went on worse than ever, swearing increased fearfully. So we went along till Sunday evening, when a wind gradually began to blow, and took us along at a comfortable rate.\n\nOn Monday morning we took in a pilot about 60 miles from the Ladrone Islands. He was about as smart a fellow as ever I saw, and knew his business thoroughly. I was most thankful to see him, because I could not trust the captain. I could see he neither knew where he was, or what to do; and in a few more hours we must have been among the hundreds of islands, which to one that never saw them before, could never be navigated. I look upon the unusual fact of the pilot coming so far out to sea, as an interposition of Providence on our behalf. The wind increased and we went along famously. We were to get to Hong Kong early in the morning. I sat on deck watching the ship as it threaded its way among the groups of islands and rocks. At last I went down to my cabin, but there was no sleep. My mind was all activity.\n\nAt day break I went on deck, and there I saw the sight my eyes had so long desired to see. Hong Kong lay before me, and rising up the slope of its rocky sides stood Victoria. Everything looked green and flourishing. As I glanced round the town my eye rested on the Cathedral, and then there stood the college on the hill side, almost buried by the trees round it, and as much unlike the photograph I had, as winter is unlike the summer,\n\nI packed all up, and went to breakfast, but it was not till eleven o'clock that I could get on shore, since all the boats were gone. At last I got a chance, and went on shore with a very intelligent Chinaman, who cautioned me against the thieves and pickpockets. The heat was dreadful.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    {
        "id": 211959,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 374,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "349\n\ncommon to them. Most of them took place at one small space which I shall refer to as the ritual site. In most of the rituals, the ritual site was the Taoist altar in the main hall. Wherever a rite took place, the focus was one or more tables decorated with red embroidery, and covered with offerings of candle-sticks, incense, tea, wine, and sweets and food. In many cases the images of the gods to whom the rite was addressed were placed on the table. In most of the rites that took place at the Taoist altar, a distinction could be made between an \"inner table\" for the three Pure Ones and an \"outer table\" for the general gods of heaven. The priests put on their different Taoist robes and hats, which, in the main rites, distinguish the high priest from the others, and performed a series of actions to the accompaniment of music, which was played on cymbal, gong, dong-jiu and sona, and in the cases of scripture chanting and a few other rites which consist mainly of chanting, the \"wooden fish\" and \"chime\".\n\nThe other common objects used in the rites included manuals, charms, charm water, a bushel measure, knife, seal, and the faan flags for the Emperors of the Five Directions. To pay their respects to the gods, in many rites the priests held a chiu-gaan tablet before the breast as officials did when received in audience by the Emperor, or held a small incense burner with handles. At certain stages of the rites, typically when reporting their Taoist title and invoking the gods, the priest instructed the ritual representatives to kneel. The bushel measure was on the ritual table during most of the major rites. It contained, besides the faan flags, the sword and seal which represented the power of the Heavenly Master, Zhang Tianshi. With these two symbols of authority the head priest performed his magic steps to purify the ritual area, often using charm water as well. Besides the charms used with water for purification, there were charms for summoning different spirits in the Taoist cosmology.\n\n62\n\nOne of the ritual objects which appeared several times in the series of Taoist rites was the Memorial, which existed in three different forms for different purposes.\n\nIn all its versions the Memorial contained a general statement about the ritual, and a list of all the participants in the ritual, i.e. all the villagers. One version was bound in the form of a book and was usually carried by the no. 1 ritual representative in a paper \"pavilion\". This Memorial was read in summary during the first stage of most rites, and in full in a few major rites. Used in most of the major rites were Memorials in the form of scrolls, which were at the end of the rites sent off to the different sections of the supernatural",
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    {
        "id": 211972,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 387,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "362\n\nassociated with lion dance groups. The ritual representatives held incense burners, but the joss sticks in them were not lighted from the beginning to the end of the procession.\n\nMr. Dang Jik-Wai, an elder of Tai Hong Wai, with an outsider who had lived in Kam Tin since shortly after the war and was employed by the rural committee, led the procession. Mr. Dang had a list on a piece of paper of the gods to worship. The procession left the main ritual area where the participants had been waiting since the end of the rite of posting the Memorial.\n\nThey first stopped at the Wa-Bou altar for the God of Earth and Grain at Shui Tau. From there they proceeded to the Tin-Hau Temple at Shui Mei and worshipped at the Temple, and two nearby altars for the God of Earth and Grain. The procession then turned south to Ching-Lok Ancestral Hall at Shui Tau, and worshipped at the Ancestral Hall, and at the Hung-Sing Temple. Next they worshipped at another altar for the God of Earth and Grain of Shui Tau, the Yi-Dai School (i.e. Man-Cheung Temple), and the altar for the God of Earth and Grain for the Mui Jai Yun section of the village.\n\nThey entered Kam Hing Wai and worshipped at the san-teng, the earth god's place at the former village gate, as well as the altar for the God of Earth and Grain.\n\nThe party proceeded to Kam Tin Shi, where they worshipped at an altar for the God of Earth and Grain. They intended to enter Yau-Leun Tong to worship too. But it was locked and no one in the procession had the key. So they made the offerings at the door. They then entered Sa Bui Leng and worshipped at the ruin of a former san-teng and the god of the well.\n\nThey continued the procession to Ko Po, where they worshipped the God of the well, the God of the village gate, and an altar for the God of Earth and Grain.\n\nThe procession turned back and continued towards Kat Hing Wai, where they worshipped at its altar for the God of Earth and Grain outside the village wall, and then entered the village and worshipped at the san-teng. The procession then took Kam Sheung Road to the san-teng (?) of Naam-Teng.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    {
        "id": 211973,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 388,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "363\n\nThey now entered Tai Hong Tsuen. They first worshipped at the san-teng. The party worshipped at a well of Tsi Tong Tsuen. Next they worshipped at Lai-Gaan Tong, and then at an altar for the God of Earth and Grain.\n\nThey made offerings at the spot where Gau Ga Chyun used to be.\n\nThen they proceeded to Wing Lung Wai, where they worshipped first at an altar of the God of Earth and Grain, then at the village gate, then the san-teng, and finally at the ancestral hall of Gwok-Yin Jou.\n\nThe procession turned back and went to worship at the altar for the God of Earth and Grain of Shing Mun San Tsuen, a village of outsiders who moved to Kam Tin when their village, Shing Mun, was destroyed in the 1930s for the construction of the Shing Mun Reservoir. Then the procession entered Tai Hong Wai to worship at its san-teng, village gate, altar for the God of Earth and Grain and well. After this the procession went back to the festival site.\n\nThe procession was received and treated to soft drinks and cakes at Shui Mei, Shui Tau, Sa Bui Leng, Ko Po, Kat Hing Wai, Wing Lung Wai and Tai Hong Wai by the local villagers.\n\nE. Procession of incense II\n\nThis second procession took place on the day after the main day. It was to visit Ying Lung Wai, the village of Hung-Yi's descendants outside Kam Tin, as well as the Yuen Long Old Market and the villages in its vicinity. The other spots were included because the Yuen Long Market had once belonged to a segment of the Kam Tin Dang lineage, and they used to have landed property in the surrounding villages.\n\nThe procession started at 12:40. The equipment involved was more or less the same as the previous day, but I also noticed something I had not seen before: two lanterns saying \"to offer incense\" and two banners saying \"keep quiet\" and \"keep clear\", and burning incense inside a \"pavilion\" on a table carried by poles. There were a very large number of people again, but less than the previous day. The same Dang Jik-Wai, and the headmaster of Mung Yeung School, originally from Ko Po, led the procession.\n\n363",
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    {
        "id": 212008,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 423,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "398\n\n16\n\nSee Chapter 32 of the Yuet Tai Kei\n\n1\n\nWan Li edition.\n\n17 See the Map of the East Coast of the Kwangtung Province in the Ching Cho Hoi Keung To Shuet. The book was prepared in the Reign of Yung Cheng (1723-1736).\n\n18 See Chapter 10 of the San On Yuen Chi. 1819 edition.\n\n19\n\n20\n\n+\n\nSee Chapter 125 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1822 edition.\n\nSee my article \"More about the Tung Lung Fort\", Vol. 22, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1982.\n\n21 See my article \"Distribution of Forts and Guard Stations on Lantau Island during the Late Ching Period\", Vol. 18, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1978.\n\n22 See Chapter 3 of the San On Yuen Chi. 1688 edition.\n\n23\n\nSee Chapter 2 of the San On Yuen Chi, 1819 edition.\n\nTUNG LO WAN 銅鑼灣\n\nTung Lo Wan, the small bay which lies on the north coast of Hong Kong Island, got its name because it has the shape of a bronze gong. Before the 1840s, there were only a few Tanka boat people living in these small bays and anchorages. They fished in the local waters and lived in some proximity to the land people of the two nearest local villages of So Kon Po 掃管莆 and Wong Nai Chung 黃泥涌,\n\nBefore 1840, the area was known as Hung Heung Lo Shan. Legend said that in olden days, there was a red incense burner floating on to the shore which landed at the site of the Tin Hau Temple (Tin Hau Temple Road). Thus the hill was known as Hung Heung Lo Shan; and in 1810, a guard station (shuen) was posted there,\n\n+\n\nIn the early 1840s, the land around Tung Lo Wan was known as Tang Lung Chau, which means Lantern Isle. It stretched from Tai Hang 大坑, through Causeway Bay 銅鑼灣 to Kellett Island 奇力島. The incense burners placed in front of the Tin Hau Temple of Causeway Bay and the couplets inscribed by the window of the Lotus Palace of Tai Hang are evidence to this old name. The Tang Lung Chau Market in the area is important evidence, too. However, the origins of the name Tang Lung Chau are unknown.\n\nIn 1871, the Causeway Bay Police Station at Causeway Bay was built, and in 1884, 23 acres of land were reclaimed at Causeway Bay. With the construction of the causeway joining Kellett Island and the shore of\n\n!\n\n------",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212070,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 12,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "reference for those who wish to study this part of the world. For those who have not got the back issues I am sure you will find them of interest and you can obtain them by contacting the Assistant Secretary. In addition there may be some of you who have aspirations to publish their research work and if you think that it could be suitable for our Journal, I hope you will contact Dr. Hase. Long articles are of course welcome but even short notes about Hong Kong history or some other aspect which you think might be of interest are also very much appreciated.\n\nFinance\n\nThe Treasurer, Mr. Robert Nield, will give a detailed report shortly. You will notice that the finances are in reasonable shape, but the overall situation does need to be watched. The new annual subscription from 1st January 1991 is $250, as agreed at the last annual general meeting and it is hoped to keep this rate for another year.\n\nThe Library\n\nAs you will see from the report of Mr. Y.C. Wan, our Hon. Librarian, our Library collection has continued to increase through donations and purchases, mainly through the efforts of Dr. James Hayes. The Library, as many know, is kept at the Kowloon Central Library, as part of the reference collection there. Recently I had a meeting with the Chief Librarian, Urban Council Libraries, Mrs. Barbara Luk, and I am pleased to report that subject to unforeseen circumstances it is anticipated that sometime in 1992-1993 it will be possible to move it to the City Hall Central Library into a special collection room, part of which will be specifically set aside for the Royal Asiatic Society. This is indeed good news and I hope that by this time next year I will be able to report further progress. The Library is becoming a fine reference source of books on China and I do strongly urge you to make use of it: clearly a move to the City Hall area will make it that much easier for members to gain access.\n\nOther Matters\n\nAt the beginning of each Journal you will read these words \"The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was originally founded in 1847 but ceased to exist in 1859. It was revived in 1959 with the\n\nPage xi",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212102,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 44,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "21\n\nMin Ha Old Village was removed and resited in the 1980s, this hall was also part of the reprovisioning. It was rebuilt on a terrace next to the Ho family's new ancestral hall, as in the old village; and honours are still paid to the benefactor's spirit tablet in the same way as to those of their own ancestors.\n\nConclusion: Are there Other Interpretations?\n\nIn Parts I and II of this article, I have suggested that the problems created for the Hong Kong Government by continued large-scale immigration and the concurrent need to modernize were greatly mitigated by its being able to rely on a remarkably well-behaved and generally cooperative population.\n\nI have presumed that this phenomenon was largely derived from the inherited traditions of the Chinese people of that and earlier generations. However, in making this suggestion, I have borne in mind that public and private life in China had already been subject to change in the first half of this century, and that in practice the Chinese people might at an earlier date have been more resistant to the influences described above. The degree to which peasants and other ordinary folk have shared Confucian values has always been an open question, and has drawn much attention in recent years. In his study of Cantonese ballads, of the kind to be regarded as \"folklore written by simple writers, not by scholars, and for simple folk to be read by them or to be listened to\", Professor Wolfram Eberhard has shown that \"the values which the ballads represent are often not the so-called 'Confucian' values\". And a recent survey of twentieth-century Chinese peasant proverbs, which focuses on material from the north and northwest, also gives a somewhat varied impression of the extent of peasant acceptance of traditional Confucian values and shows some variation from them.42\n\nHowever, I do not see why these should be considered to be mutually exclusive phenomena. The Chinese peasant was quite capable of absorbing and evincing both Confucian and non-Confucian sets of values, and this I think he did. For instance, to take a Hong Kong example, the \"Extant Cantonese Children's Songs\" recently studied by Helen Kwok and Mimi Chan, besides revealing the \"prevailing attitudes\" expressed in \"the speech of semi-literate peasants, direct and frank, often to the point of being coarse\", did also in their opinion",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212159,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 101,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "78\n\nicon form on minor altars in Taiwan. These icons are understandable as portraits of Sun the 'Father of the Nation' appear with those of Chiang Kai-shek in offices, schools, barracks etc. where they were bowed to each morning as a sign of respect. Among the less literate and more superstitious it is not difficult to see how this has led to such icons appearing on altars with incense burnt before them.\n\nIn the mid-1960s, the Kuomintang organised a political demonstration in Cambodia on the 15th day of the seventh lunar month, the middle of the month during which Hungry Spirits return to the human world for thirty days. During the demonstration public sacrifices to the spirits of the victims of the communists in China were performed. There was also talk of deification of one or two but this came to nothing.\n\nIt has not been unknown for outstanding living persons to have a sanctuary built in their honour. The magistrate of Ch'ing-ho district in Hopei was such a man. He brought about a substantial reduction in taxes and other government levies and thus lightened the financial burden on a hard pressed people. In 1886, two years after he had been transferred to administer another district, the grateful populace of Ch'ing-ho built a shrine in his honour.\n\nIn Singapore in 1970 a new cult was founded near Woodlands on the northern tip of the island when the deity, Wu T'ien Chu, appeared to a Singapore Fukienese man in a dream. The deity explained to the Fukienese that he, Wu T'ien-chu [The Military Master of Heaven], was a mighty deity who had chosen the Fukienese man to become the 'Master Warrior' of his cult. He required a new bungalow to be converted into accommodation for the founder with the lounge becoming the altar hall. He told the Fukienese man that he would protect his devotees, cure their illnesses and bring them good fortune. A statue of the deity was carved in the likeness of the spirit as he appeared in the founder's dream and placed on the altar. The founder, the Fukienese man, explained that with his wide knowledge of all religions he encourages devotees from every nation and creed to worship in his temple. He explained that the world's most powerful deity is the Jade Emperor, with Sakyamuni, The Buddha, as his deputy. Next in seniority is Kuan Yin followed by Wu T'ien-chu who has a great many assistants and warriors under his charge, none of whom is ever portrayed in image form. He continued that the four pillars of the cult are \"the four gods (shen) of other religions, Buddha, Christ, the Pope and Mohammed”.",
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        "id": 212161,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 103,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "80\n\na large temple and a thriving cult. He was deified after a number of miracles were credited to his spirit. His legend has now grown to describe him as an anti-Japanese political hero, rather than the anti-social thug and robber he actually seems to have been. Locally it is said that he was a local layabout, who had worked first as a herdsman and later as a servant. He fell into bad company, was taught martial arts, was given to gratuitous violence and caused the Japanese military gendarmerie so much trouble that they offered a high reward for his capture. He does not appear to have supported any cause, and was a crude, bombastic swaggerer. Eventually he was killed. There are a number of versions of how he met his end, the most common being that he was killed by his own family at the age of 35 to avoid Japanese retribution. Another version claims that he was struck on the head with a shovel by his mistress acting as a paid agent of the Japanese. This is now either forgotten or ignored, and though it is popularly claimed that Liao nowadays is the patron deity of Taiwanese gangsters, he is not prayed to for any specific help, simply for general favours. The question this now raises is how many of the local heroes of greater antiquity than Liao were also local thugs with their wickedness lost in time and their prowess and valour exaggerated?\n\nCults of the Deified Spirits of Local Charismatic Heroes and Worthies\n\nA number of small, one hall temples in comparatively remote villages in Taiwan bear a single image. These represent a very local hero who was in some way involved in the anti-Ch'ing [Manchu] campaigns of the mid-seventeenth century. The most common legends claim that the hero in question was a general or admiral who had served under the great Ming general Koxinga. [Koxinga not only liberated Taiwan from the Dutch colonisers but also fought the Manchu invaders who had conquered the mainland overthrowing the Chinese Ming dynasty replacing it with the Manchu Ch'ing dynasty]. In practice many of these local heroes were no more than village headmen who led their trainbands of armed villagers to fight under Koxinga. Religion can give nationalism an emotional power and in Taiwan, first under the Japanese conqueror and, then under the threat of invasion from the Communist forces on the mainland, nationalism has been enhanced by the deification of local heroes who faced and defeated the Dutch invaders and later opposed the Manchu usurpers of the Chinese throne.",
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    {
        "id": 212193,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 135,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "112 \n\nto walk along the paths which follow the mountain slope, when it began to rain heavily. Spying close-by a house, with an attractive green-tiled roof, we approached proposing to ask permission to 'phone for a taxi. \n\nI rang the bell and put my request to the Chinese boy who opened the door. He showed me in, leaving the door ajar, so that my wife, who remained outside, should not feel shut out; and led me to the 'phone in the hall. He was about to dial for me, when a voice in the distance asked, curtly as I thought, who I wanted. We were by then pretty well soaked and I suppose we did look rather like tramps. It was the lady of the mansion. I explained our predicament. She motioned to the instrument, then moved to the far end of the room, without inviting in my wife, whom she saw waiting outside. The boy got busy on the 'phone and eventually connected me, when the voice was heard instructing him to \"close that door\". He was most embarrassed and apologetically shut it on my wife. The taxi firm having promised to send for us, I rejoined her outside in the rain, where we remained for ten minutes until the car arrived. \n\nI would not have the reader think that such behaviour was typical of British manners in Hongkong. It was not, but it was characteristic of a small clique, which is found in most British colonies, courting a reflected lustre on the fringe of the official hierarchy. \n\nI think possibly its geography explains to some extent the notorious snobbery of Hongkong. Living, say, in Victoria, an invitation to dinner on the Peak was of doubtful attraction. It meant starting off in a taxi to the higher level, where there would only too probably be a heavy mist, and perhaps rain as well. You would have to leave your taxi to walk up several hundred steps to the house, built on the steep hillside, arriving with wet feet and, if wearing a raincoat, probably also drenched in sweat. \n\nOn another occasion the invitation might be to dine in Kowloon. That would involve going down to the jetty, crossing the harbour in the ferry, picking up a taxi on the other side, and so reaching your host's house without too much difficulty; but, unless you left in time to catch the last return ferry at midnight dinner in the Far East \n\n― \n\nyou would have to \n\nseldom starts before nine, or half past nine search for a walla-walla boat, a small type of taxi motor-launch; there \n\n! \n\n! \n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212207,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 149,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "126\n\nwould be discussion of price, a discussion that might often wax hot; but as soon as a bargain was struck all would be smiles again and the parties would separate, each convinced that he had had the better of it. Now the new shops had glass fronts and counters inside between which the customer could walk. The goods were exposed to view and not tucked away in the back, and many of the conservative shop-keepers admitted that the new ways had their advantages; and that even the uncompensated sacrifice of 20 feet depth of shop front, with all the expense it involved in rebuilding, had possibly been worth while, as the widened street attracted more custom.\n\nI managed to borrow a lorry in Nanchang and, with some Chinese friends, took the road, which most of the way follows the Kan river, and headed south for Kukong in Kwangtung Province. The first night we stopped in a wayside temple. We were passing through country which had been devastated during the anti-communist campaigns of 1928 to 1933, before the communists made their famous long march to the North West. Many of the fields were still uncultivated and ruined farmsteads gave evidence of the depletion of the population.\n\nTemples in China are of many kinds. The Chinese are not religious; that is where they differ so from the Indians. The commonest type of temple is the ancestral hall, where the wooden tablets of the village ancestors are housed. The hall, as often as not, is removed a little from the village. It will consist of a first hall, through which you pass to a courtyard, with galleries down either side; beyond lies the second, or main, hall, where the small wooden tablets, each bearing the name in Chinese characters of an ancestor, are set out in rows, generation by generation, one beneath the other, below the single tablet of the founder of the line. The side and back walls may be of hollow brick, cheaply built and usually dilapidated; the curved tiled roofs, moss-grown and even bearing tufts of grass and small bushes, are supported by wooden pillars, sometimes lacquered red, with heavy carved transoms. All around festoons of cobwebs, traceries of dust, and perhaps the rotting heads of last year's Indian corn, stripped of the grain, adorn the broken remains of discarded agricultural implements, except in one corner, where a blackboard and some desks and benches may await the pupils of the local school, if one is lucky. Several benches put together make a better bed, on which to spread a bedroll, than the stone floor.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212208,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 150,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "127\n\nThe Taoist temple, a centre of superstition, visited by the people of the village at certain seasons and particularly popular with the old women, is usually larger than the ancestral hall. It can be distinguished from the rarer and finer Buddhist temples by its walls of red. The Buddhist colour is yellow. Both Taoist and Buddhist temples prefer remote sites, often amidst the crags of tree-clad hills, but their colour apart are difficult to distinguish the one from the other. They are equally filled with images, from the fearsome spirits that guard the entrance hall, and the divers gods in the succeeding halls, to the Great Buddhas in the main hall, behind which there will be a very demoniacal representation of the Buddhist hell.\n\nThe temples to Confucius contain no images. They are to be found in the larger towns, amidst ancient trees and stately courtyards. They are now generally used to shelter government offices or schools. Wherever there are troops, the temples are their barracks; and they provide convenient cover for forlorn travellers.\n\nOn the second evening we reached Kanchow, the wealthy city in south Kiangsi, where the Generalissimo's elder son has been appointed Commissioner in charge of a group of magistracies. While in Russia, where he spent a number of years, he had married a blonde Russian wife. The two have set themselves to converting their district into a model area. No mercy is shown to opium smokers: they are executed. Dishonest officials are inexorably punished. Wealthy merchants, who have profited by holding stocks for a rise, are made to contribute heavily for the benefit of local services, and the sons of the influential are not allowed to dodge conscription. The dispensation is popular with the poorer classes, but not with the privileged. The Generalissimo is proud of his son's work, and one day sent a foreign reporter, who had been critical of Chinese administration, to investigate. He returned with a glowing report. Would that there were more districts in China, where honesty is the rule! Unfortunately, since 1937, there has been a relapse. The improvisations of war have left increasing spheres of administration in the hands of the military, and graft is again the order of the day. It is another of those Chinese anomalies that the Generalissimo, the relentless opponent of Communism, should be proud of a son who unquestionably is influenced by Russian ideology.\n\nConscription in China is not applied in our sense of the term. There\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212220,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 162,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "139\n\nI was in Ningpo when the announcement of the closing of the Burma road was received. It was a severe blow for the Chinese, but I think they appreciated the difficulties of Britain's position and that she had only been compelled by the force of circumstances to accede to the Japanese demand. Nothing could have exceeded the kindness and courtesy shown to me by the merchants and officials whom I met.\n\nNingpo was one of the first five treaty ports, opened to trade in 1842. Early promises had not been fulfilled, and the port, overshadowed by Shanghai, had remained small. Off the mouth of the Ningpo river on the largest island of the Chusan archipelago lay the walled city of Tinghai, occupied by British troops twice for a space of several years between 1840 and 1860. Tinghai at one time was designated, instead of Hongkong, as the place to be ceded to Britain for the repair of vessels. It looks a healthy enough place, built up the slopes of a high hill, yet the troops suffered much from sickness and the stones in the graveyard bear witness to the numbers buried there. The garrison imported some turkeys, to provide variety for the larder. The British troops have long since left, but the climate was favourable to turkeys, and now large flocks descended from the original birds are bred to supply the Christmas market in Shanghai.\n\nIn Ningpo, the graveyard contains the stone monument, first erected outside the East gate of the city, to commemorate the assistance given by Captain Roderick Dew, R.N., and Lieutenant Kenny of the French Navy and their respective ships' companies, in 1862, to the Imperial Chinese troops in expelling the Taiping rebels from the town. It was nearby that the American General Ward, Gordon's predecessor in command of the Ever Victorious army, was killed. But times change. To Dr. Sun Yat Sen and the Kuo Min Tang the Taiping rebels are the glorious forerunners of their own revolution, and it is doubtful whether General Gordon, or the British, are given any credit for having assisted the Imperial Government to quell the rebellion.\n\nThe country round the little Ningpo plain is very beautiful. In previous winters I used to shoot on the shallow lakes which lay amongst the hills to the west. Most sportsmen waited to go after the early morning and evening flights of duck, but I preferred to work along the edge of the hills with my dog for the occasional pheasant. They were not so numerous here as amongst the reedbeds of the Yangtze. Beyond the lakes, the deep waters of Nimrod Sound were",
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    {
        "id": 212246,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 188,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "165\n\n10 each article taken altogether. The washermen are a regular set of scamps; one has to look very sharp after them. I had no end of clothes to wash on my arrival. I make my servant bring in his bill every morning. You would stare to see the amount I was supposed to eat the first day: Really it was enormous, and so for the first few days. If I send them to get anything I do not see all of it I am sure, or else pounds and ounces are very much smaller here than at home. But I find it is the general rule here; it seems to be regarded as a lawful perquisite. But when I can talk to them I will see all about it.\n\nI generally rise soon after six. At seven I go to the library and give a lesson in French to Hahn-shan, after which I make him work me up in Chinese. Breakfast at a quarter past eight, [and] prayers at a quarter to nine. School at nine, where I stop a short time and then leave the students to themselves, as I have no notion of working in holiday time. Study, etc., till one, then to dinner, after which I write, or study or get the masters or students and talk with them, till five, when I go to tea. At a quarter to six I go out for a walk, etc., till half past seven, then come in and read, etc., in library or parlour, prayers at eight, then walk in the grounds till bed time. When the pupils assemble I need only superintend the school from nine till one o'clock.\n\nMr Beach has gone to Macao for a few days so I am all alone. He is really a capital fellow, and we agree famously. I treat him just like an old college friend and he ditto. He is very rough and blunt in his manner however, and I fancy he might be far more explicit in his explanations. But I think he is ashamed of the present state of the College, and knowing I am one of the trade, he fancies I have private opinions of my own as to the way it has been managed; and he is quite right if he does fancy so. He wishes to leave me to myself entirely, and to let me begin on Sept 1st by myself, if he is not gone up north before then. However I do not care.\n\nMr Irwin lives so far away that I seldom go to see him. The last time I found him just going for a walk, so went with him right through Happy Valley, and round home to his house. As we were going up the hill we met Mrs I. and her daughter, who were also out for a walk, so we joined them and went over some of the ground again. Of course I had the honour to escort Miss Irwin, and carried on a considerable chat with her. I think her voice for singing very nearly",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212257,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 199,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "176\n\n8.\n\ntwo actors resume their normal human identity at the conclusion of the ritual before they can step into the backstage.\n\nAt this moment, troupe members who stay onstage cry out loudly to signal the removal of the taboo which prohibits the opening of mouths. Joss papers are then burned as offerings to the spirits and deities. The whole White Tiger ritual lasts approximately from about three to five minutes.\n\nConclusion\n\nAs pointed out by both Tanaka Issei and Barbara E. Ward, there is an inseparable relationship between Chinese opera and religious rituals. The Offering to the White Tiger aptly illustrates how the performing conventions of Chinese opera are incorporated into the staging of an exorcistic act. On the other hand, as many scholars believe that Chinese opera grew out of religious roots, we might also say that the former adopted the conventions of the latter for dramatic expression.\n\nWhat is discussed in the present article relates to the White Tiger ritual and describes only some of the taboos and religious practices which are preserved in the tradition of Cantonese opera. As the present writer has pointed out in his other articles, other taboos and religious practices require troupe members to pay respect to the local deities upon their arrival at the place where they are hired to perform. Troupe members should also offer incense to the shrines of the profession's patron deities backstage, and place joss sticks at the edge of the frontstage to appease the spirits, ghosts and deities which will then protect them from falling off the stage. On the second day of the performance series, before the evening's play starts, joss papers should be burnt, as an offering to troupe members who have died. Moreover, as in many other Chinese regional operatic genres, whenever a troupe first arrives at a performing hall, even if it does not contain a \"new stage,\" the principal comic role actor has to write the Chinese characters dai ger (big fortune) on the wooden or bamboo pillar closest to the Tiger Gate at stage right, with a brush and using a type of red pigment made from a combination of oil and cinnabar, before the other actors can start their make-up. Such a ritual is known as hoi ber (to open a brush'').\n\nA traditional taboo prescribes that the strokes in the radicle hau ...",
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    {
        "id": 212318,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 260,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "237\n\nwould not usually condescend to undertake manual work the dairy created quite a stir by employing milkmaids from England. However when the Scottish parasitologist, Dr. (later Sir) Patrick Manson, arrived in Hong Kong he was appalled by the unsanitary living conditions and took a special interest in the local milk supply. This led to the founding of the Dairy Farm (well known today for its chain of 'Wellcome' supermarkets), in 1886, in spite of the fact that the Chinese had no place for dairy produce in their cuisine and many found the taste offensive.\n\nIn addition to Dr. Manson, W.H. Ray, J.B. Coughtrie, Granville Sharp, Phineas Ryrie and Sir Paul Chater were directors. The aim was to provide a hygienic supply of milk from cows kept on about 300 acres of good land in the neighbourhood of where the Wah Fu housing estate now stands, on Hong Kong Island. Although the site is exposed to the south-westerly breezes in the hot summer, which helped to keep the cows in better condition, all food-stuffs and building materials had, in those times, to be shouldered from the sea shore to the top of the hill by coolies. The subtropical climate affected the imported animals and the bulls were not keen to perform their duties during hot weather. After a disappointing first year of trading, nonetheless, in spite of disease among cattle and plague among citizens, a profit was recorded.\n\nMeanwhile Dr Manson returned to England, in 1889, to help found the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine.\n\nA bad outbreak of plague struck the Colony in 1894 when Dairy Farm was brought to a standstill. This was followed by a rinderpest epidemic which affected most of its herd. Cheuk Yau, a cowman, had the initiative to drive 30 animals away from the infected area, and he brought them back later when the danger had passed. Ah Cheuk died soon afterwards but his widow received a special allowance from the company, and his two sons were given jobs with the firm.\n\nThe herd was later replenished with Frisians from Scotland, and a farmer, James Walker (also Scottish), was sent out by Dr. Manson in 1890 to be the first manager of the farm. He remained in the post until 1920 (some records say 1919).\n\nBy 1918 (some records say 1916), the original Hong Kong Ice",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212456,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 10,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "Mr. David Sheil Mr. Michael Kirkbride Mr. Yip Cho-hong\n\nMr. Philip Bruce (twice)\n\nand Mr. David Mahoney\n\nDr. James Hayes Mr. K. Leung\n\nMr. Tao Ho\n\nMr. Charles Walker\n\nTibetan Rugs\n\nHong Kong: a Landscape History Preparing for the Future: Our First\n\n15 years in the Antiquities Office Second to None: The Hong Kong Volunteers and the Battle of Hong Kong\n\nTsuen Wan: 1887 to 1987\n\nCivilians Under Japanese\n\nOccupation\n\nWestern Market\n\nEric Lidell\n\nThere have also been the following trips/tours over the last year since I last reported. Dr. Patrick Hase and Dr. Graeme Lang organised a trip to Wong Tai Sin, and three visits have been organised by Mr. Philip Bruce namely the Bogue Forts in the Pearl river Delta, the Colonial Cemetery and Chek Lap Kok in conjunction with Mr. Bill Meacham (again and probably the last), Mr. John Wilson organised a trip to the Shing Mun Redoubt in keeping again with the Society's sights on the 50th Anniversary of the Battle of Hong Kong. Dr Patrick Hase and Mr. Philip Bruce did not also forget to look after our gastronomical and liquid desires since the former organised our annual Chinese dinner at the City Hall, and the latter our resuscitated Christmas cocktail party at the Volunteer Officer's mess at Beaconsfield house. Since the new year we have also been well taken care of by a visit to the South Side of Hong Kong Island organised jointly by Mrs. Rosemary Lee who took us to the war cemetery at Stanley, Mr. Michael Kirkbride who expanded on Keteleeria Trees, and Colonel Douglas Fox who showed us how the South side of the island and Stanley Fort in particular was fortified in the late 1930s and early 1940s. Colonel Douglas Fox also led a very successful trip to Stonecutters Island. This was followed in quick succession by a tour to more of the remote parts of Lamma Island led by our honourary secretary Mr. David St. Maur Sheil. And more recently we had a very successful if rather wet trip to Xiamen, organised by Mrs. Anita Wilson and Mrs. Rosemary Lee, and a very comprehensive tour of Tsuen Wan led by Dr. James Hayes. To all these organisers may I extend our thanks and sincere appreciation.\n\nOur local tours are very popular as many members, who were not able to get on some, found: the Council is very conscious of this problem,\n\nIX",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212568,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 122,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "102\n\n(1973. 10-1987. 3)\n\nKim, Samual S. ed. China and the World: Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Mao Era. Boulder: Westview press, 1984.\n\nKrasner, Stephen D. Defending the National Interest: Raw Materials Investments and U.S. Foreign Policy. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1978.\n\nLi, Rong, \"Hanliu dang bu zhu chuntian de jiaobu” (“Cold Currents Cannot Stop the Steps of Spring\"). Dazhong dianying (Popular Film), November 1979, p. 10.\n\nLeung, Chi-keung and Steve S. K. Chin. eds. China in Readjustment. Hong Kong: Center of Asian Studies, 1983.\n\nLi, Jian. \"Gede yu Quede.\" (\"Praise and Shame.”) Hebei Wenyi (Hebei Literature and Art). June 1979.\n\nOksenberg, Michel. “A decade of Sino-American Relations.” Foreign Affairs 61 (Fall 1982), pp. 175-195.\n\nPaterson, Thomas G., J. Garry Clifford and Kenneth J. Hagan. American Foreign Policy. Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath and Company, 1983.\n\nPratt, Julius W. A History of United States Foreign Policy (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1965.\n\nProgram Report 1978-1980 of the Center for U.S.-China Arts Exchange published in 1980 and the 1980-1981 report published in November 1981,\n\nRenmin ribao (Renmin Daily)\n\nRui, Xingwen. \"Gaige shiqi de wenhua fazhan zhanlue wenti.” (\"Issues on the Strategy for Cultural Development in the Time of Reform.\") Hongqi (Red Flag), No. 14, 1986.\n\nSchaller, Michael. The United States and China in the Twentieth Century. New York: Oxford University Press, 1979.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212576,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 130,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "110\n\nbuildings, traffic congestion and increased costs, erecting stagings became impracticable.\n\nWith the advent of death the 'blue lantern' used to be hung outside the house. This corresponded to the matt black 'mourning boards' that were fixed outside a home in Britain. The latter went out of fashion in the early part of this century.\n\nThe three important events in a Chinese life are birth, marriage and burial. If a person is not 'buried well' he may suffer in the next world. A great deal of money can be expended on a funeral and giving a parent a good 'send off' epitomises filial piety. Relatives are unlikely to haggle over cost. Although the undertaking profession has few bad debts, and is said to enjoy a profit margin of from 30 to 45 per cent, it is not seen as a salubrious occupation: 'Such men are bad luck and their touch is very filthy.' Misfortunes of the deceased can be transmitted to the toucher. In slang, a corpse is known as 'salt fish' (MA).\n\nThe Day Before the Funeral\n\nIn sub-tropical Hong Kong there used to be a 48-hour limit for storing corpses. With refrigeration and 70 to 80 per cent of bodies being embalmed, which includes injections, this is no longer so. A cadaver can be kept for two months. The ceremony in this study took place seven days after death and close relatives arrived at the 'Hong Kong Hotel' (slang for funeral parlour where a funeral is known as the 'complete menu') the day before, at three o'clock.\n\nA multi-storey funeral home contains many halls to cater to both Christian and (like this one) non-Christian funerals. Two large 'blue lanterns' hung outside the hall. These are in fact white, with the family name in large, purple (at a Roman Court this was the royal or imperial colour) characters and the deceased's age in smaller red characters. On that day and the day of the funeral close relatives were 'not allowed to kill'; namely to eat meat, fish or eggs. Also, sexual intercourse should not take place during the mourning period.\n\nIn addition to the deceased's 16 by 20 inch photograph, incense was burning on the altar. Western candles (candles are normally burnt in pairs) symbolised Christianity and Chinese candles Buddhism, another example of hedging. Also on the altar were tasty snacks that the dead person",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212577,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 131,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "111\n\nwas especially fond of like homemade, western-style cookies. There were traditional offerings such as roast duck, rice wine, fruit, cakes, cooked vegetarian food and chopsticks. Ancestors must be provided with sustenance. Even with Christian services food is still sometimes 'offered up' on the altar, for example for 'divided families'. Although not all mourners approved, because the deceased enjoyed smoking, cigarettes were placed on the altar. During the proceedings a butt was found in an ash tray which some were convinced had actually been smoked by the dead woman. Objects once placed on the altar should not be touched.\n\nAlthough the deceased was a humble housewife, 37 suit lengths and blankets were draped on special fixtures around interior walls of the hall. These practical gifts from friends were overlaid with gold, red or white paper characters proclaiming slogans such as:\n\n'Everlasting life in heavenly kingdom'; and another, 'Picture of her will live in minds of women',\n\nThere were 114 wreaths, many on eight-foot or so high bamboo frames each with a banner, sometimes black with white characters, giving names of donors and slogans. The family cobler who owned a small street stall sent a wreath. Immediately after the ceremony these bamboo frames were appropriated by outsiders and reused for making wreaths for other funerals.\n\nAfter encoffining, the body, lying in state with face heavily made up and looking peaceful, was placed behind a glass partition in a small adjoining 'farewell room' off the back of the hall. So that a person is in the 'mainstream' it is necessary the body be positioned in the centre of the coffin. The air was oppressive with candle smoke and incense, one of the main ingredients of the latter being sandal wood.\"\n\nThe deceased wore four dresses and three pairs of trousers (for a man it would have been four and four). With \"foo\" being a homophone for both 'riches' and 'trousers', an odd number of pairs are worn by females and an even number by males. No fur, leather or rubber are used for fear of reincarnation as an animal. The feet are tied together with hemp cord supposedly to prevent jumping if tormented by ghosts. Feet of corpses in England are also bound, to keep them together before rigor mortis sets in, when a body is ‘laid out'. This seems a more plausible reason.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212579,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 133,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "113\n\nBe born in Soochow; Live in Hangchow; \n\nEat in Kwangchow; \n\nDie in Liuchow, \n\nThe first is noted for beautiful women, the second magnificent scenery, the third tastiest cuisine, and the last durable timber for making coffins.\n\nIn 1988 coffins ranged from about $2,500, for a humble pine ‘box', to $300,000 for one smelling of eucalyptus. The coffin in this study cost $7,200. Coffins, known in slang as 'four half boards' (*), come, basically, in either Chinese or western styles. Timber for western coffins, say teak or rosewood, is often imported from Malaysia. For Chinese coffins, boards can be roughly hewn, up to four or five inches thick, retaining the curved outside of the tree trunk and hollowed out on the inside. Good quality China fir (**) from Luchow, in Kwangsi Province, can last, buried, for up to 100 years as demonstrated by old buildings in Hong Kong with their China Fir, piled, foundations. There are a number of coffin shops, some watched over by Ts'oi Shan the God of Wealth, at the western end of Hollywood Road. Many coffins with their white or yellow cloth linings are imported from China.\n\n23\n\nBy comparison, a British coffin is normally made of English oak (elm was used for cheaper coffins before World War II) with boards one-inch thick.24 This is usually rendered watertight with pitch or mastic and lined with a bed of sawdust, white drapery and a pillow stuffed with fine wood shavings.\n\nBecause of space, in present day Hong Kong it is not practicable for the elderly to have coffins made in advance and stored in an ancestral hall or at home, as was the custom in old China. They were revarnished every year. But if a person is too interested and 'finds the smell of coffins more appealing than the smell of cooked rice' (聞見棺材香過飯) the gods may come after him. (Similar words are occasionally uttered as a curse.) Some believe a small piece of coffin wood, if boiled and the water drunk, will keep away ghosts.\n\nContinuously, from three o'clock the day before to the actual funeral ceremony in this study, relatives and friends visited the hall to give face to the family and the departed. It is a greater offence not to attend a person's funeral than not to attend his wedding. The author recalls",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212582,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 136,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "116\n\nThe stylised format remains similar to the 5th century edition. Traditionally, preparing this almanac was the responsibility of the Board of Astronomy.\n\nThe funeral service in this study involved five Taoist (sometimes Buddhists are engaged) monks who, as is customary, chanted mantras. They were accompanied by an orchestra. 'Wooden fish' (*), namely sound boxes, bells and small brass singing bowls were struck. A high-pitched flageolet, a musical instrument with six or eight finger holes, played what some would describe as discordant music. As the coffin was wheeled into the hall, head first on a bier, relatives crouched and mourners born in the Year of the Monkey were instructed over a microphone not to look at the casket. If they did it could bring bad luck. With the head of the corpse towards the altar (in a Christian church feet usually face east towards the altar) the 'body was shown to the gods'.\n\n26\n\nWith patrilineal kinship ties, if there are sons or grandsons in the family a ceremony of 'buying water' (A) takes place. With a traditional funeral in Hong Kong's New Territories this still consists of the eldest son, the chief mourner, being escorted to the nearest stream or well, dropping three cash (old copper coins) in and bringing back a bowl of water. The ritual can vary from bathing the corpse to a symbolic dab on the dead parent's forehead. This, in Confucian tradition, signifies filial piety. It also helps to ensure the lineage continues. 'I have no sons to buy water!' is a not uncommon lament by some husbands, which, in the old days, meant taking a concubine because the first spouse did not give birth to an heir. As there were no sons in this study the three daughters kowtowed three times and walked around the open coffin three times. Other mourners then bowed.\n\nThe public 'lying in state' continued until the 'last glance', towards the end of the ceremony. With the upper portion of the body visible through a clear, plastic 'window' family mourners, followed by the congregation, filed around the coffin. There was weeping. Some children were held up to look at the corpse. (By contrast, I have heard it said a mourner should not get too close for fear of being 'possessed'.) The lid was then secured.\n\nAfter the service the dead person's spirit was 'led' to Chung Yam Fat Ser (Pine Shade Buddhist Association). This hall is situated in multi-",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212583,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 137,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "|17\n\nstorey, basically domestic, accommodation in crowded, busy Kowloon, The eldest daughter, in the front seat of the car, carried the enlarged photograph of Mother in her 'spirit shrine' (jing tong), made from coloured paper stretched over a bamboo frame. A short ceremony was held at 'Pine Shade Hall' with two Buddhist nuns in attendance. Pine is an emblem of longevity.\" It frightens away evil, such as ghouls that prey on corpses.\n\nLater, a meal with three tables (about 12 people to a standard Chinese round table) was provided at a nearby restaurant. A place was filled at intervals. It was the first time relatives had eaten meat for two days.\n\nIt is bad luck to return to the funeral parlour on the same day (to retrieve something left behind, say) and it is not propitious to go straight home. One should 'leave' the bad luck elsewhere. All close relatives, however, were given a piece of bright red cloth, about eight inches square, cut from the shroud. This they still keep as souvenirs.\n\n28\n\nBecause of congestion long funeral corteges with pedestrians, some in good spirits, and close relatives and professional mourners weeping unashamedly, are no longer allowed. Up to the late 1960s when these were still common, an elaborately carved, nine-foot high funeral chair with a portrait of the deceased would lead the procession followed by the hearse.29 Large bamboo and wicker frames covered with silver and blue papers and flowers, with characters reading, for example, ‘Funeral of Wong Family', and describing the dead person's outstanding characteristics, would also be shouldered by coolies or transported on tricycles. The names of the three genial Gods of Happiness, Wealth and Longevity, Fuk, Luk and Shau, would also sometimes be displayed as would names of donors. Chinese bands, some engaged by friends to proffer condolences, played western hymns: like Abide with Me, or pop tunes such as Polly-wolly Doodle all the Day. Paper scatterers left trails for souls to find their way back home.\n\n28\n\nThe cortege of Kwok Acheong, who died in 1880, was supposed to have taken one hour and 13 minutes to pass. The author recalls a quarter-mile long cortege in 1956, with 16 separate bands and musicians' uniforms ranging from white-waiter-style, to Salvation Army blue, to Confederate grey. The procession completed one circuit of Happy Valley before stopping at the then Colonial Cemetery gate. On such occasions newspapers recorded, \"The funeral passed the Monument at such a time.\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212587,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 141,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "121\n\nbirthday and would have brought bad luck. Nor did he celebrate his birthday that year. Presents were returned with an explanation.\n\nThe third tsat (three times seven ceremony) fell on the 27th of the month. If a tsat falls on the 7th, 17th or 27th of the Chinese calendar this is propitious. Close relatives also attended the fourth tsat and there was a great deal of banter, such as, 'Hello Mummy, how are you!' in front of the altar in second daughter's home.\n\nThe most important of these weekly rites was the fifth tsat held at the Buddhist Hall where the dead person's ling paai (spirit tablet), complete with small photograph, was placed. The function was advanced by one day and 2.00 to 7.30 pm was selected by the fortune teller as a propitious time. (Buddhist and Taoist priests sometimes supplement incomes by telling fortunes). Conforming with Buddhist doctrine close relatives were not allowed to eat living things before the ceremony. They also bathed in water purified with pomolo leaves. With the old Chinese day divided into 12, two-hour periods, it starts at 11.00 pm. One could thus bathe any time after that. Sexual intercourse was still forbidden (齋戒沐浴).\n\nClose relatives wore the same white clothes and shoes as before, but the hemp surcoats had been burned after the funeral service. The same picture was placed on the altar and many mourners maintained the deceased looked stern when they arrived. Her appearance became cheerful as the service progressed. A cigarette was kept lit on the altar. There was food, such as cookies and oranges. It was an impressive spread so the dead woman could invite ancestors. The altar was surrounded by wreaths and paper offerings sent by friends. Many came to pay respects.\n\nOne ceremony was conducted by six nuns. A monk led the invocations. Some knew the long mantras by heart. At appropriate times the leader threw coins and flowers. Any mourner who caught one was considered lucky. The chanting Buddhist nuns were quite young with shaven heads. They wore green and the leader a red robe. For most of the 5½ hours, various ceremonies, some long, were conducted. Also, continuously, friends and relations painstakingly folded paper ‘gold bars'.\n\nA 'charade' was later acted out by close family members. The deceased person's new spirit shrine (one had previously been cremated)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212589,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 143,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "the Buddhist hall. After this was finished close mourners changed into everyday, brightly coloured clothes. A meal was held in a restaurant. There were seven courses. About 50 people attended. Meat was served.\n\nThe immediate family members then went home and took a second bath with pomelo and wampee (variant spelling wampi) leaves to purify the water. Lucky packages were opened. Besides money they contained pieces of hibiscus, foo paak (†), a homonym also meaning wealth or riches. Another packet contained, in addition to money, a needle and thread, and a lady's hairpin, described as kat lei ( ). This is interpreted as pierce or sharp, also as lucky or profit. Anything that could bring bad luck, such as black objects, had been burned. Things that were brought home, for good luck, included white mourning shoes and white attire. These were known as tsoi paak (ĦĦ ), for ‘good luck'. The large photograph used at services was later hung in the dead woman's home. Some maintain it should be packed away or it can bring bad luck.\n\nAshes\n\nThe day after the fifth tsat the immediate relatives went to the funeral parlour to collect the ashes. Everyone expressed pleasure that these were 'fairly white'. They are often blackish. There was a short ceremony. Joss sticks and ‘gold bars' were burned, together with a rosette made up with yellow papers with blessings printed on them.\n\nAt Ching Chung Koon (Temple) permission to enter was requested from the two door (earth) gods. Everyone bowed three times. An orange was placed on each shrine. The niche selected two weeks earlier to hold the ashes of the dead woman, together with another alongside for her husband, was not too high so it was accessible. His remains were moved from another niche. The cost for each, in 1988, was $10,800, increased from $600 in 1966. (Business is thriving and extensions are continually being built to the columbarium.) The mother's niche number is '17' which can be interpreted, 'certainly you will get it.' The father's niche is '18', read as 'definitely will prosper'.\n\nThe mourners bowed three times to 'spirit neighbours' of father and mother and burned single incense sticks in all vases in that room. An effort was made not to offend and not sit on ledges in front of other",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212592,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 146,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "126\n\nThere are different versions.\" Leung suggests that the sharing of pork between ancestors and descendants renews the symbolic union in two worlds. The living know that to receive blessings they must continue to worship. Some do not share ritual pork with outsiders thus redefining membership of clan or family.\n\nIn this study, even after mourning ended there were visits. These could be to the temple where the ashes are kept, at Ching Ming ('Chinese Easter'), the day for grave cleaning in the spring; or at Chung Yeung, the ninth day of the ninth moon (in Hong Kong, until 1967, when graves were visited firecrackers were let off to frighten away malevolent spirits). Visits were also made by the family to the soul tablet at the Buddhist Hall in Kowloon, or to the shrine at the second daughter's home. Visits took place on her sz kei (FEE), the anniversary of her death, and her shaang kei (EE), the anniversary of her birthday. On one visit to the second daughter's home she recited a Buddhist prayer 80 times over water which was later drunk by all present.\n\nThe eldest daughter was still unsettled, unable to sleep at nights and not feeling secure when watching television alone. Apprehensive about accidents, she instructed the maid to wash the car with water over which she had said a Buddhist prayer.\n\nThe deceased herself used occasionally to attend seances of foo kei (AL) seeking guidance at a small Buddhist Association hall in Western District. In this Chinese version of 'planchette' a spirit medium receives messages from the dead. These are written with a pointed willow stick in a bed of sand or sawdust.\" Foo kei is also practised at the temple where the ashes of the deceased lie. However, relatives have not so far tried to contact the dead woman using divinatory means.\n\nDreams\n\nDreams played an important part in this study. The third daughter had given her mother a jacket and, after she died, the daughter retrieved it. The following night a friend dreamed the deceased complained of feeling cold. The jacket was promptly returned and hung in mother's wardrobe.\n\nAn associate dreamed the face of the deceased was black, covered with soot and her right arm was red like raw meat. It was concluded the dead person's spirit tablet in the temple was too close to the furnace",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212623,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 177,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "157\n\nbut enclosed in front by a high wall. There was a small room alongside, suitable for a kitchen, so we used the hall as our mess. Another large room next door was divided into three by wooden partitions, which went up about seven feet, leaving the remaining space to the sloping roof open; it was used for sleeping quarters. In front of this too there was a little sunken courtyard, which filled with water from the roof gutters when it rained and became a pool; a drain led to the village pond in front of the building but was slow in carrying off the water. A small squirrel lived in this drain - the Chinese call them tree rats; it became quite tame, and soon got used to dodging the mongrel dogs that attached themselves to us. The quarters were cool in summer, and very cold in winter, fully open as they were to the air.\n\nOur water came from any one of the village wells, all of which obviously filled from surface drainage. During the summer when it rained heavily the water in the wells was flush with the level in the rice fields outside; in a country rife with typhoid and dysentery not a very satisfactory supply. We later decided we would dig our own well in the sunken courtyard in front of the sleeping quarters, with a stone coping to keep out surface water. The suggestion met with opposition from the village elders, who pointed out that the presence of a well in the line of approach to the Gods, left in position at the back of the hall, would interfere with the goodwill of the local spirits. When, however, we suggested we should dig the well to one side of the direct approach, though still in the sunken courtyard, they were quite agreeable. Some expert well makers were hired for us; the well was dug under the frequent inspection of curious villagers; but here too the water level continued to coincide with that in the paddy fields.\n\nPrivacy, in the western sense, is not known in China; our quarters, being something of a novelty, were for long the main attraction for local tourists, male and female, who would enter and inspect, Mac, for instance, in bed with absorbed interest and the greatest bonhomie on both sides. In my temple down the path, I was protected from this camaraderie by the presence of a sentry posted over the office.\n\nWe learnt a great deal about village life in China. Chin Ya was the largest of a number of villages in the valley. The valley was by no means flat; it was broken up by knolls and ridges, and there was, for China, an unusual number of trees. Mr. Hsiao, the headman of our village, also controlled several of the smaller villages around. The appointment was the prerogative of the magistrate in the nearby town, and carried with",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212661,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 215,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "196\n\ntelling. Folk stories have it that the eldest son of one of the Ch'ing emperors visited Taiwan in disguise. Some say that the prince was the son of the emperor Ch'ien Lung others, the emperor Chia Ch'ing. Still others suspect that it might have been long before during a previous dynasty but what matters here is that legend claims that the prince came under attack from robbers and was saved by a local hero. Some claim the hero to be Wang Te-lu whilst others are quite positive that it was Li Yung, one of Chu I-kuei's lieutenants during the revolt of 1721 who was captured by the Ch'ing forces and executed in Amoy. Images of Li Yung, known as Sui-chia Wang [The Prince Who Followed the Imperial Carriage], can be seen in at least two temples in Nantou county in central Taiwan where the legend is recounted with great zest. In another version Chia Ch'ing, whilst still crown prince, was said to have visited Taiwan in disguise, with the general in charge of his guards said to be Li Yung. When the crown prince was informed that he was about to be ambushed by the Hsiao family using Taiwanese hill tribesmen to do the dirty deed, he immediately instructed Li Yung to attack the Hsiaos. Li forced the Hsiaos to retreat but was himself killed in the struggle. He was later deified and his festival is celebrated annually in Nantou on the 12th of the fourth lunar month. Intriguingly there would appear to be no substance to the story that any crown prince ever visited Taiwan.\n\nA fascinating story is told in Nan Kun-shen, the cult centre for five pestilence Wang-yeh, gods of pestilence, just north of Tainan in southern Taiwan. It is believed that the Wang-yeh are all deified officials and feared by demons; however, there have been occasions when demons have disguised themselves as Wang-yeh to take advantage of people and the only way to identify whether the image of a Wang-yeh on an altar is occupied by a genuine deity was for a senior mandarin to kick the image. If the occupant is a demon in disguise then the image will fall over. Wang Te-lu is said to have been taken to Nan Kun-shen where he kicked the image of the most senior Wang-yeh with his official boot without the image budging, proving that the deity was genuine.\n\nThis short biography of Earl Wang Te-lu reveals how little we know about him. What is interesting, however, is that unlike virtually every other biography of Chinese mandarins there is no reference to him winning high praise for his academic achievements, and his entry into officialdom, if folk memory is to be believed, was to all intents and purposes a commission awarded in the field, and his career, as far as we can perceive it, spent entirely in military capacity.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212700,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 9,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1992/93\n\nIn the Society's journal Volume I (1960-61) you will find that the then president wrote these words 'It is with great pleasure that I submit a report of the activities of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for the first year of its existence after its revival in December 1959.' That was just over thirty-three years ago, at the time of the resuscitation of the Society, as a result of the enthusiasm of a small band of interested members led by our late president, Dr. J.R. Jones. The first meeting took place on 28 December, 1959, when the present constitution was adopted and the inaugural meeting was held on 7 April, 1960 in the Loke Yew Hall of the University of Hong Kong. It was to be presided over by the then governor, Sir Robert Black, had illness not prevented it. The inaugural address was delivered by Professor F. S. Drake, Professor of Chinese at the University of Hong Kong and was entitled 'The study of Asia: a heritage and a task.'\n\nYou will notice that the word 'resuscitated' is used because the original Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society was founded in 1847 (the parent company was founded in 1823), but primarily due to personal animosities prevalent in Hong Kong in the early days it collapsed in 1859. We, to-day, having survived for 33 years are clearly more enlightened and harmonious.\n\nSome of you here this evening will be fully aware of these facts; for those who are not you will find them all and much more in that first journal. My reason for drawing your attention to them, besides encouraging you to buy this back journal and all the other journals to improve our finances if nothing else, is to focus your attention on the historical mission of the Society, and to bring out that we have now been in existence for a very long time in the context of the history of Hong Kong. And in to-day's context, where the changes in Hong Kong are so apparent, where there is a charged political atmosphere, and where there is a feeling of uncertainty for the future, a Society such as ours, small as it is, can continue to play an enlightening and a stable role for Hong Kong. We are not of course a political society, nor would we ever wish to be one, but clearly we need to remind ourselves that academic freedom must be seen to be preserved, and not just paid lip service to.\n\nVil",
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    {
        "id": 212727,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 36,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "21\n\nIn 1896 when describing various secret societies Mesny, as an aside wrote 'I'm of the ritualist sect, Tsai-li Chiao [sic] #, a secret political society3, the members of which bind themselves to abstain from eating flesh of oxen, goats and sheep; from drinking wine and all other intoxicating liquors; from smoking opium, tobacco and all other such ingredients in any form. The ritualists usually wear a white girdle, but abstain from wearing anything red or green. This society is now [1896] very strongly rooted in Northern China. It has a temple or hall in Shanghai, with a priest or master, who initiates members after several severe trials and approbation in secret. Candidates for membership in this society have to undergo very severe trials for steadfastness and fidelity before they are considered fit for initiation.\" He refers to members of the society as 'they' without once referring to his own membership again nor does he ever refer to the society or his membership elsewhere.\n\nConsidering the distances he covered in central China and the era he lived in it would seem amazing that he did not die young, as did his brother in Hankow at the age of 39. He lived to the ripe old age of 77, was described in his last year as walking briskly, with clear eyes, fair complexion and tinted like a winter apple, and although we do not know what he died of, 1919 was in the middle of the great world influenza epidemic.\n\nReligion\n\nIt has to be borne in mind that he was living and writing during a period of incipient reform, with Chinese imperial die-hards fighting back against increasing foreign influence which they saw mostly manifest in missionary activity. Chinese officials and for that matter Chinese peasants too were unable to differentiate between Christian sects. Mesny's only criticisms of Christians were for Roman Catholic priests who had, he claimed, set their converts against non-Catholics of all kinds, revealed by their use of abusive terms for non-Catholic Christians. As this was a common complaint, and one which was reciprocated equally strongly by Catholics, Mesny would appear simply to be voicing popular British and American expatriate views of the day.\n\nMesny came from a Wesleyan Methodist background and both he and his brother in Hankow had some links with the Wesleyan Methodist missionaries in Hankow, especially with David Hill, Mesny was also a Free Mason of long standing.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212750,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 59,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "44\n\nacknowledging the initial concept having been his, or so he claimed.\n\n+\n\nHe has been described as 'an adventurer and an explorer, a plant collector and a Chinese general. He was certainly an adventurer though nowadays he would be referred to as a soldier of fortune, an adviser, an opportunist, and even a mercenary.\n\nThe question remains, how successful was he? Money certainly came his way at times though judging from his Will, he was not a particularly successful businessman. He certainly collected plants and sent them back to the British Consul in Canton and has one specimen, Jasminum Mesnyii, named after him. He bore the brevet rank of Lieutenant General in the Chinese Imperial army but to what extent this was a genuine rank rather than an honour and a courtesy rank, though fully earned during his military service, is hard to judge. Again, though accurately described as an explorer, he was in fact much more of a traveller in parts of China already settled by Chinese and visited earlier by other foreigners. The trek he made, as recorded by Captain Gill, from Ch’eng-tu in Szechuan province to Burma through what was then called lower Tibet has a different slant to what would have been Mesny's account. In Gill's Mesny is scarcely mentioned and he would appear to have been taken along by Gill as his interpreter. It would have been interesting to have read what Mesny would have, and indeed may have written about his journey of very nearly four months with Gill.\n\nHe saw himself as what nowadays would be called a go-between, a consultant, and in those days regarded, perhaps, as a fixer. Mesny had a few major bees in his bonnet the most barefaced of which was the value he put on the advice he constantly proffered to every senior Chinese official whose ear he could reach on how to modernise China. He had, for example, prepared a list of some nineteen items, suggestions presented to the Viceroy Chang Chih-tung, and although Mesny assures us that Chang accepted the list there is no evidence that he did anything about it or if he did, that he even mentioned Mesny in any memorials to the throne. Mesny wrote indignantly at one point in his Miscellany about his list of suggestions to Chang having been ignored, or put into practice piecemeal and inexpertly, penny pinching and ineffectually without any reference whatsoever to Mesny.\n\nIn 1906 at the very end of his fourth and final volume of his Miscellany he prided himself on his advice with the words 'All those great industrial",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
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    {
        "id": 212796,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 105,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "90\n\nThree Bold Adventurers to fight alongside the Nien rebels. After being captured and carried to Chin-chiang in a cage, he was saved by two British artillery officers serving with the Taiping forces.\n\nThe third time was in Hankow when Mesny took Damström along with him as a heavy-weight. The incident occurred after Mesny 'arrested' the dishonest Chinese merchant who had swindled Dupuis. [These incidents are probably not in temporal order].\n\nDupuis, Jean\n\nA French merchant born ca. 1828, who arrived and lived in Hankow in about 1860. He built up a thriving trade in armaments. Fluent in Chinese, he introduced Mesny to the Szechuanese officials whose invitation to serve with the Szechuan Force changed his life. Mesny remarked that Dupuis was a distinguished explorer and 'conqueror of Tonkin.'\n\nGill, William J: born Bangalore 1843\n\nServed in India after being commissioned into the Royal Engineers. Inherited a fortune and indulged his passion for exploration. One of his travels was through north Szechuan province, where first he travelled alone and then later with Mesny to Burma. He wrote The River of Golden Sand in 1880, and after several other travels, in Tripoli and Afghanistan, he was murdered by Bedouins in 1882.\n\nGiquel, Prosper M. [1835-1886]\n\nA French naval officer who arrived in China during the Second China War. Formerly Commissioner of Imperial Maritime Customs at Ningpo and Hankow. He assisted the Sino-French 'Ever Triumphant Army' that fought alongside Tso Tsung-t'ang's force in Chekiang province to recapture Hangchow and Ningpo, and later commanded the force in operations that led to the recapture of Hangchow, for which he received high rank and honour from the Ch'ing government. His principal achievement was the construction and administration of the Foochow Arsenal in 1866, and dockyard with its fleet of warships. He was the only foreigner besides Gordon to receive the honour of the Yellow Riding Jacket.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212834,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 143,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "128\n\nthat serve as leaves in this plant threw a new light on the perils of parachuting. The weather was propitious and the sortie a success. The supplies included a small proportion of gifts with which we were able to show our appreciation to the battalion commander, whose troops had provided most welcome assistance. On completion of the sortie I despatched Stan up the valley to enter Kokang further south towards Sincheng, where the Myosa's brother had his headquarters, and more especially to search for a suitable dropping zone inside Kokang, and not too near the Salween. Jack had already gone on into Kokang to Nancha, the place where the parachute party had stayed, and shortly after I broke camp to join him.\n\nMany paths over the mountains connect China and Burma throughout the length of the border; passage is unrestricted and along these paths the Chinese people are gradually infiltrating, circulating as hawkers, establishing their little shops, or cultivating a small plot of land. In Kok-ang the population was very mixed as it is all along the border country. Over half the population was now of Chinese blood; up on the mountains were many Lihsaw and Palaung villages. The Chinese distinguish between ‘Land' Shans and 'Water' Shans, Han Payee and Shui Payee; one meets them all through Western Yunnan and Eastern Burma, and Kokang had a proportion. There were also occasional Was and Kachins. The best description of all this country is to be found in Maurice Collis' Lords of the Sunset; and Where China meets Burma, a book written by a government official's wife, Beatrix Metford.\n\nOver a third of Burma is occupied by the hill people; they number three-and-a-half millions, and are governed by their chieftains and princes on the British principle of indirect rule; the princes come directly under the Governor of Burma and not under the corrupt clique of professional politicians, who have formed the core of the Burmese legislative assemblies during the past few years. The unit of control under the chief is the circle, which contains more or fewer villages, each under its own headman. The system has many feudal features well adapted to these conservative and primitive people. Nancha, where we stayed for a time, contained the residence of the circle headman of that district, a dear old gentleman, who could neither read nor write, but employed a Chinese writer for the purpose. The writer had married one of his daughters, as often happens, and lived in one wing of the house. The better houses are built round the four sides of an inner courtyard; the pack animals, the cows, and the pigs, may be housed on the lower",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212908,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 217,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "202\n\nBeach, though I do remember seeing their diving boat there washed up high and dry after a typhoon.\n\nThe village had not changed much when I first visited it after the war. The walk up to the bungalows was past the market and through the narrow lanes with their shops selling fishing tackle, torches, salt fish, groceries and other odds and ends. We passed the power station of the Cheung Chau Electric Company which thumped away at night, though we never had electricity in our bungalows.\n\nThe village was confined to the narrow isthmus so that once you left this behind and climbed up you found yourself among small hills and scattered bungalows. I can remember the building of the community hall which was used as a chapel and meeting place. The only sound round the bungalows were the wind in the trees and the waves on the beaches and rocks. From the one that we used most often there was a magnificent view over towards Ling Ting Island. On our last visit in 1938 we were able to see the Royal Navy's motor torpedo boats travelling at fantastic speeds with a most impressive roar.\n\nThe Mission Compound at Fatshan\n\nCheung Chau was for holidays but our real life was in Fatshan. We lived in a spacious house, known still as the White House, on the edge of the compound and adjoining a small creek and paddy fields. When I saw the house again in 1987 it had shrunk! The mission contained a hospital and nurses training school, a primary and secondary school with workshops for the boys which were years ahead of their time. Nearly all the staff were Cantonese but a doctor, the head nursing sister and a few of the teachers were from England. Only the English knew English but they were all taught Cantonese full time for two years on arrival. I often regret that I was unable to enjoy this period of study. This time was sufficient for students to learn not only to speak but also to read the classics, or the Bible, and write speeches or sermons depending on your calling missionary or Hong Kong Government Cadet.\n\nAs children our first language was Cantonese and we always used this among ourselves. We spoke to our parents in English. When we were on leave in 1933 my sister and I slept in the same bedroom and after the lights were out used to chatter away in Cantonese, much to the amusement of the relatives listening outside the door.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212913,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 222,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "207\n\n100 boys in the Boys' School and 100 girls in the Girls' School. The Prep School, as the primary school was called, was in an old building and I can well remember the misery of homesickness. After tea at six o'clock we were sent to bed, which seemed ridiculous. My father stayed a few days before sailing for Hong Kong but I saw very little of him. When he left I felt abandoned. Others even younger suffered the same fate but seemed to survive.\n\nIn fact these schools were run by a most devoted staff of missionaries who took great care of us - body and soul. They were of a fundamentalist persuasion and expected very high moral behaviour from all of us. The standard of teaching was high and the students got good marks in the Oxford School Certificate exams.\n\nThe Four Seasons\n\nSchool life was regulated to fit the climate. The winters were bitter and so cold that one year we came back from holidays to find the sea frozen over. We walked from the docks to school over the sea. The summers were glorious. I suppose they were hot as I remember hearing of temperatures of 100°F or more but it was dry and on the whole not so hot as Hong Kong. The sea was perfect for swimming, which was allowed once it had reached the temperature of 64°F for three successive days. Spring and autumn were intermediate - considerably colder than the summer but not the freezing temperatures of the winter. To cope with these extremes in climate we had three sets of clothing - khaki shirts and shorts for summer, wool jackets and shorts for spring and autumn and thick wool jackets and plus fours for the winter. The school buildings were also designed to cope with these extremes. The spacious verandahs round the playground of the Boys' School kept the hall and common rooms cool in the summer. In the winter, wooden frames with glass were put up in the arches of the verandahs giving an extra layer of insulation while central heating was going full blast.\n\nThere was always some excitement with each change of season. Watching the removal of the glass frames on the verandahs heralded the abandonment of our plus fours. The production of khaki shirts and shorts meant swimming and rowing was not far off. I can remember so clearly gazing out of the bedroom windows across the glassy calm sea in the early mornings wondering if it had reached the magic 64°. In the autumn the halcyon summer days would end abruptly with the",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213121,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 189,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "171\n\nHowever, the move towards Wang Tau Street had only led to building on the area immediately west of the old walled market by 1898. When the gambling house was established in Sha Tau Kok (about 1904), it found the area immediately south of the walls empty and ready for development. This area was quickly built over - a row of houses for prostitutes being built to the east, connected by a new alleyway through the walls with Lower Street, and the gambling house nearby to the west, closer to Wang Tau Street, was a long wooden building, set awkwardly at an angle to the street, which was used as a restaurant serving noodles (especially dog-meat noodles, for which Sha Tau Kok was famous). Between the noodle restaurant and the gambling house Wang Tau Street formed a small irregular triangular open space.\n\nNone of the elders claims to know anything of what the prostitutes' houses were like inside, except to say that it was generally believed that the prostitutes also offered opium to their customers. The prostitutes' houses were small, however, and probably consisted of two main rooms only: a front room where guests could take opium, and a bed-chamber.\n\n4).\n\nThis\n\nMore is remembered about the gambling houses. It was approximately square - about 40 feet by 50 - and two-storeyed. The western part of the ground floor was one big square room, of about 40 feet square. This had doors leading directly to the street on the north (leading to the street of the prostitutes' houses), west (leading to Wang Tau Street), and south (leading to the guesthouses and Customs Station). Of these, the west door was the main one. This ground floor square room was the main gambling hall. It contained four tables, where the game offered was Po Tau (which consisted of the manipulation of small, nested brass boxes). The game was very popular, and the room was often crowded. The eastern side of the ground floor comprises stores, service rooms, and the staircase up to the second floor. This contained (on the east) the residence of the manager, and, on the west, a second gambling hall, with wide windows overlooking Wang Tau Street. This second gambling hall was half the size of the ground floor one, and had two tables, at which Tsz Fa (七花) was offered. In addition, tables for Pai Kau (牌九) were set up in the street outside the main entrance, under an awning. The gambling house was a very prosperous business, and the little open space in front of its door was one of the central spots of the town - wood and grass for fuel were sold here.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213143,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 211,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "193\n\nH\n\nDetails of the early Hakka examination successes are known from a recently recovered genealogy, of the Chan (陳) lineage of Nam Chung. It is understood that a copy of this genealogy will be deposited with the Hong Kong Museum of History. I am indebted to Mr Chan Wing-hot for drawing my attention to the information in this genealogy.\n\nQ Seen 8\n\nAt the time of the Block Crown Lease (1905), 12.68 acres of saltpans were recorded. However, the serious inadequacies of the first survey here led to another being conducted in 1912, when 17.11 acres were recorded. However, in 1912 two areas were left unclaimed, probably because storms had breached their bunds and ruined them. These two areas totalled about 3.3 acres. In addition, there were about 0.6 acres of houses, huts, and waste within the saltpan reclamation, which, therefore, totalled about 21.2 acres. The saltpans were very valuable property in the nineteenth century - the Basel missionaries (see below, n. 17) record the sale of a share by a Tam Shui Hang villager in 1882 for \"several hundreds of dollars\" (Basel Mission archive, doc. AT-16, Nr. 45). In the 1920s, however, and still more in the 1930s, cheap imported salt caused ever-growing problems, which led to the closure of the saltworks before the War. A bridge was built to the saltpans in 1934 (Administrative Reports for the Year 1934, App. J, \"Report on the New Territories for 1934\", p. J17). After the War, the abandoned saltworks became the site of a major squatter settlement, recently cleared. Today, the saltpan area has disappeared under new reclamation, and all that remains is a new Tin Hau Temple, replacing the old one previously on the saltpans, built on a new site on the new waterfront.\n\nFor details of the history of the temples in the area, on the settlement of the Hakka in the area, the reclamation projects they undertook, the founding and management of the market at Sha Tau Kok, and the functioning of the Shap Yeuk as the district management body, see P.H. Hase, \"The Alliance of Ten Settlements and Polities in the Sha Tau Kok Area\", in D. Faure and H.S. Siu, eds., Down to Earth: The Territorial Bond in South China, Stanford University Press, 1995.\n\n12. No details on the earlier history of the temple survived the very full restoration of 1894, but Shan Tsun elders believe it to be very old.\n\n13. In the 1688 Gazetteer (Ch. 3) a ferry “along the coast” is mentioned called the \"Ma Tseuk Ling Ferry\". There can be no doubt that this is the ferry to Sha Yue Chung (Shayuchong, etc.), 12 miles down the coast. Ma Tseuk Ling, at the head of Starling Inlet, is the nearest old village to the Wu Shek Kok Temple (Wu Shek Kok village - probably a foundation of the early nineteenth century). The coasts of Starling Inlet within two or three miles of Ma Tseuk Ling were blocked with mudflats and mangrove everywhere except at Wu Shek Kok, where alone a hill falls steeply into the sea. Wu Shek Kok is, therefore, the only possible site for a \"Ma Tseuk Ling Ferry\" landing place. The Ma Tseuk Ling villagers owned the Wu Shek Kok Temple, and the Ma Tseuk Ling military post (1688 Gazetteer, ch. 7), was at Shek Chung Au, just a few hundred yards from Wu Shek Kok. These Ma Tseuk Ling connections with the Wu Shek Kok area strongly suggest that the Wu Shek Kok hill was regarded as forming part of the Ma Tseuk Ling area. Later, Wu Shek Kok formed part of the Ma Tseuk Ling Yeuk of the Shap Yeuk.",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213190,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 12,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "and a platform for members to publish, and in this connection may I draw your attention to Vice-President, Reverend Carl Smith's book recently \"Chinese Christmas\" which can be bought at all leading book stores, and also at the back of this room. In addition one of Hong Kong's oldest members and of this Society, Dr. Dan Waters, has published his own memories entitled unashamedly \"An Old Hand's Reflection\" - again it can be bought at all leading bookstores and at the back of this room.\n\nIn addition we have an excellent quality library with many interesting books and, not only is this steadily augmented by our past roving President, Dr. James Hayes, from Australia, but in this past year we have been given a magnificent collection of books on China and Hong Kong from Mr Archie Graham, who at the age of 91 has emigrated to New Zealand. All these books are now in a special room on the 3rd floor of the City Hall, High Block; and at this point I would like to give a sincere thanks to the Urban Services Department and their library staff in particular. In the past year not only have they moved the Society's library from the rather inaccessible Kowloon Public Library to the City Hall library in Central but they have computerised the collection and altogether made the whole collection far more accessible than it has been in the past. I really do urge you to visit this and see for yourself what is there, and of course members can borrow most of the books. For this improvement in our library facilities I must also thank our Librarian Mr. Y.C. Wan who has been very helpful in making all this possible.\n\nI said earlier that the Society makes its views known to the public: I should also add that public and Government organisations also seek the views of the Society, not only on an individual basis, but also on a collective one. I mentioned last year the assistance we gave to the Antiquities Advisory Board in helping them to grade some of Hong Kong's older buildings. At one time the Society had 20 members involved in this, but as I understand it since many of the eligible buildings have been graded then the members have declined: this project has been led by Dr. Dan Waters and we owe him and his team a vote of thanks for their hard work.\n\nOn a collective front the Society has continued to be very active in monitoring the situation over the Public Records Office. Last year I reported to you that we thought we were making some progress and the position at the moment, whilst not completely satisfactory, is considerably better than we hoped for two years ago. The Public Records Office is\n\nXI",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213208,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 30,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "subject when Governor John Pope Hennessy planned to appoint him as His Excellency's personal secretary in charge of affairs relating to the Chinese. The British merchants were opposed to the Governor creating an office where he would have more direct communication with the Chinese. Due to their opposition, Eitel never occupied such a position. In 1895, he published Europe in China, a detailed history of Hong Kong up to that date.\n\nClub Germania\n\nA club for Germans was started in 1859 in Wanchai in an unpretentious building. The German-speaking population at the time would have been very small. There were three German firms and two stores conducted by Germans. Within two years, the community almost doubled. It was small, but still large enough to provide a social centre for the community. In 1865, George Michelmore advertised the opening of a hotel in premises \"which were formerly known as the German Club\". It was below the Headquarters House, now Flagstaff House, off the present Cotton Tree Drive. This may have been the second location of the Club, as an article written in 1909 states that the first building was in \"an outlying section of Wanchai\", a description which does not fit a location on what is now Cotton Tree Drive (DP, 17 May, 1865).\n\nThe club moved in 1865 to a new building erected by Gustav Overbeck at the top of Wyndham Street, just south of D'Aguilar Street. But the German population was increasing, and the Germania Club decided to build a more commodious building. This was on the east side of Wyndham Street off Queen's Road. The new building was opened in 1872. It was a brick building in the Gothic style. The architects were Messrs Wilson and Salway. The cost was $21,000. Thirteen granite steps led to the entrance, and the main hall. On either side of the hall was a billiard room and a reading room. On the same level was a library room and a bar. The Concert Hall was approached by a flight of seven-foot-wide stairs. The Hall accommodated 275 persons; on either side was a drawing room and a dining room. There were accommodations for sixty in the dining room. Four bowling alleys were in the rear of the building (HKT, 27 Nov. 1909). The building served the community well until again it became too small, and another building was erected on Kennedy Road. This building became enemy alien property in 1914 and passed into the hands of St. Joseph's College. The College is still located in the building.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213221,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 43,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "22\n\nIn addition to these names additional names appear on a list of firms in liquidation and the respective liquidators. These additions were:\n\nWendt and Co.\n\nO. Struckmeyer, Siemssen and Co.\n\nHugo G. Fromm\n\nWitzke and Co.\n\nHill, Bergdahl and Co. and personal affairs of Mr. F. Lonia\n\nA. Bune, personal affairs\n\nHamburg Amerika Line Norddeutsche Lloyd Austrian Lloyd\n\nH. Wicking and Co.\n\nPustau and Company\n\nWilliam Charles Engelbrecht von Pustau announced in a Hong Kong newspaper that on 1 January 1846 the business of William Pustau would in the future be carried on under the name of William Pustau and Co, at Hong Kong and Canton. (FC 12 Jan. 1846). In 1848 the company was appointed agent for the Austrian Lloyd Steam Navigation Co. They advertised the \"Overland Route\" from Trieste to Alexandria. The passengers would then cross by land to the Red Sea where they would connect with the P. and O. route to Ceylon (FC 20 Nov. 1858).\n\nWilliam Pustau was named Consul for Bremen in 1852 (FC 31 Jan. 1852). He later returned to Germany and opened an office of the firm at Hamburg. The firm failed in 1878 (DP 30 Dec. 1878). This failure pushed him into a breakdown and he entered a mental asylum where he died in 1880 aged fifty-nine (CM 18 Feb. 1880). His business failure may have been caused by over-extension into real estate. In 1867 news from London stated that William Pustau of Altona had lately bought 19 Pall Mall and was in the course of erecting \"a magnificent mansion of five storeys on the site\" (CM 4 Jan. 1867). Three years later news from Hamburg stated that he had purchased \"the extensive and beautifully wooded grounds at Münstedten, on the banks of the Elbe, known as Parish's Villa from the family of Mr. Parish, formerly the head of the firm of Parish and Company, China Merchants, Hamburg, for the sum of 2,000,000 marks. \"Mr. Pustau intends to pull down the building and substitute a handsome modern country villa on a better locality in the centre of the park\" (CM 30 July 1870).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213264,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 86,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "66\n\nBanks, Hongs and Government House\n\nMany old established western hongs have long come to terms with the 'breath of the dragon'. As one senior Standard Chartered Bank staff member phrased it (partly with tongue in cheek perhaps?): 'Some Europeans are more concerned about fung shui than the Chinese. Besides, paying attention to it is good for business.'\n\nThe British Standard Chartered is the oldest foreign bank in Hong Kong (its forerunner, the Chartered Bank of India, Australia and China, was established in Hong Kong in 1859). Management was advised that for its new building, completed in 1990, one main door was not enough to 'catch all the good fortune and allow money to flow in'. An additional entrance, facing northeast, was included in the plan, 'to capture \"luck\" from Central District and from the harbour and business from the Hong Kong Banking Corporation next door'. The main entrance is very important. It is subjected to more foot traffic than any other part of a building. Its door should be well-hinged, upright and in scale with the building as a whole.\n\nSimilarly, the decor of Chartered Bank's interior includes a number of features synonymous with prosperity in Chinese culture. The stained-glass windows in the entrance hall portray a bus with registration number 28 (homonyms in Cantonese also meaning 'easy to prosper'). A red (a lucky colour) tram car has the number 88 (signifying 'doubly prosperous') and steps have been constructed in flights of eight. Lucky numbers are popular in Chinese communities around the world.\n\nSimilarly it is good if one's grave, or niche in a columbarium where one's ashes are deposited, has a fortuitous number. In Europe numbers carry different meanings. Seven (among Chinese, this number is often associated with how many dishes mourners partake of at a funeral wake) is sometimes considered lucky, while 13 is deemed unlucky. Consequently, a 13th floor is sometimes omitted in a building.\n\nAs is common in many commercial premises in Hong Kong, running water is good because water signifies money. While having a water feature may not mean much in a bank in York or New York, such beliefs do imply a great deal to many customers in Hong Kong. Yet, surprisingly, few appeared to have been too upset when the fountain at the 'Landmark', in Central District, was done away with.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213276,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 98,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "78\n\nstar or a god shrine decorated with 'prayer flags' (). All these have the power to protect the occupants.\n\nAlso, just inside the front door of the flat, the electric light, symbolising the sun, is always switched on. Dark rooms oppress. Brightness stimulates chi and transforms yin to yang. A chandelier can distribute chi around a room. Conversely, a room cluttered with objects will obstruct the flow of chi.\n\nThe flat in this case study faces Victoria Peak, which towers over Tai Ping Shan (Hill of Great Peace) District. The flat also faces (approximately) 'compass south'. Fung shui south, namely 'Red-bird Aspect' (a Chinese constellation in the southern sky), is not always true south. An old Chinese proverb states:\n\nEven with 1,000 taels of gold, it is not easy to buy a house facing south.\n\nIt is believed by many that houses, temples, graves, and the Emperor on his throne should all face sunny south (Tatlow, 1993: 9). The south is pure, auspicious, and warm. In short, it is yang. With the south-westerly monsoon (actually, it mostly blows from the south-east, the direction that most typhoons come from) blowing in the summer, and the north-easterly monsoon in the winter, no one quarrels with this assumption. A flat facing south is thus warmer in winter and cooler in summer. This helps promote harmony among family members. Some Chinese believe people living on the south side of a building have better chi than those living on the north side. The latter are said to be less intelligent, less successful, and lack the vitality of their neighbours who live facing 'sunny south'. For a person who was born during the cold of winter, it is even more important for him or her to live in a building facing the warm spirits of the south (Tatlow, 1993: 9).\n\nBut, having said all that, it must be pointed out that in the Sha Tin district, in Hong Kong's New Territories, out of 60 villages or hamlets, only two or three face due south. Facing south is more important in the north, where bitterly cold winds blow, than in the sub-tropics, where other factors, such as the back-up of a mountain or copse, may have to be considered.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213353,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 175,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "158\n\nOn the one hand, government/semi-government institutions began to promote an awareness of local history and conservation of Hong Kong's heritage. We may see this as part of the government's 'community building' effort after the devastating riots of 1967. On the other hand, the demographics of Hong Kong have also changed. In the past, with their high mobility, people residing in Hong Kong had little sense of identity with the place. This led the Governor, Sir Alexander Grantham, to compare Hong Kong in the 1960s to a railway station; as people came, made money and moved on, it was a place with no roots. By the 1970s, things were no longer so. The generation which has grown up in the Territory after the war were much more rooted in the place and in the 1970s, as they came of age, they grew more curious about the history of their home city. A few actively sought knowledge through study and research; most of the others became willing customers of anything that might tell them more about Hong Kong.\n\nInstitutionally, one focus of growth in the study of local history is the museums, the other, the Antiquities and Monuments Office (AMO).\n\n## Museums\n\nHong Kong's museums are run by the two municipal councils, the Urban Council and the Regional Council, which, besides being responsible for sanitation services, liquor licences and so on, are also responsible for enriching the quality of life in Hong Kong through promoting and providing recreation, sports and the arts.\n\nTo give local history greater prominence, the Museum of History was separated out from the Urban Council's City Hall Museum and Art Gallery in 1975. At first, it operated only on a small scale, using rented premises in a multi-storeyed commercial building. In 1983, it moved into its own building, and subsequent extensions enlarged its exhibition area to 1520 sq m. A permanent exhibition, called the Story of Hong Kong, outlining 6,000 years of development from the Stone Age to modern times, was installed. It also stages thematic exhibitions from time to time: last year (1995), two out of three exhibitions were about Hong Kong; Hong Kong's Traditional Trades and Crafts, and Life Under the Japanese Occupation, 1941-45. The Museum runs two branch museums, the Law Uk Folk Museum, which is restored from a 19th century Hakka house, and the Lei Cheng Uk Branch Museum, which is centred on an excavated Eastern Han",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213450,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 46,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "13\n\nwithin 30 years, perpetual leases at low rentals and leases for short terms of 5 to 10 years. Red deeds are the only deeds of which the Government takes cognisance and the Crown Rent is collected on these deeds only.'\n\nWe need not consider further the details of the Chinese deeds and their system of registration since Lockhart reported-\n\n\"Although the system of land registration adopted by the Chinese is apparently simple, the difficulties that have been experienced in connection with it show it to be of the most unsatisfactory nature, especially as not much reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of any title deeds registered under it.\n\n15\n\nThe expedient adopted by the Hong Kong Government to resolve these difficulties is well-known, a Land Court was set up to hear claims to tenure of land and those established were confirmed by the Government and recorded as Block Crown Leases, commonly known as \"Old Schedule Plots.'\n\n11\n\nLockhart in his Report described the Chinese method of Land measurement:-\n\n\"Owners or occupiers report their land in mau or Chinese acres, but as it has not been the general custom in the districts to calculate the area of land by mau, but rather by the amount of grain required to sow a field, they also report the area of their land in this manner, two and a half tau of grain being equivalent to one mau (0.1515 English acre)\n\nBut even this tau varies in different localities. The Kun Tau or Chinese official standard measure of 10 shing, is adopted at Taipo, in Sheung Shui District and at Sha Tau Kok. The Ts'ong Tau or grain measure of 11 shing, is used throughout the Fanling District. The Tsin Tau of 8 shing is employed in the Tsuen Wan and some other Districts..\n\nAs to hill and waste land the Memorandum reads:-\n\n\"All hills and waste lands are claimed by the nearest villages or most powerful clans in the neighbourhood or even at a distance.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213459,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 55,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "22\n\nhowever, cases of marriage by proxy have come to notice and although the validity of such a marriage has never been decided by the Courts, at least there is a case wherein, it can be argued, there was implied recognition of such a marriage.\" Dyer Ball, writing nearly sixty years ago, describes the custom:-\n\n\"When a man is absent from home and unavoidable circumstances prevent his return to be married, a strange marriage by proxy takes place sometimes in some districts of the Canton province; we are not aware whether it prevails in other parts of the empire or not. But the curious thing about it is that, instead of a man acting as the proxy, a cock does duty for the latter to the marriage ceremonies, though it is not even necessary that he should be sent by the bridegroom. This fowl is sent by the bridegroom, the presence of the fowl at the wedding being sufficient.\"10\n\nOn 1st July 1940 an action was brought before Sir Atholl MacGregor C.J. for the purpose of obtaining letters of administration. The plaintiff claimed that she was the lawful widow of a man whom she married by proxy in China in 1922 and who was presumed to have died in City Island, New York, in 1930 without having consummated the marriage. She gave evidence that at the ceremony carried out in the deceased's village while the deceased was in New York, he was represented by a cock decorated with golden flowers and draped in red. At the time of that marriage ceremony the plaintiff was a widow of a previous marriage to another and had three children.\n\nAs is usual in cases involving Chinese customary law, there was a battle of the experts: one gave evidence that after the cock draped in red had been taken together with the bride to the ancestral hall and had entered the bridal chamber, the marriage was regarded as valid and complete as if the bridegroom and the bride were present and even though there was no subsequent consummation; the other expert gave evidence that according to the Ching Code, the most essential point for a valid marriage was a betrothal, for the validity of which there must be a marriage contract or marriage presents exchanged between the two families. Where there was a valid betrothal there must be some kind of public ceremony in order to complete the marriage. A marriage without a valid betrothal in the first instance and without a formal ceremony to complete it, could not, the second expert stated, have any legal effect. He conceded, however, that there was some local custom allowing representation of the bridegroom by a cock.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213485,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 81,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "49\n\nThe Fighting Scene\n\nIf you spend one night in a Chinese Opera House, you would probably come across at least one performance of a fighting scene. This could be a fleeting scene, for a short duration, with a few people involved, or it could be an elaborate affair with dozens of people, belonging to two groups (armies), led by a general on each side and locked into a battle that could decide the future of their individual country for a long time to come.\n\nIn the latter case, when the two armies come into contact, it is customary for the general representing the host country to speak first. He will probably ask the other general of the invading army “What is your name?” as if to say that he does not want to kill the wrong man. The second general replies \"I am so and so, so what?\" The first general will then make a lot of threats to make the second general and his army surrender or go away. Otherwise, the second general and his army will be mercilessly crushed.\n\nThe rejection of the demands means that dialogue is complete and war is on. You would expect that all hell would break loose and the generals on both sides would throw every soldier, as well as every horse, into the fray and the soldiers would set upon each other's throats like ants!\n\nBut this is NOT TO BE! Sure, there are numerous marches, and countermarches, up and down the stage. There is an abundance of somersaults, even clashes of hand weapons. They want to make the impression that they are fighting a ruthless war, but they are following a precise pattern, of premeditated and coordinated action that is devoid of deviation and spontaneity.\n\nThe strangest thing I ever witnessed in a fighting scene of the Opera, was that when the generals were fighting - all mounted, of course, with full fighting gears and weapons - and, without apparent reason, each one threw his hand weapon into the air for the other man to receive. They continued to fight with their newly acquired weapons. Then, after a certain signal, the weapons were again thrown into the air to their rightful owners as if to say that they were not used to their adversary's weapon! How absurd! How can you explain these seemingly silly things?",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213613,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 209,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "182\n\nTo ensure that I could recover information more easily I drew approximate plans of each temple with the major deities on the altars listed and located. This in itself revealed fascinating aspects of Chinese ethnic groups, with certain deities or altar layouts identifying the ethnicity of the founders of the temple though not necessarily the current ethnicity.\n\nLater, in the early 1970s, I returned to Singapore for another comparatively long stay and during the many revisits to temples to note change and development I found that a great number had already disappeared or were about to disappear as the national programme of suburban redevelopment raced ahead. For example, a fascinating Cantonese temple in the middle of a large cemetery had disappeared, as had the cemetery itself, the whole area now being one of the many new large housing estates. Another temple had been surrounded by high-rise blocks and was hidden from sight in a \"hole\" as the surrounding area had been covered with in-fill to level the area for housing construction.\n\nBy this time a few of the popular religion temples were beginning to clean up their act. Presumably temple committees had more funds at their disposal now that the Republic of Singapore was well on its way to prosperity. New temples replaced old ones, usually a major overhaul of both the structure and the content, often with modern colourful, perhaps to some gaudy, roof tiles. The deities remained the same, apart from many being repainted, though there was a spate of thefts from altars during the late sixties and early seventies which led to new images having to be carved. There were also a number of temples relocated, some like the Temple of the Nine Carp were moved from their former and long-standing site in Muar Road, approximately where the Rochore Centre is today, to the outer suburbs of the Upper Thomson Road. The temple today gives the appearance of having been there for many decades, and the not so old residents, both permanent and transitory, who visit temples may be tempted to interpret the age of an establishment from its condition. Some, a few, still are old temples on their original sites. These are mainly out in the country areas of the north-west of the island.\n\nEach time I return to Singapore I am fascinated to find yet another temple or two, some I must have missed years ago but most are new",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213664,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 17,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "Many have been undersubscribed? The short answer is, the odd one or two. A number of visits have, however, been heavily oversubscribed.\n\nMay I add here that we welcome suggestions and indeed help in running our programme. If you would like to deliver a lecture, lead a visit or help the Society in any way, please let a Council Member know. As you will have noticed, we sometimes ask for help with certain projects in the Newsletter.\n\nA special vote of thanks is due to Geoffrey Roper who holds one of the most demanding posts on the Council, namely that of Activities Committee Chairman. He has been supported on his committee by Vice President the Reverend Carl Smith, Vice President Dr Elizabeth Sinn, Dr Michael Lau, Dr Patrick Hase, Dr Joseph Ting, Mrs Anita Wilson and Mrs Claire Hockaday. The above Councillors have in turn been ably assisted by Mrs Valerie Garrett and Mr Jason Wordie. Several of the above have themselves given lectures or led visits. These usually entail considerable preparation and, in some cases, reconnoissance. Guanxi (connections) are often important. A sincere thank you to everybody who has helped with this programme, including of course all our speakers and anyone who has led a visit. I am sorry we cannot name you all.\n\nLibrary\n\nOur Honorary Librarian is presenting a separate report, but may I add that, over a period of years, we have done our best to build up a collection which includes a number of valuable, Oriental titles. Our library is ensconced in the City Hall. It is looked after by professional librarians employed by the Urban Council. We are grateful for this arrangement.\n\nTalking of books, we were sorry to hear of the passing of one of our past members, Arnold Graham (1905-96), in New Zealand. Confucius is quoted as having said:\n\nThe great mountain must crumble;\n\nThe strong beam must break;\n\nxvi",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213787,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 139,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "110\n\nand their brothers several generations earlier than the one with whom the last part of the genealogy starts counting generations from one.\n\nThe above shows that celebration of Fengchao is connected with ordination names. It is not meaningful to ask if all those who celebrate the rite had ordination names in their genealogies—in any case, as mentioned before, all Hakka genealogies I examined, except short excerpts, contain ordination names. There is a similar problem in asking if all lineages with ordination names in their genealogies celebrated Fengchao. One may ask, however, the following question: if two lineages trace to the same ancestors who are the only ones who had ordination names, and one of the lineages celebrates Fengchao, would the other celebrate Fengchao too? There are some cases in the New Territories of which we may ask this question: e.g., Ping Yeung and Ting Kok, So Lo Pun and Lai Chi Wo, Shuen Wan and Wu Kau Tang. At this stage of research, I cannot answer the question for any of those pairs.\n\nAccording to the memorial for the ritual of Fengchao, it is dedicated to ancestors. Chao is also written as Zuchao, zu meaning \"ancestor\". Elsewhere in the memorial, it is written as shangzu, “early ancestors”. Many of the sessions in the ritual are named in the memorial. They were for maintenance of an “immortal army” which seemed to be under the control of the ancestors. When a priest read the memorial to demonstrate his rendering, he added zugong (\"ancestors\") before bingma (\"army\") in the passage, indicating that he does think of the army as belonging to the ancestors. He compared the army to \"policemen\", and told me that they were to guard the village to prevent entry of outsiders. The rites were to remedy possible loss of soldiers and horses due to lack of provisions; loss of the wuhua qihao flags of the army; and the loss of yingsuo stations [garrisons?]. One major feature is petitioning the Jade Emperor and his subsidiaries for issuance of a Zhaobing Pai order for recruitment of soldiers.\n\nThe rite I witnessed was performed inside the ancestral hall, with the exception of a session to “pacify the kitchen god” at the kitchen stove of the bridegroom's house. At the ancestral altar of the hall, the priest hung a picture showing the Three Pure Ones and gods peculiar to the popular tradition, including the Three Ladies. Three temporary spirit",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213792,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 144,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "115\n\nbetween three-compartment ancestral halls restricted to officials and ancestral worship within the domestic unit or bed chamber appropriate for commoners. Faure points out that the three-compartment ancestral hall is related to claims of official title. Faure sees some small ancestral halls found in the New Territories of Hong Kong as the “bed chamber” variety. Examples of villages in which ancestral halls of this style are found include Ping Long, Kau To, Man Uk Pin and Wo Hang, the last three of these four are Hakka villages. Faure thus writes of the New Territories in the 19th Century: \"with rising prosperity and acquisition of official degrees, some of their ancestral halls became more ornate even though none quite reproduce the official style.\" Although the bed-chamber type ancestral hall is found in both Hakka and Cantonese villages, a Hakka ancestral hall holds a single spirit tablet, dedicated to unnamed shi, gao, zheng ancestors. This is probably related to the practice of moving incense ashes from the domestic unit to the incense burner of the ancestral hall mentioned above. This contrasts with the “major surname” clan ancestral halls in the Hakka county town of Xingning described in ZHJLS, in which those who had made donations had a spirit tablet of their ancestor installed.\n\nThat ancestors are represented in individual ancestral tablets is a prerequisite of some ancestral hall ceremonies found in Cantonese lineages in Hong Kong, such as one found in the Qingle ancestral hall of Kam Tin, in which the group of ancestors to whom the ancestral hall is dedicated is escorted in the form of ancestral tablets for special treatment.\n\nDespite the possible difference in the form of ancestral halls, the Hakka probably followed the trend of development of lineages since the 16th century. Ancestral hall rites, Faure has pointed out, was an example of the incorporation of a literate tradition into a proto-literate culture, the literate tradition spread with the literati ideal, coming... in the Ming and the Qing dynasties as local government strengthened, as neo-Confucianism was taken for granted as an acceptable social code, and as examination awards were granted in large numbers for",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213802,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 154,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "125\n\nHH\n\nThe volume entitled the Genealogy of the Chens of She Shan contains two or three separate genealogies of Chen surname from which I cannot trace common descent. It seems that some pages were missing in the copy in the Hong Kong University collection. The name pujao, if indeed an ordination name, does not follow the usual long or fa format. It is probably an ordination name from another, more well-known \"folk\" religion, Luozu Jiao, which have ordination names in a format of Pa followed by another character, according to an account in a Qing work of anecdotal literature quoted by Fu Yilin's article \"Qing Qrankong kupan Cilaoguançaizong Qislu Kao\" – first published in 1942 and included in his Fu Yin Zash wusht man Wengao Xiamen Daxue Chubanshe, 1989. The pantheon and practice of Laiozu Jio is not related to the tradition that is the subject of this article.\n\n* According to Lo, op cit, p. 216 n 21. So Lo Pun was a member of an alliance including Lai Chi Wo, a multi-surname village. With one exception, which is not So Lo Pun, all member villages were lineage extensions related to Lai Chi Wo. I know of some Huang people in Lai Chi Wo, but do not know their genealogical relationship with So Lo Pun or whether they celebrated the Fengchao in the past. The genealogy contains a spirit tablet related to Lu Shan and the Three Ladies, a passage of invocation, and two talismans. It is unlikely that the genealogy belonged to a wang specialist, whose repertoire will take up many volumes, not just a few pages in a genealogy as in this case.\n\n*I fail to date any of the generations. Some dates are given in the genealogy using Dynastic year names which cannot be found in reference books for year names. I have not checked as thoroughly some of the year names and title of emperors in the prefaces.\n\nCopied during an interview with the ritual specialist by Lee Lar-mu, then of the Oral History Project of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. For part of the memorial, I have a tape recording of the priest's recitation demonstration during the same meeting for comparison.\n\n12. The Xu's genealogy of Shek Pik, Lantau Island in the British Library collection of genealogies from the New Territories contains a list of offerings for grave worship which begins with one raw pig and one cow. Rubie S. Watson, in her Inequality Among Brothers, Cambridge University Press 1985, p. 43 mentioned the division of raw pork after the ancestral hall ritual at Ha Tsuen but does not say if the four pigs purchased for the occasion were first offered to the ancestors as offerings.\n\n41\n\nHuhur Xinwen Yi hun Xu Zhi, Beijing Zhonghua 1986, p. 181.\n\n\"For the note see Luo, op cit, p. 230. For his picture of the Hakka as \"farmer-scholars\" see ibid, pp. 16-18.\n\n**Luo Op Cit, p. 255-263.\n\n* The description is in vol. 2. In the table of contents, the author has inserted xiang (\"incense\") between Ahuan and Huo. The rite has some interesting features. It uses a long piece of red cloth stretched from the \"lower\" end near the entrance of the hall to the \"upper\" end of the ancestral incense burner, and the ashes were carried over the \"bridge\" thus formed to the incense burner. That additional ancestors are incorporated into the ancestral hall in the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213803,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 155,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "126\n\n47\n\nform of incense ashes rather than tablets suggests that the ancestor halls did not use tablets to represent ancestors individually. It is also found in the Yingsheng (\"Reception of the Holy\") dedicated to the main honoured gods during the Jiao festivals, and the Yingshen Guiwei (\"Escorting gods to their places\") during the Hongchao festival of Fanling, both conducted by Cantonese Daoist priests in the New Territories. An elder of Kam Tin compared the Yingsheng ritual with the ancestral hall ritual found in the Qingle ancestral hall of Kam Tin, to which I shall refer below. I am not sure if a cloth “bridge” is used in this ancestral hall ceremony.\n\nOp cit pp 142-144. In a recent visit to Cheng Tau, a woman in her 60s referred to the ancestral hall as a-gong ha (\"the Place of Ancestors\"), which seems to have been the more usual expression for ancestral halls among the Hakka. Compare the expression with Bak-gong ha ('the Place of the Bak-gong earth god'). It is interesting that the title of this category of earth god, whose territory is more limited than the dawang, shares the expression for \"elder brother of grandfather\".\n\nibid p. 224 » 10\n\n174\n\nibid p 160\n\nDiscussion of this aspect of ancestral worship is summarized in C Fred Blake, Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, The University Press of Hawaii, 1981, pp 92-93, 115 n 1, 116 n 2. A possible example is the case of Wo Hang, N. T. where an ancestral hall of the second fang houses the spirit tablets of the first and second generation. See Allen John Lueck, Lun Chun, Land is to live: A study of the concept of isu in a Hakka Chinese village, New Territories, Hong Kong, unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, 1985, p 273.\n\nCompare H G H Nelson, \"Ancestor Worship and Burial Practices\", in Arthur P. Wolf ed., Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford University Press, 1974, pp. 263-267, on the shen-ting which fulfilled the functions of domestic altars for the households in each area” in a Cantonese village in the New Territories. He observes that the shenting \"occupy a place half way between [tang ancestral halls] and domestic altars”.\n\nVol under Donga jie (\"Winter festival\")\n\nTON Op cit. pp 147-148\n\nOp cit. p 12\n\nOp cit. p 176\n\n100\n\nIt is interesting to note the distribution and context of Mountain Songs. It is interesting to note that Mountain Songs were sung only by the male villagers (in some festivals with women hired from other villages) in the Cantonese villages whose dialect is known to others as daaih ga wo (\"big family language\"), and which correspond to the area of the five big clans. In some of the other Cantonese villages, e.g. in Shatin and Saikung, Mountain Songs were sung by the women on the eve before a wedding at the bride's home. Mountain Songs, and related pre-marital courtship, was more popular among some female Cantonese villagers in the Kowloon area who cut grasses for sale as fuel. The livelihood of these women, like that of the Hakka immigrants, depended more on the city. I know much less",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213890,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 242,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "216\n\nIf Generalissmo Sun can give us, the renmin [the people], supervisory power [over the government], we the people will maintain the situation. After all, all the generalissmo needs is just several millions.\n\nAnticipating Sun's return to power in 1923, the Siyi men from Hong Kong announced that they could raise several billion dollars for the new government if the following two conditions were granted:\n\n1. Every one dollar lent to Sun should be paid back by two dollars. The financial departments of the Canton government were to be managed by the Siyi companies.\n\n2. The Siyi men should have a say over the appointment of the future Provincial Governor of Guangdong.\n\nDesperate for money, Sun accepted these conditions. Having resumed his power in Canton, Sun fulfilled his promises by giving the important posts of Provincial Governor, Ministry of Finance, and Commissioner of Salt Transport to the Siyi men. Under these Siyi men, a Guangzhou Guanchan Gengjiju, literally, the Guangzhou Registration Bureau for Government Properties, was established for the registration of immovable properties in Canton City. Accordingly, all properties controlled by lineage, temple, and guild hall were declared public properties until \"red deeds\" (land deeds issued by the Qing government) were produced. Financial rewards were given to those who reported to the Office any unknown Guanchan (government property) or Gongchan (public property) kept in private hands.\n\nUnder the pretext of land classification and deed examination, thousands of sites and buildings held by private hands were confiscated and sold under the office of Guangdongsheng Guanchan Qinglichu (**Guangdong Province Government Property Clearance Office**), literally, the Guangzhou Government Property Clearance Office under the control of a Siyi director. The major duty was to sell \"public property\" and \"government property\" in Canton to private owners. By subjecting everything to inspection and registration and requiring heavy fees on every act, at least $120,000,000 was collected by the Municipal Government. From 1923 to 1925, every tax rate in Guangdong was doubled and some quadrupled, besides already having the addition of hundreds of new imposts.\n\nThe China",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213895,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 247,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "221\n\nThus, a new political language, clustered around the ideas of labour and trade unions soon overshadowed the existing political language, which was introduced in the late Qing and clustered around the ideas of merchants and chambers of commerce. To curb the political power of merchants, the Canton government dissolved all the existing merchant associations in Canton. The directorship of the Canton General Chamber of Commerce was abolished and the Canton government appointed their own supporters to the Chamber. Liao Zhongkai even went to the extreme of making legislation in 1925 to prohibit \"compradore merchants” from taking up government posts.\n\nPolitical regulations were changing fast during these years. Trade unions continued to expand and were politically active in Canton. This eventually led to the 1925 General Strike which in Hong Kong involved a total of 300,000 labourers. It was known as the greatest and largest strike which had ever occurred in China, and retrospectively, the Chinese Communist Party would time and time again herald its success.\n\nAs for the Cantonese merchants and the Communication Clique, they retreated from Canton to Hong Kong after 1924. I have tracked down a very beautiful piece of information from 1941 - on a Julao Hui (九老會), or the Nine Elders Club. The club was formed by the retired leaders of the regional Chambers of Commerce. These retreated Cantonese, despite their previous competition, joined together as a social club to celebrate the abundance of their offspring and their own longevity. These nine gentlemen enjoyed a total age amounting to 676 by 1941. On this occasion, Liang Shiyi sent them a couplet. It read:\n\nThe three of us in person congratulating the nine elders, altogether in one hall we celebrate our thousand years.\n\nAs far as this small circle is concerned, it sounds like a happy ending.\n\nBeyond this circle, all we can see is a Hong Kong society with its members, for a long period of time, showing little interest in the issue of constitutional reform, representative or self-government, as their Indian, African, or Malay counterparts did. Even during those noisy years after the Second World War while the issue of decolonization was very much talked about and the British Empire actually collapsed,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213897,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 249,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "223\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTRACES OF HOUTU'S (后土) CULT IN HONG KONG\n\nCAROLE MORGAN\n\nI first became aware of Houtu stones in the course of my research on geomancy at the Aberdeen and Diamond Hill cemeteries. One of the earliest references to Houtu is found in the Zuozhuan, a work compiled in the III century BC. Under the 29th Year of Duke Zhao (昭), a commentary states that Earth is the ruler of all things, that his divine persona is generally called Houtu, and that his spirit is named Dragon Gouji. During the Han dynasty, the skeptic Wang Chong (王充) (-27c - 100 AD) amplified this definition by remarking that: “The digging of graves disturbs the Earth... [hence] the Earth god must be propitiated with offerings of millet, rice-cakes and soup”. (A Forke, 1925, vol II, p. 400 & 510). I was therefore not surprised to find traces of this once powerful deity in the cemeteries I visited.\n\nYet these traces were puzzling. Almost every grave featured a small stone with an inscription which stated “X family's Houtu shan (山)”. Given that in this context shan means \"burial site”, the text appeared to imply that Houtu should not be read as the name of the deity, but as two words hou tu (土) meaning \"[boundary of the] land behind the grave\", even though many stones were aligned with the grave's headstone. It could be argued that this contradiction represents an unavoidable concession to the non-standard size of certain plots, and should not detract from the stones' boundary marker function. The accuracy of this impression was confirmed by two grave diggers, who indicated that the stones were meant to prevent one grave from encroaching on the plot of another. When I questioned these men on the use of the graph 后 for \"at the back of\" instead of the more common 後, they replied that it was a matter of convenience, the first graph being easier to carve than the second. Though the explanation sounded plausible, I found it unconvincing. By then I had noticed that in front of almost every stone, small metal tubes had been permanently fixed to serve as incense stick holders. At the very least, the presence of these tubes suggested the performance of some kind of ritual.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213909,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 261,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "236\n\nThe rituals performed by both the 'red hat' and the 'black hat' professional religious specialists, often connected in one way or another with mortuary rites, continue as before. The difference being that before redecoration the ritual performances in the half light, by 'red hats' in particular, accompanied by the boom of their ox horns blown at intervals during the rituals, provided an even more exotic and eerie scene.\n\nThe former layout of the temple consisted, as you entered the temple from the street, of the main hall dedicated to the Lord of T'ai Shan. This led through to the rear hall dedicated to the Saviour of the Underworld, the Buddhist deity, Ti-tsang Wang, with a long and comparatively narrow annexe running down the sides of the whole length of the two halls. On the other side of the halls were large rooms dedicated to the ritual services.\n\nThe usual images one would expect in the halls of both the Lord of T'ai Shan and Ti-tsang Wang stand either before or beside the altars, and lining the walls. Many are tamed demons such as Horse Face and Buffalo Head, and the Short Black and Tall White Demons who seize the souls of humans on their due date of death, dragging them before the City God for their primary interrogation. Others include the City God himself and the Goddess of Maternity, Chu-sheng Niang-niang, both of whom occupied their own secondary altars flanking that of Ti-tsang Wang; the Judges of the Ten Courts of the Underworld; and the Civil and Military Secretaries to the Lord of T'ai Shan.\n\nand they have been\n\nHowever, since the refurbishment of the temple, which took some two and a half years, the images down the side annexe which used to stand each in its own shrine have been relocated. The comparatively large image of the local tutelary deity, the Earth God, now has a shrine of his own in the Ti-tsang hall and the other two major images, of the Lord Protector of the Realm, Hu-kuo Tsun-wang Immortal Celestial Physician, Tien-i Chen-jen moved to the Ti-tsang Wang hall where they now sit on the main altar but in front, one on either side of the altar, both newly repainted. These two deities have borne these titles for at least thirty years and during that time the temple staff who appeared to be quite knowledgeable explained that the images down the side wall of the annexe had been brought in from other temples when the latter had been demolished for one reason or another, and their identities had been lost over the years.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213946,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 16,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "Activities\n\nDuring the year under review 11 lectures, one concert, 13 local visits and three excursions to the China Mainland have been conducted. These covered a wide spectrum of topics and details may be seen in the Appendix attached to this report. Because the list is long I am unable to thank, in this report, all lecturers or persons who have led visits. We do, however, thank them as a group and we are pleased that some of them have accepted our invitations to be with us at this dinner tonight.\n\nA special mention must be made here of the Activities Committee which has met at intervals throughout the year. The members, many of whom have themselves given talks or led groups, comprise the Reverend Carl Smith, Doctors Elizabeth Sinn, Michael Lau, Patrick Hase and Joseph Ting, as well as Valery Garrett and Jason Wordie. During the year the place vacated by Claire Hockaday was filled by Sarah Parnell.\n\nThe Activities Committee, on which our Branch so much depends, chaired by Geoffrey Roper, has done a splendid job and provided a rich, diverse programme of events. We are extremely sorry to see Geoffrey Roper step down as Chairman of the Activities Committee. He has put in countless hours leading our activities team. We thank him and the members of his committee most sincerely.\n\nLibrary and Finance\n\nBoth our Honorary Librarian and our Honorary Treasurer will present their own reports later this evening. I thank both of them for the special expertise that they bring to our Council. We must also thank the City Hall Library, which comes under the Urban Council. Our RASHKB library is on permanent loan to the City Hall. There our books may be borrowed not only by RAS members but also referred to by the general public. It is hoped that, as well as serving as a paradise for bibliophiles, our library provides a bridge of understanding between our Branch and the community. Because many of our titles are valuable it has been decided that no book published before the year 1900 may be removed from the RAS library.\n\nXV",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214058,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 126,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "93\n\nRailways\n\nThe first railway to be built was the Peak tramway, a 1.4km-long 1.5m-gauge steam-driven funicular railway rising 370 metres along steep rugged terrain, which was opened in 1888. A contemporary description stated that “A splendid feat of engineering skill has made the Peak accessible to all.” Nevertheless, during the following year, as a result of exceptionally heavy rainfall, the track was breached by a major landslide, a debris flow originating from a fill slope on the Peak. A few years later, in 1904, a conventional electric tram service was implemented along the northern side of the Island between Shau Kei Wan and Kennedy Town. Both of these are still running today. Railway track, with locomotives, trucks, and steam-operated cranes, were widely used around the turn of the century for transporting/handling freight in the dockyards and site construction materials.\n\nIn 1905, the Government took over a part of the concession to build a section of the Kowloon-Canton Railway (KCR), namely that between Kowloon and the Chinese border. The 34km-long railway, which was completed in 1910, involved construction of five tunnels, 48 bridges (the largest span being 30.53 metres on an irregular skew over-bridge at Hung Hom), 66 culverts, workshops, and stations, drainage channels, and a little roadwork, the creation of a 16ha reclamation in Kowloon (in Tsim Sha Tsui and Hung Hom bays), and many cuttings and end-tipped embankments, including those along the exposed seaward sections between Sha Tin and Tai Po. In all, some 2.6M cubic metres of materials were handled in the earthworks. A contemporary technical discussion indicated that slopes of 1:1 were generally adopted in cuttings on which \"turf grew excellently....... Good results were obtained by plastering bad decomposed rock faces with a mixture of lime, sand, and gritty red earth\". Labour guilds kept the rates of wages relatively high (those for the building trades and for dressed granite even approaching those in England) and regulated the quantity of work to be undertaken by the various classes of workmen.\n\nThe 2.2km-long, 5.2m-wide horseshoe-shaped brick-lined Beacon Hill tunnel, which at the time was longer than any in China itself, was ranked as one of the outstanding engineering achievements of its day. To gain access to the south face, it was necessary to build a temporary 3km-long metre-gauge railway from the nearest jetty at Tai Kok Tsui,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214101,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 169,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "138\n\nlikely each walled, using courtyards to form internal spaces for living and congregating and no formal external spaces for public gatherings. The latter structures were erected by Portuguese engineers, naval officers and church officials according to the general principles of building of their culture and time. The city was immediately divided into two - a fortified western city and housing for the Chinese outside the walls.\n\nIn the course of these first three centuries of occupation, we see a growing formalisation of the city. The earliest map we can find of the city is one published in 1796 by Sir George Staunton in his report on the Macartney embassy to China (Hong Kong Museum of Art 1996). Redrawn for clarity here as Figure 1, the original is annotated to identify six forts, three parishes, two colleges, four convents, four chapels and sixteen locations of note, including two Chinese temples. There are obvious mistakes in the overall shoreline when compared to more modern surveys but the form of the city can be seen. The inner and primary harbour is on the northwest shore which is more protected. The outer harbour on the southeast, the Praia Grande, is lined with buildings,\n\nFigure 1: 1796 including the governor's house, the houses of leading traders and significant ecclesiastical institutions. At the southern tip is a hill on which forts and churches stand, with temples as its base. The urban pattern is one that urban theorists in Europe such as Camillo Sitte would be familiar with and perhaps use as an exemplar. Organic growth between the Praia Grande and the harbour has led to narrow winding streets that open into wider intersections.\n\nPlazas are formed adjacent to the significant churches. A large market square is found in the middle of the city. The fabric of the city is woven from filaments of narrow lanes and nodes where people gather. Although we have no earlier maps of the city, the same pattern can be seen in the 1598 engraving of Macao (Amacao) by Theodore de Bry (Hong Kong Museum of Art 1996) with the Praia, the harbour, squares and churches.\n\nLooking at the 1898 map (Figure 2, from Hurley 1898), we see the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214125,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 193,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "164\n\nMichael Lau, was to see this problem had been solved, with the difficulty now being how to restrict the visit to a small number of galleries rather than to try and see too much in the limited time available. Accordingly, we visited the most renowned galleries only, those housing Ancient Chinese Bronzes and Ceramics. We were well rewarded by the quality and range of exhibits on display. Our enjoyment and understanding was greatly enhanced by explanations provided by the two senior staff members provided for us as gallery guides by Museum Director Ma Chengyuan.\n\nThe next day, Saturday, we drove out north-west of Shanghai to the Jiading County Museum, in particular to see the exhibition on the former Jiading Imperial Examination Hall. RAS Council Member Joseph Ting, who also was our guide that day, had arranged this visit. (Prior to the visit, before leaving Hong Kong, Dr Betty Wei3 had given members a talk on the Hall and the imperial examination system, so important in China prior to 1905).\n\nAgain we were given VIP treatment, with Director Zheng of the Jiading Cultural Bureau and Director Yang Chun of the Museum, addressing us upon arrival and providing us with an enthusiastic and knowledgeable guide, Ms Liu Chuyong. Members were impressed by the graphic quality of the exhibits, especially those on examination cheating methods.\n\nThe highlight of our Sunday programme was a tour of Old Shanghai, with our guide being Ms. Tess Johnston, author and raconteur extraordinaire, whose assistance had been obtained for us by Council Member Valery Garrett. After a bus tour of treaty port architecture, Tess led us on foot through the city's oldest area, Huangpu. There, one block west of the Friendship Store and two blocks south of the Wusong River (Suzhou Creek), on Huqiu (Museum) Road, near the junction with Dong Road, we found to our delight the old premises of the North China Branch. The building is now used as a bank and share-trading hall, but little has changed in its appearance and structure with RAS still to be seen on the pediment (see Illustration 1, a group photograph outside the building, and Illustration 2, plans of premises after the 1932-34 re-building; provided for us by Ms Johnston).\n\nOn the Monday morning our exploration of both the past and present",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214163,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 21,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "Appendix A\n\nTalks\n\n28 March, 1998, 19th Century Government-led Education in Hong Kong by Drs Verner and Gillian Bickley.\n\n29 March, Annual lectures in conjunction with South China Research Circle and the Antiquities and Monuments Office.\n\n3 April, Prisons and Paparazzi-how three generations of one family survived Hong Kong 1930-97, by Kirsty Norman.\n\n8 May, Identifying and Recording Hong Kong's Historical Gardens, by Bill Greaves and Bob Horsnell.\n\n29 May, The East River Column with Special Reference to the Hong Kong and Kowloon Group, by S.J. Chan.\n\n26 June, The History of the Hong Kong Film Archives, by Cynthia Liu.\n\n7 August, Imperial Connection: Chinese Snuff Bottles by Humphrey Hui.\n\n28 August, The Hungry Ghost Festival, presented by Elizabeth Sinn.\n\n18 September, Conservation for Hong Kong Museums, by Paul Harrison.\n\n30 October, An 18th Century Armenian Macau Merchant Prince, the Man and his Money, by the Reverend Carl Smith.\n\n23 November, Archery Seminar led by Dr Charles Grayson and organised by Stephen Selby in conjunction with the Asian Traditional Archery Research Network.\n\n11 December, Military Experiences in Hong Kong and Korea in the early 1950s, by Dr James Hayes, followed by dinner at the FCC.\n\nXX",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214168,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 26,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "# Appendix D\n\nThe RAS Volunteers\n\nThe main task of the RAS Volunteers is to assist the Government Antiquities and Monuments Office (AMO) by inspecting, reporting on and, if deemed worthy, grading, old, interesting Western and Chinese style buildings. Such research also often involves visits to the Public Records Office, libraries etc. to obtain further information. The results of inspection and research, by the RAS Volunteers, are finally passed to the Antiquities Advisory Board for formal recommendations for possible grading and preservation.\n\nDuring the 1998/99 year two formal meetings have been held between the Volunteers and the AMO and a visit was paid to view the Reverend Carl Smith's Card Index System.\n\nBuildings inspected and researched during the year included churches and religious buildings, military installations such as old gun emplacements, terraces and an old pawn shop in Johnston Road, Wanchai. A full programme of structures, to which visits have to be paid, lies ahead. New members, especially those with an appropriate expertise to offer, are welcome to join the Volunteers.\n\nThe RAS Volunteers are led by two experienced surveyors who are both long-time residents of Hong Kong: namely Bill Greaves and Council member Bob Horsnell. We are grateful to both of them for the amount of work they put in leading the Volunteers. We are also grateful to the Volunteers themselves.\n\nXXV",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214179,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 37,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "A bilingual notice was posted at the City Hall Public Library to make users aware that the RAS Collection is available for public reference at the City Hall Reference Library. The notice has recently been enlarged to help publicise the Collection. This has led to an increase in the usage of the Collection for consultation.\n\nUsage of the RAS collection for reference has increased by 18%. But while the number of borrowers has dropped by 52%, the number of books loaned out has increased by 6%. As reported by the City Hall Library Office, usage of the RAS Library for the period from 1 March 1998 to 28 February 1999 is as follows:\n\n  \n    No. of reference enquiries\n    No. of books consulted\n    No. of borrowers\n    No. of books loaned out\n  \n  \n    172\n    454\n    88\n    105\n  \n\nJulia Chan\n\nHon. Librarian\n\n1 March 1999\n\nxxxvi",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214249,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 107,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "70\n\nthe primary one in China being as the Lord of the Underworld known as Yen-lo Wang. In later Brahmanist mythology he is one of the eight Lokapalas, the guardian of the south and judge of the dead. He was the son of the sun, with a twin sister Yamuna - regarded by some Hindus as the first human pair. An image of Yama is present in both the Pi-yun Ssu and the Ta Pei Ssu.\n\nIn northern China images of Yen-lo Wang have been noted in several old temples where he is portrayed as a benign elderly human, dressed in court robes and cap of dynastic China. In the Kuan Yin Hall of the Ta Pei Ssu in Peking his image depicts him thus, with his hands held palms together before his chest. He has no unique characteristics and is known simply as Yen Mo Lo. He is referred to by the temple staff as Yama and appears to have no other title and is looked upon by the monks as the Lord of the Underworld. In the Pi-yun Ssu he is a general wearing armour under his colourful robes and has an axe clutched in his right hand. His left hand is held across his body pointing with two of his fingers. He has dark skin, round eyes, a short black beard and moustache and a scarf swirling behind his head hanging down in front of his body.\n\nThere is also Yen-mo Hu-fa, a Lama Buddhist [Tantric] deity, whose image stands in the Lama Temple in Peking. It is typical Tibeto-Mongol iconography, swathed in silken robes obscuring the body leaving only the fierce head and the raised right arm visible. The head, which looks somewhat like a blue pig with gold eyebrows and red mouth, has a row of skulls across the top of the head mounted on a coronet, with a fiery nimbus behind that. He is holding in the air in his right hand a short rod [a heavenly cane] with a miniature white skull mounted on the top. Without the silken robe the deity is revealed standing on a blue horse or mule which, in turn, is prostrate on a naked human. The deity has another small blue-skinned demonic figure standing before him, facing him and holding its hands up towards the deity in supplication.\n\n14] Sagara known in Chinese as P'o-chie Lung-wang and P'o-chie-lo\n\nSagara is the Naga King of the Ocean Palace north of Mount Meru,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214316,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 174,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "138 \n\nLegends surrounding the birth, life and death of Xu Sun are numerous, complicated and tangled stories. Just before his birth his mother is said to have dreamed that a golden phoenix dropped a pearl from its beak into her hand. A popular story claims that he was born either in Henan province or at Nanchang in Jiangxi, ca AD 240 where he lived out his life as a saintly doctor. Xu Sun passed the imperial examinations, became a prefect of a district and distinguished himself by his benevolence. According to some versions, his popularity was due to his power and ability to heal diseases using secret preparations. Others claim that he was an official who, having served in Sichuan province, died in about AD 293 or AD 374 when still only in his fifties. In another version, a typical mythological finale to a virtuous and extraordinary life, he died at the great age of 134 and was borne off to Heaven 'together with his wives, children, dogs, chickens and beasts'. \n\nMembers of the Daoist Jingming sect claim that he was the founder of the cult with its centre at the temple dedicated to him in Nanchang city. This no longer exists; however, a temple dedicated to him in the small town of Xi Shan [Western Hill] some twenty miles south-west of Nanchang, is the present cult centre. A large notice before his altar in the temple informs devotees that he lived during the Eastern Jin [317-420 AD] and during a twenty year struggle managed to solve the problem of annual flooding in the province and that he should be revered mainly for his success in water conservancy in northern Jiangxi, particularly around the Boyang Lake. The notice also claims that he lived for 136 years. \n\nHis cult centre in Xi Shan is now a bustling temple complex with two main halls and some four lesser halls set in large grounds. The two large main halls, side by side, are dedicated one to Xu and the other to the Jade Emperor. The inside walls of the hall dedicated to Xu are lined with some twenty or so anonymous minor perfected lords whilst the Jade Emperor's hall is lined by sixteen guardian generals, again unnamed. The Jade Emperor is flanked by four major Daoist deities, the philosopher Lao Zi; the founder of the Heavenly Master sect Zhang Daoling; the doctor of the Eight Immortals Lü Dongbin and the Northern Emperor, Zhen Wu. The main altar in Xu's hall bears two images of Xu, one tall gilded statue of Xu standing, and a smaller, portable image of him sitting swathed in red robes. Neither has any unique characteristic and he is depicted with a black beard, pink face and holding a tablet in both hands before his chest. He is attended by two youthful attendants.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214357,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 215,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "180\n\nOne of the many deities canonised by Jiang at the Investiture was Tai Sui, the Ruler of the Year. In the Feng-shen Yanyi he is also known as Yin Jiao and under that title is usually represented on altars by one image. In southern Chinese communities, however, as Tai Sui he is more often portrayed by sixty separate images each representing a year of the sixty-year cycle of the Chinese calendar, and devotees wishing to seek his aid will place spirit money offerings under the image in the group representing the year of the devotee's birth. In a number of the smaller popular religion temples in Hong Kong and Macau several rows of Tai Sui images, depicting all sixty, line one of the sidewalls of the main hall. Although in a few temples each of the sixty images is carved with unique characteristics, in the majority they are merely sixty identical heads, each mounted on a frame concealed under a red cloth robe. Even when the deity is portrayed as a single image, normally he can easily be identified by the pile of spirit money placed under his image.\n\nSome months later, this time in central Shanxi province, we came across a former temple which had been converted into what can only be described as a \"waxworks\" museum of celestial and historical deities. The contents of the former temple had been destroyed during the Cultural Revolution, whilst the structure had recently, in 1995, been turned into a museum. It stands on the major highway between Taiyuan, the provincial capital, and Pingyao, to the south, but rather surprisingly no attempt seemed to have been made to advertise its presence to passing motorists. The halls had been labelled guiding visitors to Historical Heroes, The Eight Immortals, Mythological Worthies and the Underworld.\n\nThese two examples, and there are probably more, are local provincial or county initiatives to remind Chinese of their cultural, feudal heritage but without offering any opportunity for worship or reverence. Similar refurbishing has taken place of many of the old, larger Buddhist and Daoist monasteries in northern China but with a difference. These too are places where visitors can nowadays pass several hours of pleasurable 'tourism' but a number of them have also reverted to being working temples and monasteries with priests and rituals. The weekend visitors from the cities enjoy the scenery and ambience and in some temples offer up incense without let or hindrance to one or more of the major deities. Although to foreign visitors what we saw",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214367,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 225,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "191\n\nindustry. It was common, so it claimed, for construction teams to hold Taoist rituals, including the sacrifice of oxen before work began.*\n\nOn the other side of the coin, according to the Bureau of Religious Affairs, about 200 Taoist temples have been re-opened to the public in China since the 1980s and seven Taoist provincial associations have been established. One of these temples is the former Taoist Cheng-i sect centre, the Heavenly Master Sect temple [T'ien-shih Miao] on Dragon and Tiger Mountain, Lung-hu Shan, in Kiangsi province. It was burned down in 1945 and work on rebuilding it did not begin until 1983. This consisted of the renovation of the main hall and the re-sculpturing of the images of the San Ch'ing, the Three Pure Ones, and fourteen other clay statues. Other sites nearby have also been renovated, including the Shang Ch'ing Palace, where the Immortals lived, and the Lien-tan Ch'ih, the Furnace [where pills of immortality were made]. It is interesting to read that both local and central authorities donated more than half a million yuan towards the project.\n\nAbout the same time as the iconoclastic campaign began, a ban was also imposed in Tsingtao, the port in southern Shantung, on the manufacture, sale and burning of funeral objects in a bid to curb a resurgence in superstition.\n\n...\n\nDespite all of these reports of the destruction of illegal temples and the crackdown on superstition, my daughter and I during the years 1995-1997 have visited a number of temples both urban and rural in remote areas of China as well as in cities and towns which, without doubt, fall under the category of superstitious religious establishments. We have not only been guided to several such temples by policemen but also in one instance we found the local party cadre actually lived with his mother inside a small popular religion temple. The only instance where a member of a temple staff had reason to explain that an activity was banned because it was superstition happened in the suburbs of Shanghai. When we asked why there were no oracular blocks on the altar with which to obtain the deity's answers to questions posed by devotees, we were told by the temple guardian that this particular practice was superstition and not permitted, whereas other routine rituals seen in temples in Hong Kong and Taiwan were. A Chinese scholar recently explained that in his view illegal temples are the structures built without permission because local State authorities have not had the quid pro quo erection of a village school, crèche or health centre paid for by the villagers with the same sum funded for the project as\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214395,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 253,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "(Source: Annual reports of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs)\n\n219\n\nThe 1928 Annual Report of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs stressed that it was 'gratifying to note that close co-operation exists between the District Watch Force and the Police Force. This was certainly a considerable improvement from the situation which existed a mere decade earlier when District Watchmen had been specifically excluded from searching passengers who arrived at or left Hong Kong by ship.24\n\nIn 1930 a new Ordinance, No. 23 of 1930, was passed entitled the District Watch Ordinance and, although its provisions differed very little from Chapter IV of the 1888 'Regulation of the Chinese Ordinance,' it is useful to repeat the justification given by the Attorney General at the first reading of the new Bill since it illustrates the apparent high regard in which the Force was held at this time: 'It has been decided that this very valuable Force should have an Ordinance of its own and the name of the Committee had been changed from The District Watchmen's Committee to the District Watch Committee as more suitable and as preferred by the Committee themselves.'25 Only when the replacement Bill was read for a second time do we see that a new ordinance was a necessity since other parts of the \"Registration of the Chinese Ordinance' were considered to be of no further use in the interests of the Colony generally.' Along with the new ordinance, a new pay scale was introduced in 1930 and the establishment of the District Watch Force rose to 133 which enabled the patrols to extend to Shamshuipo.\n\nDuring the next few years more Watchmen were recruited and by 1934 the full strength of the Force was 140. Not only did they attend the Police Training School, they participated in revolver courses organised by the Police. 1933 was particularly glorious for the Force since every one of the 131 District Watchmen who took part in the revolver course passed.26 Although the District Watchmen had considerable success in bringing suspects of minor crimes to Court, they were much more than a duplicate Police Force, even though they did assist the Police in dealing with serious crimes such as the riots of 1894 and Communist infiltration in 1929. We have seen that as early as 1883 they were engaged in sanitary duties and in 1899 'during the outbreak of plague in the summer months 8 District Watchmen were employed on special duty at the Tung Wah Hospital.' In the censuses of 1896 and",
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    {
        "id": 214416,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 274,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "240\n\njackets without waistcoats, with barely visible signs of neckties. All the offices are open wide; there, Chinese, under the supervision of Englishmen, pack and unpack bales, put them in piles, carry them to boats which then take them to the ships. Only the intrepid Chinese fill the streets, sitting in groups by the entrances, waiting for work, carrying Europeans in sedan-chairs. One sees their bare shoulders, backs, legs everywhere and their heads protected only by two tight thick rows of pigtail.\n\nWe reached the Chinese quarter, which begins immediately after the European. It consists of a huge row of shops, with living space above, as in Singapore. The shops are small, selling fabrics, crockery, tea, fruit. Artisans too are located here, tailors, cobblers, blacksmiths and others. By the doors signs hang from the top down to the floor: they are narrow, a quarter of an arshin* in width, strips of paper with Chinese lettering. The shopmen (shopkeepers?), all decidedly near naked, sit on the counters with their legs folded under them.\n\nWe entered a shop with fruit lying in mounds. Apart from pineapples and small oranges, called mandarins, all the others were unknown to us. The pineapples gave off their pungent aroma, while the shopkeeper reeked of garlic, and then to add to this, right next door, from a shop selling foodstuffs, emanated an almost putrid odour of meat hanging in the sun, fish lying in heaps, animal entrails, and still other items which we were reluctant to examine.\n\nKind K.H., at my request, tried all the fruit and gave me an accurate idea of how they all tasted - \"This one is sweet, with a pleasant sourness while this one is doughy and tasteless; and this one,\" he said about some small red skinned fruit, that looked more like a berry, \"smells of baked onion.\" etc.\n\nBy walking through the Chinese quarter we reached the sea and the floating population, then we went up a little hill and far down an alley - a continuation of the Chinese quarter. The same sort of shops, the same dirtiness. But in this confusion of cries, smells, in the crush, among the little hovels, midst all manner of stuff lying in heaps, the Chinese are somehow livelier, they walk freer: they've established their little China here and they're happy! In the European quarter, the space,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
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    {
        "id": 214441,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 299,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "266\n\nThe origin of the name \"Gun Club Hill\" is uncertain, but it may be because a gun club was once based there. Shooting was a popular pastime with the army and Kowloon with its market gardens, streams and paddy fields would have provided good sport. Game would have included resident birds such as the Chinese francolin or partridge, and the spotted-neck dove, as well as migratory birds such as teal, duck, geese, quail, woodcock and snipe. The latter are winter visitors and still visit Hong Kong. The writer has observed snipe on two separate occasions in the Kowloon urban area, once in Gun Club Hill Barracks itself. Doves can also still be seen in the Barracks.\n\nThe name \"Gun Club\" may however also be derived from the firing range in King's Park which followed almost exactly the present line of Wylie Road. Old record maps in the Public Records Office show the range extending north from the firing points at Gun Club Hill across Gascoigne Road to the butts near the present site of the old British Military Hospital. A shorter range, to the west of the military range, on the present site of Queen Elizabeth Hospital was probably the police firing range or the Naval Association firing range.\n\nThe whole of this area, now known as King's Park, was reserved for rifle ranges, field firing and military exercises. At the north end of the park was a hill known as Danger Flag Hill where red warning flags were flown when firing was taking place. This hill is now the public open space known as King's Park Rise Garden. Steps wind up the hill past numerous benches and pergolas to the summit where there is a curious rock formation of huge boulders almost forming a natural redoubt. There is now no evidence of any military use, although originally there may have been a range warden's store for targets and flags. There is a good view from the summit looking south down Wylie Road to Gun Club Hill.\n\nThe cession of the Kowloon Peninsula to Britain opened up new areas of training for the military. Companies from units based at Murray and Victoria Barracks were sent to Kowloon on monthly rotation for firing and musket practice. Before the barracks were built the troops were quartered in tents. Early photographs of Kowloon show large tented encampments stretching right across the peninsula.\n\nMatsheds were also used to accommodate newly disembarked",
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    {
        "id": 214506,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 364,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "333\n\nroad from the Town Hall and to the right of the small public gardens. The building is still in use as a court house, and so access is allowed but only as far as the entrance hall.\n\nAlong Hu Bei Road from the Town Hall we found the former German Police Headquarters, again still in use as a police station. Compared with the vast majority of other German buildings in Tsingtao, this delightful and typically German small town-hall-like building is now looking a little dilapidated, with broken windows and peeling plasterwork. Outgrown, like the Town Hall, the police station also has an extension - but little effort has been made to match the design of the original.\n\nThe end of Hu Bei Road led us into Railway Station Square. The old German railway station building serves as the main entrance to the present-day station and is a lovely example of its kind. Unfortunately, it has been added to by a ghastly and enormous blue glass thing that has nothing whatsoever in common with its illustrious forebear.\n\nAcross the square from the southeast corner is the former Bahnhof (Station) Hotel. Impressive from a distance, but rather run-down when seen at closer quarters. Perhaps this is a project that some German hotel company might consider taking up one day - to restore it to its former glory.\n\nThe flavour then changed from the secular to the religious, with a visit to the two main churches in Tsingtao. The Protestant (Lutheran) Church, near the junction of Long Jiang Road and Su Jiang Road, again is in excellent repair and is clearly treasured by the city authorities. Built partly of granite and partly of rendered brick, the church contains a plaque that records that the foundations were laid on 19th April 1908 and the church opened on 23rd October 1910. A trip up the commanding clock tower is worthwhile, if only to inspect the wonderful mechanical clock and bell-striking mechanism.\n\nThe Catholic Cathedral of St Michael is an imposing twin-towered structure just to the west of An Hui Road. On any visit to China, one must always be prepared for odd things to happen. We arrived to find the cathedral was \"closed for lunch\"! Our inspection was limited",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214507,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 365,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "334\n\ntherefore to the outside of the building, which is of neo-gothic design. Although built in the 1930s, long after Germany ceased to hold sway over Tsingtao, the cathedral was built largely with German money. However, before it was completed the money supply was drastically reduced by the incoming Nazi government. Hence the inside, had we been able to see it, would have shown such incongruous features as flat ceilings instead of the vaulted and beamed roof that the outside would suggest. Legend has it that during the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, two over-zealous Red Guards climbed the towers with the intention of removing the crosses from the top, but they fell to their respective deaths before completing their mission. As the cathedral is in a very narrow street, it is not possible to get a good camera angle unless one walks somewhat away from the front, down to the street to the left, where a lively street-market gives interesting and contrasting foreground possibilities - the whole looking rather medieval. In fact, the street market is worth a visit in its own right, being very extensive and lively. A chopper seller (as used in Chinese cooking and violent crime) was being very vocal at the time we were there.\n\nHills and beaches - the east of the city\n\nWe had organised a picnic lunch from the hotel. Given that time was tight we did not want to spend an hour or so hidden away in a restaurant. Instead, we took our picnic lunch up Qingdaoshan Hill, formerly Bismarck Berg. Access to the hill was somewhat unusual, being through a small museum on Jing Shan Road. The museum was in fact closed, but our guide managed to navigate us through and out of the back door, whence up the hill. A look-out post at the top gives good panoramas of the city and out to sea. The picnic lunch was adequate, but Philip Bruce appeared to be very pleased that he had brought his tin of sardines from the Co-op in Worthing.\n\nFortified and refreshed, our next mission was to find any remains of the German cemetery. Its location was clear enough from the many old maps that we had between us, but the guide was not hopeful of finding anything of interest. And so it turned out, or almost. The cemetery is now Baihua Park, and is remarkable for a reason that cannot be much further removed from cemeteries. On entering the park we noticed a wedding couple, and another - and another. There must have been upwards of 30 or more newly married couples wandering around",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214515,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 373,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "342\n\noccupation, from 1889 to 1930. I found the exhibits and many photographs more appealing than some of the captions (memories of the \"years of pain\" etc).\n\nMost of the rest of the interesting parts of the island are to the left of the ferry pier. The first attraction is the Ching naval barracks, beautifully restored and now looking as splendid as it must have done when it was first built. It is reputed to be the best (or only) example of its kind in China. Looking rather familiar in its design - it is built around three consecutive courtyards stretching back from the main entrance - one would be forgiven for thinking it was in fact a large temple, with its colonnades and red painted columns. But the naval barracks it certainly was, even though it was relegated to be the naval canteen during the period of British occupation. The whole complex is now open to the public as a museum; exhibits include a number of guns and a large model of a battle between the Chinese and Japanese navies. This latter is rather a generous gesture, given that the entire western-built Chinese navy was destroyed by the Japanese in 1894/95. Resurgence is evident, however, as plastic construction kits of today's Chinese navy can be purchased throughout the museum.\n\nLeaving the waterfront after the Chinese barracks one finds a dusty road on which stand a number of houses, again in good repair and apparently used. Standing proudly by itself is the Masonic Hall, now emblazoned with a red star in place of the masons' square and compasses. In the museum there was for sale a fat (324 pages!) little book in Chinese all about the British occupation. I bought a copy for RMB 10, not so that I could read it, unfortunately, but because it contained three contemporary maps of the island in English. These showed that the other houses around might have included the Surgeon Commander's Residence, the Coal Contractor's Residence and the Accountant Clerk's Residence. Exact identification proved difficult as some of the roads and paths had moved from their original positions.\n\nMoving towards the west we found what must have been the cemetery, but it was clear that nobody was welcome to enter - the gates were well locked and the walls were high. Peering through the cracks did not reveal any remains of gravestones. Perhaps these had fallen victim to the enthusiasm of the Cultural Revolution, along with the two churches, of which there was no trace either.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214517,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 375,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "344\n\nAlthough our Qingdao guide accompanied us throughout the trip, we were met off the ferry in Dalian by another guide - Ying, an expert on the local attractions, although she quickly learned, as had her Qingdao colleague before her, that she was surrounded by a bit more expertise than she found in the average tour group.\n\nYing and Jack, the driver, very quickly learned that her new brood had another difference. She greeted us at the ferry pier by saying: \"I suppose you would all like to go to lunch now?\" This was met by a resounding answer in the negative. Having been jolted about on the boat we were not immediately interested in food.\n\nDalian city tour\n\nInstead we asked for the bus to go round some of the streets in the old Russian quarter. Specifically, we pointed out the photographs in \"Far from Home\" and said that we would like to see those and see them we did.\n\nThe People's Theatre looks a bit more garish these days, and has been turned into a Blackpool-like amusement hall. However, the majority of what we had come to see was there waiting for us, looking as splendid and impressive as we had hoped. Zhongshan Square (the former Great Square of the original Russian plan) still contains all the solid bank buildings from many years ago. All are now Chinese banks, but clearly recognisable are the buildings from all the old photographs. The square also includes one of Dalian's three former Yamato Hotels, now glorying in the name of the Dalian Guest House. Do not be put off by this name, however it is far from being a bed and breakfast in Bognor. The wrought iron canopy leads you into one of the most impressive marble lobbies of any hotel I have seen. Our experience in Yantai leads me to believe that the term \"guest house\" is reserved for the grandest of available accommodation, reserved for the party's great and good.\n\nFor me one of the most distinctly Russian buildings, and one that features prominently in \"Far from Home\", is located just on the far side of the Victory Bridge (rather a practical name - not sure who's victory over whom), on the road leading north-west from Zhongshan Square.\n\nPage 375\n\nPage 376",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214607,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 22,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "Appendix Two\n\nActivities - Visits\n\nDate 1999\n\n24 April: Kadoorie Farm, led by Dr Gary Ades, followed by visit to Shui Tau and Kam Tin led by Jason Wordie and Dr Patrick Hase.\n\n29 May: Adornment for the Body and Soul, Ancient Chinese Ornaments from the Mengdiexuan Collection, led by staff of the Hong Kong University Museum and Art Gallery.\n\n15 to 18 June: Zhangjiajie, North-west Hunan Province, Tour, led by Dr Michael Lau.\n\n27 June: Ohel Leah Synagogue, led by Rabbi Kermayer and Glenn Fromm followed by lunch at Jewish Community Centre.\n\n24 September: Wo Hang Mid-Autumn Festival Fire Lanterns, led by Dr Patrick Hase.\n\n15 to 21 October : Bits of Broken China - Shandong and Dalian, led by Robert Nield, Sarah Parnell and Michael Broom.\n\n27 November: Backstage at the Opera, led by Dr Patrick Hase.\n\n18 December: Railway Museum, Man Mo Temple and Tai Po Tau Study Hall, Tai Po, led by Dr Patrick Hase and Peter Crush.\n\n2000\n\n15 January: Public Records Office, led by Carl Smith.\n\n26 February: Wan Jing Jai Temple and Kan Lung Wai Walled Village, led by Ron and Veronica Clibborn-Dyer and Peter Stuckey.\n\nDan Waters,\n\nPresident\n\nxxi",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214640,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 55,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "19\n\nnineteenth century that Sha Po started to establish itself as a separate village.\n\nAs well as the residences outside the walls, the village had its latrines outside the walls, on the northern side of the moat. There were three or four of these.\n\nTo the southwest of the walled village, and adjacent to the important footpath from the village to the South-East Gate of the Walled City, there were a string of important structures. Two or three large houses stood near the moat (one, owned by Ng Kit-san jointly with Ng Yuk-chan, was about 45 feet wide by 60 deep, with a courtyard and an outhouse as big as fourteen of the houses within the walls). Next to Ng Kit-san and Ng Yuk-chan's house, was the Ng clan Ancestral Hall, another large building (about 50 feet wide by 55 deep, with an outhouse, and a well) fronted by a courtyard: the village school was held in this building\". The school was managed by the Ng Shing Tat Tso Ancestral Trust, which went to great pains to hire a good teacher. They provided him with a spacious house outside the walls since the houses within the walls were too cramped to attract a good teacher. The teacher was probably housed in one of the houses owned by the trust in the Market perhaps the large house with a courtyard behind owned by the trust in Hoklo Tsuen, near the sea. With a house in the Market, the teacher would have been in close contact with the scholars who were to be found around the Sub-Magistracy and the Lok Sin Tong. The school had an excellent reputation, and attracted boys from the Market, as well as the village.\n\nThere was a wide footpath, which surrounded the moat on all sides. Four important footpaths fed into this path around the moat. To the northwest was the footpath which connected the Market at Kowloon City with Tai Wai and the villages of the Sha Tin valley. This path crossed the mountains by the pass below Lion Rock, and came into Sha Tin past the Che Kung Temple. To the northeast was the very important footpath which, having crossed the river, passed by Po Kong to the ferry pier at Yuen Chau Kok in Sha Tin (this was the main path between Kowloon City and Tai Po, Sham Chun, and Wai Chow). A branch of this path went to Siu Lek Yuen in Sha Tin. These paths crossed the mountains into Sha Tin by Sha Tin Pass and Grasscutters' Pass. To the southwest was the path to the South-East Gate of the Walled City",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214641,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 56,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "20 \n\nand the upper end of the Market (the Ng clan Ancestral Hall stood next to this road): this path went through the scattered houses of Tung Tau Village. To the south went a path which led to Sha Po Village, the lower end of the Market (where most of the shops owned by Nga Tsin Wai people were), and on to the pier. Of these, the path from the South-East Gate and on to Sha Tin Pass and the pier at Yuen Chau Kok was of major importance.\n\nThe Hong Kong Government did a traffic survey at Sha Tin Pass in late 1904, in an attempt to consider the profitability of the Railway then under planning20, 600 persons a day were recorded as crossing this pass, 280 of them \"carrying goods\" (a good deal of this trade was of fresh fish from Tolo Harbour being carried for sale at Kowloon City Market, and through the Market on to Hong Kong). This was a very summary and unsophisticated survey, and probably under-estimates the traffic (it took no account of the higher numbers passing on Kowloon City market days, and it is unlikely to have been undertaken from dawn to dusk), but still suggests very heavy traffic (even as it stands, it implies someone crossing the pass every daylight minute). The \"goods carried” would have been carried in the standard loads of 75 catties (100 pounds), and hence at least 12½ tons of goods were being man-handled over the pass every day at that date.\n\nBefore the opening of the Railway in 1912, wealthy men would hire sedan chairs and coolies to carry them over the passes. Sha Tin village elders remember the Tai Wai man who was, before 1898, a clerk in the Sub-Magistracy at Kowloon City, and who travelled to and fro by sedan chair, and remember also that, if a villager called a doctor from Kowloon City to visit them, and then the doctor would insist on being carried over the mountains in a chair. All these would have passed under the walls of Nga Tsin Wai.\n\nThis constant heavy traffic along the paths around the village brought business to Nga Tsin Wai. Cakes (Cha Kwo), and tea could be sold to passers-by, and also fruit and so forth. It is not known if any of the Nga Tsin Wai villagers worked as chair-coolies - it is perhaps more likely that the chair-coolies mostly lived in the Market - but there can be no doubt that all this traffic brought a lot of business the way of the village.\n\nJ",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214671,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 86,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "50\n\nbetter wooded - seven hundred years of cutting fuel by Nga Tsin Wai villagers on Lion Rock had left that mountain rather bare of wood). Their mountain could not supply all the fuel the village needed, given its bareness, and the villagers had to buy fuel in Kowloon Market from the hillside villages in Sha Tin which brought it there for sale. When the British closed the hills to wood and grass-cutting after the Lease, in order to undertake a major programme of re-afforestation (several hundreds of thousands of new trees were planted in the Kowloon Hills), this caused major problems to the villagers, since they now had to buy all their fuel (each village was given a fuel reserve to cut fuel from, but these had to be left until the trees there had grown). Illegal fuel gathering was endemic, and led to brawls between villagers and Forest Warders. One villager, at Ngau Chi Wan, according to the Ngau Chi Wan elders, shot and killed a Forest Warder who interrupted him while he was illegally cutting wood - the village, with considerable trepidation, decided to fee an expensive European barrister, who, to the village's vast delight managed to get him off (the village is still speaking of this 80 years later).\n\nVillagers often went down sick (the average age of death in the New Territories in 1911 was about 20 years of age, and those who survived to 16 could expect to die by about 45-50). There were several dozen doctors in Kowloon City, but they were very expensive, and the villagers rarely used them. The Lok Sin Tong would give free medicine as a charitable act in certain circumstances, and the villagers would sometimes go there, but usually the villagers used their own village remedies, using herbs from the hills, which were boiled up to make medicinal teas or used to make medicinal washes or baths. Not all the village families knew which herbs to pick - village families with this knowledge kept it secret as it represented good income. Some village remedies were fearsome - a tea made from boiling up bat-dung scraped from the floor of the Ancestral Hall was used to cure certain childhood fevers, for instance, and a split pod of wild black pepper was bound round the wrist of children seriously ill with malaria, and left there until it had eaten its way deeply into the flesh. Witchcraft, involving secret prayers and incantations, and strange ritual acts, was often used as well - there were several village women who knew how to \"call the spirits\" in this way.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214679,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 94,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "58\n\nsmall patches of vegetable fields. The present Diamond Hill Squatter Area, with the remains of the old Tai Hom Village at its centre, is all that remains of this huge area today.\n\nNga Tsin Wai was buried in this squatter area. Squatter huts were built up against the outer face of the old walls of 1724. The old moat area was not built over, however, because the ground there was too unsafe and damp. The Ng clan Ancestral Hall disappeared into the centre of the new Tung Tau Squatter Area, and the area north of the village was covered with a network of vegetable plots and squatter huts. As before, the villagers were, in most cases, quite unable to get any rent from the squatters, and just lost control of their sole economic asset - their fields.\n\nTo the northwest of the village an even larger squatter area developed around the Wong Tai Sin Temple (founded here in the 1930s), and the villages of Ta Kwu Leng and Shek Kwu Lung. This squatter area was cleared from 1955 for the construction of the Wong Tai Sin Housing Estates: Ta Kwu Ling and Shek Kwu Lung villages were cleared with the squatter huts which surrounded them. No special compensation was paid to the villagers of these villages, who received cash for their fields, and a unit in the new estates. Thus, by the middle 1950s, Nga Tsin Wai was left as the only indigenous village left in the whole area, except for Chuk Yuen, Yuen Ling, and Ngau Chi Wan to the east.\n\nNgau Chi Wan with Pak Uk Tsai was in turn cleared for development in the late 1960s (the villagers here were given a resite just north of the new road), Ngau Chi Wan for the construction of Lung Cheung Road, and Pak Uk Tsai for the site formation for Ping Shek Estate. What was left of Chuk Yuen went in the early 1980s (some of the village had disappeared a decade or so earlier), for the development of Open Space along Po Kong Village Road. Both the Yuen Ling villages went in the early 1990s, with the squatter area which surrounded them, for the site formation for the Chi Lin Nunnery.\n\nAt Nga Tsin Wai itself, the site formation for the original Tung Tau Estate (1960), and its access roads, led to the resumption of all the remaining village fields. The Ng clan Ancestral Hall was cleared with the squatter area around it. A resite was given for the Ancestral Hall, at the western end of the old moat (the resite was less than a quarter the",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214684,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 99,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "63\n\n16 The date is engraved on the earth god shrine in the village\n\nFor the Ta Tsiu at Nga Tsin Wai, see J W Hayes, The Rural Communities of Hong Kong Studies and Themes, Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1983, pp 157-159 See also p 162\n\n18 These guns were all sunk in the moat immediately to the south of the village gate when the Japanese came\n\n19 In the 1902 Block Crown Lease, the Ancestral Hall is shown as the Ng Kit-san house, and the Ng Kit-san house as the Ancestral Hall by some strange error\n\n0\n\n1\n\n༣།\n\nDespatch from Sir M Nathan to Colonial Office, January 11th, 1905, in file CO882/6, printed in Eastern No 88, Confidential Hong Kong Correspondence [December 15 1903 to February 27 1907] Relating to the Proposed Canton Kowloon Railway', printed for the use of the Colonial Office, April 1907, No 59, pp 81-88\n\nThe slopes to the east of Lion Rock were under the protection of Kwun Yam These slopes were called Tsz Wan Shan (Fill, “Mountain of the Cloud of Compassion one of the titles of Kwun Yam) There has been a temple to Kwun Yam half way up to the pass since at least 1853, probably much earlier The early ownership of this temple is unclear\n\nInformation on the Chus is taken from their Tsuk Po, a copy of which I was kindly given by Dr James Hayes, and from notes of interviews Dr Hayes had with Chu clan elders in the 1960s See also, Southern District Board, 1996, p 138\n\nOn the Tung Shan Temple, see J W Hayes, \"The Kwun Yam - Tung Shan Temple of East Kowloon, 1840-1940”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol 23, 1983 pp 212-218\n\n*For instance, in Aed (), Joint Publishing (Hong Kong), 1994, p 44, and RPF Lam, ed The Hong Kong Album, Urban Council, Hong Kong, 1982, p 66\n\n25 I am indebted to Dr James Hayes for much of the detail of this section\n\n26 See A Lui, Forts and Pirates, op cit p 31",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214738,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 153,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "117 \n\nA Review of the Literature? \n\nStrategy \n\nIn terms of the strategic and historical aspects of the Battle, the best known works from the British points of view are those of Winston Churchill (Churchill 1950), the Minister who led Britain to final victory, and Liddell Hart (Liddell Hart 1970), the strategist renowned for his theory on the use of tanks in modern warfare and \"indirect approach” (Liddell Hart 1991) as a general war strategy. There are few recent works in English that make reference to Hong Kong at this level of analysis. The common tenor of Churchill and Liddell Hart was that Hong Kong could not be defended. The former, however, held that Hong Kong should be nominally defended to deter the Japanese. In early 1941, Churchill told General Sir Hastings, his Chief of Staff: \n\n\"There is not the slightest chance of holding Hong Kong or relieving it. It is most unwise to increase the loss we shall suffer there. Instead of augmenting the garrison it ought to be reduced to a symbolic scale.... Japan will think long before declaring war on the British Empire, and whether there are two or six battalions at Hong Kong will make no difference to her choice.” \n\nIt was true that Churchill's Chiefs of Staff favoured reinforcing the Hong Kong garrison so that it could maintain a \"more worthy” defence or even a degree of deterrence, and Major-General A.E. Grasett, the former General Officer Commanding in Hong Kong, made a contribution to the strength of the defence by arranging for two Canadian battalions to arrive in the Colony in October 1941. Yet, under the dominant influence of Churchill's strategic concept, the Hong Kong garrison was outnumbered three to one by the Japanese when the invasion occurred. \n\nChurchill's position and decision apparently attracted universal criticism after the war. Liddell Hart thought that this was a patent mistake, which was exacerbated by Grasett's contribution, which cost many lives of the garrison. In other words, Liddell Hart considered that as Hong Kong could not be defended, it should not have been defended. In his History of the Second World War, Liddell Hart recalled what he said to General Dill in March 1935 about Hong Kong",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214761,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
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        "page_number": 176,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "140\n\neverything off just before dark. The AIS is full of naval personnel all trying to find accommodation and food. After a mad scramble, manage to find a bed and retire early, tired and hungry.\n\nThursday eleventh. Commander Millet OC AIS asks me to form antiaircraft and defence posts for Aberdeen as RAF only people with machine guns. I fix up four posts on the roof with tommy gun posts on the verandahs. The AIS makes a wonderful target being only half a mile from the naval dockyard. A hospital has been set up next door to the armoury. For breakfast we get one slice of bread and a little butter and tiffin is the same. For supper, if we're lucky, we get hot stew. Intensive bombing of Aberdeen harbour causing heavy casualties. How we curse the bombers and wish we had a few Gladiators which would make short work of them. Jap fighters are quite slow.\n\nFriday twelfth. Up early and drive in to HK. Buy food, cash a cheque and have a steak at Jimmies. Send cables to Pam and Mother. HK shelled from Kowloon. All our troops evacuated from Mainland. Hear that Walter Rosa, Dick Stanton, Houston Boswall and Bell who messed with us at Kai Tak have all been killed. Small party of Indians still fighting on Devils Peak. Royal Scots fired on in Nathan Road by Chinese fifth columnists using automatic weapons but Scots wipe the whole lot out. Chinese reported assisting Japs on large scale. Amazed at sinking of Prince of Wales and Repulse, also Jap successes against Americans. No one however doubts the final outcome and we realize that HK is only small fry in a tremendous issue.\n\nSaturday thirteenth. I set up antiaircraft positions on Bennetts Hill and Reservoir Hill with RAF personnel. CO goes to battle HQ, leaving me in charge. Dolly goes to Little Saiwan and the Colonel to Stanley. After much sweated labour get guns etc. in position. Whimpeys is in charge of Reservoir Hill and I of Bennetts Hill. I return to AIS for the night and at midnight there's a hell of a commotion and everyone is roused as the Japs are supposed to have landed on Aberdeen Island. Whole thing a farce and return to bed.\n\nSunday fourteenth. Set up positions on Bennetts and start digging holes in side of hill for billets. Junior and I dig like mad but, owing to rocks, make little progress. Quiet day except for a few air raids. Bed extremely hard and rain comes in.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
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    {
        "id": 214781,
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        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 196,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "DONALD SAMUEL HILL PAMELA SEELY KIRRAGE.\n\n161\n\nDid these have any significance? Then, lying awake in bed early one morning, it suddenly occurred to me to count the number of letters in the names—34! It must be that these names were used as a keyword to rearrange the columns of each block, another standard method [2]. Text written out in block form can be rearranged by changing the order of the columns. The keyword is written over the columns in a block which are then reordered so that the letters in the keyword are in alphabetical order. Reversing the process is simply provided that the keyword is known. Well, it seemed like a good idea until I was again staring at lots of jumbled letters. Still, I was convinced that it was no accident that there were 34 letters in these names and that I had just made a third important step forward.\n\nI was sure that I was now close to deciphering the code. However, time was running out and a new semester with a busy teaching schedule was looming.\n\nFig. 2: Donald and Pamela on their wedding day in 1946\n\nThe Final Step. I returned to the diary and pored over the pages, looking for any small clue that might provide more information. On some of the early pages, some numbers had been ringed. Often these were so faint as to be hardly visible. For each one, I counted the number of characters from the beginning of its block. Some of the positions were\n\n693, 759, 990, 363, 726,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214782,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 197,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "162\n\nWhich are all multiples of 33. This indicated that the letters should be divided into groups of 33 and not 34 as I had been doing. So I tried filling up each block by putting groups of 33 letters in columns rather than 34 letters in rows as I had done previously. I then ran my program to rearrange the 34 columns using the keyword made up of the names and looked at the output. There on the screen in front of me I saw the words 'war' and 'Japan'. I suddenly realised that I was looking at text which I could read! I sat there for a moment, hardly believing that I had at last cracked this 'simple' code.\n\nTranslation. I quickly translated the first few blocks of numbers which I had already put on the computer. I had to put in spaces between words and full stops were marked by an ‘x', (Note that the letter 'x' is two places higher up the frequency list from the diary compared with the standard list because of this.) The unfolding story was gripping. I borrowed a computer to take home so that I could type in more numbers during the evenings and then brought the disk in to work in the mornings, impatient to read the next chapter of the story. Finally the task was complete, and in 11 pages, a fascinating story of life in war-torn Hong Kong and as a prisoner of war was revealed for the first time in 55 years.\n\nThe work did not quite end there though. The last page of the diary contained an incomplete block. Because of the way it had been written, when this partial block was translated, it gave text with letters and blanks intermingled. Could the gaps be filled in to reveal more of the story? It is very difficult to guess at words which are incomplete. However, there was a dictionary on the computer that could be searched for particular strings which could include wildcards for the missing letters. This provided a very effective, systematic method for filling in the blanks. Some parts came together easily while others took more time but eventually, the gaps were filled in and the story told.\n\nThe Family. Mrs Hill was very pleased to have the diary translated after so many years. She said that reading it was like finding the missing jigsaw piece in her husband's life.\n\nAfterthoughts. The names on the front page and the boxes around the numbers on the first page were done by Donald when he once tried to show his son Christopher how to translate the diary. However, since",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214792,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 207,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "172\n\nSaub us uj, listen carefully to what the Master has to say, the Master carries a crossbow on his back and a cock under his arm to accompany you, and now leads you into a deep dark forest, with great crickets wailing, take no notice of them, have no fear, for this is the sound of your own daughters and sons weeping and lamenting, you make your own way and go ahead, go ahead and play\n\nSaub us uj, listen carefully to what I am telling you now, the Master has led you past the leaping mountain crags of Dragon and Tiger, I now take you to your very own country to find the hillside of your grave, that is your country and there is your land, putting aside the breath of life, go off and play\n\nThe Master who leads you to find your country and your land, will lead you to return home again along the flowery path of revival, in the central hall, you will hear the sound of the reed pipes like great crickets wailing, and the sound of the drum like the mighty thunder roaring, but have not fear, these are the ways and the paths of your ancient Mother and Father...\n\nIn tales and legends of the past, the Hmong who have traditionally been shifting cultivators, speak of a vanished kingdom from which they were ousted by the all-powerful, dominant Han Chinese (Tapp 1989). Their dislocation as shifting cultivators and denizens of South East Asia is thus constantly referred to a 'lost point of origin' which is at the same time, most definitely, a physically located place, assumed by many Hmong to be located somewhere in their ancestral homelands in the mountains of southern China.\n\nDuring the many deaths, losses and separations of the political conflicts the Hmong were involved in during the Indo-China Wars from 1954 to 1975, these legendary and nostalgic recollections of the past took on an added personal poignancy, as parents were separated from children, husbands from wives and brothers from sisters, during the fighting and then through the refugee diaspora which followed 1975. This is truly what Robin Cohen (1997) calls a ‘victim diaspora', showing clearly the intrinsic relation between the formation of modern nation-states and the existence of displaced populations (Vertovec and Cohen 1999; Agamben 1998).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214835,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 250,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "217\n\n \nwar, did his best to maintain control of his forces and to restrain the troops. Indeed, the more I read about Gough and his conduct, the more I admire the way in which he sought to conduct his operations. A few indications of his undoubted humanity may be given here:\n\n \nAt Amoy, Sir Hugh had published an Order of the Day, that \"private property was to be held inviolable, and that which in England obtains the name of robbery deserves no better name in China.” Camp followers who did try their hand at looting in Amoy were condemned to death on the spot.\" Such condign punishment is confirmed by an account from the Chinese side. The poet Chu Shih-yun of Chinkiang area mentions that the British executed two sepoys and put up a placard warning against rape and looting.22 Sir Hugh was equally solicitous in smaller matters. After the capture of Chenhai, he had stopped sailors who were hacking off Chinese prisoners' pigtails with their jack knives.23 In a more serious intervention, and with the Admiral in full support, he sharply opposed Sir Henry Pottinger's wish to plunder Ningpo “as a reprisal for the maltreatment there of British prisoners.”24\n\n \nSir Hugh's behaviour at Ningpo must indeed be regarded as exemplary. Anxious to save the place from the looting from which Amoy had suffered (from the Chinese rabble as much if not more than from his own force) as soon as the city was occupied he had called together some of the principal inhabitants and enlisted their cooperation in organizing a corps of Chinese police to protect private property. He was especially insistent that the troops should take good care of the buildings in which they were given sleeping quarters. \"When the Royal Irish and a company of the Westmorelands were stationed in a temple, he gave orders that they must not use the painted and gilded central hall, where examinations were held, for fear it might be spoilt.\"\n\n \n925\n\n \nUnfortunately, Gough's hopes for the city were dashed. Following the unsuccessful Chinese counter-attack on Ningpo, Chinese looters had taken advantage of the confused situation to loot the city with disastrous results. Sir Hugh wrote home, \"When I look at this place, I am sick of war.”26\n\n \nBrigadier Colin Campbell\n\n \nOther senior British officers also had scruples and set high standards",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214849,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 264,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "231\n\n[Seen but citation mislaid] The origin of the term \"Fokies\" is unknown to me. However, it seems to have been in use in the British navy long before the Opium War. For instance, it appears in the Account of A Voyage to India, China, & in His Majesty's Ship Caroline, Performed in the Years 1803-4-5 By An Officer of the Caroline, published by Richard Phillips, London, in 1806. There, it is written \"Fukki,\" and is applied to a Chinese pickpocket who got the worst of an encounter with a British naval officer on the street near the British factory at Canton (pp.70-71). This book is remarkable for the unmistakable impression it creates of the high morale, national pride and spiritness of a well-led ship's company, the very same qualities which were to be again much in evidence in accounts of the Opium War; whilst the fate of the forts at the Bocca Tigris in 1841 are foreshadowed by a description of the battery at “Annanhoy\" (Anunghoy) and its accompanying dismissal, “Such is the gasconade of the Chinese about a fort, that a man of war's launch, armed with a carronade, would knock about their ears in a very short time” (p.55 with 56-7).\n\nYet it would seem that those few naval officers with earlier experience of dealing with the Chinese bad, like the officer of HMS Caroline, already taken the measure of their military and naval officials and their equipment. Critical assessments can be found in John McLeod's The Voyage of [HMS] Alceste to the Ryukyus and Southeast Asia, at pp. 125-170 of the Tuttle 1963 reprint of the First Edition published by John Murray of London in 1817; and in Captain Basil Hall's account of the same voyage, Narrative of a Voyage to Java, China, and the Great Loo-Choo Island (London, Edward Moxon, new edition, 1840) at pp.68-76, including the forcing of the Bogue. Hall commanded the Alceste's smaller consort, HMS Lyra. The animated spirit of the English officers and men, and the keen sense of the national honour, and especially of the flag, are well to the fore. This voyage was occasioned by the embassy of Lord Amherst to the Chinese Emperor, the two ships conveying its personnel to and from China,\n\nREFERENCES\n\nCommander J. Elliot Bingham, RN, Narrative of the Expedition to China From the Commencement of the War to the Present Period : With Sketches of the Manners and Customs of that Singular and Hitherto Almost Unknown Country, (London, Henry Colburn, MDCCCXLII [1842].\n\nWilliam C. Milne, Life in China (London, Routledge, Warnes &",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214887,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 302,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "ONE OF HONG KONG'S MANY HILLSIDE TEMPLES:\n\n\"THE TEMPLE OVERLOOKING THE SEA'\n\nDAN WATERS\n\n275\n\nThere are a number of hillside temples, both on Hong Kong Island and in Kowloon. But very little appears to have been written about them or about the communities that worship in them and frequent their environs.\n\nThis short paper looks at a small, ramshackle temple complex, including 'The Temple Overlooking the Sea', which used to cling to the hillside. Painted somewhat garishly bright red, green and yellow, it stood downhill, on the western side of where the remains of the old British Pinewood Battery are still situated. The latter, at 307 metres above sea level, was the highest of all Hong Kong's coastal defence batteries. To get to the temple you went up the winding, partly asphalted and partly concreted, Hatton Road, which starts at the western end of Conduit Road, where it joins Po Shan and Kotewall Roads. Hatton Road is steep and leads up to the Gap between Victoria Peak and the still, relatively unspoiled, High West.\n\nAbout half way up Hatton Road, on the way to the Peak, there is a branch off to the right, and, a further 35 metres or so along with a pavilion atop Dragon and Tiger Hill on your right, you turn left on to a concrete-paved jeep track. Proceeding downhill for approximately 300 metres you can still see the hillside scars and sorry remains of the old Temple complex. They are situated along what is sometimes called Cheung Po-tsai's Path, named after Hong Kong's most notorious pirate who was especially active in the first decade of the 19th century. Whether he actually used the path is debatable. It circles the western end of Hong Kong Island above Mid-Levels.\n\nNotices were posted up in the summer of 1999, in the area around the 'Temple Overlooking the Sea', saying that the complex was to be demolished. It was an illegal structure. The old Chinese folk who were very attached to the Temple were naturally upset and, although there were no strong protests, a few of them did attend meetings organised by government departments. Although the Temple folk sometimes",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214993,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 89,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "45\n\nwas selected and marked with the so-called Chinese eyes like those on a sea-going junk. It served with the 6th Battalion first as Fly-paper though subsequently it was re-named Fan-tan. The 6th Battalion later adopted the eyes as a regimental symbol. Mr David Fletcher of the Tank Museum at Bovington, in correspondence with the author, was not aware that this symbol was not generally adopted in the Great War. The 6th ultimately converted to Whippets, on which Mr Fletcher had never seen the Eyes symbol. When the 6th Battalion was disbanded after the Great War its various honours and customs were passed to the 4th Battalion which then adopted the Eyes as a Battalion symbol. The 4th Battalion used it on their vehicles from the 1920s and, when they amalgamated with the 1st Battalion RTR in 1993, it was adopted by them. In the 1930s the 6th Battalion was reconstituted and was still around to take part in the 1956 Suez action and never got back their Eyes symbol!\n\nIn the main exhibition hall of the Imperial War Museum in London there is a Mark V tank with \"European\" eyes. These tanks were introduced in the Spring of 1918 and first saw action at Le Hamel in France in July 1918. This tank, Devil [T9171] was believed to have served with B Company of the 4th Battalion of the Tank Corps and was still in service in 1925. This tank, belonging to the 4th Battalion, would have been entitled to the Eyes symbol.\n\nCamps and Recreation\n\nCamps were maintained behind the Front lines, some of the larger being at Boulogne, Calais, Dunkirk with the Head Quarters at Noyelles-sur-Mer. Hospitals were at Noyelles-sur-Mer, Arques, Moulle and Calais, with the Shorncliffe Military Hospital at Folkestone also being used for sick and injured Chinese. There was a prison for Chinese at Noyelles.\n\nLabourers died as a result of disease, bombings, gassing and, after the war, when clearing the battlefields and when digging graves, by the many unexploded bombs and grenades. Many also died as a result of the post-war influenza epidemic known as the Spanish Flu. I have seen two photographs, taken of the funeral procession of the German flying ace, Baron Manfred von Richthofen [the Red Baron] at Bertangles cemetery on 22nd April 1918 and amongst the crowd looking over the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 214995,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 91,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "47\n\ntherefore separated into their own camps, for their own protection and also so that they could not mix with the British troops in general. They were supervised by their own British officers and NCOs. In death Chinese members of the CLC were buried in separate cemeteries or, if buried in cemeteries with Commonwealth dead, in separate areas apart from them. However, deceased British officers and NCOs serving with or transferred to the CLC were buried amongst other Commonwealth fallen. In life and in death the Chinese were isolated [reflecting the attitude of Europeans towards Asians in general and non-Christians in particular]\n\nIn mid-September 1917, Alec Paton, stationed at Zillebeke, Ypres, and serving with the Royal Garrison Artillery, obtained permission to visit Reninghelst to meet Claude Betts, a friend who had been promoted to company commander in the CLC. Before leaving Paton was in conversation with one of his officers who commented that he thought 'it would be a good idea to use Chinese as infantry, there being so many of them.' Adding that he wondered what the Germans would do if they saw ten thousand Chinamen coming over the top? In reply a wag said 'Run and bring their washing, I should think.'\n\nClaud Betts had learnt a few Chinese phrases as his labourers could speak no English and they were cunning enough to pretend they could not understand sign language if such meant work. As Alec Paton was passing through Reninghelst he noticed a sign, erected by HQ for the troops, which read ‘DO NOT SPEAK TO THE CHINESE.' Underneath, also in large letters, a wit had written, 'WHO THE HELL CAN?’.\n\nOnce again, to quote from the Directorate of Labour's Notes:\n\nComplaints. The Chinese, in China, are accustomed to seek redress of grievances by means of written petitions: locked petition boxes should be provided.\n\nThe Notes also included the following facts regarding the Chinese:\n\na] The Chinese coolie has an inherent contempt for foreigners\n\nb] He comes here purely and simply for money, with no interest in the war.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215063,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 159,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "116\n\nwhich tends to bewilder foreigners is the lone deity representing Taisui on one altar and images of his sixty forms on another. This appears to be due to a policy decision by the temple committee which decided that in addition to a lone Taisui, the whole group of sixty would be more appropriate and rather than replace the lone image they added the sixty on another altar. In other temples the Taisui group is represented merely by sixty almost identical heads affixed to individual wooden blocks that are covered in red paper or swathed in red ribbon. The range of images is quite wide with, for example, in a temple on Hong Kong island one of the sixty is an aged man with a long white beard. His image has as its neighbour a standing youth with one arm raised holding an axe.\n\nThe only image of the sixty which would seem to have a unique and extraordinary characteristic is the primary one of the sixty, Jiazi. It consists of two small arms in addition to his normal pair which emerge, one from each eye-socket, and stretch a short distance in front of his face with the forearms turned upwards at their elbows and the hands poised as if about to grasp something. Although his unique feature is to be seen in sketches in several 19th century western books, such as DuBose in 1885, his image depicted with his extraordinary feature has only been noticed on altars in three temples. All three are popular religion temples where all sixty images are arrayed along the walls of their side hall. In Pudong, across the river from Shanghai, he is portrayed as an ordinary male sitting on a bench, dressed in gilded robes, holding a small lion cub in his right hand. He has a black beard and eyebrows and with his unique feature. The Jiazi Taisui in the Taisui Hall in the temple at Song Shan in Taipei is wearing a blue outer robe decorated with gilded Daoist signs, and two large red roundels on his knees bearing the character Fu, for good fortune. He is holding two peaches in his left hand symbolising longevity, rather than a lion cub. An almost identical image is the initial Taisui of the set of sixty in the Taisui hall of the third temple, the Taipei Fazhu Gong Temple. However, this time the tiny arms and hands emerging from the eye sockets are much smaller than elsewhere. Nonetheless, the two sets in these Taipei temples have only been installed within the last decade and both sets appear to have been ordered from and carved on the mainland, possibly near Shanghai. These unique Taisui are obviously blind having these miniature arms and hands taking up their eye sockets, and temple custodians have no idea what these miniature arms signify. However, DuBose writing in",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215067,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 163,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "120\n\ndisasters.' She is portrayed as a Daoist deity sitting cross-legged on a lotus, with gilded robes and a small crown, and with eight arms and three faces. Flanking her are two demonic, black-skinned deities standing, each with six arms and dressed in armour, holding weapons and charms in each of their hands. They are her attendants known here as Gnasher, Qiechi J, and Biter, Yaoya, titles not encountered anywhere else. The sixty Taisui images stand on lower tiers in two groups in five rows, either side of a space between the groups leading from the main entrance to the main deity on the top tier. But before the main deity on the second tier is a lone Taisui, the Taisui of the current year, changed annually at the Lunar New Year. Finally, the sets of double doors to the hall are decorated with depictions of the deities of the Twenty-eight Constellations +, the Ershi ba Xiuxing each deity having a 'human' form and its own attributes.\n\nThe second temple is some fifteen miles from Nanchang, the provincial capital of Jiangxi province in mainland China. Once more there is a separate hall but here dedicated to the wife of the main deity of the complex, the major medical god Xu Zhenjun. In the centre of the Hall is a large rectangular altar with the sixty Taisui ranged on all four sides along two tiers, with the image of Xu's wife and her two attendants positioned on the top of the third tier where she is identified merely as 'Xu's wife,' furen A. Her Hall, the Furen Gong, has stood within the temple complex since at least 1820 though it, together with the other temple halls, has been destroyed three times. Once apparently by accident in 1820, once by the Taiping iconoclasts in 1856 and finally by the Red Guards in 1966. However, it has only been within the last century that her hall has had images of the Taisui added to the gods within the complex and placed on the lower tiers of the plinth of her altar. The temple custodian did not know who decided on this addition, why or when.\n\nIn both of these temples, as in a number of other temples, the images of the sixty Taisui are portrayed as individuals with unique characteristics. A few look demonic, the majority are normal humans, with or without facial hair, young and old, and all are seated and dressed in a wide range of robes. Some are soldiers, some elderly mandarins - and although from lists provided in temples they all have individual personal names, none apart from the President, Yin Jiao, would appear to be recorded in legend or myth. However, several god carvers in",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215070,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 166,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "123\n\nscroll stands in the centre and is flanked by two images each with his right arm raised holding a bell. The faces are one red and one black, and the pair are known as the Red Taisui and the Black Taisui, all three functioning as one deity.\n\nA six-armed image of Taisui in the side hall of the Penang City God temple shares the main altar with Guan Yin and the Great Saint [Qitian Da Sheng - though better known as the Monkey God]. In Cholon, Saigon, three separate deities are portrayed on one altar, each with Taisui added to his title. These are Ziwei Xingjun, Wenchang and Xuantan, the first being a stellar deity whose likeness is pasted or nailed to doors as a popular charm to ward off demonic attack, the second is the God of Literature and the third, a Wealth God. This nomenclature would appear to be a local whim, not seen nor heard of elsewhere.\n\nOnly in very few instances does Taisui have any assistants. Several temple keepers in Taiwan and Singapore explained that Taisui, like so many protective deities, has Five Demon Armies under his command. These he despatches to cope with recalcitrant humans who fail to honour Taisui properly or who have insulted him in any way. When humans come under any form of demonic attack the cause and source of the attack is usually revealed to them by mediums, who are then in a position to advise the individual what should be done to counter and ward off the evil effects, particularly so when the attack is mounted by tamed demons under the control of a deity, Taisui. They advise the human to immediately propitiate him and request him to call off his demonic forces.\n\nIn several novels Taisui is described as having ten assistants the last four being the gods of the year, the month, the day and the hour. All were described in the Deification of the Gods as having been slain at the famous battle between the good and evil forces at Wan Xian Chen and have been named as:\n\nLi Bing\n\n李丙\n\nHuang Chengyi\n\n黃丞乙\n\nZhou Deng\n\n周登\n\nLiu Hong\n\n劉洪\n\nIn a temple in Kalgan, a city known today as Zhangjiakou in the Chinese province of Inner Mongolia, Yin Jiao's second brother, Yin",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215082,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 178,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "135\n\nCelestial Stems, in the form of the Five Planetary deities, and the other five their counterparts according to the Five Elements. As an example we shall look at just one of the Five Planetary deities, the first stem, Jia, together with its counterpart humanised form the element Wood. The individual Planetary deity portrayed, Jia, is carrying a dish of peaches and is identified as Jupiter. This is the same deity as the one seen elsewhere with the small arms and hands emerging from the eye-sockets. A second wall dedicated to the Lord of the Southern Dipper, Nan Dou Xingjun, depicts the other Five Planetary deities and their counterparts.\n\nReverence of, and Ritual and Sacrifice to Taisui\n\nEach of the sixty Taisui is a guardian of the individual year, and is regarded as the deity in charge of his particular year responsible for the happiness of mankind, and for births and deaths during that year. Chinese place their offerings on the altar before or under the image of Taisui bearing their cyclic year-date of their birth. When such cyclical characters are used they are interpreted from a chart held by the temple keeper who is able to read off the year. In the City God temple in Yau Ma Ti in Jiulong, each of the sixty images which stand in serried rows down a side wall, is an identifiable deity but without its individual name or title being displayed. In Chinese folk religion temples in both Cambodia and Thailand, Taisui is presented with offerings 30 days after the safe birth of a child to ensure that a full life span is pre-ordained. In several of the Macau temples, slips of red paper have been pasted above each of the sixty images identifying the year and title of each of the Taisui. In other places, a number of characters on the front face of the base of each image identify which year of the sixty-year cycle the particular image represents, and in two temples at least, presumably for simplicity's sake, the number of the year is clearly written in ordinary characters.\n\nIn Hong Kong and South-east Asia, devotees place placatory offerings of spirit money under the image which bears the two characters for their year of birth of the sixty in the cycle, together with an oral request for a good year. Such piles of paper spirit money are a sure identification of the Taisui cult. These wads of \"hell\" paper money, either printed notes on the Bank of Hell25 or gold paper \"ingots\"26 [sheets representing offerings of precious metal], are placed beneath",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
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    {
        "id": 215083,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 179,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "136\n\nthe images with the temple keeper removing and burning them after fifteen or thirty days. The usual offerings to placate the deity consist of the three different cooked meats, fruit and tea (or wine) though before about 1955 it was not uncommon to see a candle burning in front of an image, placed there by a devotee whose year it represented. This was frowned upon by the Hong Kong authorities as a fire risk and the practice died out. Gray in Guangzhou [Canton] in the 1870s noted that under each image two or more small slabs of clay had been placed. These had been put there by votaries 'desirous to curry favour with the gods.' When there were too many for convenience they were removed by the person in charge of the shrine. Rev. Henry in Guangzhou in 1883 noted that the sixty small images, one to the presiding genius of each year in the cycle of sixty were raised on tiles with some bedecked with gaudy red coats, the gift of those devotees who had received special favours during their special years. Hardy (John Chinaman at Home) noted the sixty images in the same temple in Guangzhou, in a hall of the 'doctor' temple, before which the sick prayed for recovery before the spirit of his particular year, with people over sixty starting to count the years again from the beginning.\n\nA huge stove stood in the south-west corner of the Taisui temple dedicated to the planet Jupiter, within the enclosure of the Temple of Agriculture in Beijing, in which animals used for sacrifice were boiled or roasted. The sacrifice was performed on the penultimate day of the year or on a lucky day specially selected from the first ten days of the new year.\n\nImages of Taisui appear on the altars of some fifty-six temples in Hong Kong and on fourteen in Macau. Fifteen of these temples have the full groups of sixty images, the others have single images or small groups of two, three, four or six.\n\nTaisui Festival Dates\n\nTaisui is variously feted, nominally on the 7th of the first lunar month though more generally his festival is celebrated on what is called his anniversary on the 19th of the seventh lunar month. He was, however, officially sacrificed to in dynastic China in the Temple of Heaven in Beijing on the 28th day of the twelfth lunar month.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215108,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 204,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "161\n\nand the Fulu particular of two opera companies, the Xipi Pai and Erhuang Pai [or Fi Pai], the latter, the northern school, being especially dedicated to woodwinds3. In legend he is said to have had an emotional reunion with the soul of his dead concubine, Yang Guifei, in the palace of Guanghan on the Moon.\n\n4\n\nA tablet on a minor altar at the rear of a secondary hall in the temple of the City God in Hsinchu in northern Taiwan refers to him as Tang Xuan Zong, whilst his usual title in Taiwanese temples of the Lord of the Western Qin, Xi Qin WangyeE is not usually understood beyond Taiwan. There is no image, whereas in the Ma Tsu temple in Taipei a side altar is dedicated to him and his image, portraying him as a standard scholar-official with a black beard, is flanked by two very elderly male aides.\n\nIn South-east Asia images of the emperor have been seen in temples in Seremban and Ipoh in Malaysia, and in Singapore, in some of which he is simply referred to as Zunzhu Mingwang, the Lord Prince Ming, 尊主明王,\n\nAn image seen on the only altar in a side hall of the temple on Miaofeng Shan in Beijing's Western Hills and identified as Tang Ming Huang, is better known in the temple as the God of Happiness, Xi Shen [Photograph 2]. He is referred to as Liyuan Shen, and is portrayed as a smiling figure with beard and moustache, standing with his hands in a theatrical pose. His modern image is dressed in imperial yellow robes decorated with a large dragon and the whole body of the image is swathed in a red robe placed there by devotees.\n\nDisappointingly, there appears to be no image of the Concubine Yang on any altars. However, a modern [1996] tableau in an old temple, now converted into a theme-park, depicts in a series of life-size plaster images scenes ranging from the Tang Ming Huang's first sight of the Concubine Yang bathing, progressing through stages of his infatuation though ending before her death and his overthrow. This can be seen on a low hill overlooking the bend in the Yellow River at the south-western tip of Shanxi province, at a place known as Yang Guifei's pool. The main altar has the Tang Ming Huang and the Concubine sitting with her pouring wine for him. Before the altar stand three incense pots, a container holding fortune spills and plastic fruit as an offering and before",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215132,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 228,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "185\n\nTHE TWO OBELISKS AT TAI TAM\n\nDAN WATERS\n\nOn being driven around Hong Kong Island for the first time, in January 1955, the two large Obelisks on the southeastern side, one north and one south of Tai Tam Harbour, attracted my attention. Although I asked people about them at the time, as well as in succeeding years, I was able to glean little useful information.\n\nDr Solomon Bard, an historian who lived in Hong Kong for over half a century, wrote that the two Obelisks are each nearly ten metres high and that they may be mistakenly taken for commemorating an historical event (Bard, 1988:69). He continues that the Royal Navy erected them at the turn of the century (around 1900) as navigational aids. They are in line. That is they are on the same longitude, running north-south, and they are exactly one nautical mile apart.\n\nSomewhat contradictory to Bard a Hong Kong Government Marine Department manual quotes that the two Obelisks are nine metres high and three-quarters of a mile (presumably sea miles) apart, in line, bearing 358 degrees, and that they lead into the Bay. When one is standing overlooking the Harbour and gauging the distance across the water with one's eyes, Bard's figure of one nautical mile appears more accurate. In fact, if one scales the distance from a chart in my possession it does turn out to be one nautical mile, from obelisk to obelisk (Tai Tam Bay, Chart; 1894). Such obelisks are often called beacons in nautical language.\n\nThe squat, northern Obelisk stands high up on what is sometimes known as 'Obelisk Hill.' See Plate One (Mok, 1995:16). Its counterpart, the southern Obelisk, at the foot of so-called 'Red Hill,' is lower down with its seaward side painted white so it is more conspicuous. Like a sentinel it stands on the rocks with its base about 40 feet above the sea, depending on the tide, to the westward side of the entrance to Tai Tam Harbour. Made of concrete, both Obelisks are of similar size, appearance, and construction as one can see from Plates One and Two. Up until World War Two there was little scrub on the hillsides and the upper Obelisk could be seen more clearly (see Plate One). They both have bases about seven feet square, and the upper parts are each divided into",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215140,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 236,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "Car\n\nلا\n\nпроду\n\nThe second, identical, Obelisk stands on the rocks close to the sea,\n\nat the foot of Red Hill The Author stands alongside (Photograph courtesy David M Hodson)\n\n20\n\n193",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215174,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 270,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "232\n\nIn 1997 the RAS Volunteers were \"reactivated,\" this time without the help of the Hong Kong Institute of Architects. There were, however, a few RAS Volunteers who were surveyors or architects who were also members of the Institute of Architects. When operating, this second time around, all members stayed together as a single, large group. In this way it was easier to maintain enthusiasm. RAS members Bill Greaves and Bob Horsnell, both of whom are very experienced Chartered Surveyors and local historians, have in the main led the Volunteers, although other experienced members have occasionally assisted. One such person is Tim Ko, a local historian with a wealth of knowledge regarding military history. Our grateful thanks are extended to all our leaders.\n\nBuildings inspected, researched and reported upon have been wide and varied. They have included churches and religious buildings, military installations such as old gun emplacements, terraces and odd buildings such as a pawnshop on Johnston Road. A few Volunteers assisted Dr Solomon Bard with the Tai Fu Tai Garden archaeological excavation in the summer of 2001.\n\nYour Branch is grateful to all RAS Volunteers, both past and present, who have contributed in any way towards making the work undertaken by the Volunteers a success. Indeed, believing that one volunteer is worth 10 pressed men, it has been described by one or two Council members as one of the most meaningful ventures our Branch has undertaken. We are also grateful to a few non-RAS members who have helped the Volunteers on occasions together with a few members of the Royal Geographical Society who have provided support.\n\nKey: JHKBRAS = Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society\n\nJHKBRAS, Vol. 31, 1991; and Vol. 32, 1992, both pp. xi.\n\nJHKBRAS, Vol. 33, 1993, p. xiii.\n\nJHKBRAS, Vol. 34, 1994, p. xi: This was not the first time our Branch had assisted the AMO. A joint photographic exhibition was mounted in 1995/96, see JHKBRAS, Vol. 35, 1995, pp. xiii-xiv.\n\nJHKBRAS, Vol. 38, 1998-99, Appendix D, p. xxv.\n\nPage 270\n\nPage 271",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215226,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 3,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "CLARIFICATION – VOL. 39\n\nWith all due respect to the late Squadron Leader Donald Hill, the typographical and grammatical errors in P.J. Aston's decoded version of Hill's wartime diary, pp. 137-155, Vol. 39, are Squadron Leader Hill's.\n\nERRATA - VOL. 40\n\np. iii, 3rd para., 4th line: 'contrversial' should read 'controversial' p. iii, 4th para., 5th line: 'has' should read 'have'\n\np. 39, line 5: 'tatal' should read 'total'\n\np. 82, 1st line: 'naôve' should read 'naive' p. 103, caption: delete 'the' before 'courtesy' p. 106, caption: 'NCOS' should read 'NCOs'\n\np. 109, caption should read: 'Wooden carved plaque of two deer fighting presented to G.E. Cormack by members of the CLC in appreciation for his attention to their sick comrade. Held in the Imperial War Museum. March 2001'\n\np. 110, caption: 'imperial war museum' should read 'Imperial War Museum'\n\np. 234, caption: delete 'at dinner'\n\np. 255, title: 'Splendored' should read 'Splendoured' p. 257, 2nd para., 6th line: delete full stop before 'F'\n\np. 275, caption: 'Mary' should read 'May'\n\nThe inconvenient presentation of some of the photographs is regretted\n\nii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215246,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 23,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "It is likely that before the next AGM a full-scale donation drive will have been begun: members will, of course, be kept fully in the picture. In the meantime, preliminary discussions with the University of Hong Kong Press on the possibilities of establishing a series of monographs, funded by the Fund, and possibly to be called the \"Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong, Local History Series\" have shown considerable promise. Even though the Fund is not yet formally in being, donations of a little under $2,000 have already been made to it, which is a hopeful sign. Please watch this space for further details!\n\nLibrary\n\nOur Hon. Librarian will shortly give a Report on the work of the Library of the Society for the year, and I do not wish to anticipate what is in that Report. However, I must mention the move of the Library from its previous crowded location in the City Hall to far more spacious and satisfactory premises at the new Central Library in Causeway Bay, since this is one of the most important achievements of the Society during the last year. The Society has been looking forward to this move for several years. Now our books are housed in a fine space. They have all been treated with appropriate preservation measures. Our rare and valuable books are housed separately in a secure room. Now the Library is kept in a way appropriate to its status as one of the most important research libraries in Hong Kong.\n\nI am glad that so many members of the Society took advantage of the two visits the Society arranged to see the Library in its new setting. As you no doubt are aware, the books in the Society's Library are on permanent loan to the Leisure and Cultural Services Department. They remain ours, however. They are available to any member of the public to read, but only in the Reference Library of the Central Library. Members of the Society, however, who present their Membership Cards, can borrow our books (other than the rare and valuable ones). Furthermore, members may go into the stacks and work there (a small desk for the use of members has been provided). The Library is an important asset, and I am particularly glad to be able to report on its present flourishing and satisfactory situation.\n\nCouncil is anxious to continue to expand the Library, and thus to continue its development as a major research source for the study of\n\nPage XX",
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    {
        "id": 215254,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 31,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "Appendix\n\nDate Visits 2001\n\nSat April 28th: Sam Tung Uk Museum and Hoi Pa led by Valery Garrett\n\nSat 26th May: Mount Davis and Pinewood Batteries led by Tim Ko.\n\nSat 18th Aug: Preview of Hong Kong Museum of History led by Dr Joseph Ting.\n\nSat 15th Sept: Tour of the new Central Library in Causeway Bay led by Julia Chan and Dr Pat Hase (two visits)\n\nSat Sept 22nd: Private View - Chinese Textiles given by Valery Garrett and Chris Hall.\n\nFri Sept 28th to Wed Oct 3rd: Korean Palaces in Seoul led by Dr Pat Hase.\n\n2002\n\nSat 10th Nov: Visit to Dolphins led by Lindsay Porter.\n\n8-19th Feb 2002: Bhutan, led by Dr Brian Shaw.\n\nSat Feb 23rd: Guided tour of the Cultural Relics of the Great Wall Exhibition at the HKMH led by Dr Joseph Ting\n\nxxviii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215350,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 127,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "75\n\nsouls (that is the Second to the Ninth as the First and Tenth Courts are basically administrative.)\n\nc] Yinya Ya Shuai\n\nThe Silver Tooth Vice-marshal, P, has been noted only in one temple, a popular religion rural shrine in a Hainanese community in Paya Lebar in Singapore now long gone due to urbanisation. It is a unique image, a stark and fierce black-faced soldier holding two magic “swords\" (whips) one in each hand and sitting astride a mythical animal, possibly a Qilin. He is portrayed as demonic and may well be an aide to a major deity, the main deity on the altar being Lei Zu. He was not venerated in his own right, though devotees did place incense before his, and every other image in the temple.\n\nThe Silver Tooth Vice-Marshal is co-located in several Hainanese temples with the White Tooth General, Baiya Zhongjiang, who is also a minor deity, an assistant and escorting-general to Doutian Yuanshuai (Lei Zu) and also known as Baiya Jiangjun. His image has been noted only in Singapore and Seremban on folk religion altars where he is portrayed standing on one foot, with his right foot raised behind as if running, and holding a flag bearing the character, ling [By Order] in his left hand. He has a stark white face. His image in a Hainanese community temple in Payar Lebar Crescent, now long removed for a housing development scheme, was referred to together with the Silver-Tooth Vice-Marshal as one of the pair of deputies to the main deity on the altar, Doutian Fushuai. In another temple, he was co-located on a Hainanese community altar with Wantian Zhushuai who was less starkly white-faced. His image, primarily revered in Henghua Hokkien communities in Singapore and Malaysia, was portrayed as the main deity in the Under Altar at the side wall of the main hall of the Nine Carps Temple [Jiuli Xian] in Singapore as a seated scholar dressed in a white robe and scholar official's cap, holding a triangular flag in his right hand and a red globe in his left.\n\nThe temple custodian knew nothing of the origins or legends of either the White Tooth Marshal or the Silver Tooth Vice Marshal.\n\n7: Deified Locals\n\na] Two separate women have been individually revered on altars",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215406,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 183,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "132\n\nof the façade as part of broader surveys on the church of St. Paul's or the architecture of the Jesuits in China and, regretfully, not much new has been added to this particular question.\n\nIn order to make clearer certain developments related to the façade of St. Paul's, a limited number of churches and altarpieces in Spain and in Portuguese India will be discussed. But because of limitations of time, any detailed references to the ground plans, elevations, and dimensions of St. Paul's or any of these structures or buildings will be left out. It is mainly the façades of buildings as they relate to the main topic that are of greater importance here. Besides these analogies, I will further explore some relevant questions on the development of Jesuit buildings in India first expressed in an article written several years ago.\n\nThe Church of St. Paul's, Macao\n\nWhat once was the Jesuit Church of Madre de Deus, or St. Paul's, is today merely a church front, some 70 feet high, with narrow sections of aisle-walls holding it up at either side at the back. This seventeenth-century ruin is the only remnant of a catastrophic 1835 fire, which destroyed the entire complex of educational and residential buildings of which it was part (Fig. 1).\n\nThe impression that it makes today, when it is mainly admired as a relic of a bygone age, is quite different from that which it made to visitors over three and a half centuries ago. At that time, the church stood in full visible splendour on a hill near the city walls, facing the Portuguese city below and the open sea beyond. Ironically, a fire in November of 1600 had destroyed a previous church, which led to the construction of the church of Madre de Deus, the one that in time became the most splendid Christian temple in a transitional Early Baroque style ever to have been built in China. Seventeenth-century visitors marvelled at what was then the new church of a university college, started two years after the November fire and at the time only recently completed with the addition of a brand new façade.\n\nThis added structure was an amazing showcase of artistic and social co-operation. Artists of East and West had created it. The Portuguese rectors had supported it. The wealthy citizens of Macao had financed it.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
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    {
        "id": 215492,
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 269,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "218\n\nthe ground.\n\nUnobserved, I saw through a latticed window at the back of the hall the younger monks coming off duty from their performance next door. They were walking along happily, chatting and joking, just as young people would do anywhere, and pulling snacks from deep within their flowing robes.\n\nReturning my attention indoors, I saw that the wooden floors were also, in their own way, a work of art. Onto the pressed mud floor had been laid three-by-nine-inch joists, over which, cross-wise, had been placed two-inch thick planks. And over this second layer was a third, also two-inch planks, laid at right-angles. This last would eventually become the floor and would have the feel of polished marble when finished.\n\nIn the so-called civilised world, with so many obvious technological and other advantages over an undeveloped country such as Bhutan, would it be possible to use traditional skills, methods and materials to rebuild one of our national treasures if it were destroyed? I very much doubt it. It was most moving to see such skill and attention to detail.\n\nThen a workman's mobile phone rang.\n\nBrother, can you spare me a dance?\n\nIt was time to return to the viewing place as the monks were about to do their traditional dance. I don't know about you, but I don't normally associate monks with dancing. I was intrigued. Crossing the courtyard again, the sense of Something About To Happen was greater than ever. Some of the people wandering about were clearly important officials. They were wearing very smart gos, but the traditional white shawl in these cases had red designs on it, and they had extremely fancy woven footwear to boot. More to the point, they were carrying large shiny swords. All Bhutanese gave them an extremely wide berth. I thought it wise to do the same.\n\nThe viewing balcony was more crowded by now, even some other tourists. (Apart from ourselves, foreigners had been very few and far between during our trip - almost to the extent that some of us were",
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    {
        "id": 215514,
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        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 291,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "241\n\nA REVIEW OF DEVELOPMENT OF CEMETERIES IN HONG KONG: 1841-1950\n\nKO TIM-KEUNG\n\nHong Kong had been claimed for the British Crown even before the First Opium War (1839-42) was formally brought to an end. A naval party under Sir Gordon Bremer landed on the island on 26th January 1841. A form of government was organized and a chief magistrate and a harbour-master appointed, and in June the first land sale took place to create the impression of permanency. The port was declared a free port, and merchants, both foreign and Chinese, were encouraged to settle and trade there. However, little significant building followed, the main deterrent being the island's insalubrity and a high death rate from 'Hong Kong Fever.' Hong Kong, quite unexpectedly, became the last resting place of many of these early settlers and troops.\n\nThe Burial Ground in Wan Chai\n\nThe first years in Hong Kong had a distressing aspect for the British, particularly its army, because of disease. The setting up of the first barrack areas along the north coast of the island led to severe epidemics of fever among the troops. 183 of them had died in 1841. Consequently, a burial ground for the dead was urgently needed. A notice was proclaimed in August 1841:\n\nA piece of land to the eastward of Cantonment Hill having been allocated by Government as the ground for the burial of the dead of Europeans and others, Notice is hereby given that persons burying their dead in any other unauthorised place will be treated as trespassers.\n\nJno. F. Mylius, Land Officer, Hong Kong 30th August 1841.\n\nA 19th-century publication also records: \"Deaths now [1841] became frequent occurrences also among the European community; hospitals had to be hastily constructed, and the first cemetery (near the present St. Francis' Chapel, above Queen's Road East) began to fill...\"",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215788,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 87,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "20\n\nintervened to prevent the chiefs of Rembau and Sungei Ujong from levying illegal duties on British merchants. However, these cases of intervention were brought about by individuals such as Governor Cavenagh who deviated from the Government's non-intervention policy. In cases like the Naning War for instance, the Supreme Government did express their unwillingness to extend territory. (Mills, supra, Chap 7 p 127) Thus the Calcutta Government did play an inactive role in these cases which they disapproved of, and from these examples, it could be argued that the merchants had reasonable grounds for their complaint to the House of Commons. Further examples would include the British intervention in Pahang where a civil war had broken out between Wan Ahmad and Wan Mutahir. The Siamese intervened and later it was followed by Trengganu's involvement. This greatly disrupted the trade of British merchants there. Thus, this led to the bombardment of Trengganu by the British in 1862. The motives were partly to protect British trade, but the main reason was to check Siamese aggression. Even then the British bombardment was a violation of the Burney Treaty and the governor's action was highly condemned. (Mills, supra, pp 167 - 173)\n\n55 Thio, supra, p xvi - xvii\n\n56 for example, the disturbance of the Larut wars which continued into the 1870s and was further complicated with the succession disputes there. (Mills, supra, Chap 9, p 180)\n\n57 Hall, supra, p 512\n\n58 as compared to the period after 1874\n\n59 In Selangor, the disturbances of the Klang war and frequent piracy along the coast led to British intervention in 1871. These cases of piracy later served as an excuse for the British to intervene officially in Selangor in 1874, (Mills, Ibid, p 241 - 242)\n\n60 The Straits Times and Singapore Journal of Commerce, supra; Buckley, supra, p 756\n\n61 this point should be read in the context of the chapter as a whole, because the problems discussed are associated heavily with this issue\n\n62 Mills, supra, p 90",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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    {
        "id": 215906,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 205,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "139\n\nTHE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\n(HONG KONG BRANCH):\n\nTHE FACES, THE STORIES AND THE MEMORIES\n\nEve Lam\n\nThe hall in the Hong Kong Museum of History, is dark. The room seats about 200, but it's not even half full. Those in attendance are mostly gweilos and gweipos, and with his silver-blond hair and fair skin that looks a bit flushed under the spotlight, the man giving the opening remarks on stage is indeed a gweilo. But this foreigner knows more about the place than most born and bred Hong Kongers.\n\nHis name is Dan Waters; he's president of the Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong Branch) — and he's giving the opening address at the Society's 40th anniversary conference, \"Hong Kong: Forty Years of a Growing City.”\n\n\"If I had been born in the computer age, the chances are I would be reading this address from a portable ‘electric brain,' as a computer is termed in Cantonese,\" Waters said. \"But several of us taking part in this conference were born many years earlier. Indeed some of us have lived in Hong Kong for longer than the 40-year period (1960 to 2000) which we are reviewing here today...\"\n\nThe conference is free for all RAS members. They are a dedicated lot who have come in early on a Saturday morning to listen to these scholars and celebrate the accomplishments of the society to which they proudly belong.\n\nA glance around the hall and everyone is concentrating their attention on Waters, the longest active member of the Society.\n\n\"...An RAS member who lived in Hong Kong for approaching 30 years wrote a couple of years or so ago from his home in England: 'No, I do not miss the present-day Hong Kong one little bit. But I do miss the Hong Kong of the 1950s and '60s.' To what degree does nostalgia creep in? Let us take a wander down memory lane. What was the Colony really like when our Branch was re-constituted in 1960?...\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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    {
        "id": 215938,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 237,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "171\n\nCommunists and the China coast for Major Egerton Mott of the SOE. * Holmes referred to guerrillas who would be known to Kendall. He was convinced that the expansion of the Communists into British territory in the New Territories 'was planned in some detail before the Japanese attack on the Colony,' so working with this group required uncommon discretion and diplomacy on the part of any Britisher trying to win their support. Holmes, working with Kendall before the war and with the guerrillas later, would have been unusually well informed. He identified the Communist leader in the Hong Kong area as Tsoi Kwok Leung, a man ‘formerly connected with minor Chinese industrial enterprises in Hong Kong and Amoy and...consumptive.'\n\nSome form of SOE organisation was clearly in place in China, covertly, awaiting the Japanese attack before becoming fully activated. Col Chauvin had been removed from Hong Kong on 18th December, on the very day that the Japanese landed on Hong Kong Island, and sent to the British Military Mission in Chongqing. As the battle raged around them, Kendall, Talan and McEwan were stood by for special orders. Col. Harry Owen Hughes who had ostensibly been seconded to liaise with Chinese Armies in the 7 War zone, moved back to the Hong Kong area to await the arrival of something important. This was the arrival, in deep secrecy, of perhaps the most important escape party to ever leave occupied Hong Kong.\n\n[\n\nAt the very moment that Hong Kong surrendered to the Japanese, a car was hurrying towards Aberdeen harbour. Inside sat Admiral Chan Chak, the Chinese Nationalist government's chief representative in Hong Kong, and a number of his KMT assistants. The group was led by DM MacDougall, an official seconded to Hong Kong from London to work on political affairs. He had been assigned to look after the Admiral personally, and maintained twenty-four-hour contact with the Admiral's party during the hostilities. They were to rendezvous with five boats of the 2nd Motor Boat Flotilla, who had been held back in battle. Reaching the pier an hour after the surrender, they found the boats gone. The only functioning vessel they could find was a fifteen-foot launch but the party piled in, knowing that the Japanese would be on them at any moment. Hardly had they gone 500 yards when they were fired on by Japanese occupying a post on Brick Hill, opposite, on the southern side of Hong Kong Island. The boat's engine disintegrated under the heavy fire, killing several men and wounding others, including",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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    {
        "id": 215960,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 259,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "193\n\nruling authorities, including the emperor in the temples of the imperial college. Then very solemn ceremonies of reverence and adoration were performed, marking the Sage as the ultimate exemplar for all who aspired to any level of leadership within Chinese society.1\n\n18\n\nThe Poklo temple to Master Kong was, indeed, more impressive than those in nearby villages, such as the one at Lung Ch'un (literally, the \"River of the Dragon,\" M. Lóngchuān) also visited by Legge and others in 1861. There the temple had no images at all, but only the spirit tablet (shénpái) of the Sage along with a large plaque citing the sixteen maxims of the Sacred Edict (Shèngyù) of the Kangxi emperor (ruling from 1662-1722).19 Both temples at Poklo and Lung Ch'un were dwarfed by the massive grounds set aside to honour the sage in the capital city of Canton. There the image of the Sage was in a hall elevated from the grounds six to eight feet above the preceding courtyards, the roof made of \"those splendid burnished tiles\" constituting imperially-sponsored buildings, garnished with mystical beasts balancing on the upper beams. Seated on a large rock dais, the thick paper-maché-like image of Master Kong was taller and larger than life. Postured as if leaning over a tablet in his hands, the Sage appeared immersed in the study of the text before him.20\n\nHow Ch'ea came to take his place in this Confucian institutional and ritual system is never explained. Whether he had been a student at one time or not is also not made explicit, but he was able to read, and so had probably spent at least part of his youth as a student, one of large majority who had obviously not been elevated by successful results in the examination system. When the two colporteurs from Hong Kong met him, Ch'ea was already in his fifties, had been married, and had at least one son.21 Because no direct mention is made of Ch'ea's wife in any of the documentation after his conversion, there is the possibility that Ch'ea had become a widower even before the pair of colporteurs met him in Poklo.\n\nIf conversion is a multiform and processural event,22 then all of the above cultural, social, personal and religious factors have a",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216029,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 328,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "262\n\nWar in 218 AD between two of the Three Kingdoms [San Guo], between Sun Quan of Wu and Liu Bei of Shu, led amongst other things to the capture of the city of Qingzhou. One of Liu Bei's generals, Guan Yu, hurried south to defend the city but was ambushed, captured and decapitated by Sun Quan after he refused to change sides. Guan was later deified as is now the immensely popular deity, the Patron of Uniformed Bodies and is known as the God of Loyalty, Guan Di. Thus, the founder of Zhenjiang had the distinction of slaying the consequent Patron deity of Soldiers, Firemen and Detectives and the second most popular god on Chinese popular religion altars.\n\nIn the first years of the 6th century AD the first emperor of the Liang dynasty, Wu Di, who was renowned for his support of Buddhism and the Buddhist clergy, visited Zhenjiang. He had been visited by a divine monk in a dream who urged Wu Di to institute a great fast in order to rescue all sentient beings from the miseries of their existence. The Emperor ordered a new monastery to be built at Tse Hsin [Zexin], known today as Jin Shan to accommodate the Congress held in AD 507, and for centuries within the monastery there was a building known as the Hall of Liang Wang. This tradition is at odds with the date usually given for the founding of the monastery - AD 317.\n\nOur next story involves a deified hero who had nothing to do with Zhenjiang in life but, for some unknown reason, his cult would appear to have become centralised along the Grand Canal and especially at Zhenjiang. He is a canonised hero of the Tang dynasty, but one of a pair whose images elsewhere appear together on popular religion temple altars. These two euhemerised heroes, Zhang Xun and Xu Yuan, ***, have been seen on altars in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Beijing, Taiwan, Hong Kong and South-east Asia. These two protective deities are known individually as the Venerable King of Peaceful Pacification, Wen'an Zunwang ✰✰ E [Zhang Xun] and the Venerable King of Military Pacification, Wu'an Zunwang ✯✯ [Xu Yuan] though they will\n\n+\n\nbe referred to hereafter simply as Zhang and Xu.\n\nThe most common history of the two heroes as related by a great number of temple keepers describes how Zhang and Xu, loyalists during the reign of Tang Ming Huang, opposed the rebellion led by An Lushan. They died heroically in AD 757 during the civil war defending the provincial city of Suiyang in Henan province which fell to the enemy",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216046,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 345,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "279\n\nfrom\n\nsince. Legends claim it to be either a Buddhist pagoda dredged up the bed of the Yangzi Song dynasty from about 1000 AD or a memorial shrine to a Song dynasty prefect of about 1090.\n\nA stone Stupa or dagoba [containing Buddhist relics] is situated on a stone platform supported by four pillars over a busy street in front of the Guan Yin Cave to the north of Yuntai Hill to the west of Zhenjiang. In years gone by people heading for the small ferry across the Yangzi had to pass under it and gained confidence for their chancy ferry crossing from the protective power emanating from the relics. It is said to have been built during the Yuan dynasty during the 13th century.\n\nDaily life of foreigners in this insignificant Treaty port\n\nDuring the heady days of westerners within the Yangzi basin the steady stream of river steamers sailing the river under the protection of foreign flags and the twin fleets of protective river gun boats of the RN and USN, trade flourished and even an early form of tourism existed. Zhenjiang was famous for silk piece-goods, silk cord tassels for official hats, medicated wine called White Flower Wine, Baihua Jiu, aromatic plants, and fine sturgeon. However, for the foreign residents the greatest bane was the boredom. Although there was the Club where cards, drink and perhaps a few books and newspapers helped while away the long evenings, the ennui of the same faces, the same voices and the same topics of conversation was sufficient to bring some to the verge of suicide and some over it.\n\nLife was fairly constrained. There were only two provision stores to serve the foreign community during the first decades of the 20th century, Foo Chong and Chong Hsin. And according to L.C. Arlington Zhenjiang Concession, despite its very limited numbers, boasted its own aristocracy, with the Consul and the Commissioner of Customs as joint Sovereign Lords. The port, he added, was full of individuality, and social life; and the clubs - that for the Upper Circles [Zhenjiang Club] and that for the Lower Strata [Customs Club] - combined to produce constant gossip and occasional friction.20 There were a number of peculiar characters but none more peculiar than an American missionary who had been divorced by his wife owing, it was said, to his peculiar ways. He professed to carry out the teaching of St. Paul by consorting with the coolies in the native city, and providing them with\n\nPage 345\n\nPage 346",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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    {
        "id": 216100,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 399,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "333\n\nSuyin's autobiographical novel, A Many Splendoured Thing, was partly shot there in the mid-1950s. In real life the boyfriend, a war correspondent killed in Korea, was British. In the film he miraculously became an American.\n\nI frequently walked past the FCC on Saturday nights when riotous parties were in full swing. The old number 41, \"Fairview,\" was the first private residence in the territory to have a lift. This came right up from road level. The house depended on water from a watercourse, on Po Shan Road, for flushing toilets. There is an artist's embellished painting of the old \"Fairview\" in the Hong Kong Museum of Art's collection at Tsim Sha Tsui.\n\nRemaining from the days when it was occupied by a private family, the master bedroom had four bell-pulls. These were connected to the bedrooms of his four concubines. In fact, during his lifetime he was said to have had eight (some say nine) concubines. This was by no means unusual. When a rich Hong Kong man went to the United States in the 1930s, a headline in a newspaper read, 'Here comes the man with 20 wives!'\n\nA Chinese could legally take a concubine up until October 1971, just as up until the 1960s most weddings were customary Chinese marriages. Some concubines taken before October 1971 remain legal secondary wives to this day. There was, of course, a customary ceremony for concubines too and they had their place in the hierarchy of the family. I did know families however where, when the principal wife found out the old man had “another woman,” she was brought in to live with the family. There, the principal wife could keep an eye on her. She was not infrequently made by the first wife to live and eat with the servants. Later, if the first wife died, the concubine, who was usually quite a bit younger, sometimes took her place as a “fill the room” (t' in fong) as a succeeding main wife is known.\n\nAnother important event, in October 1971, was the legislation that came into force making it compulsory for everyone to have at least one day's holiday a week. Up until then, certainly in the 1950s, there would be no problem with crowds on beaches. But no, it was not all work and no play and I swam in the Cross-harbour Race in 1955 and took part in the 42 mile 'Round the Island Walkathon' the following year.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216204,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 503,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "437\n\nAssociation on 3 December 1999. Behind the church over 100 steps led up to a tall statue of St Francis Xavier. Beside the steps were 14 stone posts bearing Chinese numbering and inscription. The pedestal of the statue bears worn inscriptions in Chinese and Portuguese - ‘Aqui foi sepultado S. Fran.co Xavier da Comp.a de Jesus, Alpo do Oriente. Este Padrao se levantou no anno de 1639.'\n\nThe current caretaker, Mr Lam, took over in 1996 from a Christian caretaker aged 86, who had cared for the church since 1984. We had the pleasure of meeting this delightful old man in the village beside the church. The current caretaker suggested that for further information we could contact the Religious Affairs Dept. of Tai Shan Municipal Government on Tel 075 552 5980.\n\nWe returned to the port for a good seafood lunch. The ferry arrived a little late but took us safely back to Shen Ju in good time for us to hire a taxi to Zhuhai. There we crossed the border to Macau and enjoyed our dinner accompanied by a bottle of good Portuguese wine, and a toast to the memory of St Francis.\n\nA visit assisted by China Travel Service\n\nBy chance, in June 2001, I (Chris Bailey) had read an article in HK Magazine about the Jesuit-run Xavier Retreat House on Cheung Chau - dedicated to the missionary Saint Francis-Xavier. The article quoted the resident priest, Father Kane, as follows: \"Xavier was one of the founding members of the Jesuits, and came to Asia in 1542. He was a tough guy, a trailblazer and died very near to Hong Kong, on an island about 60 miles west of Macau. His letters describe travelling from Japan and trying to get to Guangzhou, and stopping somewhere nearby to get fresh vegetables and water. There is one historian who theorizes that he stopped at the Old Port in Hong Kong. In any case, he must have passed through Hong Kong waters and seen the islands here. So I stand here (in the Xavier Retreat House) and see what he saw over 400 years ago It's very private, on top of a hill and overlooking the sea. It's a very beautiful sight.”\n\nThis information inspired me to speak to Father Kane who said he knew the island well, had been there several times via Macau and that there was a non-active church dedicated to Francis Xavier, built close",
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    {
        "id": 216289,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 48,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "# HKBRAS VOLUNTEERS NEWSLETTER\n\n## Change of Leader\n\nBill Greaves has now handed over leadership of the Volunteers to me and this Newsletter is my first attempt to get in touch with you all. Bill has led the Volunteers since we were formed in 1992 to assist the Antiquities & Monuments Office (AMO) to identify, survey, research and record historical buildings with a view to grading. Qualifications are a knowledge or interest in local history, architecture and building conservation and willingness to undertake research in government archives, departments and university libraries.\n\nInitially the Volunteers concentrated on Water Supplies Department buildings and military buildings. As a result of our efforts a number of buildings in these categories were subsequently graded, and we moved on to other buildings such as shophouses and religious buildings. The last major exercise we were involved in was the recording of all remaining military batteries, which took about a year to complete. Bill took the central role in all this co-ordinating research and reports, and arranging field trips. I would like to take this opportunity to thank Bill for all his hard work over the past years. Bill will continue to be a member of the Volunteers - you will all be pleased to know.\n\n## Programme for 2004\n\nThe AMO now has a total of over 8,000 heritage buildings on record and more than they can ever hope to handle for grading. In fact the grading system has been suspended for some time. Volunteers also rarely have the spare time to carry out research work and can only volunteer their services for Saturday mornings. The future role of the Volunteers therefore needs to be redefined. To this end I hope to organize a meeting for the Volunteers with the Curator (Historic Buildings), Antiquities & Monuments Office to see how we can assist them, and to work out a programme for the summer. This meeting will probably not be before May as I have to go to the U.K. for a few weeks.\n\n## Future Activities\n\nSome ideas for future activities (one event per month) are as\n\nxlviii",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
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