[ { "id": 204358, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n122\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\ntouch the dead is to run the risk of becoming infected by an aura of ill-luck (sz yan fung) whereby all the misfortunes of the deceased will be transmitted.\n\nAmongst fishermen fear of the dead and of ill-luck is particularly pronounced. At Tai O on the north-western end of Lantau, fisherfolk on their death bed may be taken from their boats to die in a special house maintained for the purpose near the cemetery.\n\nDuring funeral processions in both the urban areas and the New Territories it is the practice to scatter different types of paper, representing money, along the route to the burial ground, particularly at cross-roads where traditionally malevolent spirits tend to congregate. It is hoped that in the confusion caused by the evil spirits grabbing the money the spirit of the deceased will be able to pass unscathed. The remainder of the paper money thrown out at points other than cross-roads is for the use of the spirit of the deceased in making his way back to his home three days after death (saam ch'iu ooi wan). In many homes, a corner in a hall or passage may be reserved for a tablet and memorial, to house the spirit on its return to the home. This return of the spirit may at first sight be difficult to reconcile with the belief that the spirit descends into hell. The answer is that according to Chinese belief each dead person has a number of spirits. The descent of one of these spirits into hell is often assisted at the burial by the scattering and burning of specially printed hell bank notes (meng t'ung chí paî), together with paper effigies of clothes, suit-cases, motor cars, steam ships, aeroplanes, etc., often of most elaborate and detailed construction.\n\nThe impact of crowded living conditions, economy and improved public health have had their gradual effect in changing the pattern of Hong Kong burial custom. Except for paupers, by far the greater proportion of Chinese dead from the urban areas (numbering some 10,000) are now buried in the public cemetery at Wo Hop Shek, near Fan Ling in the New Territories. Coffins may be conveyed by rail from Kowloon daily as a service included within the burial fees that are $5 or $15 according to size of coffin. Only some 20% of the coffins are carried to the cemetery by private hearses at the expense of the relatives. Of the balance brought by rail, not more than half are attended by relatives. It is obviously not possible in a public cemetery to site graves in accordance with individual interpretations of good fung shui. The fact that each coffin is simply allotted the next vacant space in the burial terrace is readily accepted, although it must be admitted that the majority of terraces are well up the hillside with a commanding view of distance and water. Similarly, when the routine six months' notice of intention to exhume remains from the coffin sections is given, it is unusual for relatives", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205017, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "116\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nAdditional Note on Article “JOURNAL OF OCCURRENCES AT CANTON IN 1839 BY WILLIAM HUNTER”\n\nReaders of Volume 4 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society will be grateful to the Editorial Committee for deciding to print the full text of William C. Hunter's manuscript journal preserved in the Boston Athenaeum. It is a happy coincidence that his journal should have been made available in print to scholars of modern Chinese history at the very time when Hunter's manuscript has been drawn on extensively in a recently published account of the causes and events which led to the Opium War. The late Dr. Hsin-pao Chang, in his scholarly book Commissioner Lin and the Opium War (Harvard University Press, 1964), relates in some detail the story of the detention of the foreign merchants in their factories from 24th March until 5th May by orders of Imperial Commissioner Lin Tse-hsü (pp. 151-159). In describing this episode Dr. Chang has used various sources but has taken most of his details from Hunter's manuscript journal.\n\nAfter reading Dr. Chang's book I have discovered answers to a few problems which puzzled me while writing some of the footnotes to Hunter's journal as published in Volume 4 of this journal. May I, therefore, make a few additions and corrections to the text. Firstly, the sketch map of the Canton estuary on page 59 of Commissioner Lin and the Opium War marks most of the places mentioned by Hunter which were not shown on the sketch map on page 27 of Volume 4 of this journal, or left unidentified in the notes to the text. Thus the positions of Lankeet, Chuenpee, Shakok and Chunhow are clearly shown on the map in Dr. Chang's book. Hunter's use of the name Chinn-up under entry for 13th April is still inexplicable but in fact the opium was being unloaded at that date at Sha-chiao ('Sandy Head') which presumably was the Shakok of Western accounts, lying across the estuary from Lankeet. Secondly, some minor corrections. On p. 16, line 1, the word 'songs' should read 'gongs'; on p. 14, lines 9-10, it would be more accurate to say", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n49\n\ntion called for new solutions, implying a widening of the economic horizon.\n\nThere were, however, then and now, some local people operating partly outside the framework of village production. Before the establishment in 1952 of the Sha Tin Market, Tai Po was the natural choice of market town for Big Stream people. Communication was by boat, and the ferry traffic was operated by a few families. One old type of rowing sampan is still in use, but only intermittently. Now people usually go to the Sha Tin Market by two ferry-boats equipped with engines. They leave Big Stream Village around 10 a.m. for Ho Tung Lau across Tide Cove, or at high tide for Sha Tin directly, and return in the early afternoon. These two boats are owned by a family who make their living entirely from this traffic. They not only serve people from this village, but take passengers from Plum Grove Village as well.\n\nOne elderly woman in Big Stream Village has got a small store of sweets, which she sells to village children. This tiny 'shop' has a stable market, and gives the old lady a small profit. However, this is the only instance of anything like shop-keeping or retailing within the valley. None of the three villages seems to have had any permanent stalls or shops in any of the market towns of the New Territories or in Kowloon. However, for a time, one man from Plum Grove Village ran a grocery shop in the Sai Kung Market. It was closed during the Japanese Occupation and never reopened. This shop was not for retailing of local products from his home village.\n\nII\n\nI have so far tried to describe traditional means of livelihood, and their disappearance or persistence up to today. It is now convenient to outline essential changes, relevant to our theme, in the general economic milieu.\n\nBy the year 1876, great plans were entertained for creating a new town at the southern end of the Kowloon Peninsula. Once launched, this project led to rapid urbanization, so that at the end of the first decade of this century, the Kowloon population was estimated to be 27,000. Industrial plants were set up, e.g.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205969, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "44 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nHong Kong, needless to say, was not Africa, and the Hong Kong cadet did not spend his working life in the bush adjudicating the disputes of unsophisticated natives. He worked mainly, unless one of the District Officers in the New Territories, in a many-layered urban society, in which were to be found a number of extremely rich and some highly erudite Chinese. The population of Hong Kong was related in terms of race, language and culture to that of China, the home of an ancient civilisation; and cadets spent two impressionable years learning the language of that country and something of its splendours, and its miseries as well. I suspect many cadets were deeply impressed by their contact with the culture and civilisation of the Chinese, that a process of 'mandarinisation' often took place, especially among those working in the Registrar-General's Department (the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs) where official documents were published in the same form and style as those of the Imperial Chinese bureaucracy.31 I suggest that cadets were paternalistic towards the local population, but that their paternalism was Confucian in spirit and understood by Chinese. Their background and training, in its historical context made this era of cadets not unacceptable to, though not necessarily liked by, Hong Kong Chinese with memories of the behaviour of Chinese officials across the border. British officials acquired in Hong Kong, then, a gloss from the population they ruled. Sir Frederick Lugard, 'in gentle derision', called cadets 'the twice-born';32 and Reginald Stubbs, on a special mission from the Colonial Office to Malaya and Hong Kong, exclaimed in 1910 that they were prepared to advance claims to act for the Almighty'.33 Exposure to life in an English public school and then to life in an Eastern Colony, led not unexpectedly to this consummation of belief. \n\nThe contribution made by cadets and ex-cadets to sinology and scholarship in general is impressive. One has only to take note of the publications of such officials as Alfred Lister, J. H. Stewart Lockhart, R. F. Johnston, G. R. Sayer,34 S. F. Balfour,35 Walter Schofield,36 Soame Jenyns,37 R. A. D. Forrest,38 and K. M. A. Barnett.39 Many were also members of learned societies; and a substantial number acquired not only compulsory Cantonese but a knowledge of other Chinese dialects, such as Hakka and Mandarin; a few specialised in Japanese; and those who worked in the Police, Hindi or other Indian languages.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207417, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n177\n\nOur food came from four sources; the Japanese rations, food sent in by our friends in Hong Kong, supplies received from the Red Cross Society and food purchased with funds contributed by officers mainly those in the hospital but also those in the camps from time to time. These contributions were made from pay received from the Japanese by these officers.\n\nJapanese Rations\n\nI have prepared tables (Appendix A) to show the kinds and the amounts of foods issued to us from Japanese sources and used on behalf of patients and staff who were on a full diet. Notes given in the tables give additional information and include details of certain additional Japanese food received and how it was used. The amounts in these cases were very small and while they must be recorded, especially the milk, it was rare for any to appear in the general diet and then only as a treat when supplies allowed. Since this is not a scientific treatise, I intend the tables to present a broad picture of our food situation. The daily quantities of food therefore are shown as averaged over five months in 1942, rather under three months in Bowen Road in 1945, rather over three months in Kowloon in 1945, and over the whole years of 1943 and 1944. These averages should be read in conjunction with specimen daily menus I set out in tables at Appendix B. There were many, many days on which our diet consisted of boiled rice and vegetables.\n\nIn these tables, I make no allowances for losses resulting from poor quality, preparation, and cooking in the case of vegetables and fish. These losses were usually high, and on occasions reached a level of 30% in the case of vegetables, which were sometimes rotten when received. We were not choosy when deciding when food was fit to cook and eat. The fresh vegetables, in addition to the more usual varieties, which practically never included Western-type potatoes, though we had sweet potatoes more often, did however include such unusual varieties as chrysanthemum leaves, Chinese lily root, tara root, and so on. The fish varied greatly; on 10 October 1942, I noted that we had received \"long thin fish, shark flesh, baby sharks, and heaven knows what, most of it a little old\". Sergeant Seino, of whom I shall have more to say later, warned the quartermaster that some fish was perhaps poisonous and advised us to be careful using it. I believe Seino's intention was to be helpful, though...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207422, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "182 \n\nDONALD C. BOWIE \n\nMarch 1944 was the last month in which I kept records on the above lines. Earlier a system of bi-monthly intakes of Red Cross supplies, some acquired locally, was started, and these intakes added hugely to the value of the gift parcel system. The new system is described more fully in the section on Red Cross Supplies. Purchases to improve general messing using voluntary contributions of money continued unchanged. I repeat that much of the specially purchased foods and gifts of food from visitors were used to provide for extra and special diets for very sick patients. The figures I give are concerned only with general diets and fail completely to indicate the value to sick patients of these gifts and purchases.\n\n(c) Red Cross Food Supplies \n\nThe value of the contributions made by the Red Cross Society to the well-being of patients and staff can hardly be overestimated. Morale had already been seriously shaken by the removal of our nurses in August 1942 and by the outbreaks of dysentery and diphtheria by the time the deficiency diseases appeared. The burning feet which reduced men to tears, the visual defects which prevented reading, the staggering gait due to defective balancing power of those who were able to get up at all, the emaciation of so many and the weight loss of all were known by all to be due to under-nutrition. There seemed no escape from a steady deterioration and this, together with shortages of fuel and other supplies produced an atmosphere in the hospital not far short of gloom. A little improvement was just beginning to show as the high incidence of the infections declined when on St. Andrew's day 1942 Red Cross food parcels were delivered in the proportion of one per head of the 392 inhabitants of the hospital. As was usual with most Japanese actions we had no warning beforehand. Each parcel contained 12 tins of assorted foods, tea, sugar, soap, and a bar of chocolate. All but 10 were, except for minor deficiencies, intact. Of the 10, eight showed more than minor deficiencies and these along with one intact parcel were issued to the nine members of the medical officers' mess who agreed to accept them. The defective parcels were shown to the Japanese interpreter without much hope, and true enough they were not made up. A month earlier a newly arrived interpreter had told me that Red Cross parcels were being delivered to Sham Shui Po P.O.W. camp but our expectations subsided as time went on and none arrived in the hospital. When our parcels did arrive", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207441, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n201\n\nin the recreation room and put disinfectant in a bowl outside the Japanese office. The general spoke to nobody. Two months earlier, in March I had been ousted from my office in the front of the building and this pleasant room henceforward became the headquarters office of the Japanese within the hospital. I was surprised that they had not seized this earlier.\n\nOn 23 August 1943 the President of the Japanese Red Cross Society, Prince Shimatsu, inspected the hospital. At all times the appearance of the hospital was good, but at this as at all inspections the Japanese laid great stress on having the recreation room looking specially well. In addition to white cloths on the tables and vases of flowers all the musical instruments and equipment for indoor games had to be laid out on display. As usual the inspecting officer had no parley with patients or staff.\n\nI have records of only three occasions on which British doctors from P.O.W. camps were allowed to visit Bowen Road. Major Ashton Rose, Indian Medical Service, was the doctor accepted by the Japanese as being in administrative medical charge in Sham Shui Po camp. I believe he had considerable influence with them, in so far as any prisoner could have influence. On 5 March 1943 he visited the hospital bringing with him some patients for admission and came again on 23 March with an officer patient for specialist eye examination. On the second occasion he stayed to lunch, a phrase which of course indicates a higher degree of sophistication than in fact we deserved. It was however something for us to be able to entertain a guest at all. We learned from Ashton Rose that the general state of prisoners in Sham Shui Po was improving and that the men were fitter. On 13 May Captain Woodward, an Australian serving with the I.M.S., came over from Kowloon to have medical advice about himself and on this occasion Saito came too.\n\nIt seems curious now to look back upon such things, but up to March 1943 the bomb and shell damage to the hospital inflicted fifteen months earlier had gone substantially unrepaired. The top floors were badly damaged and as I reported earlier the kitchen in the middle section connecting the two blocks of wards was completely destroyed. Rain poured in at these places as well as at other damaged areas and the recreation room below the kitchen was unusable in wet weather. The fact that we did not carry out repairs earlier probably resulted from our preoccupation at that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207454, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "214\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nserve for Japan?\". We either left this particular question unanswered or replied that we were unwilling to serve for Japan. One young man who had put down roots in Hong Kong before the Far East war, in answer to this question gave a detailed account of his qualifications which were substantial. As the replies passed through my office I saw his answer and persuaded him to leave this question blank in a new form which I gave him and I left him to tear up his own original completed form.\n\nEach month all in hospital received what we called necessities. The items varied but as a rule there were a couple of cakes of coarse soap, an envelope of tooth powder, a packet of toilet paper, and a fandoshi. This last looked like a triangular bandage and was tied round the waist, the point being passed back between the legs to be secured to the waistband behind, thus preserving the decencies. From time to time there would be an undervest or stockings or a toothbrush. In September 1942 we were able to restart our gramophone concerts broadcast to the wards during permitted hours after a stoppage which had lasted for several weeks. Also in September we equipped and opened a barber's shop served by men who could shave those unable to do so themselves. Thereafter growing beards, an affectation much in favour soon after our surrender, but already dying out, was forbidden! Ten Canadian combatant soldiers who volunteered for the job came to us as orderlies. Two wounded Chinese members of the H.K.V.D.C. whom we had been caring for were removed by the Japanese. By this time they were reasonably fit to leave and we were told that they would be released in the town. I only hope this was so.\n\nIn October '43 all our staff received ten yen each from the Red Cross Society and we began to receive three or four copies daily of the Hongkong News free. We were also given twelve X-ray films, and having previously been given glass for windows but having no putty, we eventually obtained a supply of thin wire which our sappers made into nails and re-glassing broken windows began.\n\nOn the afternoon of 26 October a single American plane flew low over the harbour and rose steeply to the north to disappear over the Kowloon hills. There were further raids during the nights of 27 and 28 October. No bombs were dropped, but thereafter I thought it wise not to remove the ‘Mimi Lau' concrete blocks protecting the ground floor wards on the harbour side. At this time we had beds on every verandah in the hospital in order to gain as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207458, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "218\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nattacks on defences which were hardly dented. The areas in which fighting was taking place were still thousands of miles away from us and the newspaper constantly asked the subtle question as to whether the American losses were worth incurring.\n\nIn the hospital 1943 was a drab year for us; the number of patients dropped from 341 on 1 January to 234 on 31 December. Drafts of patients for admission from P.O.W. camps came on ten out of the twelve months and on each occasion patients were discharged. The condition of incoming patients showed a distinct improvement as the year went on though many patients and staff had an additional affliction to endure, that of intestinal worms. Suspicion fell upon a number of food items including vegetables and Chinese brown sugar as the vehicle of infection, but we never established that any one substance was the culprit.\n\nOn three separate occasions I was handed sums of military yen by the Japanese in cash, the donors being the Red Cross Societies. One such gift came from the Canadian Society and was marked for Canadian troops only and was so distributed. Apart from this all other gifts had no limitations placed upon them. On each occasion the available cash was divided and paid equally to all except commissioned officers. Each man thus received 40 yen over the year while Canadians had an extra 30 yen, and in all cases I gained a few yen for my Commanding Officer's Fund from small surpluses. The Central Hospital Fund also benefited from money contributed by officer prisoners in camp in Kowloon which was transmitted to us by the Japanese. The signatures of some patients on the receipt sheets were indecipherable scrawls, because they were quite unable to coordinate their movements.\n\nThirty patients died during the year, and by the end of October 104 of our men were buried in cemeteries in and around the hospital. In April we were given a tin of black paint by the Japanese at our request to allow us to paint the names of the dead on the very well made wooden crosses constructed by us to mark their graves. In December a Japanese interpreter appeared saying that it was his job to see to it that graves were properly prepared and marked and that plans of these existed. I was very proud of the work that our men put in, and the graves of those who had died were properly prepared, identified and maintained. Usually each grave held only one body; occasionally two shared a grave, and on one occasion three men were buried together when they had died", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207469, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n229\n\nKowloon were stopped by the Japanese, though I never found out why this was done. We did receive, however, lump sums which allowed all except commissioned officers to be given 30 yen in February from the British and Canadian Red Cross Societies, 15 yen in March from a Relief Society in England which I never identified, 17 yen in June from the British Red Cross and 25 yen in August from the same source. Even now I recall the pleasure with which this money was received. A small degree of independence was restored to men by their acquisition of money controlled by themselves.\n\nIn January 1944 all staff were required to wear identity numbers issued by the Japanese. In February Saito searched the hospital including stores and roof and the same month, following an air raid, all in hospital were ordered to have their hair cropped close. I have said that the practice of growing beards which set in directly after our surrender had long died out and everybody was shaved and wore his hair short so the new order created considerable resentment. I led the way with a close clipper crop for myself and we soon got used to our altered appearances. I can only suppose that Saito was getting out on us some irritation he had to endure from his own people or from the increasing air attacks. I nagged at him to get this order rescinded but it never was and it was 1945 before we began to return to our normal hair-cuts without his authority, a change which passed without comment by Saito.\n\nOn 11 March a Japanese supplies officer came with Saito and inspected men's kits, the linen store, the steward's store and the wards. Our staff were paraded to hear a speech from the supplies officer in which he said that the Japanese would do what they could to keep us supplied but we must be prepared for some shortages. He added that the prisoner camps in Kowloon, both for officers and for other ranks were worse off than we were but that the Japanese would not cut supplies for our hospital unless shortages compelled them to do so. I was required to read a short announcement prepared for me in English by the Japanese to the effect that we should be very grateful to them for what they were doing for us, and this theme was elaborated in language which was obviously constructed by someone who had learned English in Japan but had never heard it spoken among English-speaking people. I remember emphasising the incongruities of the construction of the note in my reading of it, but though we all took this incident as a warning of what was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207516, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 284, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "276\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nordered to do so, unwounded. However this may be, there we were, available to relieve them of the responsibility of caring for our casualties.\n\nThe next point of importance is the Japanese decision to behave like other belligerents and abide by the terms of the Geneva Convention though they had not been signatories. As a result, they recognised and accepted representation in Hong Kong and some, at least of the activities of the International Red Cross Society.\n\nAs a possible third consequence they allowed the hospital to remain in its buildings and concentrated there all allied wounded from other hospitals in the Colony. They used it also to receive some, but not all sick from the P.O.W. camps.\n\nAll of these actions conferred clear benefits on the Japanese, as well as upon us.\n\nAny drugs or dressings removed by them from the hospital were in such small quantities as to be unimportant to us. Even when an electricity generator was taken, we still had another left. Except when some unacceptable decisions to admit too late, or discharge too early, sick prisoners were made by the Japanese the clinical freedom of our doctors was not challenged.\n\nThe hospital was given staple food and fuel rations and clothing and boot repair materials on a scale which may have been based on a standard used for Japanese troops who of course were known to live in part off the country in which they were operating. International agreements of course required only this scale to be observed. I think that our guards fared rather better than we did on their basic rations, especially in fish, but I have recorded earlier the anxiety shown by guards when their rations, like ours were late in arriving. I recall here the public statement to us in 1944 by a supplies officer that there were shortages on the Japanese side but that they would try to keep the hospital properly supplied. This was an appeal to us to understand their position, an appeal which fitted ill with much of the Japanese bearing towards prisoners. Their plight then, in Japan itself as well as in Hong Kong and no doubt elsewhere was extremely grave and their desperate resistance for another year is surprising. It was however hard, even impossible for prisoners to take then the detached view that we can today.\n\nWhile the Japanese haul of booty in the form of drugs and medical supplies in Hong Kong must have been enormous the quantities that reached the hospital were negligible and we were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207518, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 286, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "278\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nSaito. He acted without giving reasonable consideration to the cases of sick people put to him as needing hospital treatment, so that many for whom hospital treatment could have been life-saving were not sent in.\n\nWhen the hospital moved nearer to the camps in Kowloon in 1945 we began to see signs that it might be going to be used properly to receive the more serious cases in the camps as they occurred and so fulfil its proper function. If we had been moved near to our sources of patients at the beginning of our imprisonment we might have served our sick more extensively and would have been of greater value to the camp doctors. A move then, when we had a hospital full of seriously wounded, would have been dangerous for these men. By the time the move occurred the need was much less pressing though our availability did, I believe, do much to improve our service.\n\nI do not know what relations existed between Saito and his commander Colonel Tokunaga, but while I must, in justice, be careful in reaching judgments, I consider that as a medical man Saito failed to do much that lay within his power for our sick, particularly those in camps. In saying this I do not claim for our prisoners more than the standards of care allowed by international agreements. A coordinated plan to apply such resources as we commanded in camps and in hospital would have made a vast difference to the medical story of prisoners in Hong Kong.\n\nWhile therefore I can agree that we in the hospital fared better than many in Japanese hands I must also record my conviction that the possession and careful husbanding in the hospital of our own resources played a very large part in such successes as we achieved. Any success that attended the efforts of any of us would have been immensely diminished without the aid of Mr. Zindel and the Red Cross Society and our generous friends in Hong Kong.\n\nWithout the life-saving measures provided by the medical services in the P.O.W. camps, using makeshift resources, many patients would never have reached the hospital at all.\n\nTHE STAFF\n\nMy main purpose in writing this account is to record the history of the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong, from 1942 to 1945 and those who served on the staff or were patients there. The account fails to record some of the colourful personalities we had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207743, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "116\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nMrs. Andersen was one of the founders of the Chinese Red Cross Society, serving as its first Vice President. In recognition, the Chinese Emperor granted her a large honorary board. Their only daughter, K. Ruth Andersen, married in 1905, Donald R. McEuen, son of a former Captain superintendent of Police at Shanghai.\n\nA younger daughter of Chan Lai-sun married a businessman, Mr. W. Buchanan, presumably the same as listed in the 1884 Chronicle and Directory of China as a land agent and broker with J. P. Bisset and Co. of Shanghai.\n\nThis, then, is a record of a Chinese family living in a marginal situation. Both Lai-sun and his wife were born in Southeast Asian overseas Chinese communities. Both in childhood became caught up in English language missionary education, which served to further alienate them from Chinese tradition. Lai-sun started his career as a missionary assistant, but to make better provision for his growing family turned to business, associating himself with foreign businessmen, not as compradore but as assistant and partner. However, the very fact of his marginal background qualified him, as a member of Li Hung-chang's staff, to make a particular contribution to China's developing relations with foreign powers. His children received a solid western-style education. Of the two sons who grew to maturity, one was an engineer the other a journalist, and both for a part of their career served the Chinese government. The daughters left the Chinese community, but the eldest took her place in public life as a founder of the Chinese Red Cross.\n\nThis partial reconstruction of the life history of one China Coast family is perhaps more than a mere historical exercise in reconstructing a family history from scattered sources. It can also be viewed as an illustration of the social processes at work in creating a distinctive culture in the port cities of China, including Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208505, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTWO BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES\n\n213\n\nI have come across two interesting references in my reading that others may wish to know of.\n\nSybille Van Der Sprenkel, Legal Institutions in Manchu China (University of London, The Athlone Press, 1962) with reference to E. Alabaster's Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law and cognate topics... London 1899, mentions additional notation on \"the author's copy (now in Cambridge University Library) intended no doubt for publication in a revised edition\" (fn p. 72).\n\nHenry Lethbridge, Hong Kong: Stability & Change (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1978) mentions \"Lockhart's personal copy of Johnston's Lion and Dragon in Northern China [London, John Murray, 1910] which is now in my possession\", and observes that it \"testifies to Lockhart's painstaking scholarly interest in Chinese society, for the book is heavily annotated and commented upon and clearly much read and pondered over\" (p. 7).\n\nHong Kong, 1980\n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208915, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "PERSISTENCE & PRESERVATION OF HAKKA CULTURE\n\n45\n\nsuch as gardening, farming, and construction work in Hong Kong, and have considerable influence in these businesses. The development of voluntary associations is closely related to this situation. For instance, the Waichow Union Sheung Shui Branch seems to be a guild of the Hakka farm workers in the Territories; the Tze-kam District Countrymen's Association, a guild of the Hakka construction workers; the Lamma Branch of the Waichow Clansmen General Association, a guild of the Hakka vegetable gardeners; and the Association of Waichow-Chaochow-Hokkien Countrymen in Aplichau, a Hoklos' club of sailors, lightermen, grocers, and small businessmen. Therefore, as long as the facts of division of labor by dialect and locality exist, voluntary associations based on these traditional organizing principles continue to survive for the maintenance of solidarity, the persistence of culture, and the protection of the group's interests. In other words, the phenomena of \"group within group\" and division of labor by dialect and locality seem to be antagonistic, but are actually complementary in social and economic fields. This means that cultural differences do not in themselves explain tensions within a plural society, nor does economic exploitation of one group by another lead necessarily to conflict. On the contrary, conflict across group boundaries does appear when there are similar economic classes in both groups, in direct competition with each other (Willmott, 1967:96). Taking the present study as an example, tension and confrontation between the two Waichow Hakka association clusters, which are led by the Waichow Clansmen General Association and the Ten Districts of Waichow Association respectively, seem to be more keen and competitive than those between either of these two and the Waichow Hoklos' association cluster. However, from an anthropological point of view, confrontation between these diverse segments can also act as a positive unifying factor for group solidarity. As Coser states (1956:137):\n\nConflict creates links between contenders. It creates and modifies common norms necessary for the readjustment of the relationship, makes possible a reassessment of relative power, and thus serves as a balancing mechanism which helps to maintain and consolidate groups.\n\nViewed from another angle, many Waichow Hakka who came to Hong Kong after 1949, because of their socio-political background...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209040, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "170\n\nBOOK LISTS\n\nan especially favoured form of literary entertainment but were widely popular, especially at the new year holiday and other relaxing times. Writing in the later nineteenth century, Sir Robert Douglas gives a fascinating picture of the scene in a Chinese city on the evening of the fifteenth day of the first month, the Feast of Lanterns, as he calls it\n\nAs the night advances, crowds, among whom are numbers of ladies, who, on no other occasion, venture out after dark, throng the street to gaze at the illuminations and, in some instances, to guess the riddles which are inscribed on lanterns hung at the doorways of houses. Prizes, such as parcels of tea, pencils, fans, etc., are given to the successful solvers of the rebuses, but these have little to do with the interest which is shown in the amusement which, partaking of the nature of a literary exercise, is well suited to the natural taste.\" Robert K. Douglas, China, (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, Second Edition, Revised, 1887), 264-265. Rhyming games were akin to this genre, and a good example can be found in David Hawkes' translation of the famous eighteen century novel The Story of the Stone (another name for the Red Chamber Dream), Vol. 2 \"The Crab-Flower Club\" (London, Penguin Books, 1977), 299-303.\n\n(e) Educational texts, including classics, primers and other aids to literacy\n\nI am not including the classics in this list, which have been seen in a wide range of texts and commentaries for all purposes from the elementary school room to the examination hall for the hsiu ts'ai and higher degrees, and in all sizes from large format to tiny \"sleeve gems\" and \"fly-head writing\" on slips of rice paper to be smuggled into the cells of the examination place. In lieu of these, I have listed a few of the primers and aids to literacy that I have come across.\"\n\n*\n\n(f) Guides to letter writing: simple and literary\n\nLike the books on couplets, this is another popular\n\n* See also Evelyn Sakakida Rawski, Education and Popular Literacy in Ching China (Ann Arbor, The University of Michigan Press, 1979), especially the book list at 265-268", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209094, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 256, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "Plate 19. This basket contains the famous Luk Ön tea (**) from Anwhei province. It comes packed with many others in a larger basket of the same material and is being exported in this packaging format at the present time. Each package contains a few red and white papers praising or advertising the product, and all seem to date from the late Ching. The firm must have retained the woodblocks, and a great stock of the printed papers, for the practice to persist for so long, and across decades of political and ideological change.\n\nPlate 20. One of the papers included in the basket of Luk On tea is an undated woodblock printing on red paper, advertising the product. This is an old practice. A former editor of the famous North China Herald wrote in the 1860s: \"An English merchant, opening a chest of tea of superior quality, which he has just received from China, frequently finds a little red-coloured paper inside.... These are the hand-bills issued by his brother tea-merchant in China recommending his articles\". Samuel Mossman China: A Brief Account of the Country, Its Inhabitants, and their Institutions (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, c1865) p. 306. See also 195-199.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209292, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "BRO. TSUNG LAI SHUN IN MASSACHUSETTS\n\n181\n\nThe entry for the following year is identical, with the three addresses changed to \"34 Bay street.\" For 1875-6 it is simply:\n\nLaisun Chan, Chinese commissioner of education, house 34 Bay street\n\nThe following incomplete newspaper extracts indicate the effect that our brother had on the daily life of Springfield residents just over a hundred years ago.\n\nCHINESE RESIDENTS RECALLED, THE LAI-SUNS AND THEIR CHILDREN.\n\nA Picturesque and Interesting Family Who Lived in Springfield 25 years Ago. They Now Dwell in Shanghai.\n\nMany of the older residents of the city, and not a few who are unwilling to consider themselves old yet, will recall Mr Lai-Sun, the Chairman, who with his wife, and six children made his home in Springfield about 25 years ago. Mr Lai-Sun came to this city as a member of the commission appointed by the Chinese government to take charge of the Chinese youths who were to be educated in this vicinity. The head man of this commission was stationed in Hartford, but Mr Lai-Sun, acting as guardian for several of the young Mongolians, came to this city and homes were found for his wards in this neighbourhood.\n\nThis remarkable and picturesque family (for they continued to wear their Chinese costumes and to live up to many of their racial customs) are recalled just now by the news of an honor which has recently been bestowed upon one of the daughters by the Chinese government. The woman in question (who is now Mrs N.P. Anderson, living in Shanghai) will be remembered as Miss Annie Lai-Sun. She has recently been given an “imperial tablet” as a recognition of her services to the Chinese people in establishing a branch of the Red Cross society for work among the wounded during the recent war between China and Japan. Just what this tablet is we are unable to say, a copy of the Daily China Times containing a description of the memento and its significance having failed to reach this office. Our informant concerning the presentation of the tablet is Revd R.G. Keyes of Water... who roomed with Mr Lai-Sun when the latter was a student in Hamden college in Clinton, N.Y., about 50 years ago. Mr Keyes is now in communication with Mrs Anderson and his mention of the tablet suggests that it was a testimonial which brings a great honor to its recipient.\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210381, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 352, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "331\n\nOne Day in China: May 21, 1936. Edited, translated, and with an introduction by Sherman Cochran and Andrew C. K. Hsieh, with Janis Cochran, New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1983. xxvi, 290pp.\n\n“In the spring of 1936, newspapers and magazines in all parts of China began to carry advertisements calling for contributions to a record of a single, specific day Thursday, May 21, 1936. The advertisements were signed by two groups: the Literary Society, known for its distinguished journal, Literature, and the editorial board of “One Day in China”, whose members included some of the most famous intellectuals of the time, led by the editor-in-chief of the project, Mao Dun (1896-1981), a novelist acclaimed as China's leading writer of realistic fiction and one of the most important writers in modern Chinese literature.” Thus begins the Introduction to this selection of items translated into English. The project was inspired by Maxim Gorky (Russian novelist), who suggested “One Day in the World\" as a way of harnessing ‘collective writing'. Mao Dun and his editorial board, however, aimed at giving the vast picture of the face of China on a specific day, as presenting “a cross-section of today's China.”\n\nChina was at war, besieged from within and without. The Nationalists were fighting the Communists, both were fighting the Japanese. Here was an attempt to slice through this vast land in chaos with the fourth dimension of time, as if to cut into the ruthlessness of suffering with the ruthlessness of precision. There is something magically clean and clear about a specific point in time. That one day, 21 May, 1936, was chosen at random, but once chosen becomes a centre around which the amorphous begins to gather and to take shape. The infinite variations of life in China on that one day cohere within that continuum of time.\n\nThe entries are, with few exceptions, short. It is the cumulative effect of the entries together, rather than individually, which impresses upon the reader that life goes on, because it must, even against all odds. The facts are there, the emotions are expressed, despair is registered, but there is great economy of style in all of the pieces. The urgency is such that one does not stop to discuss, to analyze. The absence of any frenzy in all these voices makes for a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210395, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "Page & \n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT: 1985 — 86 \n\nTonight I have pleasure in reporting on the Society's activities during the year. I shall also give an account of problems carried over from last year which have continued to engage the Council's continued attention. I am happy to report that these are being solved one by one, with prospects of a more cheerful outlook than in the past two years. \n\nLectures and Tours \n\nDespite occasional difficulties in finding speakers and subjects, our programme has been a varied and interesting one, generally well supported by good attendances. It comprised six lectures and six tours and visits to institutions and local places of interest. Details are as follows: \n\nOn 12 June, 1985 Dr. Norman Miners, Senior Lecturer of Political Science at the University of Hong Kong gave a talk entitled \"State regulation of prostitution in Hong Kong 1857-1940”. This provided a useful follow-up to Dr. Kerrie Macpherson's talk earlier in the year (12 March 1985) on prostitution in Shanghai. \n\nOn 8 July, Dr. David Faure spoke on \"Brotherhood in South China: the triads in the 19th century”. Dr. Faure, Lecturer in History at the Chinese University of Hong Kong is a Councillor and Hon Editor of the Journal. \n\nWe took up our programme again in the autumn after the usual midsummer break. \n\nOn 28 September 1985, a small group of members visited the new Kowloon Central Library and was shown round the premises, including the reference department which includes our own library collection, mentioned elsewhere in this report. \n\nOn 9 November 1985, I led a large group to the north west New Territories with the purpose of walking across the Tin Shui \n\nvii\n\nPage &", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211500, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "192\n\nreports; and even the reports of such associations as the Red Cross and the Paper Hunt Club of Shanghai. There were printed catalogues of pertinent collections in such foreign libraries as the Newberry and John Crerar Libraries of Chicago, the Morrison Library of Hong Kong, the Bibliothek zu Berlin, the universities of Leiden and Upsala, and the Raffles Museum of Singapore. In spite of all this bibliographic wealth, the librarian maintained the Society's tradition of complaining about what was not there:\n\nIt still suffers from forgetfulness,\n\n―\n\nnot the willing neglect\n\nof authors. Refusals to requests for books are rare, but unfortunately unsolicited presentations are not as numerous as might be wished.2\n\nUse statistics were seldom mentioned in early annual reports, but they became a regular feature in the 1920's. In 1926, for example, 3,124 people used the reading room, and 543 volumes were checked out to members.29\n\nBy 1928 a campaign was mounted to raise Tls 100,000 for a new building, and two years later the British government donated the land it had formerly leased to the society, thus enabling the society to borrow funds against it. The British Tobacco Company, Sassoon and Company, and other enterprises made significant contributions. An official of His Majesty's Foreign Office called the society \"the one bright spot in Shanghai*.\" In 1931 the library collection was crated and stored while the old building was torn down and a new one constructed in its place. It reopened in 1934 with the library occupying the second floor. It included a “private office for the librarian and a well-lighted Reading Room. The storage space for books is amply designed to provide for future expansion\".3\n\nYet another recataloguing of the collection took place in 1936 in preparation for the sixth edition of the catalogue. The count was 11,350 titles. That year also saw the beginning of the keeping of an accession book,32\n\nAs the political situation in China became more unstable, the library became more heavily used. This was in part owing to the destruction", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211525, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "218\n\nTai Sheung Lo Kwan, the notes add, is none other than Taoist Patriarch Lao Tzu.\n\nTHE HONGKONG MILLING COMPANY'S FAILURE*\n\nE. W. WRIGHT\n\nThe suicide of A. H. Rennie, manager of the Hongkong Milling Co., and the subsequent closing down of the big milling plant which Mr. Rennie founded, is still causing much discussion in Pacific coast milling circles. Late particulars of the tragedy and the causes which led up to it, seem to indicate quite clearly that the death of Rennie and the failure of the institution which he established have combined to postpone indefinitely the attempt to build up the milling business in China on anything more than a very moderate scale.\n\nWhether or not it is possible to manufacture flour at a profit at Hongkong, is still a matter of doubt with some Pacific coast millers. They do not regard the failure of Rennie as proof conclusive that the business cannot be conducted with a profit, for Rennie, while a remarkably good flour salesman, knew nothing about the details of manufacturing flour. His failure, however, has made Pacific coast millers sceptical about the future success of milling in China in competition with the product that is shipped across the Pacific.\n\nThe rise and fall of the milling project at Hongkong is so much a part of the remarkable career of Mr. Rennie, who promoted it, that its history can best be told by relating his.\n\nA. H. Rennie was a native of Canada, where he was born in 1857. He became the confidential adviser and secretary of Hon. John Norquay,\n\n* This very interesting account is reprinted from the Northwestern Miller of 24 June, 1908, published at Minneapolis. Rennie left his name in Rennie's Mill, Junk Bay, near Kowloon. The editor is grateful to Mr. W. J. Howard, a long-time member of the Society, for contributing this item to the Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 289, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "264\n\nrefreshing as we get into warmer climates. I lost no opportunity of looking at Madeira through the glasses, and as we sailed half round it I was much amused. The weather was uncommonly mild; the pleasantest day we have had.\n\nI have spent the time reading or thinking, or walking with Captain Moult. Poor fellow, he is very gloomy, and it is quite a charity to liven him up a little. I have, however, to tell him very often of his habit of swearing, which is one of the greatest drawbacks to his society,\n\nIt is now Saturday night. Here I am writing in the saloon, the ship rocking in a cross sea. We have had tea, and as usual I am spending the time from half past seven to nine in reading and writing. The time begins to go now more rapidly; yet it is poor work after a month's sailing to have got no further. I am often thinking as I write, of home, and Saturday night there. Often do I see the old shop, and Siss and mother busy behind the counter. Sometimes I get so lost in thought that I fancy I am really at home among you all.\n\nI do however come home every night regularly to sleep either at Hythe, or Chudleigh, or Bridge. I get to bed, and in an instant I am back again to old England, I sometimes fancy it would make a curious medley, if I could write the substance of some of my dreams of home. It cheers one up, however, and takes off half the pain of separation. When I wake I have to take some few moments to make out where I am, and then when I open my eyes there are all the cluster of photographs before me, all seeming to look at me and sympathize with me in my solitude. I am thankful to say that my health fast improves. I hope soon to outgrow my clothes. Tomorrow I should very much like to spend a “Sunday at Home\", instead of a “Sunday at Sea”.\n\nThursday, April 11th\n\nWe are still jogging along on our journey. Every day seems shorter than its predecessor, and the time begins to go, I don't know how fast. It is no sooner morning than night comes. The day passes away very pleasantly, and really I am now quite at home. In fact I am as much at home as ever I was in college, and should feel quite as happy if I could only hear from those who are continually before my thoughts.\n\nEvery day now grows warmer. The thermometer is now 75° in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212248, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "NOTES\n\n167\n\nFrom manuscripts in the John Fryer Papers, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.\n\nThe title on the holograph was added in pencil at the top of the page and underlined; a pencil was used to cross out the salutation, probably at the time when the title was added prior to typing many years later. In transcribing this material I have followed the holograph document. Minor changes have been made to bring punctuation and use of numbers into conformity with modern usage and to improve readability. Editorial additions are in square brackets. Fryer tended to write run-on paragraphs; a caret indicates where long paragraphs have been broken up. Colons and semicolons are not easily distinguished in the holograph; Fryer was inconsistent in his use of the apostrophe.\n\n1\n\nFryer mentions below that it has been a fortnight since his arrival. This would place the date for this letter around August 13, 1861.\n\n4\n\nA sketch of the general plan of St. Paul's College, drawn in ink and tinted with watercolors by Fryer, accompanies the holograph document. See Plans in text, redrawn from Fryer's sketch plan.\n\n4 Fryer generally wrote \"&\" in his handwritten letters, but converted these to \"etc.\" and \"and\" in his typewritten transcriptions.\n\nFryer became engaged to Anna Roleston of Chudleigh, Devon, before embarking for Hong Kong,\n\nThe Second Anglo-Chinese War, 1858-1860, which led to a stoppage of much of the trade of Hong Kong with China to 1861.\n\n# This is one of the rare examples of Fryer's use of hyperbole; other examples can be detected below.\n\nHI\n\nThe Reverend George Smith, Bishop of Victoria.\n\nRev. William Roberts Beach arrived in Canton in 1853 sponsored by the Wesleyan Missionary Society. He joined the Church of England in 1855. In 1857 he became Warden of St. Paul's College and Chaplain to the Bishop of Victoria. His other appointments included a period in Macao as Missionary Chaplain in 1857, and service as Chaplain to the Forces under Sir Hope Grant in 1861. He was appointed Colonial Chaplain and Canon of St. John's Cathedral by the Rev. Alford, who in 1867 became \"Lord Bishop of the see of Victoria, and Warden (for the Church Missionary Society) of St. Paul's College'. (see E. J Bitel, Europe in China, Hong Kong: Kelley and Walsh, 1895. p. 466.) Alford was Principal of Highbury Training College, London, at the time when John Fryer was enlisted for work at St. Paul's College.\n\n|| This was the College in Staunton Street, later renamed St. Saviour's (1863), and then (1875) St. Joseph's.\n\nזן\n\nFryer travelled to Hong Kong on the sailing ship Prince Alfred.\n\nPublished in Volume 29 (1989) of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\n14\n\nSee Plans in Text.\n\n15\n\nSee Plates 2-4.\n\n16. Charles R. Alford; see note 10.\n\nדן\n\n* \"animals\" standard English school master-speech for \"schoolboys\".\n\nश्र\n\nPossibly the British Museum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212265, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "184\n\nof fact, focusing on the negative comments made by Legge without balancing them by Legge's sensitivity to broader ethical and religious contexts. Furthermore, Kranz showed none of Legge's sensitivity to the values of Chinese cultural and ethical standards; all of his comments were marred by a crass condescension.\n\nThis attempt to discredit Confucius and Legge's interpretation of Confucius went without criticism for only a few years. In 1904, another author in the The Chinese Recorder noted that Kranz had employed for his purposes only the earlier (1861) edition of Legge's work. He was apparently unaware of Legge's positive re-evaluation of Confucius which had appeared in his second (1893-1895) edition.\n\nV. Unintentional Imbalance\n\nIf the judgements of strangers are too often insensitive, the justifications of relatives are sometimes too sensitive. Pastor Kranz's distortions were drawn from general and personal ignorance; Helen Legge's biography, James Legge: Missionary and Scholar, was a self-conscious piece, full of personal insights and general awareness of her subject's interests and intentions, but somewhat unbalanced.\n\nHelen Legge was commissioned by the Religious Tract Society to write the biography. James Legge's career and professional life could be neatly divided: thirty-five years were spent in the service of the London Missionary Society; twenty-one years were devoted to his academic work in Oxford. Although his Christian concerns and his Chinese interests were consistent throughout his professional life, the institutional change marked a watershed in the direction and character of his efforts. Nevertheless, in Helen's biography, thirteen of fourteen chapters dealt with her father's missionary life! This may well have been the preference of the publisher, but, even though Helen interspersed some notes on her father's academic career, far too little of the scholar appears in the book.\n\nThis unbalanced presentation was redressed twenty years later. One of Legge's students became the third Professor of Chinese Language and Literature at Oxford. William Edward Soothill prefaced his book on Chinese Religions with a dedication which read: “To James Legge, a Great Scholar and a Devoted Missionary”\n\nJ\n\n1136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "212\n\nKong CT. London Missionary Society Archives, South China, April 24, 1845: Legge writes to the headquarters, sending copies of Collie's work to them.\n\nC Andrew J Nathan, \"The Place of Values in Cross-Cultural Studies: The Example of Democracy and China\", in Paul A. Cohen and Merle Goldman, eds., Ideas Across Cultures: Essays on Chinese Thought in Honor of Benjamin I. Schwartz (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 293-314. I quote here the three relevant sections.\n\n**After World War II] relativism especially recommended itself as a corrective to our society's nineteenth and early twentieth-century missionary impulses... that their way of life was not going to sweep the world.... (Ibid. p 296).\n\n**The relativist position |-| adopted in order to prevent missionary zeal from clouding our understanding of the non-Western world |. led in some cases to an equal but opposite kind of self-deception”. (Ibid. p 304).\n\n\"Evaluative universalism by no means requires a return to the missionary mode of promoting Western values. It is not a call for proselytism but an expression of the belief, first, that value differences when they exist can, and can only, be honestly expressed, and second, that beliefs originating in different societies can fruitfully be confronted with one another, compared, and judged, even though disagreement is expected to persist”. (Ibid. pp 312-313).\n\nRecorded in Legge's autobiographical account entitled \"Notes of My Life\" (pp. 25-27), kept now in the Bodleian Library in Oxford.\n\n12 These books are Paraphrasis Psalmorum Davidis Poetica (n.p., 1566) and Rerum Scoticorum Historia (ed. apud A. Arbuthnetum, 1582). English translations of both were available in Legge's time.\n\nLi\n\nThis version was apparently intended as a replacement of the earlier rendition of The Book Of Poetry published by Legge in 1871. It was a completely revised text of both the verse and the commentarial notes. Because it only included the English text and not the Chinese text which appeared in the first edition, however, the later Oxford edition of 1893-1895 republished the earlier text. A comparison of this earlier rendition with the second edition (which others called Legge's \"metrical“ Shijing \"jén) would display the kind of discipline Legge had as a translator of classical texts. See James Legge, The Chinese Classics: translated into English, with Preliminary Essays And Explanatory Notes – Vol III: The She King; or, The Book Of Odes (London: Trübner & Co., 1876). See also Alfred Lister, \"Dr. Legge's Metrical Shi-King\", The China Review 5:1 (July 1876), pp. 1-8.\n\n11\n\nThis Hebrew Psalter was prepared with a twenty-seven page introductory essay which included some critical commentary, and over three hundred pages of metrical paraphrases of the Psalms. Legge's position in presenting the Psalter was primarily meditative and not textual-critical; neither did this tome contain the kind of extensive commentarial apparatus which The Chinese Classics always included. Perhaps it is for some of these reasons that the manuscript was never published. It is now kept in the library of New College at the University of Edinburgh.\n\n14 The printed text of this poetic summary of Chinese history I found in the Oriental Studies Library in Oxford. It was clearly planned and printed as part of some larger work.\n\nFor the value of \"cherishing the old\", see the Analects 2:11, The Chinese Classics: Vol 1, op. cit., p. 49. Han Yu's opposition to Buddhist and Taoist superstitions, his courageous attack on their spiritual deceptions, and his consequent punishment must have stood as a courageous example to Legge. Han's specific interest in the old style, and his influence in stimulating interest in the renewed study of ancient texts and writing styles, parallels some of Legge's own interests.\n\n17 After graduating from King's College, the young James spent time with his father", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213020, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "67\n\nChinese athletes work for the country. They live under the guidance of coaches, the sports hierarchy which in turn are fed by the government and are supervised by the government. Coaches are government employees, and so are the athletes. If these athletes and coaches were found to fare poorly, the government might be unfavourably associated. But if these poor performances were excused, the losses were presented in diminished forms, then not only the athletes, but also the coaches, government officials, or even the whole bureaucracy could be saved from severe criticisms or challenges from other forces in the country. Not being totally defeated socially, albeit the physical defeat would mean the possibility of a revival of status and the possibility of a comeback, both in the sports arena, and in the socio-political area for the government employees.\n\nAs such, when Chinese athletes or teams encountered face-threatening situations, the unfavourableness would be alleviated or even overturned by a matter of presentation skills. Whether these skills could produce the desired results is beyond the scope of the present analysis. But for sure, if these strategies to forestall the face-threatening situations are clearly evident, then it could be said that the press did some facework for the athletes and the country of the government. And there were reasons to believe that it did facework for the sake of politics since whom it protected from the loss of face or the threats to face were government employees or those who were closely identified with the country.\n\nAnother relationship between the concept of face with politics can be viewed from a more macroscopic and positive perspective: nation-building. Alan Liu, in his Communication and National Integration in Communist China, quoted Inkeles' initiation of the study of mass media and social systems in the process of nation-building. The roles of mass media in the context of nation-building is to serve as a tool of identification with the country under a specific leadership, and to help to convey a new set of norms, values and symbols across the country so as to achieve national integration. Both added together reflected polity and society (Liu, 1975: 2-3). This seems especially important in a new nation like the People's Republic of China. It was promulgated in 1949. It advocated an ideology which sounded exotic to the general masses. A convenient means would be to use familiar terms with new relationships to construct a new society. Face offers an age-old concept to manipulate with. The new relationships are up to the party leaders' wishes.\n\nXIX", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "Numbers are in fact creeping up, albeit slowly. Today, about 19 per cent of our membership, judging by names, are ethnic Chinese. With cross-cultural marriages however, this percentage is probably not entirely accurate.\n\nYour Council also feels a continuing effort should be made to recruit more student members, especially promising young scholars.\n\nPublications\n\nProgress has been made with the publishing of journals. Volumes 31 and 32 came off the presses in 1996, volume 33 was published in early 1997 and volume 34 should be out in two or three weeks' time. Our journals have long been held in high regard both by teaching and research institutions around the world and also by a more discerning reading public. We are now trying to improve our marketing techniques so we can sell more copies.\n\nAfter the successful publication of Beyond the Metropolis: Villages in Hong Kong, in early 1996 we have started to press ahead with a companion volume about Yau Ma Tei called, In the Heart of the Metropolis. This is being prepared by our Branch together with the Cathay Camera Club, a number of whose members are also Royal Asiatic Society members. It is important that a society like ours engages in scholarly projects and we are extremely grateful to Dr Patrick Hase who readily accepted the job of editor and chief project organiser. In the latter capacity he has been ably assisted by Brian Pearce, and now that Brian has left Hong Kong, by Charles Slater.\n\nMany members read our Newsletter avidly and naturally with advancing information technology it is nicely produced. A considerable amount of planning and effort go into each issue and it always manages to meet the deadline. For this significant achievement we have to thank Claire Hockaday and Geoffrey Roper.\n\nActivities\n\nIt has been said 'Good lecturers are a gift from heaven' and certainly\n\nxii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214796, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "176\n\nimaginings of more global others. The imaginary China which is depicted in writings and videos made by overseas Hmong is of course quite different from the China of actuality which some of them may visit, and yet these imagined recreations of place and locality are in some cases supported and reproduced through the cultural productions of local artistes and performers within China, as Schein (2000) has recently shown.\n\nI should like to present these kinds of returns as importantly powered by a nostalgia born in general from separation (a kind of metaphysics of place, rather than a metaphysics of absence), and these reconstructions of an often idyllic past as part of an attempt to re-appropriate, to forge new identities in the face of globalising dislocations from place; a kind of resistance, if you like. And, as communities have dispersed, and become transnational and cosmopolitan, so anthropology has had to change, from the older near-exclusive focus on local communities, to a discipline concerned with the wide-reaching effects of global capitalism, international tourism, and the production of media images which travel far and fast across cultural boundaries.\n\nMy own very first work on the Hmong was concerned with the rapid adoption by Hmong resettled as refugees in the United States of long-distance telephone calls to keep in touch with lineage relatives, and the recourse to telephone directories to find lineage members of the same surname with whom they could stay and from whom traditional lineage hospitality could be expected when they visited other cities. I saw this very rapid adoption of modern communications technology by a people who were still largely without writing skills (although they could read surnames in telephone directories!) as a striking instance of the power of a lineage society to reconstitute itself in a new global setting (a little like the Man lineage of Hong Kong did), and of the capacity of the still largely oral traditions of the Hmong to leapfrog entirely the stage of literacy which Marshall McLuhan had seen as the inevitable precursor to a new age of oral and visual communications (Tapp 1982).\n\nAnthropologists, and social scientists in general, can perhaps be criticised for being totally unable to provide any simple or easy answers to questions about whether the use of modern telecommunications is necessarily liberating and empowering for the individual, or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215271, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "1 March 2002\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH\n\nLIBRARY\n\nADDITIONS LIST 2001/2002\n\nAdams, Edward Ben, 1934-\n\nPalaces of Seoul: Yi dynasty palaces in Korea's capital city; foreword by Hwang Su-Young. Seoul, Korea: Taewon Pub. Co., c1972.\n\nBelden, Jack, 1910-\n\nChina shakes the world. New York: Harper & brothers, c1949.\n\nBodde, Derk, 1909-\n\nLaw in imperial China: exemplified by 190 Ch'ing dynasty cases (translated from the Hsing-an hui-lan) with historical, social, and juridical commentaries. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, c1967.\n\nBoulger, Demetrius Charles de Kavanagh, 1853-1928\n\nThe life of Sir Halliday Macartney, K.C.M.G., commander of Li Hung Chang's trained force in the Taeping rebellion, founder of the first Chinese arsenals, for thirty years councillor and secretary to the Chinese legation in London. London, New York: J. Lane company, 1908.\n\nCarney, Dora Sanders, 1903-\n\nForeign devils had light eyes: a memoir of Shanghai 1933-1939. Toronto: Dorset Pub., 1980.\n\nCopper, John Franklin\n\nWords across the Taiwan Strait: a critique of Beijing's \"White paper\" on China's reunification. Lanham: University Press of America, c1995.\n\nCroft, Michael\n\nRed carpet to China. London: Longmans, c1958.\n\nCronin, Vincent, 1924-\n\nThe wise man from the West. London: R. Hart-Davis, c1955.\n\nxlv", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215472, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "198\n\nand rock falls. We saw one such team, hard at it, with a pot-bellied sergeant doing the important job of watching them.\n\nA dignified repast\n\nOn the far side of Haa we took the road up the valley to inspect a small village, Nagyel - we were even able to go inside one of the houses and poke around. Everything was, of course, wooden and very solid. But at 9,000 feet we were a bit puffed and in need of lunch - and so headed back down the valley again. Very soon we realised that we ourselves were the visiting dignitaries for whom the large table and chairs had been set up. We had not up to now realised, but in addition to our two minibuses and the smaller one for our baggage, there was yet another. This fourth vehicle contained the catering crew of three, who had gone ahead and prepared a splendid al fresco buffet lunch. What a treat! An excellent spread and served most professionally. And not over the top at all, now we realised who the diners were to be.\n\nThe second night's accommodation was waiting for us in the capital city, Thimpu. As that was four hours away we had no time to hang around, but we were able to stop for a treat along the way. This was the Napchong Hadang Monastery, where we found we were just in time for a puja for the water god. This ritual, dating from the 17th century, lasts for three days, the third day involving a long procession through the nearby villages. We were there on the first day, and were lucky enough to enter the temple and see two lines of red-robed monks, sitting cross-legged on the floor facing each other and eating rice from their bowls. At the head of the lines was the master. When he started chanting the rice bowls disappeared under the robes pretty sharpish as all were expected to join in. The older monks, sitting nearer the master, had drums whilst the younger ones had enough to do to try not to stare at 27 members of the Royal Asiatic Society. To one side were two, as it were, oboists and to the other were two, as it might have been, bass horn players. The whole ensemble was absolutely magical, something I had never seen nor heard except on the National Geographic Channel.\n\nThe three further hours to Thimpu were spent in happy conversation on the bus, the subjects ranging from Tung Chi Wah's chances of a second term to African insects that lay their eggs under your toenails. I don't know how I did it in the face of such intellectual challenge, but I", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 287, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "221\n\nresearch and cross-cultural studies on an international scale. There is much of lasting value which has been gained here. For the light of this story is full of mottled shades, helping to expose the cultural complexities of the second generation of missionaries and indigenous Christians among Protestants in China as well as highlighting the work of one of their most creative and unexpected indigenous missionaries. Furthermore, it reveals a purposefully hidden event in the very early era of the post-Opium War treaty situation which has been all but forgotten. Now there is even more evidence to consider, far more than has previously been available, to indicate how and why the interacting forces of foreign military, local mandarin, Hong Kong missionary and Chinese local populations struggled through this very murky period in modern Chinese history.\n\nNOTES\n\n1. Further details about Legge's missionary-scholar career can be culled from my two-volume work entitled Striving for \"The Whole Duty of Man”: James Legge and the Scottish Protestant Encounter with China (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang), forthcoming in May or June 2003. Images of some of the other deaths surrounding Legge's later life while a professor in Chinese language and literature at Oxford can be culled from Norman J. Girardot's The Victorian Translation of China: James Legge's Oriental Pilgrimage (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002). An earlier version of this paper was read at the International Conference on James Legge held in the University of Aberdeen in April 1997.\n\n2. See George Legge, Lectures on Theology, Science, and Revelation, eds. James Legge and John Legge, with introduction by James Legge (London: 1863).\n\n3. In the five-volume set of William Canton's A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society (London: John Murray, 1904-1910), only two pages are devoted to recounting the basic elements of Ch'ea's Christian life and martyrdom, all being completely dependent on previous published sources in English. While a full chapter is devoted to Ch'ea in Helen Edith Legge's James Legge: Missionary and Scholar (London: Religious Tract Society, 1905), her account suffers from a lack of chronological consistency, some misrepresentation of facts, and a lack of understanding of the broader circumstances influencing the events leading to his murder.\n\n4. An immense amount of literature in the general area of Protestant missionary studies, for example, and two monumental works on Legge's two distinct careers as a missionary for the London Missionary Society in Hong Kong and as the first professor of Chinese language and literature at Corpus Christi College in Oxford (by Pfister and Girardot respectively), have highlighted these matters. For those interested in the more general trends of missionary studies", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 } ]