[ { "id": 204407, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "30\n\nG. FINDLAY ANDREW\n\nmerce throughout the fourteen districts accepted the notes from the shops and when the quantity in hand warranted it they would redeem them from me in silver sycee at my headquarters. The scheme worked very satisfactorily and when the final liquidation was achieved we found that we had cleared nearly 5% profit.\n\nBefore the year of which I write, copper coins, representing a value of ten brass cash, had already been introduced into circulation throughout the provinces near the coast. The use and circulation of these copper coins was stimulated when the content value of the brass cash exceeded the market value and the high pressure pumps had already commenced the work of pumping a steady stream of the brass cash currency over the sea to the land of the Rising Sun. Slowly the copper coins (l'ung yuan) spread into the far interior and with their coming they changed several aspects of life. Whilst they facilitated the transfer and carriage of baser currency, at the same time they increased the cost of living. A sweet (the child's necessity) which previously cost one cash now cost ten.\n\nThose were the days of the war-lords when “every man did that which was right in his own eyes\". It was not long before these gentlemen conceived the happy idea of each establishing his own arsenal with minting machinery complete so that he might furnish himself with all the sinews of modern war both in lethal weapons and silver dollars. During the days of the Manchu dynasty the Central Government had kept tight control over both arsenals and mints. A very wise ruling established that no arsenal might manufacture both arms and ammunition of the same calibre. Thus, for instance, arms produced by the Shanghai arsenal were dependent on say the Hankow arsenal for ammunition. This shows the control that Peking was able to exercise over the militarists in this connection. But from the days of the war-lords this was entirely changed. The big men produced their own arms, ammunition and coinage. Thus the control of coinage passed from Peking and it was not long before regional, and even provincial, dollars came into circulation all of varying standards. One military gentleman, of scientific bent of mind, conceived the brilliant idea of mixing sand with the copper and minting coins whose value was indicated by their size. Thus by the time he got up to the five hundred cash value coins they were so large and brittle that they crumbled when", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204411, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "34 \n\nG. FINDLAY ANDREW \n\ncamped till about midnight. Then making our way down the mountain side we came to a large field in the centre of which some of the war-lord's men started digging. It was not long before they uncovered the first of several large earthenware crocks full of silver, mostly the fifty ounce \"shoes\". Each crock was wired to the next. By daylight we had the whole of the sycee boxed in the cases we had brought with us and shortly after sun-up we had the pack-animals loaded and were on our way home. One very pleasant remembrance of the incident was the spirit of integrity that was evidenced in the whole deal. Under the peculiar circumstances we naturally had to accept the weights and standards that were given us at the place of take over. But when we were able to check-up at the provincial capital we found no discrepancy. \n\nI purposed using this consignment of silver to purchase some coarse barley, cultivated on the Tibetan border and which was the only grain available and in very limited quantities. However, we hit a snag when the people of the district (half-breed Tibetans) insisted that payment must be made in silver dollars of standard value. It seemed for a time as though we had reached an impasse, until, acting on a hint, I found in the local arsenal machinery for a mint which our far-sighted War-Lord was planning for this backward province of the North-West. We found dies and stamps to mint the impressions which we made in moulds from the dollars of all provinces and regions. The only difference between our production and the originals was that our content was of uniform standard. The only dollar we were unable to copy was the Sun Yat-sen dollar where the impression goes through and comes out in relief on the other side. We even produced Hong Kong dollars. In all we minted and uttered two hundred and thirty odd thousand silver dollars. What alloy we used was white brass. This episode had an interesting sequel some ten years later when, one evening, I found myself dining with Dr. T. V. Soong, then Minister of Finance. Among the guests was Yu Yu-ren, then President of the Examination Board. This office was responsible for the disciplining of officials. Pointing at me, Dr. Soong said to Mr. Yu, “You ought to put this man behind the bars. He comes to our country and without Government charter or licence he issues our currencies and mints our coinage\". \"Excuse me \",", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES \n\n81\n\nweddings and funerals, repairs to the ancestral temple, and so on. In \n\nAnother and less formal method of securing these aims is the setting aside of joss and oil fields, sometimes known by the obscure title of ching sheung 1, whose proceeds, again, are used for the proper observance of ancestral rites and other family needs.1 One need hardly emphasise the integrating effect of these land measures,\n\nTo understand the people and their outlook and background it is necessary to see to what sort of government they were accustomed.1 The government of the San On district was essentially Confucian, like that of every other administrative division; by which I mean that Confucian principles were ostensibly followed. This was sealed by the state worship of the sage. In every district city there was a temple to Confucius styled a man miu in which the District Magistrate, his senior staff and the local gentry paid the customary respects to the sage and his seventy-two disciples on his birthday (twenty-seventh day of the eighth moon) and at the spring worship or chun chai 1 in the second moon. The same thing happened at the prefectural and provincial capitals. At the head of the San On district was the District Magistrate whose superior was the prefect of the Kwang Chau prefecture which embraced at least five large districts. He was subordinate to the provincial governor and he in turn to the Viceroy of the two Kwang Provinces of Kwangtung and Kwangsi. The nature and duties of the provincial officers had been established since the T'ang dynasty and for well over a millennium the pattern of government had been cast in an identical mould. The District Magistrate was usually a scholar who had taken one of the metropolitan examinations at Peking and he was always a native of another province than his native one, this being a long standing rule. He spent three or six years in one post and was then moved elsewhere, and was promoted in due course to be prefect or to higher office through merit, connections or good fortune. Some persons began and ended their official careers as District Magistrates.\n\n1\n\nThe District Magistrate's duties were many and his competence was most extensive. He was, in truth, the father-mother official1 of the people so called by them and also so styled in official documents because of his authority over all their affairs, criminal or civil. He certainly regarded himself as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "40\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\npublished by numerous local and provincial schools under the direct supervision of the directors of these schools. Various government administrative officers also printed books; for example, the Offices of Tea and Salt in Chekiang published in 1151 the complete works of Wang An-shih. These government editions were distinguished by good quality of paper, elegant type, and also by a carefully checked text. They are therefore of high value.\n\nA considerable number of books in this period were published privately. This was done for various reasons: as gifts to friends and relatives; by relatives for a scholar-author; for philosophic reasons; possibly even for sale and to make a profit.\n\nCommerce in books flourished. In spite of the decree of 1180 forbidding non-government printing, bookstores continued to engage not only in the sale of books, but also in their printing, particularly in the province of Fukien and Chekiang, the political and cultural centres of China at the time. They put out such books as those on classics, history, medicine, lexicography, and the like; also a large number of text-books and review books for students going up for the examinations. Some of the latter were minute; they were called \"kerchief case copies\" and the students used to take them into the examination halls secretly. A special decree, issued during the period 1208-1224, forbade the printing of these books; but they continued to be issued nonetheless. From the point of view of quality, the commercial ones were very inferior to those put out by either the government or by private individuals.\n\nNo special permission was required for the publication of a work, and there was no censorship. No regulations existed restricting the rights to the publication of such-and-such a book. In certain cases, however, the government could forbid such publication. (After his death the books of Wang An-shih were for a time proscribed, and the Writings of the three Su were burned in 1103.)\n\nThe spread of books had a marked influence on the education of the general public. Likewise, the change in the shape of books—to accordion style from the scroll—helped the handling of books and their storage. Many schools were established, even in small localities. Confucianism began to lose its character as\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204586, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "56\n\nMA MENG\n\nT\n\nmao-tun, contradiction; po-shiao H, exploitation; fu-shê radiation; and cheng-k'ung, vacuum. It should be noted that some of these combined expressions such as ke-ming and mao-tun first appeared in the classics in the Book of Changes and the Book of Han Fei Tzu respectively. The growing use of such combined expressions in place of individual characters has thus been a great aid in introducing modern concepts into the Chinese language.\n\nThe Chinese language has also been enriched by the absorption of colloquial and regional expressions. This has been especially true on the Mainland in recent years, where such practice has been deliberately employed, particularly in party or government publications. However, in Taiwan and in the overseas Chinese communities, it has not had any marked influence.\n\nIn the creation of an adequate modern Chinese vocabulary one problem still remains unsolved: that of creating standard technical terms. The problem as such is not new but has become more complicated with the rapid increase of new technical terms in recent years. Efforts to create new technical terms have often foundered because the public has not been willing to accept them. Thus the words used in technical texts often remain unknown to industrial workers, whose own expressions, in turn, are not understood by engineers. In Hong Kong and in the overseas Chinese communities this difficulty has often been resolved by the use of English terms.\n\nAnother aspect of recent changes in the Chinese language is the development of a standard spoken language. Although within limited circles a common language known as kuan-hua T meaning official language has been in use by officials and some intellectuals for a long time, it was not till the beginning of this century that the development of a standard spoken language was consciously promoted. The history of kuan-hua goes back to the Ming Dynasty, which made Peking its capital in the fifteenth century. Throughout the Ming and Ch'ing dynasties, kuan-hua, which is based on the Peking dialect but pronounced with different accents, served as the medium of verbal communication between officials of different provincial origin appointed to posts throughout the empire. Kuan-hua continued to develop through the centuries because of the lasting need for such a common language.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204680, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n145\n\nSeptember 1834 stated: \"The English barbarians have always been very cunning. Hitherto they have squatted in Macao and have coveted Ta Yu Shan.1 Towards the end of this memorandum he wrote: \"Moreover your minister has dispatched three hundred picked troops from [his] Regiment and appointed the tu-ssu2 (? 'Captain') Hung Fa-k'e to go to Macao to reinforce the garrison. As to the fort[s] on Ta Yü Shan we have sent an officer there to take measures for defence and secretly to make dispositions at every place, without arousing suspicion. As soon as it is ascertained that the barbarians are peaceful we will withdraw them.\"\n\nThese precautions were confirmed by an edict issued to the members of the Grand Council dated the 28th day of the 8th month of the 14th year of Tao-kuang's reign (30 September 1834) which contained the following words: \"Junior officers and men must be dispatched to the places both inside and outside the provincial capital and to the neighbourhood of Macao and to the forts of Ta Yü Shan, and patrolling must be increased without arousing suspicion, and precautions taken unostentatiously.\n\nInside the walls of the old fort there is now a flourishing Government-subsidised school and it all looks very neat and peaceful; very different from the time when active preparations were made there to repel a possible attack from the British.\n\nIt would be interesting to know more about this fort and also the one at Fan Lau. Can anyone add any further information?\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG.\n\n1 The Chinese name of the island called by foreigners Lantao. Text in Shih-liao hsün-k'an, #21, 765b, column 6.\n\n2 Ibid., 766, columns 11-12.\n\n3 There was another fort on Lantao at Fan Lau on the Southwest corner of the island,\n\n4 Tung-hua hsü-lu. Reprinted in Chiang T'ing-fu, Chin-tai Chung-kuo wai-chiao shih tzu-liao chi-yao, Vol. I, p. 10, columns 12-13.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204716, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "W. C. HUNTER \n\nengaged in the lucrative trade drew out of the country large amounts of silver. Lin Tse-hsu, Governor General of Hupeh and Hunan wholeheartedly threw his support to those who memorialized the throne requesting stringent measures to prevent the use of opium within the country, and to cure addicts. Moreover, Lin took direct action and seized caches of opium, 12,000 ounces and 5,000 pipes. As a result of his success in combating opium addiction and forceful condemnation of the sale of the drug he was called to Peking by Emperor Tao-kuang and appointed Imperial Commissioner to examine the opium traffic at Canton. He arrived at the provincial capital in early March, 1839. For several years prior to 1839 nearly 30,000 chests had been imported annually there.\n\nFateful events immediately took form. Lin warned the western merchants of dire results if the iniquitous trade did not cease. His threat was followed by the demand that within three days they offer a bond that no opium would be imported. A counter proposal was made to turn over to Commissioner Lin about 1000 chests of the drug which he summarily rejected. On March 22, he demanded that Lancelot Dent, one of the principal importers be given to Chinese officials as a hostage until all opium was given up. The western merchants insisted that Dent could be surrendered only on condition that his personal safety was guaranteed. The Chinese merchants doing business with foreigners were frightened by the action of their own government. Some of them were deprived of their buttons of rank and two appeared in public with chains around their necks. Under these circumstances the Hong (the association of Chinese merchants trading with the western merchants at Canton) pressed the foreign community to comply with the ultimatum of Lin and deliver up Dent.\n\nIn the midst of this seething situation, on March 24, Captain Charles Elliot, British naval officer and Chief Superintendent and Plenipotentiary of the China Commission arrived from Macao. He entered the foreign compound with great difficulty inasmuch as the river had been blockaded and the streets leading to the foreign section had been barricaded. The predicament of approximately 300 western people seemed most serious since food and water were in short supply and a large encampment of Chinese troops was close at hand. Canton was cut off from formal communications from Macao which was nearly sixty miles distant", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204717, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n11\n\nin the Pearl River estuary. This estuary formed a great bay on the eastern edge of which was Hong Kong and on the western edge the Portuguese city of Macao. Many of the ships whose cargo were destined for Canton stopped first at Macao and the city was the summer home of a considerable number of foreign merchants trading to Canton. The island of Lintin, consisting of little more than a sharp peak rising in the center of the bay, was the entrepôt of the opium trade. At the mouth of the Pearl River a series of forts known as the Bogue dominated the estuary, at its widest three miles and at its narrowest one mile.* European ships were required to stop at the fortifications and receive permission from the Chinese authorities to proceed up the Pearl River. They then sailed on thirty miles to Whampoa, an island in the river where they anchored and discharged their cargos which were taken by barges and smaller ships thirteen miles to Canton, Neither the depth of the river nor the Chinese government permitted the \"Foreign Devils\" to bring large ships to the provincial capital.\n\nOn March 28, 1839 Elliot agreed to turn over to Commissioner Lin the entire holdings of opium which he stated as 20,283 chests. As each major consignment of opium was delivered restrictions on foreigners were eased in regard to food supplies and employment of Chinese workers. By early May conditions outwardly had returned to normal, the embargo lifted and the river opened to commercial traffic. The first crisis was over but the basic problem had not been settled.\n\nThe journal of William Hunter covered the critical days of siege from March to May 1839. Hunter graphically presented the dangers and concerns of the western community in Canton yet more significantly he showed the necessary patterns of life which develop even in the midst of agonizing uncertainty. In short the routine of peace was exchanged for the routine of confinement. All in all, tension produced by a state of siege, rumor, and the anticipation of an unknown fury ready to be unleashed by Chinese authorities were key ingredients of the spirit of the beleagured foreign community in Canton in 1839. Hunter was not concerned about the morality of opium trade. Apparently he saw no justification whatsoever for the action of the Chinese government.\n\n* For places mentioned here and in the Journal see the map facing p. 27.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204869, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n147\n\nBranch of the Royal Asiatic Society. The following additional notes, which are not meant to be comprehensive or definitive, are added for interest.\n\nAccording to YUEN Yuen's revised edition of the History of Kwangtung, the present structure dates from 1817 and has therefore been in existence for nearly 150 years. Its construction followed a period of recommendations, which probably accounts for the curious fact that it was built after the provincial government had finally managed to deal successfully with the large pirate fleets which had terrorized the Kwangtung coastal and riverine regions for the past twenty years. It seems certainly to have been a case of closing the stable door after the horse had bolted; though it may also have resulted from increasing concern with European activity in the delta. The official documents of the time would establish which it was.\n\nThe fort contains buildings within a large enclosure whose walls measure 225 feet long x 265 feet deep. The front ramparts, through which the entrance gateway passes, are between 15-20 feet thick. The layout at the time of the lease of the New Territories to Great Britain, in 1898, is clearly shown on the survey sheets for Tung Chung, which were prepared soon after the lease. If my memory serves me right, the walls are still in good condition. A village primary school has ample space inside the compound and some of the old buildings, which may have housed the garrison in 1898, are used as offices by the school and by the Tung Chung Rural Committee.\n\nThe walls have stone foundations to a height of perhaps 8-10 feet and a superstructure built of the common bluish-dark grey bricks of the region. Geologists would be able to say whether, as is likely, the stone and the granite slabs used in its construction were brought from the quarries on nearby Chik Lap Kok, the island which juts north from Tung Chung Bay. In this respect it is similar to the other remaining fort on Lantau. This is at Fan Lau at the south-west tip of the island and has been attributed, probably wrongly, to the Dutch. It is considerably older than the Tung Chung fort and the San On district history states that it was built in 1684. However, it has been long...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204974, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n73\n\nofficial agreement between the two countries to refer to piracy. and Article 52 gave British warships permission, when in pursuit of pirates, to enter any port on the coast. Provision was also made for co-operation between the Royal Navy and the Chinese for punishment of pirates, restoration of stolen goods, and so on, and later treaties and agreements followed the same pattern. Unfortunately, experience proved that the Chinese had undertaken more than they could carry out; and that the provincial authorities were as often unwilling, as unable, to implement the pledges of the Peking Government.\n\nThe pirates on the coast in the 1840's, 50's, and 60's, included British, American, French, and other foreign renegades, who often worked in league with Chinese merchants in Hong Kong and the treaty ports. The system of ship registry then in force in Hong Kong was even more liable to abuse than the present system, and allowed Chinese shipowners an easy means of claiming the protection of certain foreign flags. This increased the difficulties of the Navy, already hard pressed to distinguish between convoy and pirate, and between pirate, trader, and fisherman.\n\nThe most famous renegade among the pirates in the 1850's was an American sailor called Eli Boggs, for whose capture the Hong Kong Government offered a reward of $1,000. This was won by an even more famous American sailor, more often associated with blackbirding in the Pacific, than with piracy on the China coast. Captain Bully Hayes, however, made his debut on the China coast, and when that part of the world became too hot for him he moved south to Australasian and Pacific waters.\n\nHayes first appeared in the Far East in 1854 at Singapore, as master of the American barque, Canton. He was then twenty-five years old. After selling the Canton, which did not belong to him, he appeared in Hong Kong a few months later as master of another American barque, the Otranto, which was probably under charter to the famous American house of Russell and Company. In Hong Kong's Victoria Hotel, and in the company of the masters of two Jardine opium clippers, Long John Saunders of the Chin Chin and King Tom Donovan of the Spray, Hayes made the acquaintance of some naval officers, and for the rest of his time on the coast he was a great favourite with the Navy. During", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205090, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Five Great Clans\n\n41\n\ninside their walled village, and the Hau installed cannon in three of their villages and bombarded Sheung Shui. At the same time one of their literati with contacts in Nam Tau,118 the district capital, arranged for the Imperial troops stationed there to be brought in on the side of the Hau Clan. The Lius got to hear of this, and used their contacts in the provincial capital to have the troops stopped. It is said that on being told of this Liu countermove the leader of the Hau \"spat out blood and died of rage\". The dispute was settled eventually by arbitration.\n\nVI\n\nI have tried to show that these five clans controlled the more important part of the area which is now the New Territories, and that they derived their power and wealth from the land. My field-work was concerned with only one of these five, and the information which I have given above was largely gathered as incidental to my own study. I feel that a worthwhile project would be a study of just such a group of clans, to find answers to such questions as: exactly how much power they did wield; how much they were able to disregard the central government and the provincial authorities; what connections they had with each other at what levels; how much they inter-married, and whether marriage patterns changed significantly according to the rise of disputes; exactly why certain clans allied with others; and how spheres of influence over smaller clans came about. There is the question also of the position of some of these clans as tax-lords120 acting as tax agents for the government how they obtained the privilege and how they used it. The study could be brought up to date with an enquiry into the way in which the power of the five clans is being lost as educational, economic, and governmental changes bring about a levelling of opportunity in the New Territories. Perhaps this brief introduction will serve to point out the need for such a study.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205117, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "68\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nadministration of the local rulers of the Tun-huang region who were descended from the Chagatay branch of Chingis Khan's clan was still modelled after the Chinese prototypes. The names of offices mentioned in this Mongol letter written in the Mongol script are transcriptions from Chinese. The same applies to the feudal titles of these local rulers: they are Chinese and can be identified through Chinese sources. The document must have been written about 1355 or 1360, that is, rather late and at a time when the Tun-huang and Turfan regions were certainly not under direct control from Peking. Another document found in Turfan and dating from the same period has furnished evidence for another set of Chinese titles, in a context which is, linguistically, a strongly Turkicized Mongolian. The names of offices mentioned show that the administration of these Chagatay kings was a replica of the Chinese central and provincial government organization. Even the disposition of the Mongol documents found in Central Asia shows Chinese influence: wherever the name of a Khan occurs, a new line is begun.23 This same feature occurs also in the Mongolian letters written by the Ilkhans of Persia to the King of France and to the Pope. The presence of Chinese chancellery practices in Persia under the Ilkhans is further shown by the Chinese seals or rather stamps on these letters.24 We could even go one step further and ask how much of the government and taxation practices of the Golden Horde rulers in Southern Russia is of Chinese origin. It is generally recognized that medieval Russia, that is, the Muscovite kingdom of the Ruriks, was deeply influenced by the \"Tatar\" domination and took over some of the Tatar or Mongol patterns of government. The tendencies toward centralization in sixteenth century Russia can be explained by these Tatar influences which might eventually go back to Chinese administrative patterns.\n\nChinese art forms too have spread West under the Mongols. A good example is Persian miniature painting. It is not necessary to be a trained art historian or a specialist in Islamic art; even a layman would notice that thirteenth and fourteenth century Persian miniatures were deeply influenced by Chinese painting. On some early miniatures we find trees, rocks and clouds painted in the same way as Chinese painters did. Chinese painting must therefore have been known to the Persians under Mongol rule. Recently unassailable proof for the presence of Chinese art in Persia has", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205161, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "112 \n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG \n\nIn helping the government to perform various functions in the Palace Examination, Metropolitan Examination and the Shun-t'ien Provincial Examination, the Hanlins served as examiners, assistant examiners and other members of the examining boards.45 Services in the capital entailed no travelling, but if they were assigned to the provinces as examiners, they had to embark on long journeys. Their work in the provinces, though educational in character, enabled them to know more of provincial conditions. Their inevitable intercourse with local officials and their contacts with scholars widened their experience and threw them into the realities of local government. \n\nAnother service relating to the Civil Service Examinations was the re-investigation of examination essays that had passed the examiners of the Provincial and Metropolitan Examinations. It needed scholars of high literary attainment to scrutinize the phraseology and syntax of these successful essays and to see, as a double safeguard, if any rules had been violated. This checking process was, in the beginning of the dynasty, an exclusive monopoly of high dignitaries and censors, but from 1736 onwards, the government ordered Hanlins to assist them in checking successful examination papers.46 \n\nSimilar in character to the checking of successful essays was the publication of the best literary work in the Civil Service Examinations.47 In 1723, complying with a request from the Board of Rites, the Emperor Yung-cheng decreed that several readers, compilers and correctors of the Academy were to be enlisted to aid the Board of Rites in selecting brilliant essays from the public examinations. These were to be presented to the emperor for his perusal, after which they were published as model-answers for scholars of the Empire to emulate.48 \n\nIn such literary functions, we see more clearly the ideological stamp of the Hanlins on the cultural development of the Empire. By choosing the model-essays and by doing service in the re-investigation of examination papers, they set the tone for scholarly pursuits of the time. Their literary tastes served to influence scholars of the whole country, who, aspiring to secure official positions, were compelled to follow their example. \n\nSpecial Functions of the Hanlins \n\nThe Hanlins were at times called upon to perform special", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205162, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "THE HANLIN ACADEMY\n\n113\n\nfunctions of a temporary nature. In executing such functions, they gained administrative experience of which they could make full use when they were later transferred to posts in other government departments.\n\nFrom 1726 onwards, two Hanlins with good translation ability together with two officials from the Grand Secretariat were despatched to the Colonial Office (Li-fan yuan) to assist the President of the Office with Chinese official documents concerning Mongolian affairs. Their term of service was two years, after which they were replaced by two other members from the Academy.\n\nAnother special function of the Hanlins was to serve as acting secretaries at the Grand Secretariat. The main function of the secretaries (Hsüeh-shih) in the Grand Secretariat was to handle edicts and memorials. They were, however, sometimes sent on special missions to the provinces. To take their place, members of the Academy in addition to Central Government officials of third or fourth rank, who had once been admitted to the Academy, were eligible to be selected to hold the vacant posts concurrently until the return of the absent officials.49\n\nIn the event of the conferral of honours or titles to princes and princesses, the chancellors of the Academy were enlisted as deputy representatives of the delegations. When missions were sent to Korea, the Manchu Chancellor of the Academy headed the expedition, while both Manchu and Chinese Hanlins could be called on to lead missions to Vietnam and the Liu-chiu Islands.50 It may be conjectured that for cultural and geographical reasons these were the tributary states maintaining the closest relationship with Peking and were therefore specially honoured by the visits of these distinguished officials.\n\nOther functions of a temporary nature of the Hanlins were the supervision of repairs of city public works, the inspection of food distribution and ideological indoctrination in the provinces.\n\nIn 1725, for example, the Emperor Yung-cheng ordered high dignitaries to select four junior members of the Academy for supervising repairs in cities of Chihli province.51 In 1726 the same emperor ordered several Hanlins to help provincial officials of the same province check the distribution of food.52 Five years", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "120\n\nOLD BRITISH KOWLOON\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nOn 19 January 1861 a ceremony took place at Tsim Sha Tsui, a village on the Chinese mainland directly opposite the British Colony of Hong Kong. On that day a mandarin of the provincial government at Canton handed over a paperful of soil in token of the cession of the Kowloon peninsula to Great Britain. In this way a tiny fraction of Chinese territory passed under British rule.\n\nIt is not the object of this article to give a comprehensive account of the development of Old British Kowloon as the area became known after 1898 when another treaty transferred the adjoining area of Chinese territory to England; for this could not be done within the confines of a short article. Rather, it is my intention to give a short description of the peninsula and then to turn to a more detailed examination of some of its villages, with special reference to the origins of the settlers, their way of life, and their local institutions.\n\nWhat was the Kowloon peninsula like in 1861 when it passed under British rule? A contemporary description reads:\n\n44\n\nThe land may be briefly described as being about 2,366 yards in length and 966 in breadth: its surface being extremely rugged from the presence of numerous small hills divided by ravines and patches of marshes and rice fields; rocky and precipitous on its southern and eastern shores and gradual shelving off on its western one to a fine sandy beach.\n\nA good idea of the unpromising terrain may be had from a drawing by Lieut. Collinson made from the Kowloon foothills behind Kowloon City about fifteen years earlier (see the illustration to this article).\n\nA specialised account of the newly acquired territory was sent home to the British Government. This was the report of the Anglo-Chinese Land Commission of April 1862. Due to the\n\nThe author is an administrative officer in the Hong Kong Government service.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205361, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "116\n\nREV. MR. KRONE\n\n. \n\nThe preceding, are the \"Kau-yue\", and the \"Fan-to\". They have nothing to do with the government of the district, but may be called Inspectors of Education. They register the graduates of the district, and present them for examination at the provincial city, and they inspect and superintend the private schools of the villages and towns.\n\nThe fifth and sixth officials bear the title of \"Tsun-lin-tzu\", or chief officer of a township. One of them resides in the market-place called Fuk-wing-ak, on the shore of the Hap-lan-hoi. His jurisdiction extends over the whole plain of San-keaou, and comprises 185 villages; 31 only of these are inhabited by the Hak-kas.\n\nThe other officer resided, when history first makes mention of his office, in the neighbourhood of Kow-loong. Subsequently he transferred his residence to Chik-me, bordering on Deep Bay; but since the first war with England, his chief place of residence has been Kow-loong, except during the autumn of 1854, when his official residence having been burnt by the rebels, he was obliged to reside again at Chik-me.\n\nHe rules over 492 villages, of which 298 are Pun-ti, and 194 Hak-ka. Each of these two officers has a military force of two soldiers at his disposal.\n\nThe seventh officer, the lowest in rank, is the \"Teen-le\" — director of police. He resides with his superior the Che-yuen, and has under his jurisdiction 73 villages (of which only six are Hak-ka), in the immediate neighbourhood of Sanon.\n\nGlancing at the names of the mandarins, who, during the present dynasty, have been at the head of affairs in Sanon, we find that among thirty Chi-yuens, four only have been of Manchu extraction, and the rest all Chinese.\n\nOf these thirty, we find that, on first starting on their political career, ten held the rank of Tsin-tze-it, six that of Keu-jin-A, and nine that of Seu-tsai of the first degree, whilst the remaining five could only boast the title of Kam-shang, which is the lowest bestowed, and which was probably purchased by them.\n\nAmong these last there was only one Chinese, the other four being Manchu.\n\nThe office of Sub-magistrate has seldom been held by a Manchu; most of those who held it were either Seu-tsai or Kam-shang, and received the appointment for good services rendered to the State.\n\nNo Manchu ever held the office of Kau-yu or Fan-to in this district.\n\nThe office of Kau-yu - inspector of schools — is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205550, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n87\n\nUsing the Ching dynasty maps from the District Gazetteers and the Provincial Gazetteer, I identify the places on the Chu Kong estuary section on the Mo Pei Chi charts as follows: (see map 4)— Po Toi Shan 蒲胎山 an island south of Hongkong. Now written 蒲台\n\nTung Keung Shan 東姜山\n\nYung Hai Shan 翁鞋山\n\nFat Tong Mun 佛堂門\n\nPak Tsim 北尖\n\nLang Tin Shan 小溪山\n\n+\n\n++\n\nTam Kon islands 檐桿\n\nYung Hai 湧鞋 or Hai Chau 鞋洲 retains the same name, Fat Tong Mun 佛堂門 retains the same name, Pak Tsim 北尖 as the \"outer Lintin\", Ngoi Ling Tin 外伶仃\n\nas the \"inner Lintin”, Ting Lin 伶仃\n\n\"Lantau\", Tai Yu Shan 大嶼山\n\n\"Fan Lau\", Kai Yik Kok 雞翼角\n\nNam Tin Shan 南停山\n\nTai Kai Shan 大溪山\n\nSiu Kai Shan 小溪山\n\nKwun Fu Chai 宮富寨\n\n+ present day \"Kowloon City\", Kau Lung Shing 九龍城\n\nTung Kwun Sor 東莞所 District of Tung Kwun, Tung Kwun Yuen 東莞縣\n\nHeung Shan Sor 香山所 District of Heung Shan, Heung Shan Yuen 香山縣\n\nThe absence of any mention of the San On district (新安縣) on the charts is significant. It is highly improbable that the compilers of the charts would have deliberately omitted or accidentally overlooked that district. Now, we know that the San On district was detached in 157310 from the Tung Kwun district to form two separate districts, the Tung Kwun and the San On districts, a circumstance which confirms the suggestion that the Mo Pei Chi charts were drawn at least before the creation of the San On district. If this were the case, the Kai Yik Kok fort must also be dated before 1573, which would make it a Ming dynasty fort.\n\nBetween 1805 and 1810 control of the Chu Kong estuary slipped from the forces of the government. A new pirate leader, Cheung Po-tsai 張保仔 became master of the seas around Tai Yu Shan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205551, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "88\n\nARMANDO M. DA SILVA\n\nA legend has grown up around this man, and most coastal Tin Hau temples today claim association with him.\n\nAccording to local tradition, Cheung was a lavish patron of the seafarer's temples which, in turn, probably supplied him with shipping intelligence. This pirate was reputed also to have constructed a number of forts, in reality armed camps, and village tradition has it that the Kai Yik Kok fort was once occupied by Cheung's men. There are reasons to believe this may be so. In 1809 a strong Chinese government fleet, assisted by six Portuguese lorchas11 from Macau on loan to the government, ambushed Cheung's pirate fleet at Tung Chung bay12. Cheung fought his way out of this trap only to surrender to the government after he had received peace overtures from the Provincial Governor. In the grand Chinese tradition of rewarding enemy defectors, Cheung was promptly made a paid government official and installed as chief customs collector in Macau. If Cheung's fleet was able to assemble at Tung Chung bay, which was dominated by a much larger fort, it follows that Cheung may have also controlled the second, but smaller, Tai Yu Shan fort at Fan Lau.\n\nIn 1815 the Chinese government, alarmed at the presence of foreign opium boats in the Chu Kong estuary, again began fortifying the coast. Existing forts were strengthened and new coastal strong points were constructed as part of a design to establish full and total control over the estuary. The fort at Fan Lau appears on a contemporary coastal defence map of the Chu Kong estuary. This map, in the 1864 edition of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi, was drawn in 1821 or 1822.\n\nThe Fan Lau fort was conspicuous enough to warrant a brief mention in the sailing directions of a foreign commercial guide on China published after Hong Kong was founded. The relevant passage reads, \"Lantau, the largest island in the estuary below the Bogue is about 15 miles long and 5 in its greatest breadth; its peak is about 3000 feet high, and is the loftiest summit in this region, but foreigners have never been to the top. It has several villages on its shore, and a fort, called Shek Sun pau toi ☎✯✯✯ on its S.E. side. The village Tyho on its eastern shore* has given name to the whole island on our charts, but it is usually called Tai Yu Shan.\n\n* The compiler was evidently confused between E. and W., as Shek Sun and Tai O (Tyho) are at the west end of Lantau. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205554, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n91\n\n11 A lorcha is a specialized fighting craft from Macau that combined a Western-style hull (for speed and maneuverability) with Chinese batten sails and rigging (for easier sail-handling and disguise).\n\n12 Charles F. Neumann, History of the Pirates (š), who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, (London, John Murray, 1831) P. 58.\n\n13 J. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide (Canton, Office of the Chinese Repository, 1848) pp. 70-71.\n\n14 The Last Year in China to the Peace of Nanking as sketched in Letters to his Friends by a Field Officer actively employed in that Country (2nd edition, revised, London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans 1843) pp. 51-52.\n\n15 There is, in addition, the possibility that the fort had a temporary garrison in 1834 see the imperial directive given respecting defence and patrolling at Lantau and Macao quoted by J. L. Cranmer-Byng in his brief note \"An old fort at Tung Chung on Lantao Island” in J.H.K.B.R.A.S. Vol 3 (1963) pp. 144-145.\n\n16 Hong Kong Government. New Territories Administration. Block Crown Lease Demarcation Districts 322 and 327, Shek Sun village, Lantau Island.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY CITED\n\nJ. J. L. Duyvendak, \"Sailing directions of Chinese voyages\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 230-237,\n\n\"The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412.\n\nLuis B. Gomes, Monografia de Macau, Macau, 1951.\n\nHongkong Government. A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hongkong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hongkong, 1960.\n\nLo Hsing-lin, Hongkong and its External Communications before 1842. Hongkong, 1963.\n\nJ. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide, Canton, 1848.\n\nCharles F. Neumann, The History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, translated from the Chinese original, London, 1831.\n\nCh'ing dynasty work:\n\nChinese Sources\n\nMo Pei Chi (AA) A.D. 1621\n\nThe provincial Gazetteer of Kwangtung:\n\nKwong Tung Tung Chi (♬✯ ih sk) 1864 edition\n\nThe District Gazetteers for the following:\n\nSan On Yuen Chi (%) 1819 edition\n\nTung Kwun Yuen Chi ✯✯✯) 1797 edition\n\nHeung Shan Yuen Chi (3) 1827 edition\n\nO Mun Kei Leuk (39 1932) 1800 edition", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205629, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "166 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\ntions and answers produced an interesting picture of life among the soldiers at the Fort in the few years before they withdrew from it after Lantau and other parts of the present New Territories were leased to the Hong Kong Government in 1898. Put together they amount to this: \n\nI was 24 sui when the British came to take over Lantau. Tung Chung Fort had a permanent garrison of Chinese troops before then. I can't remember exactly how many troops there were or what the rank or title of the officer-in-charge was, but they were none of them local people. Their families lived at Tung Chung too, in several rows of brick houses outside the Fort and some inside the walls also. There was a house nearby in which soldiers or their family members were put when sick, with a burial ground behind. The garrison's provisions were brought in by ship, though they bought fish and vegetables locally at Tung Chung. There were military boats at Ma Wan Chung [where the main stream empties into the sea], about 7 or 8 of them of different kinds, but they were not under the command of the Tung Chung officer and came and went between such places as Canton [the provincial capital], Nam Tau [the district city], Shum Chun etc. \n\nThe soldiers at the Fort had a big parade each year on the 1st day of the seventh moon. It was held on the level ground beside the Hau Wong temple (1) near the beach. Inspecting officers came from Nam Tau, Shum Chun and Canton, I think. There was much drumming and noise on that day, and the troops paraded with all their weapons. The soldiers had uniforms of all sorts, and many kinds of weapons too, but there was no uniformity of clothing or equipment. \n\nThe soldiers were generally well-behaved and gave no trouble to us local people, though they did not have much to do as they didn't cultivate any fields, inside or outside the Fort. They did not ask for money, but kept watch. There was a guard station at Ma Wan Chung, though there were rarely soldiers in it. There were lots of robbers and pirates in this area when I was young. They came from", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205724, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "24 \n\nT. C. CHENG \n\nfounded a company named after himself. He was also General Manager of Chinese Estate, Ltd., and adviser to the Hong Kong and Yaumati Ferry Company. He was Honorary Adviser to the Chinese Government as well as the Kwangtung Provincial Government. In 1924, he turned down a Chinese offer to be ambassador to England. He was a member of the Legislative Council for 13 years, from 1923 to 1936, and a member of the Executive Council for 5 years from 1936 to 1941. He was created a knight bachelor in 1938.\n\nThe big strike of 1925 was followed by a boycott of British goods and shipping in China until 10 October 1926, resulting in a serious economic depression in Hong Kong. Mainly through the persuasiveness of Robert Kotewall a special loan of £1,600,000 with an interest rate of 5½%, was arranged from the British Government to assist the merchants of the Colony until normal trading was resumed. Because of this, the Chinese gave him the nickname of \"Silver Tongue\". Sir Robert Kotewall died after the war in 1949,27\n\nIn 1929, the Legislative Council was enlarged through the initiative of the Governor, Sir Cecil Clementi, who was a noted Chinese scholar. The number of officials was increased from eight to ten, including the Governor, and the number of unofficials was increased from six to eight. Of the two additional unofficial members, one was to be a Chinese and the other a Portuguese. Thus the number of Chinese unofficials was increased from two to three and the Portuguese community was represented for the first time on the Council by Mr. Jose Pedro Braga.\n\nIn addition to Sir Shouson Chow and Robert Kotewall, Dr. Tso Seen-wan became the third Chinese member of the Legislative Council in 1929. Dr. Tso, born in 1868, studied law in England. In 1896 he started his practice as a solicitor in Hong Kong together with a partner named Hodgson. In 1902, he, Dr. Ho Kai and some other Chinese leaders were responsible for the founding of St. Stephen's Boys College. He served on the Sanitary Board in 1918 and was appointed a J.P. the same year. As early as 1916, he was awarded the honorary degree of LL.D. by the University of Hong Kong, and in 1928 and 1935 was awarded the O.B.E. and C.B.E. respectively. He served on the Legislative Council from 1929 to 1937 when he resigned.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205732, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "32\n\nR. G. GROVES\n\nwas part of a system of inter-lineage relations, concludes that: \"it cannot be dismissed as the sign of a particular crisis in the society of southeastern China. The data... refer to the eighteenth, nineteenth, and twentieth centuries, but in fact the pattern [of violence] is probably very much older.\"\n\nEven at times of optimum efficiency, the ability of the imperial government to control the activities of its numerous subjects was limited, if only because officials and military forces were thinly spread over China's large land mass. Routine police functions were largely vested in mutual responsibility systems, the heads of which were answerable to the district magistrate. During periods of social upheaval, the de facto responsibility for the preservation of parochial law and order rested, as often as not, upon members of local elites. When provincial and military officials did attempt to pacify the countryside, their efforts frequently had the character of punitive expeditions. The effects were often so disastrous that every effort was made to avoid official intervention.\n\nAs a consequence, there had for long been a tradition of local self-defence in southeastern China. Powerful lineages maintained fighting corps which protected their members against external aggression and enabled them to impose their will upon weaker neighbours. Smaller lineages and villages banded together in an effort to achieve similar objectives. The political and military potentialities of these associations were viewed with ambivalence by the officials of the empire. Their usefulness in certain circumstances could not be denied. But their capacity for violence contributed to the disorder of the countryside and posed the constant threat of an organizational capability which might be turned to sedition and rebellion.\n\nIt is generally agreed that from the beginning of the nineteenth century if not earlier the imperial bureaucracy increasingly manifested those symptoms which in the past had presaged a dynastic decline. Corruption and incompetence were rife in civil and military administration. The system of rural control \"had declined so far in one institution after another that no amount of imperial effort could revive it.\" Natural disasters multiplied, contributing to the disorder and the increasing disaffection of sections of the rural population. It was under these circumstances that the imperial government had to cope, first, with two wars with the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n45\n\ndanger. Certainly people are dissatisfied at this and have determined to resist the barbarians. If our firearms are not good we shall be unable to oppose the enemy. So we have appointed an exercise ground and gather all together as patriots to drill with firearms. To encourage proficiency rewards will be given. On the one hand we shall be helping the [Chinese] Government; on the other we shall be saving ourselves from future trouble. Let all our friends and relatives bring their firearms to the ground and do what they can to extirpate the traitors. Our ancestors will be pleased and so will our neighbours. This is our sincere wish. Practice takes place every day.\"57\n\nLess detail is known of the preparations for resistance in the Sheung U Division. However, two centres of organization clearly emerge: the Man Mo Miu at Tai Po (new) Market and the Chau Wong Yee Yuen at Shek Wu Hui. The temple of Chau Wong Yee Yuen had been established to commemorate Chau Yau-tak and Wong Loi-yam, two 17th century provincial officials. Seven lineages held shares in the temple. These were the Man lineages of Tai Hang and San Tin, the Tang lineages of Lung Yeuk Tau and Tai Po Tau, and the Pang, Hau (Mandarin: Hou), and Liu lineages resident near Shek Wu Hui.58 After 1st April this temple served as the resistance headquarters for the north-central part of the Sheung U Division. Instructions were issued from the temple that villages with \"trainbands\" (militia) should bring them to a state of readiness. A fund was established to finance the organization of the resistance and provision was made for the care of the wounded. Export of grain from the Division was prohibited, although other trade was allowed to continue.\n\nThe Man Mo Miu (Civil and Military Temple) performed a similar function in the Tai Po area. When the Ts'at Yeuk was established in 1893 it became both an administrative and religious centre for the association. Resistance in the Tai Po area was at first offered almost exclusively by the Ts'at Yeuk, and the temple provided an established headquarters for the co-ordination of military activities.\n\nLeaders of the Pang and Man (Tai Hang) lineages participated in the activities of both the Chau Wong Yee Yuen and the Man Mo Miu. Both lineages were 'founder members' of the Chau Wong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n59\n\npart of further studies of militia, both within Kwangtung Province and elsewhere in China. It is possible that the approach to militia used in this article could be applied to other, more significant, military organizations as they existed in nineteenth century China. For example, recent studies of the regional armies of Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang indicate that they were, initially, amalgamations of local militia forces.78 A more detailed analysis of these militia could contribute to a greater understanding of the particularistic relationships which appear to have been important in maintaining regional armies as viable organizations over relatively long periods of time.\n\nNOTES\n\nThis article is based upon research in Hong Kong between 1963 and 1965. I am grateful for the financial support provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies. A number of colleagues have commented upon the subject matter of the article during its various stages of preparation. I would particularly like to thank the following for their advice: Dr. Christopher Turner, Dr. George C. Bond, Mr. James Hayes, Professor Maurice Freedman, and Professor Göran Aijmer. A draft of the paper was read to the Sociology Seminar, School of Social Studies, University of East Anglia. I am grateful to my colleagues in this context for their comments. Place names will be rendered according to A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hong Kong Government Printer, Hong Kong, n.d., but published 1960.\n\n2 Brine, Lindesay. The Taeping Rebellion in China: A Narrative of its Rise and Progress. London, 1862, pp. 11-12.\n\n3 Krone, [R]. “A Notice of the Sanon District\", Article V, Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, pt. VI, Hong Kong, 1859, p. 71.\n\n4 Freedman, Maurice. Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. London, 1966, p. 115.\n\n5 The Governor of Hong Kong, commenting upon robbery and piracy during the year 1903, said: \"they are the most common offences in the Southern provinces ... the Provincial Authorities do not attempt to deal with such cases until some village is reported as being specially notorious as harbouring robbers, when, if the authorities do not consider them too strong, a force is sent out and as many as possible arrested or the village destroyed.\" Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1903, Hong Kong, 1904, pp. 348 ff.\n\nFreedman, op. cit., p. 112, quotes an account of such an expedition which took place in \"about 1870\" and resulted in the beheading of more than a thousand people.\n\n6 Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960, p. 503.\n\n7 For a detailed account of these events, see: Wakeman, Jr., Frederic, Strangers at the Gate: Social Disorder in South China, 1839-1861. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205878, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "178\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nand clubs, on their families, and on their ties with home. All these contain much of interest, though there are many points small and large on which one might quibble, from the trivial matter of the delusion which the author has that Chinese restaurants in general serve Chinese food which derives its virtue from Cantonese culinary supremacy (p. 28), to the important matter of omitting to mention that many Chinese employees receive in cash their total wage, their employers paying for them their tax, National Insurance, etc. over and above the wage (p. 81).\n\nMore important is the lack of organisation of the approach to this subject. One has the feeling that little attempt was made to extract meaning from the facts with which Mr. Ng presents us. If there had been, then surely they would have been presented differently? Certain basic considerations seem to have been neglected. Why London? for instance. Granted that London is an important centre for Chinese immigrants, why is it so? and how is it possible to study London as a centre without reference to the area of which it is a centre? Would not The Chinese in Britain have been a more valid topic? (Of course, the research worker's time and finances are important factors here, but there should be justification for the choice of field.) Again, was it not possible for Mr. Ng to approach this subject from an angle which would give more meaning to the whole to impose a pattern on it, as it were? To be constructive, could he not have started with the individual and worked outwards from there? the three case studies in Chapter IV are very enlightening.\n\nSince the work for this study was done (in 1963-64) the situation of the Chinese in Britain has changed a great deal. There seems to have been achieved a greater degree of coalescence (particularly in the provincial cities), political awareness has heightened, the Hong Kong Government has attempted to help its people overseas, the Gerrard Street area of London has become more and more clearly defined as a Chinese centre (the world's only new Chinatown?), and so on. There is call now for much more detailed and wide-ranging study of the field; and whoever undertakes it will be fortunate in having Mr. Ng's general survey to start from.\n\nSchool of Oriental and African Studies,\n\nMarch, 1969.\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205967, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "42\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nunsatisfactory. Instead, the system was adopted in the early 1880s of sending cadets to Peking where they learned Mandarin, which was little used in Hong Kong.24 Finally, in the late 1880s cadets were sent to Canton to learn Cantonese, and this arrangement continued in force until the Second World War.\n\nCadets at Canton were billeted in the former residence of the Tartar General, which was taken by Britain after the war of 1857-60 and became His Britannic Majesty's Yamen. When the Consulate was transferred to Shameen, the area of original European settlement, the Yamen was turned over as a place of residence for cadets of the Malayan and Hong Kong Civil Services learning Chinese. Some cadets also resided in Shameen. In the early 1920s, according to Victor Purcell,25 who was then a Malayan cadet, there were in Canton usually about 15 or so cadets, the majority from Malaya, but a few from Hong Kong, and one or two police probationers, who were taught Chinese by a small band of Cantonese teachers... with a core of about half a dozen stalwarts who had taught generations of cadets in the past'. Sir Alexander Grantham, who was also a cadet in the 1920s, tells us that in his day there were about half a dozen cadets living in the Yamen.26 It is clear from his memoirs that the Hong Kong Government exercised little supervision over its protégés in Canton. So long as the cadets passed their examinations—four examinations taken at six-monthly intervals—cadets had two years of glorious freedom in a very free and easy Chinese city.\n\nCadets appointed to the Hong Kong Civil Service, or transferred from other colonial territories in Asia, had much in common. All were British subjects of pure European descent and all entered the Colonial Service at approximately the same age. They were educated at fee-paying schools, but most had their schooling at minor public and obscure private schools, not listed in the Public Schools Yearbook: only one Etonian, one Wykehamist, two Rugbeians and two Harrovians are to be found among the eighty-five. The majority proceeded to the universities of Oxford and Cambridge but a substantial contingent—over 30 per cent—came from universities in Scotland and Ireland; only a handful—nine in all—were from London or English provincial universities.27 A few—Cecil Clementi, R. F. Johnston, J. H. Stewart Lockhart, F. H. May and A. M. Thomson28—had outstanding academic records; yet even the rest were above average.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206292, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n103\n\nand invest in paddy fields or shares in local firms and shops, or, if more affluent, endow or build schools or family temples or contribute to public improvements such as roads and bridges.\n\nOriginally the Christian Chinese were in the employment of the Missions, and as most of them remained so, they did not receive high wages. But as earnest Christians they did not pass their time in gambling, visiting the sing-song girls, or smoking opium. All of these activities tended to make inroads into the income of many of the other Chinese, particularly those who were in Hong Kong without families. Avoiding the temptations of money-absorbing local high life, the Christians were able to invest their small savings in real estate.\n\nWhen the London Mission Society moved to Hong Kong, the Rev. James Legge brought with him from Malacca a printer named Ho Asun † alias Ho Ye Tong and Ho Tsun Shin alias Ho Fook Tong ✰ alias Ho Yeung M. They both began to invest in Hong Kong real estate, though Ho Fook Tong became much the larger proprietor. Their first investment was soon after their arrival, but as income from rents permitted, they continued to purchase property until their deaths. Ho Asun died in 1869 and Ho Fook Tong died in 1871. At the time of their deaths their property had appreciated greatly in value, so that Ho Fook Tong's estate was $150,000. It was one of the largest estates appearing on the schedules up to that date.\n\nAlthough neither of these two Christian converts appear on the lists, their children assumed a place of leadership in the Chinese community. Of the several sons of Ho Asun, Ho Chung Shan was proprietor of the Wah Tsz Yat Po from 1886 to 1889; but his brother Ho Shan Chee (†) or Ho Alloy (*) had a more prominent career. He began as a teacher of English in the Chinese Government Schools (1855-1857), then he became Chief Interpreter in the Police Court (1857-1866). He incurred the ill-will of the English section of the community when he accepted charge of the Opium Tax Station the Viceroy of the Two Kwangs attempted to establish in Hong Kong. In the 1870s he joined the staff of the Provincial Government at Fukien, where The Daily Press correspondent from Foochow reported that the Governor of Fukien was \"happy in the possession of this peripatetic conglomeration of legal", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206313, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "124\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\ndevolving upon the regular police by law or custom. As early as 1868, the Registrar General reported that the Head District Watchmen from their age and authority are often accepted as arbiters of perplexing disputes'. Clearly, these extra-police duties increased year by year, for in 1935 the Secretary for Chinese Affairs wrote 'it is not generally realised that in addition to their normal ordinary police duties the District Watch carry out a great deal of useful investigation in purely civil cases, wages and family disputes'. Watchmen were also active in counting the number of children at vernacular schools, controlling queues during periods of acute water shortage, gathering information about family budgets, and in the more general task of making known to the Chinese public the policies of the government30. Primarily, of course, the members of the force spent most of their time in apprehending shoplifters, thieves, pickpockets and loiterers in those districts where there were Chinese shops. Their special anti-pickpocket squad, a plain-clothes unit, helped to control an offence once very common in Hong Kong. This was what the subscribers expected them to do31, for the subscribers were nearly all shopkeepers and merchants, members of the propertied and moneyed class in Hong Kong. The District Watchmen, armed and uniformed, must have been a conspicuous sight in the Chinese quarters of the town before the war, well-known as individuals to the citizens in the districts they patrolled. In most cases the watchmen spoke Cantonese like the majority in the urban areas, whereas Chinese regular police were often recruited from Shantung32 and spoke another dialect. The police constables from Shantung, given the complexities of Chinese provincial and dialect differences, were comparative strangers -- tall, muscular men from the North.\n\nThe day to day running of the force was left mainly in the hands of the Head District Watchmen and their aides, the Assistant District Watchmen, and later to the European officer seconded from the police; and all clerical work was done in Chinese in the office of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs, which became the headquarters of the force. The Committee met formally once a month, though extraordinary meetings were often held. But when the Committee did meet, it usually had more important matters to discuss than the routine doings of the force. The Committee of Management, since its advice was solicited by the Secretary for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206316, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The District Watch Committee\n\n127\n\ncame from a few clearly defined areas in Kwangtung Province, because the great majority of the Chinese congregated in the urban areas spoke Cantonese4. Lennox Mills compares this situation in Hong Kong, which made government relatively easy, with pre-war Malaya. This homogeneity, he argues, ‘makes it possible to control them through the District Watch Committee. (On the other hand) the Chinese in Malaya are drawn from various provinces and are divided by provincial hostilities of long standing. The wealthy and educated Chinese in some districts come from a different province from the majority of coolies; and, in addition, the interests of the recent immigrants often differ from those of the Straits Chinese who are permanently settled in Malaya. A committee representing the Chinese of Malaya would necessarily reproduce the various schisms which divide them, and the members would in some cases have no influence over the coolies in their districts'4. In Hong Kong, however, the Chinese were not divided to any great extent by dialect or provincial hostilities, only by differences in wealth and status. The members of the District Watch Committee originated from a small number of hsien (counties) in the Canton delta, from districts and towns close to the Pearl River, the main channel of communication between Canton and Hong Kong before the completion of the Kowloon-Canton Railway in 1912. A high percentage of the committeemen were born in, or originated from, Tung Kwun (Tung-kuan hsien) and Heung Shan (Hsiang-shan hsien)42; and the merchants from these areas had their own district associations in Hong Kong.\n\nClearly, the members of the District Watch Committee had much in common: they spoke mostly the same dialect, they came from the same district or closely related districts in China and they were, if not merchants, then involved in some type of commercial pursuit—land speculation, owning and managing property, banking and insurance, finance, compradoring43. All in all, they formed a remarkably homogeneous group, united by many ties; and it would seem, rarely divided for long by political differences. Not surprisingly, some of them were inter-related through ties of blood and kinship44. There were few family dynasties in Hong Kong but a small number had children who served later on the Committee45. In the nature of things, members must have disagreed about some of the issues raised at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "ARCHAEOLOGY IN HONG KONG AND SOUTH CHINA (1938)\n\nW. SCHOFIELD*\n\nOf all the ancient and famous seats of early civilisation, China is the one where the smallest amount of scientific investigation has hitherto been done. Years of excavation and research have revealed to us many of the details of the life and history of Ancient Egypt, Babylon, Assyria, Palestine, Minoan Crete, the Hittite confederacy, and prehistoric India; but of China all that was known came partly from the chance finds of curio-hunters, about which their finders carefully suppressed all information of scientific value such as provenance, depth of burial, and context of other finds; and partly from the literature of the Chou and Han dynasties, which, valuable as it is, is a distorting medium for historians.\n\nIn the last ten years, however, scientific investigation has been started. The Chinese National Research Institute has excavated several important dwelling sites in North China, including that of the capital of the Shang dynasty. Several distinguished foreign scholars, mostly Swedes, have conducted explorations and excavations in the service of the National Government, and various provincial societies of scholars and archaeologists have worked in their own areas. A few years ago the Research Institute discovered and excavated untouched graves of the great Shang civilisation; the report on their work is eagerly awaited.\n\nAll this activity, however, relates to the area of North China traditionally known as the centre of ancient Chinese civilisation. From China south of the Yangtse and especially from its coast provinces, hardly any object had been known to come that was\n\n* Mr. Schofield (1888-1968) was a Cadet Officer in the Hong Kong Civil Service 1911-1938. Previous contributions will be found in the 1968 and 1969 Journals, (Vols 8 and 9).\n\nThe first of these, Ch'eng-tsu-yai (*‡A), a Report of Excavations of the Proto-historic Site at Cheng-tzu-yai, Li-ch'eng Hsien, Shantung was published as Archaeologia Sinica Number One by Academica Sinica Nanking 1934. A translation into English by K. Starr has been published by the Yale University Press, Yale Publications in Anthropology, No. $2, under the title Ch'eng-tzu-yai: The Black Pottery Culture Site at Lung-shan-chen.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207052, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Region\n\n117\n\noverlooked in 1898 when only the inshore islands were included in the territory that Britain requested be leased to her at that time.\n\nWhat were the islands like? I have spoken with several old men who now live on Lantau but were born on two of the eight or more islands in the Lo Man Shan group in 1891 and 1893, and with several younger men. Their accounts show that there were long-settled villages there, with padi and sweet potato fields. There were also flourishing inshore fisheries using the largest types of stake net.1 These were owned by village families, and the catches were salted and taken to Macau by a public ferry operated by local people. Salt, which was needed in large quantities for the stake net fisheries, was bought mostly in Cheung Chau, where it was said to be cheaper than in Macau. This was the position in my informants' youth, early in this century. Some of the islands belonged to Hsin-an Hsien, others to Hsiang-shan, but this allocation for administrative purposes was less important than the economic and other ties which dictated the connections favoured by its inhabitants. Wind and sea also affected links in the different seasons of the year.\n\nHsin-an and the outlying islands were thus part of the historical, strategical, social and economic life of the Canton Delta in the late Ch'ing period. The safety of their seaways was likely always to have been an important consideration with the provincial government. This contrasts with the relative unimportance of Hsin-an's history and record of scholarship when compared with the older hsien of the Kuang-chou prefecture.\n\n2. The principal events in the local history of the Hong Kong region since the establishment of Hsin-an hsien in 1573\n\nAs already mentioned in the Introduction, the Hsin-an district, to which the Hong Kong region belongs, was established as a separate administrative division of the Kuang-chou prefecture in 1573. The area was then separated from the old Tung-kuan district in response to problems of defence. It followed upon a petition from local persons which complained that because it was 100 li from Tung-kuan City, ‘barbarians and dwarves’2, had been able\n\n1 The village representative of Shek Pik on Lantau island (b. 1899) and friends of the same age had found regular work there in their youth.\n\n2 HNHC 14/2. I have followed Peter Y. L. Ng's rendering of the character, pp. 143-144.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207116, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n181\n\nIt is an ancient custom in China when a man passes a Government degree examination or is appointed as a Government official, for him to have his new official title carved on a wooden tablet and hung in the Hall of his ancestors. By this means the good news is reported to the ancestors that their descendant has become a man of rank, and at the same time an example is set to future generations to encourage them to do their best to rise to the same honour, as the tablet is left hanging in the hall permanently. There are many of these title-tablets hung in Sz Shing Tong, put there not only by Kam T'in men, but by other descendants of the Tang family who have sent their tablets from places far away, where they have gone to live. The oldest among them is the \"Man Fui” or Kui Yan degree put there by Tang Ting Ching who passed it in the 7th year of Shing Fa, A.D. 1471. The most highly honoured title-tablets are the two from Tang Yung Keng from Tung Kwun district. He passed his Kui Yan degree in the 3rd year of Tung Chi, A.D. 1864 and became \"Hon Lam Yuen Shue Kat Sz\" (H.K.N. VIII, p. 110) in the 10th year of T’ung Chi, A.D. 1871. He held the office of On Ch'aat Sz (Provincial Judge) of Kiangsu province, and in 1900 during the Boxer trouble he was appointed by Lei Hung Cheung, the Prime Minister and then Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi provinces, to be the Superintendent of volunteers in Kwangtung.\n\nTang Ts'ing Lok's eldest son, Tang Wan Kuk was a very rich man, and he owned a lot of cultivated land in San On District. During his time there were twenty-eight Sau Ts'oi (B.A.'s) and nine very rich men all members of his family and living in the same street where his house was situated in Shui Mei village. His house was called Kam Ts'un Tong \"ornamental stream hall\"; it has long since been destroyed and a vegetable garden is on the site of where it once existed, but the remains of a large stone gateway can still be seen (plate 20). Tang Wan Kuk owned a large library in this house, and a fine stone fish-tank, made of pink coloured stone, 2 Chinese feet high, 14 wide and 24 long. (Plate 19). Two scholars of the Tang Family have written inscriptions about this tank, speaking very highly of it, but it now lies in a destroyed school building in Shui T’au village, and no-one cares about it. The dates of Tang Wan Kuk's birth and death are not recorded, but we know that his grave, which is in Noh Mai Ham about seven li from Kam T'in was made before the 8th year of Ching", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207277, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA\n\n37\n\nthat it became a coordinator of commercial activities between Swatow merchants living at home and elsewhere.31\n\nBut neither of them became fully community-wide organisations. In Newchuang, the city was divided into two parts, east and west, and each elected one president and one vice-president on an annual basis. These four officers then formed a governing committee with all the business transacted in their names. In Swatow, the assembly was divided territorially into two divisions, each electing annually twenty-four leading firms as representatives. From them officers were selected and again paired to assure each division equal representation.\n\nA variant of these guild assemblies was the Chungking Assembly (Pa-sheng hui-kuan), which was composed of the eight major provincial Landsmannschaften in that city. The assembly operated as a committee made up of the presidents of the Landsmannschaften of Kwangtung, Chekiang, Fukien, Hukuang, Kiangsi, Kiangsu, Shansi and Shensi.32 Its responsibilities were to represent the merchants' interest vis-a-vis the local government. It also performed municipal duties such as running a fire brigade, a police force and a social welfare service.33\n\nWhether an assembly of this sort was composed of Landsmannschaften or trade guilds seems to be determined by whichever group happened to dominate the local scene. In Chungking, the dominant group was the provincial Landsmannschaften. In Canton and Swatow, where commerce was controlled by the native Cantonese and Swatowese, there was no confederation of provincial Landsmannschaften to play a leading role. Hence Swatow's Wen-nien-feng Assembly was based on a number of the large firms from the various trade guilds. In Canton, a somewhat different arrangement took place. Prominent merchants from the community joined the boards of the large charitable halls which then performed roughly the same roles as the guild or Landsmannschaft assemblies.\n\nIn Shanghai, both the Landsmann guilds and the trade guilds were influential. Since there was no prominent group of merchants who were natives of Shanghai, one assumes that practically all the prominent trade guild leaders were leaders in the various Landsmann guilds as well. There was, however, no consolidated assembly in a formal way, although we know that informal consultations between them often took place when decisions had to be made on issues of community-wide interests.34\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA\n\n39\n\nother geographical groups. However, the Chinese chambers of commerce, with their foreign influence and official sponsorship, were a “modern” kind of merchant organisation, and their story properly belongs elsewhere.38\n\nIn the area of increased political leadership—the third area of merchant aspirations—the merchants' success was mixed and in one sense limited. As a social class, the merchants did not have an overall strategy to enhance their status and influence. Rationalisation of their political roles varied from place to place. In Canton, the merchant leadership remained with the directors and officers of the charitable halls, and they remained conservative. In Shanghai, merchants participated not only in charitable halls but also in municipal organisations with clear political aims. By the first decade of the twentieth century, merchant study groups, in imitation of others formed by students and scholar-gentry, were established to examine the questions of local government and constitutionalism. Eventually these activities led merchants to agitate for political representations in the Municipal Council of the International Settlement, and to set up a city council for the Chinese-controlled section of Shanghai.39 Others participated in direct action, as in the case of the 1905-06 boycott against American goods over that country's discriminatory immigration policy.40\n\nFew merchant organisations, however, became schools for political confrontations or other forms of patriotic outbursts. Most of them were run by establishment-oriented merchants who sought to use their institutions as a means to promote symbiotic arrangements with officialdom. Although these efforts varied by time and place, one common element stood out—the Chinese merchants in late imperial China were by and large interested in making their political links only at the local and provincial levels. Their interaction with the political order took place at these levels, for governmental sanctions and supports came from the provincial Governors-general and their lieutenants. The merchants realised that the central authority at the time was weak and far away. As practical men, they therefore limited their ties of mutual benefit to where they were counted most. Yet this went against their long-term interests. For to achieve economic development, China needed efforts at the national level. Then as collaborations between local officials and merchants increased, the considerable strength of the merchant", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207642, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA & JAPAN\n\n15\n\nThe modernizing activities of Li and others were never coordinated by the central government. Nor were any efforts made to integrate the \"regional\" armies of these leaders into the dynasty's \"regular\" military system. At the time of the Sino-Japanese War, the Ch'ing army was little more than a motley collection of diverse armies at various stages of development. There was no standardization in arms, dress or training, no unity in command, and only the most rudimentary commissariat, transport, medical and other services.17 China's two small, uncoordinated provincial military academies did little to improve the situation. China had no draft system and no General Staff. Funding for most modernizing projects (including the armies of Li and others) was irregular and unpredictable. Meanwhile, the \"regular\" military forces of the empire—some of which had undergone cosmetic surgery to become \"re-trained troops\" (lien-chün) or members of the Peking Field Force (shen-chi ying)—continued to consume about two-thirds of the national \"budget.\"t\n\nChina's failure to reform her military institutions in the nineteenth century prevented the emergence of a modern, Western-trained Chinese officer corps. In the eyes of most foreign observers in China, this was the key deficiency of the Chinese army.19 Lacking sufficient numbers of competent Chinese officers, individual Ch'ing officials found it necessary to continue employing foreigners not only to instruct and drill Chinese troops, but also occasionally to lead them.20 The presence of these individuals in Chinese armies often produced or exacerbated anti-foreign feelings, encouraged foreign interference, and created security problems.21 The existence of neutrality laws and other legal obstacles complicated the problem of employing foreigners in a military capacity after the breakdown of the \"Cooperative Policy,\" and the absence of central government guidelines for the employment of foreign nationals encouraged rivalry and intrigue among the Western powers for heightened influence in Chinese military affairs.22 In all, the experience of using foreign military assistance was humiliating, expensive and frustrating.\n\nThe contrast with Japan is striking. Although no less anxious than the Chinese to maintain control over foreign military employees, and to avoid surrendering administrative authority to them, the Japanese treated foreigners far more regularly, rationally, and regally.23 Extremely careful in its centrally-supervised hiring\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "TWO ESSAYS ON THE CH'ING ECONOMY OF HSIN-AN\n\n81\n\nbuyers and sellers of commodities and to effect a transaction between them.” By the late 1920's, \"its importance to the Hopei provincial finance was only second to that of the land tax.\" It is difficult to weigh the relative importances of the various taxes in Hsin-An, but we do have figures on the revenue collected on trade between local markets in November 1911, which indicate a relatively low volume of local trade (see Imperial Maritime Customs, 1902-1911, Volume II, p.156). Also, refer to Appendix II, which Lockhart credits as a reliable source. The Tangs of Kam Tin and Lung Kwat Tau (A) were apparently farmed the monopolies of collecting market taxes in Un Long Kau Hui (±##4) and Tai Po Kau Hui (£# #). The Tongs who oversaw the markets in turn \"sub-leased\" the brokerages to traders, merchants, and shop-owners.\n\n4 The CSO files held in the Government Archives of Hong Kong constitute one of the richest stores of first-hand knowledge about local political economy and society in Hsin-An during the period 1890-1910. I am very grateful to Mr. Ian Diamond, Government Archivist, and his staff for their assistance in helping with my research.\n\n5 C. M. Chang, op. cit., pp. 826-828.\n\n6 Lien-sheng Yang, \"Buddhist Monasteries and Four Money-Raising Institutions in Chinese History,\" in his Studies in Chinese Institutional History, pp. 198-199n.\n\n7 Yeh-chien Wang draws heavily on the Ts'ai-cheng Shuo-ming-shu for his research on the land tax in China (Land Taxation in Imperial China, 1750-1911). On the basis of the material presented in this paper, Hsin-An conforms to his general thesis of the declining relative importance of the land tax throughout late Ch'ing.\n\n8 Correspondence Respecting the Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony (hereafter Extension Papers), p. 60.\n\n9 For a fuller discussion of li-chia, see Kung-chuan Hsiao's Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 84-143.\n\n10 The annual rotation of these positions (44) constituted the primary mechanism whereby the local magistrate attempted to maintain some measure of centralized power by restricting the excesses of local magnates.\n\n11 Hsiang-kang Teng-ch'u-shui-mau Ts'ung-ch'eng (44¥Æ#*# Z), p. 2: \"All together the cultivated land measured 8 ch'ing 3 mau 6 fen 1 li 9 hau 2 ssu 5 hu (i.e., 803.61925 mau) and was registered under the name of Tang Tin-luk, 6th tu, 7th p'i, 2nd chia. In addition, Tang Chi-cheung and others had purchased from Ho Ch'iu-ping and others plots of land at Wong Nei Chung... having a total area of 1 ch'ing 89 mau registered in Tung-Kuan under the name of Tang Chi-fu of the 2nd tụ, 18th p'i, last chia.\" The formula is often repeated in the land memorials held at the Land Office of the Registrar General in Hong Kong.\n\n12 Kwangchow Fu-chih (1759), ch'uan 4: 43a-b, 46b.\n\n13 Hsin-An Hsien-chih (1819), ch'uan 2.\n\n14 Kwangtung T'u-shuo, Hsin-An Hsien-t'u.\n\n15 Krone, \"A Notice of the Sunon District\", originally published in the Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 6:5, 41-105. This quote, as all the others, is from the reprinted copy in the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society V: p. 119.\n\n16 Tung-Kuan Hsien-chih (1797), 10:10b-11.\n\n17 Lockhart, in the Correspondence Respecting the Affairs in China, writes: \"Small villages and hamlets often place themselves under the protection of large and influential clans to which they refer all complaints and from which they expect assistance in case of attack, robbery, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "156\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nThe plans of the Nationalist Government call for the organization of local self-government in rural districts along republican lines which will fit into the scheme of a thoroughly democratized state. The years between 1930 and 1935 have been designated as a period of political tutelage during which the new organization is to be effected.\n\nThe smallest unit of organization is to be the Lin (鄰), composed of five families. This unit will be controlled by a president and vice president elected by the citizens. Five Lin constitute a Lü (閭), which will have similar officers. Villages, Hsiang (鄉), and market towns, Chên (鎮) are composed of at least 100 families or four Lü. From twenty to fifty of these villages, in turn, form a county, Ch'u (區), while an undetermined number of counties form a Hsien (縣) or district under a district magistrate or Hsien-chang (縣長). This whole system of organization, it will be seen, is based upon very ancient Chinese forms. What is different is the democratic and republican form which the government is supposed to assume.\n\nThe machinery of rural self-government is supposed to operate from the smallest unit, the Lin, upwards to the district or Hsien. The rights of election, recall, initiative and referendum are conferred first upon the smallest units. Because of an untrained citizenry, however, the attack has been made first upon the largest unit. And District magistrates, during the period of tutelage, are not to be elected by the people but are first to be examined and then recommended by the provincial Government and appointed by the National government. In the meantime, the plan of the Central Government calls for training schools for county chairmen, and provinces and districts are supposed to form training schools for preparing the personnel of the smaller units of local government.\n\nThe only available report as to how this process of organization works in practice is that given in the survey of Ching Ho, and unfortunately this village is not typical of rural districts. Ching Ho is a town composed of a number of villages, and has a population\n\nFor the statement of the plan for rural government as given here, see: China Year Book 1932; p. 687, and Tyau, Min-ch'ien; Two Years of Nationalist China, p. 76-78.\n\n2 Ching Ho: a Sociological Analysis. This study was made during 1928 and 1929, and therefore is by several years too early to give a picture of the situation at present under the slowly strengthening National Government. But it is valuable because it indicates the reaction of a town on which the new, external forces of change are operating.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208449, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n157\n\nof approximately 2437 inhabitants. It differs from typical rural villages in at least three respects: it is very young, having a history of only about fifty years; it is rather a grain market town with many stores than an agricultural community; and it is really a suburb of Peiping, lying just north of the former capital, and its whole economic, political and social life is highly colored by this fact.\n\nAt present there exist in the town two sets of political organizations: the old type established by the people themselves, and a more recent type set up by provincial or Kuomintang authorities. The two sets of organizations function simultaneously, and each seems to be weakened by the presence of the other. Of the first type is the village self-government of the traditional kind, a Chamber of Commerce composed of the leading merchants, and an Association of Farmers for the Protection of Crops.\n\nIn 1915 a district self-government movement was started. The term is not exactly accurate, however, since all the officers were appointed from among the various heads of villages by the county government or by the governor of the capital district of Peking direct. This organization worked with the cooperation of the traditional village governments, and seems both to have supplemented and coordinated them.\n\nIn 1919 the provincial authorities decided to remodel the system of self-government after the Shansi plan. According to this system, which is almost identical with the plan adopted later by the Central Government, five and twenty-five families were to be gathered into groups each with a chief. One hundred families or more were to constitute a village with a village head. Above the village there was to be a district office under a leader who would serve as a link between the self-government of the villages and the officials of the county government. This district head was also to serve as chief of the local police.\n\nThis theoretic plan was not so democratically carried out. In Ching Ho the selection of the village head was not made by popular vote in a mass meeting, as was supposed to have been done. Only the leaders of the village were present, no vote was taken, and the office was assumed by the associate of the former village head. Nor was the district head elected, his office being taken temporarily\n\n1 Ibid: chapters seven and eight, p. 96-121. The following description is taken from this section of the book.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208464, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "172\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nNiu Jen-yen (BMT); Local Self-government in Full ($*£T). Shanghai, Kung Min Book Store (ARTH), 1930. 4 vol.\n\n$5.00.\n\nTemporary Regulations in Force in Honan Municipal, District, Street, and Village Local Self-Government ( X$+@##6#*6*4). Honan Provincial Affairs Bureau (TäÂ).\n\nVarious Rules and Privileges in Practice in Chekiang Village and Hamlet Local Government (#2#3#2# ). Chekiang Provincial Affairs Bureau (****).\n\nIII. RURAL INVESTIGATIONS (2###)\n\nChiang Wen-yü (3¤M*); “Hsu Kung Bridge\" (##). Shanghai, Chinese Professional Educational Society (*****).\n\nFarmers and Landlords in Heilungchiang Region ( XAVAMAJR#X1). Nanking, Central Research Bureau (★★*£*). $0.60.\n\nHuang K'u-t'ung (*****); Rural and Village Investigation (*#**). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (*****). $2.25.\n\nInvestigation of Rural and Village Conditions in Lin An County (Chekiang) (**&*£*)). Nanking, Committee of Reconstruction (✈✯員會設建委), 1931,\n\nKiangsu in the Future (Haz×4). Kiangsu Provincial Affairs Bureau (江蘇民政廳)\n\nLi Ching-han (***); Rural Families in Peiping Suburbs (***** 4) Shanghai, The Commercial Press (*****). $0.75.\n\nYang K'ai-tao (#ML); Rural and Village Investigations (****). Shanghai, The World Book Company (L***FA ), 1930. $0.60.\n\nIV. RURAL AND VILLAGE ECONOMIC CONDITIONS (農村經濟)\n\nChu Hsin-fan (***); Special Characteristics and Economic Conditions of Chinese Rural and Village Life (†B⭑#MALLAT ). Shanghai, Hsin Sheng Ming Book Store ( 1**£*#4). $1.20.\n\nLing Tao-yang (); Various Aspects of Economic Conditions in the Agriculture of China (I*<***). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (£#*#*#) $0.45.\n\nLiu Ta-chün (§**); Economic Conditions of Farmers in China (ADP *M*RA). Shanghai, Hsien Tai Book Store (ARTA). $0.45.\n\nMajayar(?) (HLEN · *) (Author), Ch'en Hua-ch'ing (RIC# · #) (Translator); Studies in Economic Life in Chinese Rural and Village Communities (†B£##*#*). Shanghai, Shen Chou Kuo Kuang Shê (#tđk ), $2.20.\n\nTaylor (Author), Li Hsi-chou (†49#*) (Translator); Actual Conditions of Economic Life in Rural Communities and Villages of China (†B£#***). Shanghai, Wen Hua Hsueh Shé ( *ČR 學社)、$0.80.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208466, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "174\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nLu Shao-chi (£##); General Discussion on Rural Education ($#** \n#4). Shanghai, Ta Tung Book Store (£#££$5). $1.00. Wang Tsun-sheng (144); Reconstruction of China's Rural and Village Life-the Central Emphasis in Education ( **+s+£*£#£ i). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (1###/##). $1.20.\n\nYü Mo-lich (†); Rural Education (**). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (##). $0.65.\n\nVIII. PERIODICALS (H)\n\nAgriculture Weekly (★★★). Nanking, Huang-ni-kang, Chinese Agricultural Society(南京黃泥冈。中國農學社 ).\n\nAgriculture Weekly (★★4). Nanking, Agriculture Weekly Publication Bureau(南京大王府巷,農業週報社).\n\nCh'i-hsia Semi-monthly (★★+A#). Ch'i-hsia Rural Normal School (#E鄉村師苑)\n\nCoöperation Monthly (4† A 7). Shanghai, Chinese Cooperative Society (L*+*+***). V. 1-4, 1929. $0.60 per year.\n\nFarmers' Voice (#). Canton, Nung-sheng Publication Bureau, National Chung-shan University (AHB>+»£$£$*£**HA).\n\nHonan Village Government Magazine (Thrice-Monthly) ($#*«7). Honan Provincial Affairs Bureau (HRÆRHLA).\n\nHopei Village Government Monthly (TA). Hopei Provincial Affairs Bureau (XRkXƒ¥¤Â ).\n\nKiangsu Agriculturalist (★L). Chenkiang, Kiangsu Agricultural Bank (辑江、江蘇農民銀行。\n\nMinistry of Interior Record (*). Nanking, Ministry of Interior (南京内政部), (****). $4.00 per year.\n\nNew Agriculture and Forestry Magazine (****). Nanking, Kinling University (**££*********). $0.60 per year. Shansi Village Government Magazine (Thrice monthly) (†æk á] 7] ).\n\nShansi, Rural Government Office (4*). $3.60 per year.\n\nVillage Government Monthly (H&AN). Peiping, Rural Government Monthly Publication Bureau (+#AMμ). (V. 1-3). $1.40 per year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208598, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "28\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nPART I: JANUARY — NOVEMBER 1941\n\n1:\n\nJANUARY\n\nReports coming in from our South China missions indicate almost a \"rush\" on the part of the people to enroll in Doctrine courses leading to Baptism—we learn that Father Regan in Kweilin has baptized over a hundred in the past six months.\n\nFather Sandy Cairns, sojourning at Stanley during January, introduced deck tennis and badminton, to keep us in shape during the winter months—and overcame his hereditary inhibitions to the extent of paying for the equipment. Father Sandy is awaiting favourable winds, and a slackening of pirate activity, to take him back to his mission in Sancian Island after his relief work in Canton.\n\nDr. Baker of the American Red Cross, spent an evening with us. He told of the arrival of several hundred tons of cracked wheat for the East River area. Since all the people of that area speak Hakka, he is hoping Bishop Ford will lend him two priests to act as inspectors to see that the wheat is properly distributed.\n\nFEBRUARY\n\nFather O'Melia has been invited to sit on the Government Board of Examiners, to pass on the Chinese qualifications of all Government servants who require a knowledge of Cantonese in their work. This is fine recognition of Father O'Melia's stature as a Chinese scholar.\n\nOn the 13th, Dr. Wong-Man, Commissioner of Public Health for Kwangtung Province and Dean of Lingnam University Medical School in Canton, had dinner with us, gave us a talk on the Provincial Health Program, learned of the Maryknoll Fathers dispensary work in the Province, and promised to work out a plan of cooperation between the Government and Maryknoll.\n\nBishop Paschang received a pass from the occupation forces to visit Hong Kong but his purpose for coming here was only to leapfrog to the unoccupied areas of his Diocese to visit the priests and Sisters. While he was here, Father Joe Sweeney arrived, describing the exciting trip he had just made: the motor launch carrying himself and other passengers was attacked by a Japanese patrol boat as evening was coming on, but escaped capture when darkness", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208757, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS LIFE IN PRESENT-DAY TAIWAN \n\n187 \n\nThis may at first appear as a tautology: all religions are naturally human. However, in contrast again with the Judaeo-Christian and Islamic traditions, in which God is seen as the Absolutely Holy and Transcendent One, the Chinese worshippers in the folk-religion conceive of their deities and relate to them in very human or humanistic terms. This can be explained in many different ways. One aspect is the magico-religious treatment of the gods, just mentioned, but there are several other angles to look at this complex phenomenon. The Chinese deities are often man-made: created by the people, and sometimes in the past appointed by the imperial government. Many gods and goddesses are actually apotheosized historical figures of special reputation or virtue who after their death proved to possess spiritual powers to assist the suffering people. There exists even the conception that the whole Chinese pantheon (not including the Buddhas-bodhisattvas) is modelled after the imperial government: they present a mirror-image of this world with the emperor — the Jade Emperor at the top. Underneath him are the various boards or ministries, the provincial governors, district and city officials down to the lowest rank of neighborhood inspectors. The humble Tu-ti-kung or Earth-spirits are thus the lowliest rank in the divine hierarchy. Gods and goddesses can be promoted or fired just like humans; in cases of mismanagement or misconduct they are sent into exile or otherwise punished. Man's imagination sees this whole spiritual world as operating by virtue of rules and relationships characteristic of his own this-worldly society. Perhaps the most striking manner to illustrate the humanity of the Chinese religion is that it is so evidently utilitarian. The gods and goddesses are worshipped by the people mainly and perhaps exclusively to obtain divine assistance in various difficult or important circumstances. These may be of individual significance or may relate to social concerns: family and community. But most often the blessings requested belong to the sphere of this life: health and wealth, fertility and progeny, position, success in business, cures of diseases (often in the past: epidemics) and overall protection against evil forces, evil spirits who threaten to destroy human happiness. Concern with the after-life may also be a motivation of religion, but then life after death is seen as a continuation of life on earth. The deceased are imagined to have the same needs as in this world: food, shelter and clothing are their most important concerns. Therefore, the ancestor cult is utilitarianistic in two ways: if it is not intend-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208868, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "KEITH G. STEVENS\n\nTemples and monasteries can be classified as follows:--\n\na. By religious belief-Buddhist, Daoist, Confucian and traditional folk religion,5\n\nb. By the contents of the altars - deities, ancestral tablets or charms.\n\nc. By their typological features such as the size and shape of their plans (square or rectangular); by their elevation into floors; by divisions and sub-divisions; whether free-standing or not; and whether the courtyard is enclosed or in front of the main building.\n\nd. Whether residential or non-residential.\n\ne. Whether permanent or temporary.\n\nf. By ethnic grouping (regional traditional types),6\n\nWithin Hong Kong and Macau, there are about four hundred and fifty Buddhist, Daoist, and folk religion temples, Buddhist and Daoist monasteries and nunneries, and ancestral temples. A few pre-date the advent of the British and Portuguese whilst the majority, built since 1840, have been established as specialised temples with a specific deity on their altars well known for a unique function such as destroying demons, protecting seafarers, foretelling the future, protecting mothers during childbirth and children during childhood, and the like.\n\nIt is unfortunate, out of interest in such historic places, that neither Hong Kong nor Macau have the large national temple or temples at which the official state religion was worshipped. This is due to the fact that before the arrival of the British and Portuguese, neither territory contained a county town and were primitive rural areas. Nor are there in Hong Kong or Macau the large City God temples which in Imperial China were to be found in all provincial and county capitals.\n\nWhereas the Chinese government in 1928 closed many temples throughout China during their campaign to suppress superstition,* the practices condemned by the Chinese authorities continued in Hong Kong and Macau where British and Portuguese administrators treated native susceptibilities with great caution. Hong Kong and Macau temples therefore, retained deities and practices which have probably long since disappeared on the Chinese mainland.\n\n* described in some detail by C. B. Day in his Chinese Peasant Cults (Nanking Theological Seminary English Publications, 1938), pp. 190-195.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208934, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "64\n\nLEWIS M. CHERE\n\nIt is because these questions cannot be answered yet, and because they are so significant for a better understanding of the development of Chinese nationalism, and the history of the European presence on the China Coast, that this article has been written. In answering these questions I believe that scholars of Hong Kong's history will be performing a service for all scholars of Chinese History, as well as proving that events in Hong Kong really have been of much more significance than they have previously been given credit for.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, 2nd ed. (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1973), pp. 208-9.\n\n2 Geoffrey Robley Sayer, Hong Kong, 1862-1919: Years of Discretion ed., with additional notes by D. M. Emrys Evans (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1975).\n\n*\n\n* Endacott, p. 209.\n\n4 James Hayes, \"A Short History of Military Volunteers in Hong Kong,\" Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 11 (1971): 151-71.\n\n* James William Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hongkong. 2 vols. (London: T. F. Unwin, 1898), 2:376-67.\n\n+ +\n\nFor the problems which Britain's involvement caused her, see my forthcoming \"Great Britain and the Sino-French War: The Problems of an Involved Neutral, 1883-1885\", Selected Papers, The Western Conference of the Association for Asian Studies, 1980.\n\n* See the Census of Hong Kong for 3rd April, 1881, published in the Hongkong Government Gazette, 11th June 1881. There were then 91,452 men out of a total Chinese population of 150,690.\n\n• Endacott, p. 209; Parkes to Granville, no. 226 October 15, 1884, Great Britain. Public Records Office. FO 227/2715, pp. 12-15.\n\n• For more complete information on the Sino-French War see: Lloyd E. Eastman, Throne and Mandarins: China's Search for a Policy During the Sino-French Controversy, 1880-1885 (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1967); Henry McAleavy, Black Flags in Vietnam: the Story of a Chinese Intervention (New York: Macmillan, 1968), Ella S. Laffey, \"Relations Between Chinese Provincial Officials and the Black Flag Army, 1883-1885,\" (PhD dissertation, Cornell University, 1971); or my own \"The Diplomacy of the Sino-French War (1883-1885): Finding a Way Out of an Unwanted, Undeclared War,\" (PhD dissertation, Washington State University, 1978).\n\n10 A translated copy of the poison proclamation is in FO 227/2714, pp. 35-7; for Chang's defense of it see FO 227/2715, pp. 10-12.\n\n11 North China Herald, October 8, 1884, reprints an account from the Straits Times.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209256, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "JUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826\n\n# 1\n\n145\n\nsupport the militia and educational institutions, and make all manners of presents and contributions to the authorities far and near\". Although leadership of the foreign merchants resided in the Select Committee of the British East India Company, each foreign firm licensed to transact business in Canton, as well as each of its ships coming into the port, had to be secured by a hong merchant, who had to guarantee the good conduct of officers and crew of the ship while in port, and to assure the Chinese authorities that the ship was not carrying contraband. Under this system, the security merchant also served the important role as intermediary between Chinese officials and foreigners.\n\n# 2\n\nDespite accusations by the Chia-ch'ing and the Tao-kuang Emperors that Juan Yuan was expending more time and energy on compiling books and founding academies than on affairs of state, a sentiment echoed by the twentieth-century historian John K. Fairbank, both British and Chinese historical records show that Juan Yuan had taken the conduct of foreign affairs at Canton very seriously. He adhered strictly to the protocol established under the Canton system, handling negotiations with foreigners through the hong merchants and the Select Committee, refusing \"to establish direct communications between the local government and [the foreign community]\". Although contemporary foreigners at Canton complained about Juan Yuan's “inflexibility”, they remembered him later with respect. \"His conduct... was both firm and conciliatory, and his memorials were admired by foreigners for their polite and dignified style...\"\n\n+6\n\n# 3\n\nJuan Yuan saw the British as a serious threat to Chinese security, and considered them the most difficult among foreigners at Canton to keep under control. This was consistent with the general attitude of the Ch'ing court that the British were pressuring for further expansion of trade with China beyond Canton, thus challenging traditional Chinese policy. In 1818, however, his proposal for a repressive policy towards the British, outlined in a secret memorial to the Chia-ch'ing Emperor, was not accepted by the Emperor, who exhorted moderation. The Emperor restrained Juan Yuan with this rescript: “Adopt a policy showing both strength and kindness simultaneously. Do not over-react under any circumstances and avoid rash actions.” \"Appointed to Canton in the wake of the Amherst crisis, only four days after his arrival at Canton, Juan Yuan embarked on an inspection tour of the Pearl estuary outside Boca Tigris in the company of the provincial commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung marine force. They visited fortifications and gun batteries along the shores and on the islands, and paid a visit to Macau.7", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210069, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "19\n\ncome. From a religious viewpoint, Taichung is a rather average and conservative town; there are no very old and large temples of provincial reputation, attracting large crowds of tourists or pilgrims. In that respect, Tainan and Taipei are more famous, and of course so are other old places like Peikang and Lukang, once very flourishing fishermen's settlements but unable to keep up with modernization. Still, their temples keep attracting steady flows of pilgrims from afar.\n\nIn recent years the provincial and municipal governments have taken a more active interest in the religious life of the people. This can be seen as a continuation of the old imperial system, when religion was strongly supervised and even controlled by the officials, but the present day practice includes quite a few innovations. One innovation is the requirement that all temples should be legally registered. In municipalities this can be done at the city hall. The administration of the cities includes a department of population (min-tsu pu), which in turn has a sub-department of religious affairs. In 1976 the Taichung city hall printed a list of all the temples duly registered; upon request I obtained a copy. Later on I was allowed to borrow and photocopy a similar list in Tainan, whereas in Kaohsiung no such list had been printed yet: I was permitted to look through the register containing all the filled out registration papers sent in to the city hall by the temples.\n\nI expect that all the major cities in Taiwan (Taipei, Keelung, Taichung, Tainan, Kaohsiung, Yangmingshan) will have such a list by now, and each county or hsien government has started to register all the temples within their own jurisdiction. Copies of all these registers have to be sent to the provincial government. This will hopefully make future temple research much easier: to me and others it has often been a time-consuming and frustrating experience not to find up-to-date temple lists providing the most basic information, especially in a rapidly changing urban environment, where temples are continuously being broken down and rebuilt elsewhere.\n\nThe city of Taichung was one of the first to complete a list of the city temples. (Tainan was earlier: my copy dates from 1974.) When I visited the \"religious officials\" again in the autumn of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210180, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "130\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\npreviously been located near Sham Chun, but, shortly after the cession of Hong Kong the sub-magistracy was moved to Kowloon, known as Kowloon City after a wall was built around it in 1847. A military garrison was transferred to Kowloon City from Tai Pang in north-east San On, at about the same time.\n\n73\n\nThere had been a few small military posts on the island of Hong Kong established long before 1841. These were manned by soldiers and ratings of the Tai Pang battalion which served as a kind of military marine constabulary, sailing war junks and manning small posts scattered across this part of the district. However, they may have been discontinued before 1841 as there does not seem to have been any civil or military establishment on Hong Kong island when it was taken over. Johnston wrote in 1843\n\n\"no public buildings were found on any part of the Island of Hong Kong when it was first occupied by the English, except a small tumble-down Chinese house at Chek-choo (now Stanley) and another at Shek-pie-wan (now Aberdeen) where the petty mandarins stopped occasionally\n\n76\n\n+74\n\nIt seems, then, that the magistrate sent collectors and runners to the island in connection with the land tax and that a clerk was sent in a boat to issue licences to the boat people. There are reports of the district magistrate's officers still attempting to collect land taxes at Stanley as late as 1844 and the boat people may have been subject to the annual charge of 400 cash said to be levied on the 150 boats privileged to fish in local waters. The San On magistrate was still trying to collect this in 1844. Such visitations were being reported by the inhabitants in the few years following the British occupation of Hong Kong, and the British official correspondence gives the impression that this had been a regular practice in past days. However, it was not to be tolerated after the cession, and after representations by the Hong Kong Government, the provincial treasurer of the Canton province indicated that any claims to the former land tax would now be relinquished.\n\n77\n\nOtherwise, the inhabitants were left to their own devices. In common with other communities of the region, large and small", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210390, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 361, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "340\n\nThe Chinese Hospital: A Socialist Work Unit. By Gail E. Henderson and Myron S. Cohen. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984.\n\nThe authors of this book worked one as a medical researcher and the other as an English teacher and translator - and lived for five months between September 1979 and March 1980 at the Second Attached Hospital (SAH) of Hubei Provincial Medical College. This rare opportunity allowed sociologist Gail Henderson and physician Myron Cohen to undertake field research at a Chinese \"work unit”, or danwei (“an administrative term referring to the organization of almost all urban workplaces under the authority of the central government\"), and observe at close distance the organizational structure and process of what Fox Butterfield describes as \"the basic building block of (urban Chinese) society”. The research methodology employed was appropriately participant-observation and the result: a fascinating case-study that reveals many insights into social life and health care in post-Mao China. Between the covers there is much rich empirical material and many observations that will interest China scholars, medical sociologists, and researchers on comparative organizational studies.\n\nThe study confirms the importance of the work unit as a central institution in organizing the social, economic and political life of China's urban population. In the SAH, which is a rather special kind of danwei for sure, approximately two-thirds of the 830 people who work in the hospital also live there, and many spouses and even some children are employed by the danwei. What is even more significant is that 70 to 80 per cent of all hospital and medical staff are married to colleagues within the hospital. Participation as members in the danwei is basically involuntary, for assignment to a work unit is a decision always made by the state. When workmates are frequently also neighbours or close family members, and when marriage, divorce, childbearing, education, job assignment, job transfer and the resolution of disputes all involve the knowledge and, in most cases, approval of danwei leadership, there can hardly be any material separation between the public and the private, and indeed different institutional spheres of life. What results from this is a unique community that integrates the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "121\n\nBritish Navy stationed at Hong Kong which eradicated free-booting from the China coast. Equipped with the newest steam gun-boats designed for navigation in shallow water, the British commenced a blitz on piracy in 1863, and in a short period rousted the privateers from their haunts in Hainan's shallow river estuaries. To prevent a revival of piracy, the Guangdong provincial government was provided with similar gunboats officered by Englishmen, to patrol the waters surrounding Hainan,\n\nRestoration of trade\n\nThe quashing of piracy led to a rapid restoration of trade between Hainan and the mainland, which in turn, aroused for the first time the interest of foreign merchants in this unknown island which had previously been dismissed as merely a sanctuary for pirates and banditti. This interest resulted in the opening of K'iungchow as a treaty port in 1876 and the development of a thriving trade with Hong Kong. A steamer link with the British colony was established and Hainan produce was ferried on the regular service. Raw sugar, vegetable oils and livestock (cattle, pigs, ducks, chickens and frogs) were the chief exports, while betel nut, copra, rattan, sisal hemp, hides, tallow, medical herbs and incense timber were shipped in small quantities (Henry, 1886; Moninger, 1919). Unfortunately, Hainan did not escape the baneful effects of opium which became the island's principal import (Henry, 1886), its use being justified in warding off the deadly malaria endemic throughout the island (Swinhoe, 1872a).\n\nWith the flurry of business activity, companies formed with foreign and Cantonese capital mushroomed everywhere in Hainan, each striving to secure as large a share as possible of the agricultural and mineral resources of the island. Unfortunately, Hainan did not surrender its untapped wealth easily, and the harshness of the tropical climate sent most enterprises quickly into bankruptcy. Those that did succeed were large, well-financed operations such as the K'iu Hing Kunz Sz, a large plantation near Nada involved in the production of rubber, coffee and tobacco (McClure, 1922). Even this company with over 20,000 rubber trees and 300,000 mature coffee bushes experienced hardship mainly caused by labour shortages, although these may have been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "207\n\nwife. He began his career as a teacher of English in Government Chinese schools. After two years, he was appointed an interpreter in the Police Magistrate's office. His brother-in-law, Ng Mun-sow, was already in the office and when he was dismissed, A-lloy stepped up into his position.\n\nHe left Hongkong Government service in 1867 and accepted a position under the Viceroy of Kwangtung.\n\nHe was to be in charge of an opium tax collecting office in Hongkong for the Chinese Government. Much opposition to this was voiced in the English language press, and A-lloy was attacked as a tool used to subvert British authority in Hongkong.\n\nHe then left Hongkong to become legal adviser on foreign affairs to the Governor of Fukien. He had received no formal legal training, but his years as interpreter in the courts of Hongkong gave him, as a newspaper account mentioned, “a surprisingly intimate knowledge of the forms and routines of our country.”\n\nHis activities in Fukien roused the indignation of the Hongkong papers. One of them characterised him as \"this peripatetic conglomeration of legal imposture and contemptible impudence.\"\n\n**\n\nWhatever his reputation in Hongkong, in China it had been enhanced by his acquiring, either by purchase or conferment, the degree entitling him to wear a white button on his hat.\n\nIn 1879 a change of policy in the Fukien provincial government resulted in the dismissal of most of their English-speaking Chinese employees, Ho Shun-chee, as A-lloy was then calling himself, left and joined the Chinese diplomatic mission to the United States. The Ambassador, Chen Lan-pin, was a Canton man and had recruited most of his staff from the Canton-Hongkong area. Ho Shun-chee served as interpreter.\n\nIn 1880 he passed through London. He took the opportunity to send a note to Dr. Legge, saying: \"Shortly before leaving Hongkong for America to join the Chinese Embassy under His Excellency...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210884, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "218\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nThere may have been some substance to these reports, for, after leaving the service of the Hongkong Government, he became attached to the Kwangtung Provincial Tax Bureau. It was while he was in the Kwangtung Government administration that he became interested in the development of the mines of the province.\n\nA specimen of lead ore from the Wei Chau area was brought to his attention. It was almost pure ore. He sent a party to inspect the mine. Previously it had been worked by the Government, but after expending a large amount of money, the work had to be suspended because the mine was flooded. A-mei thought he could overcome this problem with modern machinery. He approached the Viceroy and was able to get his approval, but in the face of opposition from other officials, he decided not to pursue the project further.\n\nSome of his friends, however, did start work, having raised some $8,000. By the time the water problem was solved, all the money had been spent and further work was abandoned.\n\nHo A-mei's interest in the mineral wealth of Kwangtung had been aroused and he sent prospectors to various areas of the province to secure ore samples. From the reports he was convinced mining could be undertaken with profit.\n\nIn 1880 he became interested in some old mines at Tam Chow near the Bogue forts (Fu-mun) on the Pearl River. Some 30 years before they had been successfully developed at a profit of some $300,000, but this mine was also flooded so work had been abandoned. With the experience of his friends at the Wei Chow mines in the Wing On District in mind, A-mei decided it was not worth pursuing the reopening of the Tam Chow mines.\n\nIn 1883, however, a number of stone cutters struck a rich vein of ore about half a mile from the old mine. A-mei sent a specimen to England and it was found to be 13 per cent silver. He bought the mine for $10,000.\n\nNot long after, his attention was directed to mineral deposits on Lantao Island at Silvermine Bay. Investigation of the site indicated it was worth working. He arranged to lease the site for $2,000 a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210885, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "219\n\nyear from Chan Kan-to, whom he called the owner of the island. Having done so, he then applied to the provincial government for permission to work it.\n\nHe was about to send off a sample of the ore to England, when a mineralogist, Professor Milne of Tokyo, happened to be in Hong Kong. Ho A-mei arranged for him to visit the mines at Tam Chow and Lantao. The professor took some specimens back to Japan for analysis. He found the Tam Chow ore with 13 per cent silver, the same as the English report had been, and the Lantao specimen with five per cent.\n\nA-mei then proceeded to float a company for the development of the two mines. He imported machinery and brought from England a geologist, Mr. T.B. Chandler, as general supervisor, and an experienced Cornish miner, Mr. Phillips, to train and oversee the workers.\n\nA-mei tried to persuade the Kwangtung officials by pointing out that the development of mines would provide work for a large number of unemployed. Instead of going off to America, Australia and other places, the Cantonese people could be kept at home. His Australian experience had convinced him, however, that mines would only be operated profitably if modern machinery and methods were introduced from the West. With these arguments he persuaded the Viceroy of Kwangtung to establish a Bureau of Mines.\n\nIn March 1866, the Lantao Island mine was formally opened. A launch party composed of interested Chinese and Europeans went over from Hongkong.\n\nIt was, of course, necessary to get the favour of the earth god if the mine was to be a success. A small mat shed had been erected as a temporary temple. The sacrificial ceremonies were conducted by Chan, the owner of the land, the mandarin in charge of the island and his assistant, one of the directors of the mining company and Ho A-mei, the promoter of the mine. All of them were dressed in their official mandarin robes and the European observers were suitably impressed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211110, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "146\n\nThe Chinese desire to have a consul in Hongkong was tied to the much larger problem of the opium trade. Hongkong had a special place in the trade. As a free port immediately next to the Chinese mainland, it was an excellent base for smuggling opium into China.\n\nThe Chinese Government had for many years prohibited its importation. However, it reluctantly agreed to its legalisation by the Treaty of Tientsin in 1858. There was the hope that, if legalised, China could better control the trade.\n\nA heavy duty was levied on it, however, and to avoid payment, large quantities continued to be smuggled from Hongkong in Chinese junks.\n\nThe smuggling was difficult to control. Hongkong regarded it strictly as China's problem. It saw no reason why it should be responsible for its suppression.\n\nIt was the peculiar situation of Hongkong that made enforcement by the Chinese difficult. In Hongkong there were ample storage facilities for the drug. The processed opium could be purchased from the Government opium monopolists. There was little difficulty in putting it aboard a junk in Hongkong and delivering it to agents somewhere along the coast or in an inland waterway.\n\nTwo types of charges were levied on opium. There was the duty on goods imported in foreign vessels to the treaty ports. The Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs became responsible for collecting this.\n\nIn addition, there were provincial levies called likin. These varied from province to province and were subject to change at the will of the provincial administrators.\n\nThis is the background for the intermittent suggestion that a Chinese official be placed in Hongkong to supervise the collection of duties imposed by the Chinese upon goods shipped from Hongkong and thereby to check the blatant smuggling.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "PIRATES IN THE PEARL RIVER DELTA\n\nDIAN H. MURRAY*\n\nThis study of “Pirates in the Pearl River\" was a multiarchival research project whose goal was to piece together information on a group of Chinese non-elites who had hitherto escaped the attention of historians and to turn our attention seaward from the Chinese mainland in order to place our understanding of land-sea relations within a broader ecological context. The research drew upon documents written in Chinese, Vietnamese, French, Portuguese, Japanese and English and involved visits to archives in Washington, D.C.; Taipei, Taiwan; Beijing, China: Macao, Hong Kong; and London.\n\nAlmost at its outset my investigation revealed a significant growth of piracy within the Pearl River Delta and along the entire South China coast from Chekiang to Vietnam between 1796 and 1810. Within Kwangtung province alone a confederation of several thousand pirates and a fleet of 1,200 junks dominated delta and coast alike forcing all who set sail, regardless of whether they were merchantmen, fishermen, salt distributors or opium smugglers, to purchase passports for immunisation against attack.\n\nThe military prowess of the pirates was such that they successfully fought the Ch'ing government fleet, in the form of the Kwangtung provincial water force, to a standstill and involved themselves in both battles and negotiations with the Western foreigners then on the scene.\n\nYet, during 1810, at what seemed to be the height of their power, the pirates disappeared almost overnight from the sea. It then became my mission to understand both their rise and fall. Initially, I had intended to investigate the entire phenomenon and to account for all of the pirate activity along the southeast littoral. In the end, however, I discovered that just as there were economic macroregions within which life was lived on the continent, so, too, were there similar regions or 'water\n\n* Professor Murray, of the University of Notre Dame in Indiana, is author of Pirates of the South China Coast, 1790-1870 (Stanford University Press, 1987). This talk was delivered to the Society on August 1st, 1983.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "6\n\nher the confederation grew until, at its height in 1809, it comprised between 50,000 and 70,000 individuals and the 1,200 junks referred to in the introduction.\n\nThe Confederation in action\n\nBy mid-1808 the military success of the confederation was such that the Ch'ing government's policy of sea war had been soundly defeated. The deaths of the Brigade-General of the Bocca Tigris, Lin Kuo-liang, and the Lieutenant-Colonel, Lin Fa, coupled with their losses of material resulted in the reduction of the provincial fleet by half and an even greater penetration of the Pearl River Delta by the pirates.\n\nLin Kuo-liang's replacement, Hsu T'ing-kuei, was defeated in July 1809. Although he managed to destroy most of the White Flag Fleet in the process, he himself was killed and he lost ten of the thirty-five mi-t'ing or rice carriers in his war fleet. The situation was now desperate as pirates were able to destroy government war junks faster than the dockyards could build them, and most of the provincial fleet's auxiliary salt and fishing vessels were out of commission as well.\n\nPirates were now able to bring their penetration of the Pearl River to new heights as Black Flag Fleet leader, Kuo P'o-tai, set out at once on a six-week foray into the inner passage that resulted in the deaths of 10,000 individuals. On August 11, 1809, he burned the customs house at Tzu-ni, ten miles from Canton and sent messengers to the Governor-General warning that if ransom was not forthcoming, the city would be attacked.\n\nAt the same time, the Red Flag Fleet leader, Chang Pao, worked the **outer passage** or main channel of the Pearl River and destroyed two forts near its mouth. At the Second Bar, he sent a fleet of Chinese war junks running, destroyed towns and villages all the way to Pan-yu and Nan-hai counties, and defeated the government's newly-constructed vessels at Sha-wan.\n\nForeigners, too, were alarmed at the strength and audacity of the pirates, who, on September 5, 1809, simultaneously detained the vessels of the Siamese tribute mission in the mouth of the Pearl River and sent\n\nPage 30\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "28\n\nformally took steps to organize and control the trade. Henceforth it was to be a government-sponsored operation supervised by the commission itself.\n\nIn October a prospectus was distributed advertising the new policy. It made specific efforts to differentiate the new programme from the previous illegal trade. According to the prospectus, the trade was to provide labour for the West Indies and work for the poor of China. It was not to be considered slavery. The rights of those recruited would be guaranteed by the British government and families were welcome to come along. In fact, in addition to promising education for dependents, the flyer outlined contracts of five years with pay set at four dollars a month. The contract could be broken after a year though four-fifths of the price of passage had to be repaid. As an additional incentive a twenty dollar advance was offered. Happily for those interested in recruiting coolies, Lao Ch'ung-kuang, the acting Governor-General who had replaced Po-Kuei, agreed to endorse the plan and to supply a mandarin to work with John Austin, the British recruitment official. By the late autumn the French had made similar arrangements.\n\n63\n\nEvery effort was made to disassociate the now official coolie recruitment from the previous illegal trade. Because the coolie ships had often sat off the coast near Whampoa full of men usually presumed to be prisoners, the new system established land-based recruitment houses in Canton. Parkes, the dominant commissioner, also worked with the local gentry and elders to gain their co-operation. And, as mentioned above, with the co-operation of the provincial officials, each emigration office, French and British, had Chinese officials assigned to work with it.\n\nThe allied commissioners were taking no chances with a potential uprising stemming from \"misunderstandings associated with the trade. Coolie inspectors were assigned to interview the recruited labourers. The inspectors had the right to interview the men at any time and, if necessary to close down the offending establishment. No corporal punishment was to be allowed. The inspectors were to be present whenever contracts were signed and inspection officers were required to visit the emigration houses daily.\n\n67", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212088, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "\"of the respect which constituted authority commands. They keep up soldiers and police to enhance the dignity of their own positions, and, incidentally, to suppress rebellions and catch, castigate, torture or behead such persons as they consider to be malefactors; but all their actions are limited by what public opinion will allow.\"'\"\n\nA decade earlier, the American missionary educator, Bishop Graves of Canton, long acquainted with the popular will, had explained what it was and how it had to be taken into account by the authorities at all times:\n\n\"China's government consists of two elements: the Imperial authority, as represented by Mandarins, high and low, with the underlings and police runners connected with the various official courts, and the popular will represented by the village elders, the Kung-Kuk, or councils of literati, and the Kai-fong or assemblages of householders in cities and towns. Public opinion, which is, perhaps, practically the strongest element in Chinese society, is based on local traditions, clan feeling and provincial pride, modified by a sense of nationality founded on allegiance to the Emperor as the Son of Heaven or Divinely-sent Ruler.\n\nNo one can understand China who regards its government as a pure despotism, an Autocrat imposing his own will on subservient subjects. The popular element must also be taken into consideration in estimating the forces which bind Chinese society together.\n\nMuch was expected of their rulers by the ruled. It was assumed that they would be guided in their actions in accordance with the ethical code, and rule by the moral authority and example of righteous action rather than by despotic whim or tyrannical decree. When this was not the case, it was open to the oppressed people to remove their rulers. Such conduct had been openly endorsed by the sage Mencius. A propos the overthrow of the last Hsia dynasty king he had said bluntly, \"I have heard about the killing of a ruffian called Chou; I have not heard about the killing of a king\". The phrase long in use for a rising against unjust rulers is hei yi; which means literally \"to raise righteousness\". The ordinary people of China justified actions against oppressive or neglectful authorities by transforming themselves\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212200, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "119\n\nLiuchow where one of Colonel Chennault's schools for training Chinese pilots was at that time established. I arrived just in time to observe the results of a Japanese air-raid on the field, when they succeeded in shooting up two of the latest type of Curtis Hawk fighters, the only two at that time in China, concealed in some trees on the edge of the field. Training under such conditions was not easy and the school soon had to move west again into Yunnan province.\n\nThree hundred kilometres a day is good going on these lightly metalled roads. I reached Kweilin on the evening of the third day after leaving Wuchow, and put up at the government hostel. From time immemorial the idea of travel has filled Chinese with apprehension, induced not only by fear of the ubiquitous bandit, but also by the abomination of the fetid roadside inn. With the advent of the motor car, the need for better hotel accommodation became evident, and the various provincial governments opened official hostelries at key points. While these left much to be desired by western standards, they were a prodigious improvement on the old-style inn.\n\nKwangsi is one of the more progressive provinces, for long controlled by Generals Li Tsung Jen and Pai Chung Hsi, who rank next to the Generalissimo himself. The hostel at Kweilin was better than average. There was a wireless in the lounge, and a small crowd of us sat and listened to the news as it came in. It was the period before Munich. A young German amongst us, flushed with arrogance, gloated over Hitler's successes. My first contact with the aboriginal Nazi spirit left me angry and dismayed.\n\nChinese buildings are flimsy. The rooms are small and dark, and not clean. When you have made allowance for this idiosyncrasy, Kweilin appears a delightful little town. The city wall circumambulates from shrine-crowned hill to hill; the river is full of junks that sail down to Wuchow; the roads are wide and straight, and shop arcades cover the pavements on either side. The little separate hills rise steeply from the plain, in those fantastic shapes seen in Chinese paintings. Their rocky tree-fringed summits staggered drunkenly beneath the sky. The hills are full of natural caves, most convenient for storing war supplies, or to act as shelters in the event of raids. But Kweilin was still far from the war. The Kweilin merchants believed that the Japanese planes would have difficulty in locating their little city snuggling amongst the hills. The excitement was all about the new railway,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212201, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "120\n\nwhich the government was hurriedly building from Hengyang, on the Canton-Hankow line. The embankment was finished, the culverts and bridges were in, and the construction gangs laying the rails were only a few miles off. The rails had been salvaged from sections of line abandoned to the invader in the distant north, and brought to Kwangsi despite great difficulties.\n\nI drove on to Hengyang and on the way observed one of those curious inconsistencies to which you grow accustomed in China. The Ministry of Communications, all the handicaps of the war notwithstanding, continued resolutely with its programme of road building. Where rivers were too wide to justify bridges, ferries were used. The ferry boat, a wide pontoon long enough to carry two lorries, one behind the other, would be poled across the river, or rowed over those stretches where the water might be too deep. As the current often ran fast some skill was needed to bring the ferry safely to the far side, and it took time. You would have thought that on these main roads, on which the movement of war supplies depended, relays of ferries would have been installed at the wider rivers to avoid unnecessary delay. Not only was that not so, but the ferry men, who were controlled by the Provincial Road Bureaux under the Ministry of Communications, refused to work after dark, or at meal hours. The consequence was that again and again a long string of vehicles would be held up waiting to cross, and if the ferry-trip took half an hour, as it usually did, you might have to wait a whole day for your turn. The wooden ferry boats were of local construction and not difficult to build. It would have been easy to increase the number of boats and ferrymen, but these serious bottlenecks in transportation continued to hamper the Chinese war effort. Only too often have Japanese bombers taken advantage of the target presented by a group of vehicles bunched at a ferry.\n\nBetween Kweilin and Hengyang you pass the watershed that separates the Yangtze basin from the West river basin. An ancient narrow canal, five feet wide, recently repaired, connects the two headwaters. There is an old story of a British gunboat having come up from the West river past Kweilin to a point whence those on board could see the mast-tops of a sister ship which had sailed up from the Yangtze. The masts must have been very tall; or perhaps the story is tall, because actually the gap between them could not have been less than thirty miles.\n\nWithout stopping at Hengyang I went straight through the same", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212205, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "124\n\ninternational communities, the smaller treaty ports had come to depend for their foreign population on the few large companies which maintained organisations throughout the country. These included the British American Tobacco Company, the Asiatic Petroleum (Shell) Company, amongst the distributing companies, and Messrs. Jardine Matheson and Company generally known as Ewo, and Messrs. Butterfield and Swire, amongst the shipping companies. Imperial Chemical Industries as a rule only had offices in the larger ports. China at one time offered the largest market in the world for cheap quality cigarettes, and for kerosene (paraffin as we call it). The motorist in Britain and America paid less for petrol because of the kerosene offtake in China. It is self-evident that amongst the cuts distilled from the crude oil petrol, kerosene, lubricating oil, diesel oil, wax and asphalt the cost of production is recovered in proportion on each finished product and, if the market for one of those products is limited, then the price proportionately increases on the others.\n\n—\n\n―\n\nBut let not our Chinese friends claim that the distribution of kerosene in China was a form of oppressive dumping. It was not. A very real demand for illumination was met, where other satisfactory illuminants were missing, and at a price below that at which the locally produced and less efficient vegetable oils could be marketed. And this despite the heavy duty which was collected on the imported product for revenue purposes, so that it could be said of kerosene that in China it not only provided almost the sole source of illumination, but also a substantial contribution towards the cost of government.\n\nThe urgency of war was more evident in Kiu Kiang, though the Japanese had refrained from bombing the former Concession area. My old Chinese friends all wanted to know what was going to happen. How could I tell them?\n\nThe Club had moved from the Customs godown to our former flat, the interior of which had been reconstructed to meet the new purpose. The bar was in our former bedroom, and from behind it the same ancient retainer dispensed the drinks; even the dice boxes looked the same with their heavy yellow ivory dice. But I could not loiter to rattle these for long. There was a decrepit railway to Nanchang, the provincial capital, a hundred miles to the south, and with some difficulty I procured a seat for myself on the train, which as always in China was overcrowded.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212295, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "214\n\nlast in the Hok-keen and Canton dialects (Malacca, 1841), 111 pages.\n\nThe breadth of Legge's vision is fully realized in the extensive studies and translations of his later career. A testimony to this fact is found in the current editions of The Chinese Classics (first prepared in the 1960 edition published in Hong Kong) which include tables locating parallel passages in all other major translations. Legge is the only non-Chinese scholar who has translated all of the major Confucian classics. In some standard Confucian lists, two classics on the rites are included which Legge did not translate: The Rites of Zhou (Zhouli) and The Rites on Etiquette (Yili). This in itself is a feat, but when one recognizes the further achievement of the extensive commentarial apparatus, it is easy to understand why one missionary-scholar referred to Legge in the 1870s as the greatest sinologist in the Western world.\n\n1\n\nJames Legge, “A Fair and Dispassionate Discussion of the Three Doctrines Accepted in China\", sometime in the 1880s (1881?) to an Orientalist Conference. I have seen the published article, but could find no precise reference for it. In addition, Legge published an annotated translation of a Korean recension of a text important for the understanding of Chinese Buddhism. A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of his Travels in India and Ceylon (AD 399-414) in Search of the Buddhistic Books of Discipline (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1886), which included at the end a copy of the Chinese manuscript.\n\n++\n\nGeorge Baker, author, James Legge trans., Graduated Reading, comprising a Circle of Knowledge in 200 Lessons: Gradation 1 (Zhihuan qimeng shuke chubu) (TER224) (Hong Kong: London Missionary Society Press, 1856, second printing, 1864).\n\nThis monthly magazine was entitled Xidi quanzhen (遠邇貫珍) Penetrating Treasures from Far and Near which Legge edited from mid-1855 to mid-1856,\n\nHì\n\nWhile remaining a patriot of Great Britain, and feeling at times that war was a necessary means for promoting international justice in the specific case of relations with Guangdong provincial leaders, Legge questioned the employment of war for the sake of \"stimulating the economy\". For this reason, he challenged the Hong Kong government's militarism in 1856 (the Arrow affair) as well as its questionable motives. In addition, he argued that China had good reason to fear and hate the English because of the evils of opium trade, comparing her response to that of Japan, where opium trade had been made illegal from its very beginnings. See James Legge, \"The Colony of Hong Kong\". Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 11 (1971), [reprint from The China Review of 1872-3, see n. 2 above] pp. 185-191. In the prolegomenon of the first volume of The Chinese Classics, Legge explicitly argued that the colonial responsibilities Great Britain had assumed in India and China would best be put into the hands of governors who, as if following the dictates of benevolent government advocated by Confucius, were worthy examples of moral, ethical, and political well-being. A criticism of some of the British imperialistic intentions and its accompanying evils could not be put more plainly by a loyal citizen. See The Chinese Classics: Vol 1, op. cit., p. 105.\n\nTheodore Hamberg, The Visions of Hung Siu-Tshuen (Hong Kong: 1854).\n\nJ7\n\n44\n\nAt the end of his missionary career, Legge could still speak of Hong Rengan with some affection. In public Legge praised his intelligence and amiability; see Legge's \"The Colony of Hong Kong\". The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, op. cit., p. 186. In private notes found in the Bodleian Library entitled \"Reminiscences\", Legge tells how they would walk, arms across each other's shoulders in close friendship, and how adept Rengan was when they performed Christian Ministry together. See James Legge, \"Reminiscences\", manuscript in the Bodleian Library, pp. 13-14.\n\n典\n\nIn his lecture on the history of Hong Kong in 1872, Legge indicated his satisfaction in seeing the rearrangement of all Chinese schools. E. T. Eitel also discussed Legge's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212392, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 334, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "311\n\nspite of his deep love for his motherland.\n\nNaturally, his pictures take pride of place in the 'Overseas Chinese Museum' which has over 6,000 exhibits portraying the Ming and Qing diaspora. The building was completed in 1956, endowed by Tan and other overseas donors. Like most similar establishments in China, information is available in Chinese only. If the People's Republic really wishes to attract overseas visitors, is it too much to ask that literature and captions be printed in English as well?\n\nThe Group also made a visit to Huli Shan Fortress, completed in 1823, which protected the entrance to the fine, deep-sea port in the lead-up to the First Opium War. The island of Quemoy, from which the Nationalist Government relayed propaganda with loudspeakers during the 'cold war', lies only 2.4 kilometres off the Communist China Mainland near this fortress.\n\nThe RAS Party later went to the Nanputuo Temple, under the towering 'Five Old Men Peak', which is an architectural masterpiece and crammed with Buddhist statuary. Renovations were in progress. It was encouraging, too, to see the local People's Patriotic Church had recently been given a facelift by the provincial government.\n\nBut impressions lie in the senses of the beholder. Some RAS Members may especially remember Xiamen for its reasonably priced seafood available, with over 600 varieties of fish compared to Hong Kong, or the edible frogs or fine noodles. There was even champagne available with the buffet breakfast!\n\n―\n\nNevertheless, for the author, the most treasured recollections are of banyans and buildings. Some of the former, with labyrinths of contorting, twisting roots, were probably growing a century-and-a-half ago, before the island became a Treaty port. The town is also a 'museum' of vernacular and colonial architecture.\n\nWhether the vantage point is Bill Job's workshop or the hotel window, a vista of old, mellowed, orange, Chinese 'roll and trough' roof tiles, with some roofs of interlocking tiles, blend in reasonably well with new structures erected often from overseas remittances. Although the more ornate, gently sloping, swallow-tail roofs were traditionally reserved for temples, official buildings, and residences", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212399, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 341, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "318\n\nThe origins of the Grand Council, which served as the highest executive body under the Emperor in the Qing government from the first quarter of the eighteenth century, are clarified for the first time. It was not created one day through act of parliament. Nor was it the accidental survivor of a military planning group as its Chinese name might suggest. Bartlett shows the transformation from direct imperial personal rule (Yongzheng's ad hoc arrangements of the Military Finance Section, the High Officials in Charge of Military Strategy, and the palace memorial system) to joint monarchical conciliar administration (Qianlong's regularization of the Grand Council). The development of an inner court to offset the rigidity and limitations of the outer court is traced, and we are shown how the Qianlong Emperor adapted to the increasingly complex demands of ruling China. The Kangxi Emperor (r. 1662-1722) was brilliant, but could rely on raw Manchu force to rule; Yongzheng and Qianlong had to use more \"Confucian\" means, at the same time surviving the factionalism of the imperial family.\n\nBartlett has not simply used the Qing archives to sketch political events, or to mark the stages of development of the Grand Council. She has used provenance to enlighten us on process, and has gained an understanding of the whole range of communication that passed between Emperor, grand councillors and provincial officials. This system has been researched before, but no one has gone into such detail on the forms of communication and the act of decision making. The grand councillors knew that control of information flow led to control of decisions. As the palace memorial system expanded from a secret, personal channel between the Emperor and a few officials to a broader, prioritized but more impersonal avenue, the councillors and their clerks injected themselves into the process. Before long they perused memorials, drafted summaries and proposed imperial replies (see, for example, pp 98-101).\n\nThe tension between Emperor and officials, and among officials, was conceptualized by Joseph Levenson in his trilogy Confucian China and its Modern Fate. Bartlett brings Levenson's provocative concept down to earth, and shows the conflict and cooperation between emperor and councillor, and inner and outer court officials. On the dichotomy of an all-powerful Emperor and officials with independent legitimacy, we are told that the outer court ran according to an administrative code. Although the monarch could probably", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212507, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "41\n\nHow did Ruan Yuan manage to be so prolific in scholarly production when he was a full-time provincial official handling such critical problems as piracy in Zhejiang or jurisdiction over foreigners present in Canton? Part of the answer lies in the fact that it was these official positions that had made it possible for Ruan Yuan to maintain around him a staff of scholars with expertise in various fields. As an official, especially as the chief administrative official in a given province, he had sufficient resources at his command to provide jobs or create opportunities for scholars. Of course, there had to be a shared interest. With limited time for actual hands-on research and writing himself, a conjecture must be made that it was the scholars around him who undertook the lion's share of Ruan Yuan's literary tasks.\n\nI have identified 200 scholars who were associated with Ruan Yuan, with 80 actually drawing salaries as members of his personal staff from time to time. Some of these men were already acknowledged scholars when Ruan Yuan joined their ranks towards the end of the Qianlong reign. They helped and influenced Ruan Yuan rather than the other way around. Still, they cannot be excluded from any study of Ruan Yuan and his work. Most of these scholars, on the other hand, worked under Ruan Yuan's aegis.\n\nHow much of Ruan Yuan's scholarly works, and his government papers as well, were researched and written by Ruan Yuan himself, and how much by the scholars around him? How did Ruan Yuan manage these assignments? Under what circumstances did he opt to sign his name to the works? How much credit did he give to others? Why?\n\nWho were these scholars? What were their achievements independent of Ruan Yuan? How did they come to his attention? What was the nature of their association with Ruan Yuan? Why did they work with him? How were they compensated? How did they view their relationship?\n\nHow influential were Ruan Yuan and the scholars around him in the development of the scholarship and learning of their time? How accurate were their understanding and interpretations of ancient texts? How open-minded were they? And what is their significance in the historical context?\n\nAnswers to these questions, and others, cannot be found by examining Ruan Yuan's writings alone. I needed to look into the lives and works of these scholars, at least their biographies, informal writings, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212513, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "47\n\n1820-1840. Ding xiang ting pi tan, 4 juan, 1800 and several other volumes.\n\nHow Ruan Yuan managed his scholarly projects\n\nAs Chief Executive in the provinces, with authority to allocate public resources and solicit private funding, Ruan Yuan was able to make decisions to sponsor academic and scholarly activities. With government affairs demanding his constant attention, the scholars around him, with expertise in various fields, were entrusted with the actual research and writing of the works. Ruan Yuan could draw from the large field of scholars he knew who either did not qualify or had preferred not to enter government service. A number of these scholars from Ruan Yuan's own home district, the Yangzhou and Jiangdu area, which had enjoyed a long literary and intellectual tradition, followed him throughout his career. From the provinces of Shandong and Zhejiang where the scholarly heritage was also exceptionally strong, and where there was a rich legacy of book collecting as well, he was able to recruit many scholars. In addition, as examiner for several provincial level examinations and in particular as Metropolitan Examination examiner in 1799, he could lay claim to a network of 'students' all over the country. Lynn Struve's observation about the Xue Brothers is equally applicable in Ruan Yuan's case.\n\nThe opportunities to serve as examiners for the most important capital and provincial examinations, through which they could develop networks of \"student-teacher\" relations among the most promising examinees in the country.21\n\n122\n\nRuan Yuan himself showed how he gave up all his time away from government affairs on literary production. “I have no time-consuming avocation. Nor do I enjoy a capacity for wine. Therefore, I tend to spend all my spare time with a brush in my hand, in the company of books and scholars.” He indicated in the preface of each work where the idea for its creation had originated. The subjects for his earlier works as a young Hanlin had been assigned to him. Two major subjects for compilation later on had been proposed by other scholars—the Chou ren zhuan by Li Rui (1765-1814) and the Shi san jing zhu shu fu jiao kan ji by Lu Wenchao (1717-1796). In addition to the scholarship needed for such tasks, Ruan Yuan provided the management for such productions. He wrote on how his writing projects were organized.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212731, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "25\n\nallowances of food, accommodation and bearers, twenty horses and eighty men to be supplied by the county magistrate through whose territory the recipient travelled. He described the order of the Pa-Tu-La (to give it its Chinese title) as 'similar to the Legion of Honour or the Victoria Cross, awarded on the strength of a recommendation of the highest provincial official for distinguished services.' He also claimed that although he had been recommended for it several times between 1868 to 1873 he had only received it in 1873 together with the rank of Brigadier-General.\n\nAccording to Mayers in his book 'The Chinese Government':\n\nPa-l'u-lu The Batʼuru distinction. The Military distinction called in Chinese Pa-t'u-lu (a representation of the Manchu word bat'uru, signifying ‘brave') is an institution dating from the early years of the present dynasty, and is conferred solely for active service in the field. It constitutes an order of merit partaking of some of the characteristics of the French Legion d'honneur, but its special feature of difference from European order consists of the fact that it has no outward mark of decoration to be worn by its possessor, in the place of which there can only be reckoned the distinguishing word (or title) which is assigned to each recipient on the bestowal of the order. These specific titles may be either Manchu, Mongolian or Chinese, the Manchu being considered the most honourable. Under this system an officer upon whom the distinction is conferred, might receive the designation Ti Yung Pa-t'u-lu, or 'Bat'uru with the title Magnanimous Brave', and so forth. The title carries with it the right to wear the peacock feather, although it seldom happens at the present day that the peacock feather, lavishly awarded as this decoration has been of late years, is not obtained previously to the bestowal of the batʼuru; and the allowances of the bearer, when employed on active service, are considerably enhanced in virtue of his possession of the title. The Bat'uru has been conferred upon at least one European, Mr W Mesny, a native of Jersey, for services rendered in the province of Kueichou.\n\nMesny commented in his Miscellany in 1896 that on several occasions during the early years of the Kueichou campaign he had been recommended to the Emperor for the bestowal of military rank and his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212733, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "27\n\nrendered eminent service to the Imperial cause. The Double Dragon Jewelled Star (Shuang-lung Pao-hsing) was, he repeated, conferred on him in Kueichou during his first campaign in that province (1867-1869). He described it in his second note as consisting of a pure heavy gold [2oz or more] medal rather than a star, about one and a half inches in diameter, with a hole in the centre about half an inch in diameter, filled by a light sapphire globe revolving on a gold pin inserted through it. On one side were two dragons in high relief, on the other, four characters, also in high relief, viz. Ta-Ch'ing Feng-tseng meaning 'a title of honour bestowed by the Ch'ing dynasty'. The jewelled globe in the centre was intended to represent the light blue button and rank of colonel which Mesny then held. Had the medal been conferred by the Emperor, Mesny added, he would have worn it in Europe in 1878 but as it was the gift of a provincial viceroy he did not. Mesny also wrote that he preferred his ordinary Chinese rank and decorations, the Flowery Plume or single-eyed Peacock's Feather and, later, the ordinary order of Pa-t'u-lu with special designation of Ying yung, the Penetrating Knight, awarded to him by the Emperor.\n\nMayers, again, in The Chinese Government wrote about this minor award;\n\n'Isolated distinctions have indeed been conferred in China on foreigners of various nationalities, principally for services rendered in the command of drilled troops during the Taiping rebellion, and subsequently in the collection of the Customs revenue, which are known, with reference to the European term 'star', by the designation pao-hsing; but as these are bestowed, for the most part, by provincial authorities, and without the sanction of any established rule or recognised statutes, such as are required to constitute what is commonly known as an 'Order', the badges thus conferred can scarcely be regarded as having any real value as authentic marks of distinction.'\n\nMesny was recommended for 4th Degree civil rank in 1866 which, if it had been awarded, would have entitled him to wear a mandarin square 'wild goose' breast badge. He recorded that the fourth degree civil rank had the right to wear and were distinguished by a dark blue button on their official cap. The embroidered robe, mang pao, had but eight dragons with five claws on each foot. The dress badge worn by civil officers and all ladies of their class and degree bore the semblance of a swan", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212735, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "29\n\n1st Class in a sedan carried by four bearers.' This was probably no more than hyperbole. He stated in his Miscellanies that he had once possessed a very fine sedan-chair presented to him in Szechuan, with a magnetic compass let into the hand rest or bar which is placed across the chair in front of the rider to rest his hands on.\n\nImperial officials, and their principal wives, wore large embroidered square badges tacked across their surcoat's chest and back, which in addition to their hat buttons, denoted their rank. These were worn by all nine grades of civil officials and, according to Garret, by military officers of the Manchu army stationed in provincial garrisons and in Manchu quarters in large cities. This might explain why Mesny failed to mention squares, apart from five paragraphs describing them and their use, and a remark in passing that a Major-General, 2nd Class of the 2nd Degree would have a 'lion' breast badge. When he visited Amoy in 1879 he was reported in the local foreign press having worn western clothes but with the red button of mandarin rank on top of his foreign cap. As he never spelled out that he ever wore the badge and button commensurate with his military rank we shall probably never know whether he ever did wear such a badge.\n\nHe possessed a Chinese passport consisting of a large single sheet of printed white paper, usually endorsed with certain conditions but in Mesny's case it entitled him to protection in all provinces and beyond the Great Wall, unlimited as to a period of time. He was, he added, never asked for it. It called on all county officials to afford the traveller due protection, safe guidance and reasonable information. He also had at various times official Circular Dispatches [ch'uan-p'ai]. These, he explained, were issued to officials travelling on government service entitling them to named supplies of food, fodder, carts, chairs, pack mules, saddle horses, coolies and accommodation in official inns along the whole line of march.\n\nHe had an official seal when he was the General Superintendent of Foreign Ordnance for the whole of Kueichou province, an appointment he obtained during the Winter of 1875 and held until March of 1877. He explained that he observed all the due formalities of putting away his seal during the New Year annual rites and ceremonies. The seal, he claimed, bore his rank as Lieutenant-General, and Knight Ying of the Order of Pa-t'u-lu. We have no idea of the rank and grade of the Superintendent and as he does not refer to himself as Lieutenant-General", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "76\n\nThe Chinese Government, Mayers does not refer to the Lien-chûn Ying. Mesny's ambiguous descriptions are confusing though it would seem that there were four separate bodies, the Banner Forces, the ill-trained Green Standard armies under provincial control, the Disciplined Battalions formed from the Green Standards forces, and the local defence train bands.\n\nThe standing army was divided into two great classes, the Banner Forces, [Ch'i-ping], and the Militia Forces (Chih-ping]. The real Chinese National Army also called Ying-ping generally styled by foreigners as the Green Banner Force [Lu-ch'i Ying'] derived its title from the colour of their triangular standard, green satin with a red satin scalloped border and a golden dragon embroidered in the centre. Each province had a separate army corps under a C-in-C styled Ti-tu Chün-men [one such force was the Kueichou Provincial Force operating alongside the Szechuan Force in which Mesny served]. The forces consisted entirely of Chinese and were, in fact, a part of the local militia. Three centuries ago, wrote Mesny, it was the finest military force in the world: as it was in 1895, he added. The force was beneath criticism.\n\nThe Disciplined Army battalions, the Lien-Chün Ying [troops trained by and after foreign advisers], was a new organisation instituted by Ts'en Yü-ying, formerly Governor of Yunnan, Kueichou, Fukien and subsequently Governor-General of the Yun-kuei provinces. It consisted of detachments from the various Territorial Green Regiments formed into battalions and bearing the same territorial name as the regiment from which they had been detached and of which these detachments actually formed or constituted a fighting or field battalion. The Disciplined Battalions were armed with obsolete rifles but far superior to anything opposed to them in Yunnan or Kueichou. These Disciplined Armies, often referred to as the Anhui and Hunan Armies, were originally privately raised and financed by Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang to combat the Taiping rebel armies and were under the personal command of Han Chinese generals. Later, they employed westerners such as Mesny to assist China's programme of 'self-strengthening', primarily in the sphere of armaments.\n\nAlthough Mesny explained that there was a lack of uniformity in organisation throughout the whole of China he went into some detail, and added that each provincial army corps was considered a regular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212979, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "26\n\nFace Behaviour And Verbal Mass Media Contents\n\nIt can also be seen that many of the strategies mentioned in the previous section can be verbal ones (the entire list of Modigliani's facework index and Strategy Nos. One to Five, and Eight in Berk's case). This point seems specially pertinent in the case of China. The view that Chinese people are particularly concerned with face may be attributed to the Chinese language. There are numerous expressions that apply the figurative meanings of the characters \"mian\" and \"lian\" (see Note 5). As such, it may be 'a rich source of verbal data for the study of face behaviour' (Ho, 1980: 30), and there is also high hope in spotting some face strategies being in use. This unique feature of the Chinese language and the nature of contemporary Chinese Communist mass media suggest that the concept of face may be examined as well by delving into the verbal content of mass communication.\" And this is precisely the reasoning behind the present study.\n\nIn the events reported in the mass media, we may analyse face behaviour, if any, of the incumbents through the depicted actions they undertake and through the words and reasoning they apply as quoted by media workers. More so, media workers, as a class in themselves, may have face behaviour in their own right. This may be shown in their treatment of news. If the homogeneity among media workers is high, there is strong ground to treat them as a collectivity, and as a collective mouthpiece or scribe for their boss(es). This seems to be the case in the Peoples' Republic of China (PRC).\n\nIn Communist China, the mass media can be regarded as the verbal instruments of the ruling regime. The media as \"mouthpieces\" of the Party, the country and the people have been reiterated time and again but the concern of this pronouncement is still centre upon the Party or the Party Government. In order for the media to serve as mouthpieces of the Party and the Government, structurally, the Party Government has devised a comprehensive and encompassing system of communications strictly under its control.\n\nNationwide media are under the supervision of the Department of Propaganda which is directly controlled by the Party's Central Committee. Provincial media, on the other hand, are monitored through the Party's provincial committees. The newspaper industry, for example, is said to have developed into a multi-layer, multifarious and multi-lingual socialist", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "27\n\npress system centred on Party newspapers (Zhongguo Xinwen Nianjian, 1987; 3),\n\nTABLE 3. Excerpts From the Statistics of the Chinese Newspaper Industry in 1986*\n\n \n Types\n Issues\n Copies distributed\n \n \n Party papers\n 369\n 2,868+\n 926,945+\n \n \n Total\n 2,151\n 15,990+\n 2,380,300+\n \n \n Proportion of party papers against total\n 17.15%\n 17.94%\n 38.94%\n \n\n*Source: Zhongguo Xinwen Nianjian 1987 (p 381) +numbers are shown in 10,000s\n\nThe statistics of newspaper industry in China provided in the same Issue also confirms this overriding power if not control (Table 2). In the figure shown, party papers do not form a majority in the number of the types of newspapers nor of the issues produced in China. But, in terms of distribution, these party papers are influential as they account for more than one-third of the total copies distributed.\n\nEven though a large proportion of papers are not referred to as Party papers, they are mostly run by the Central Government, the provincial governments, or indirectly under the central control through government monitored committees, companies etc. This can be seen in the brief notes on the management of each of the papers in Zhongguo Xinwen Nianjian (1987: 340-349). On the other hand, media personnel are government employees (Terrell, 1984: 147). Party membership and politico-ideological background as recruitment criteria are put before everything else. Even there may be some non-party cadres, or who are not at first so much ideologically devoted to the party line, they are bound to be of after working in the media for some time. As a result, it can be expected that all the papers, from the national ones down to the county ones, deliver more or less the same messages.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213339, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "143\n\nour cultural programmes depend. These had always been available in Hong Kong's colonial era, now practically at an end, because of the settled lives of the many local expatriates working in the major fields of government service, business, education and the professions, and the fact that a good number of them came to admire and value the culture in which they spent their working days. I am assuming that the provision and maintenance of leaders from our local Chinese membership will not be a problem, but this remains to be seen.\n\nOne can only live in hope. The Society is flourishing, and is well regarded. It is well-established in the hearts and minds of its members of all races, here and overseas. Notwithstanding the difficulties attending any major political transition, such as Hong Kong will face in 1997 and the following few years, like the Territory itself there is no valid reason - so far as we know - why we should not be able to continue our good work well into the next century.\n\nNOTES\n\n1. Charles O. Hucker, China to 1850: A Short History (Stanford, California, Stanford University Press, 1978), p. 2.\n\n2. See the history recently published by the RAS, London.\n\n3. They still exist, but a recent enquiry shows that the RAS library now forms part of the provincial collections. See also Harold M. Otness, \"The One Bright Spot in Shanghai: A History of the Library of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society”, in JHKBRAS 28 (1988), pp. 185-197.\n\n4. See JHKBRAS 1 (1961), pp. 4-5, with historical background at pp. 1-3.\n\n6. JHKBRAS 1 (1961) pp. 11-17, given on 7 April 1960.\n\nPrepared by H. Anthony Rydings, our former long-serving Hon. Librarian and Vice-President, indexes to the Journals and “Occasional Publications\" up to 1980 have been published by the Branch.\n\nOur founder President had applied to the Government for yearly financial assistance, and this small subsidy remained pegged at the same very low figure ever after. Approaches made to leading European banks and firms in 1989–90 for assistance met with no response, perhaps because they had contributed to a recent appeal from the parent body in London.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213869, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "195\n\nBUSINESS INVESTMENT IN POLITICS: OVERSEAS RETURNED CHINESE, HONG KONG, COMPRADORES AND THE CANTON GOVERNMENT, 1911-1924\n\nCHUNG PO-YIN, STEPHANIE\n\nIn the first three decades of this century, at least four attempts were made by competing groups of Chinese settlers in Hong Kong to finance the setting up of regional governments in Canton. An important backdrop to these events was the fact of a politically disintegrated China with a north-south divide between Canton and Beijing. As shall be seen, these endeavours involved not only regionalism as such, but a number of economic calculations on the part of the financiers who, by funding these regional governments, requested control over provincial banks, tax collection, purchases, and the management of public properties in Guangdong.\n\nThese incidents highlight what will be a recurring theme in this article - business investments relate closely to politics and in some environments, even politics itself is a kind of business investment. One argument presented in this article is that such an environment can be found in the Republican period Guangdong. The major investors in this political market, however, were the settlers in British Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong Society and the National Politics of China\n\nIn any discussion of Hong Kong society, I think three major background factors are crucial. They are the British presence, the national politics of China, and the aspirations of different Chinese groups in Hong Kong. Political investments by Hong Kong Chinese in Guangdong serve to illustrate the interaction of these three factors.\n\nColonial rule created new national and communal identities among the colonized, which affected their political behavior. Many stateless societies, such as India and Africa, eventually became independent states in the process of decolonization as the concept of nationhood was transplanted from Europe. At the communal level, colonial rule brought about a new distribution of power among native groups.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213872, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "198\n\nwere named the \"South-west militarists\".\n\nConcerning how these governments sustained themselves, I have selected four possibilities for discussion. They are taxation and provincial remittances, customs surplus, foreign loans, and internal loans.\n\n1) Concerning provincial remittance and taxation, the government in Beijing enjoyed a limited amount from those provinces it managed to control. The southern government, however, failed to get any taxation from other provinces.\n\n2) About customs surplus, collected by foreign authorities to guarantee payment of the Boxer indemnity, this was returned only to the Beijing government, the only legitimate government recognized by the foreigners. In the South, when Sun Yat-sen threatened to seize the customs in Guangdong, Canton was surrounded by British and American gunboats.\n\n3) Foreign loans were monopolized by a \"Financial Consortium\", formed by major western banks aimed at avoiding mutual competition. As the consortium recognized only the Beijing government, all foreign loans to China were monopolized by Beijing. This picture, however, was upset by the outbreak of the First World War in 1914. Money was then moved away from the Far East to Europe again. As a consequence, by about 1915, the Chinese governments, in Canton and in Beijing, were increasingly dependent on domestic loans. The Chinese merchants were a major source for these domestic loans.\n\n4) Domestic loans are where the role of Chinese merchants came into play. Generally, three important groups of financiers can be identified. They centred around Tianjin, Shanghai, and Canton-Hong Kong. One common feature of these regions was the foreign presence, which secured a base for final retreat. Understandably, many Chinese companies were registered in the foreign concessions even though they operated outside them.\n\nPolitical Investment in the Hong Kong - Canton Region\n\nAgainst this background, I will focus the second part of my article", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "200\n\nThe influence of these western-educated Cantonese extended northward in the 1860s when western firms such as Jardine and Swire established their branch offices in the newly opened Treaty ports — Shanghai in 1850, Fuzhou in 1854 and Hankou in 1861. It was in these new Treaty ports that the Cantonese recognized that a new job market in politics was open to them. A \"Western Affairs Movement” was initiated by several powerful provincial officials in China by the 1870s. Under the patronage of these officials, economic and legal reforms were introduced into China in the name of westernization. These officials who rose to power after suppressing the Taiping Rebellion without Beijing's support, developed huge business enterprises in the name of the \"official supervision — merchant management” or “western-affairs movement\". The Hong Kong compradores were mainly responsible for the collection of capital. Their credibility came not from the enterprises they set up, with or without the legal backing of a company law, but from their own reputation as well as the political patronage behind them.\n\nAmidst the rhetoric of these western affairs movements, “reform-minded\" officials recruited their own advisors and set up their own personal governments, known as Mufu, literally, tent government, or what we now call think-tanks. Many Cantonese, with or without imperial degrees, were sought to fill these posts. The strength of this “Cantonese party” rested on their early access to things western — the \"Cantonese faction established predominance in China's internal affairs and foreign relations... [their strength] lies in the monopoly in the matter of emigration overseas ... Before 1840, Canton was the only port open to foreign traders”. On how these think-tank members were appointed, westerners observed that:\n\nin the exercise of patronage... the principle is that which animated Washington in the selection of his first cabinet. Latterly the Canton party, ultra-progressive, has come to the front.\n\nIn the 1870s amidst this rhetoric of westernization, and with the assistance of western-educated Cantonese, the \"reform-minded\" officials managed to bargain with Beijing and develop huge business enterprises under their patronage. In an environment where company law and stock markets were absent, these reform-minded officials started these modern enterprises under an arrangement known as the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213880, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "206\n\npolicy of railway nationalization that sparked off very strong provincial\n\nresistance.\n\nNumerous Railway Protection Societies were formed in different provinces, and one by one, they declared the provinces independent from Beijing.\n\nThe 1911 Revolution and its Aftermath\n\nIn Guangdong, the Railway Protection Society was formed in Hong Kong and chaired by Li Yutang, the chairman of the Siyi Chamber of Commerce in Hong Kong. In a dispatch to the Colonial Office, the Governor noted that since the revolution, the Siyi Chamber had \"principally ruled Canton.” It is recorded that in a meeting in the Siyi Chamber of Commerce of Hong Kong, Wu Hanmin was elected as the new Governor-General for Guangdong. Li Yutang, chairman of the Siyi Chamber, as well as that of the Railway Protection society, was appointed as the Provincial Treasurer of Guangdong. His son, his two brothers and his son-in-law also held posts in the Canton Government. They formed themselves into a bank of Canton, but registered it in Hong Kong. Aside from this, the Siyi men formed themselves into a \"Thirty-Men Subscription Team”. With certificates granted by the Canton Revolutionary Government, they set up a Subscription Bureau in Hong Kong. One member of this group, a Yang Xian recalled years later that:\n\nthe uprising was a success without any single help of a soldier or army... because of the assistance of the Hong Kong merchants... we subscribed, within half a day, an amount of 40,000 and had it transported to Canton immediately. Originally, the Canton government promised to return $2 for any $1 subscribed... but we [with patriotism] adjusted it to $1.50 for $1 only.\n\nTo back up the unsecured currency issued through the Bank of Canton by the Canton Revolutionary Government, the Siyi Chamber established a \"Canton and Hong Kong Financial Company\" to redeem the unsecured currency in August 1912.\n\nThrough the Registrar-General of Companies, the Governor warned the Hong Kong merchants of the \"financial unsoundness of the scheme\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213883, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "209\n\nmembers of the Alumni Association. All of them had at one time or another worked as compradores for foreign firms; the two Eurasian families, Ho Tung and Lo Changzhao (E) had almost monopolized the compradoral posts of Jardines and the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank up to the 1940s. Liu Zhubo, He and Lo's sons were at one time or another appointed Legislative Councillors of the Colony. When the First World War broke out in Europe, these three partners contributed a huge sum of money to the British Government for the purchase of an aeroplane. The plane, as requested by the donors, was named \"Da You Bank of Hong Kong\".\n\nThe wealth of this western-educated group did not derive from the joint-stock company. They owned their own native bank despite the fact that they were compradores in western firms. It seems likely that this was an attempt to avoid the disclosure of financial accounts as required by the company ordinance. As these Eurasian families monopolized the compradoral posts of many of the foreign firms, including the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, it is highly likely that capital was transferred between their accounts in the compradore offices and those in their private businesses.\n\nAs they had exclusive access to capital, they did not rely on a capital market in the same way as the overseas returning migrants did, though we cannot tell whether this capital market was governed by the invisible hand of the economy or the invisible hand of political intimidation, as the governor suggested.\n\nFollowing the example of the Siyi men, Hong Kong-born, western-educated groups participated in the political arena in China. In 1913, the Governor reported to the Colonial Office that \"several leading Chinese\" in Hong Kong had informed him that they would welcome the reorganization of the administration of the Canton Province under \"tactful and conscientious British supervision.\"\n\nAccording to Liu Zhubo's proposal, a loan of 25,000,000 taels was to be raised in Hong Kong to redeem unsecured currency in Canton. In return, Liu requested of the Beijing Government the privilege of establishing a central bank in Guangdong \"with a monopoly of the Provincial Government business\". To guarantee the smooth functioning of this arrangement, Liu suggested \"inviting the Government of Hong Kong\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213886, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "212\n\nthe return of Chen Jiongming from the neighbouring province of Fujian. Chen was the Governor-General of Guangdong in 1912 and 1913. After the failed \"Second Revolution\" in 1913 against Yuan, he escaped to Malaysia (while Sun to Japan) and developed his own anti-Yuan organization independent of Sun's party in Japan. When the Canton Government was established in 1917, nominally under Sun Yat-sen, he returned to Canton only to find that the guest armies had real control over the province. As a result, he gathered a small troop of soldiers made up of native Cantonese and moved to Fujian in early 1918, where he strengthened its fighting potential. Chen Jiongming's return was financially supported by a group of Chinese bankers, who were affiliated with Liu Zhubo, in Hong Kong. They advanced to Chen Jiongming an amount of $200,000 and promised to pay the Guangxi troops a “give-way fee”, if the armies retreated to their home provinces. The fighting could not wait for bargains, as in late October Chen Jiongming's army had forced its way into Canton. The Guangxi guest armies obtained the \"overdue army expenditure\" through a different means. The guest armies retreated westward to Guangxi, looting all the way home.\n\nThe return of the Cantonese troops under Chen Jiongming was welcomed by the Cantonese. The atmosphere in Canton, as reviewed in the newspapers, was that Chen Jiongming should be the Provincial Governor. Funds for a new government were promised by the merchants.\n\nAt this juncture, on November 25, Sun Yat-sen and his key supporters left Shanghai and triumphantly returned to Canton. He prepared to assume power again. After all, Chen was Sun's subordinate in 1913 and 1917. The situation Sun found on his return to Canton was not to his liking. Sun was made Director and Minister of the Interior in the restored government. Wu Tingfang was made Minister of Foreign Affairs. But Chen Jiongming had been planning for the future in Canton, and his list of titles was impressive. Chen was the Minister of War, Governor of Guangdong, Commander in Chief of the Guangdong Army, and High Inspecting Commissioner of Guangdong and Guangxi. In January of 1921, Sun summoned all available parliamentarians to a meeting in Canton. There was no quorum, but they voted anyway. At the end, the Parliament elected Dr. Sun Provisional President of China. Chen Jiongming was in no hurry to act, nor was he ready to listen to Sun. In an interview with the British Consul, Sun described his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213887, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "213\n\nrelationship with Chen - they \"did not see eye to eye... [they] thrashed out their differences round the Council table which... they thumped.\"\n\nTo arrange the finance of the new Government, Sun decided to reorganize the province's currency. The new policy was a total abolition of the existing currency and the introduction of a brand new currency under a new government bank. Originally, the new bank was to have had a reserve of $10,000,000, but it turned out that the Canton government could only put up 30% of the original amount. As a government bank, it had the right to issue new currency, to control the treasury and the salt gabelle in Guangdong. The crucial thing it lacked, as shall be seen, was credit worthiness. The merchant's prediction proved correct. In response, the chambers of Commerce wrote a joint letter to Sun, stating that \"to cancel the existing currency (issued by the Bank of China in Canton) was equivalent to an act of sentencing them to the death penalty.\" Ending the letter, the chambers warned the government that \"if the creditability of the Government was shattered [by this incident], the new notes issued by the Provincial Bank of Guangdong may suffer too.\" The brand new currency issued by the new government bank, amounting to $1,500,000, depreciated sharply once it began circulation.\n\nIt was in March 1921 that Chen Jiongming secretly approached \"the leading Chinese merchants in Hong Kong,\" requesting them to form into an advisory council for the Guangdong Government, which was responsible for giving advice on the \"administration of the province in relation to civil and financial matters.\"\n\n**\n\nCoinciding with Chen's move, it was Liu Zhubo who submitted a confidential report to the Governor of Hong Kong on a scheme to finance a new government in Canton - \"the object of the proposed organization was to finance Chen Ch'iung-ming (Chen Jiongming) and enable him to sever [his] connection with Sun Yat-sen.\" According to Liu Zhubo's proposal, this new Canton government was to be modelled \"after the form of government of Hong Kong\" under the supervision of the Cantonese merchants. In Liu's words:\n\nThe Political ship of Canton - officiated, manned and navigated as it now is - is bound to strike rock... what the Chinese merchants in Hong Kong and Canton should do, and do at once, is to prepare and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213888, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "214\n\nequip another ship for their own salvage purposes\n\nLiu emphasised that all the influential Cantonese merchants agreed with him - \"at the request of 100 odd men in Hong Kong\", a merchant's society was formed “to protect their properties and industries in Canton\". \"For these men cannot afford to sit tight and see their interests seriously impaired by unscrupulous or theory-laden politicians.”\n\nThe Governor was obviously impressed by the scheme. He passed the scheme immediately to the British Consul in Canton, and thence to the British Consul in Beijing. He also informed London that Liu Zhubo was requested by Chen Jiongming to organize an Advisory Committee for the Canton Government. This committee was modelled after the Legislative Council in Hong Kong and would “possess the power of the executive Council\" for the new Canton government.\n\nFor this proposed co-operation, Liu Zhubo planned a three-day trip to Canton in March 1921. On this trip, he submitted a six-page report to the Governor of Hong Kong. During his stay in Canton, Liu recorded that - while Sun Yat-sen and Wu Tangfing gave him little attention, it was General Chen Jiongming who, according to Liu, \"accompanied me whenever I went\". While \"the veteran Doctor Wu discoursed on spiritualism... the redoubtable Doctor Sun gave a dissertation... on what appeared to be a form of communism\", it was General Chen that discussed in secrecy with Liu on the scheme of a proposed new government.\n\nThe meeting ended with the agreement that Liu's son would be appointed member of the Executive Council for the new government \"so things could be done in his name\". Liu Zhubo, as well as the Governor of Hong Kong, however, doubted the leadership qualities of Chen Jiongming who was \"neither by birth nor by temperament fit to be the representative of Kwangtung (Guangdong)\". When the Governor suggested Liang Shiyi, the \"ablest Cantonese of whom I [he] had recognized\", Liu replied that \"he was aiming at far greater things than a provincial Governorship\".\n\nUnsatisfactory as Chen Jiongming's leadership quality was, Liu Zhubo went to great lengths in his report to impress the Governor that all the important merchants in Canton were \"inducing\" him not to drop\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213890, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "216\n\nIf Generalissmo Sun can give us, the renmin [the people], supervisory power [over the government], we the people will maintain the situation. After all, all the generalissmo needs is just several millions.\n\nAnticipating Sun's return to power in 1923, the Siyi men from Hong Kong announced that they could raise several billion dollars for the new government if the following two conditions were granted:\n\n1. Every one dollar lent to Sun should be paid back by two dollars. The financial departments of the Canton government were to be managed by the Siyi companies.\n\n2. The Siyi men should have a say over the appointment of the future Provincial Governor of Guangdong.\n\nDesperate for money, Sun accepted these conditions. Having resumed his power in Canton, Sun fulfilled his promises by giving the important posts of Provincial Governor, Ministry of Finance, and Commissioner of Salt Transport to the Siyi men. Under these Siyi men, a Guangzhou Guanchan Gengjiju, literally, the Guangzhou Registration Bureau for Government Properties, was established for the registration of immovable properties in Canton City. Accordingly, all properties controlled by lineage, temple, and guild hall were declared public properties until \"red deeds\" (land deeds issued by the Qing government) were produced. Financial rewards were given to those who reported to the Office any unknown Guanchan (government property) or Gongchan (public property) kept in private hands.\n\nUnder the pretext of land classification and deed examination, thousands of sites and buildings held by private hands were confiscated and sold under the office of Guangdongsheng Guanchan Qinglichu (**Guangdong Province Government Property Clearance Office**), literally, the Guangzhou Government Property Clearance Office under the control of a Siyi director. The major duty was to sell \"public property\" and \"government property\" in Canton to private owners. By subjecting everything to inspection and registration and requiring heavy fees on every act, at least $120,000,000 was collected by the Municipal Government. From 1923 to 1925, every tax rate in Guangdong was doubled and some quadrupled, besides already having the addition of hundreds of new imposts.\n\nThe China", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213894, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "220\n\nFirstly, the death of Sun Yat-sen was the beginning of his cult. Sun's success in defeating the Merchants Corps in October 1924 did not go unnoticed in Beijing. In November, he received and accepted an invitation to proceed to Beijing for negotiations. Sun did not live to see his goals realized. By the time he reached Beijing, his health had deteriorated badly. He was suffering from cancer. He died on March 12, 1925. Various provincial governments competed for the right to keep Sun Yat-sen's corpse. They argued for the right to hold his funeral. After a formal state funeral, his body was placed in a mausoleum outside Beijing. Funerals in other parts of China were carried out with Sun's clothing to replace his corpse. Impressive mausoleums and monuments were built up or erected in different parts of China. His books were published and re-published again. His will was made the second page of almost all the government publications. Several Sun Yat-sen universities were established, including one in the Soviet Union. His photograph was thereafter hung side by side with the national flag in all government buildings, public properties and schools. The China Weekly Review commented that.\n\nIn no sense a great man, he was undeniably a great force.\n\nSecondly, the political and financial influence of the Zhejiang men in the national politics of China continued to expand at the expense of that of the Cantonese. The leader of this Zhejiang clique, under Jiang Jieshi and the Huangpu army he commanded, eventually drove the Yunnanese troops out of Guangdong. In the manhunt throughout Canton, it is estimated that 700 Yunnanese were mutilated and murdered, including an officer who was crucified upon a telephone pole. After defeating the Yunnanese, the Huangpu army embarked on a northern expedition and nominally unified China. In this unified China, however, political power was largely concentrated in the hands of the Zhejiang clique of the Guomindang - Jiang Jieshi overshadowed the Cantonese revolutionaries and turned out to be the successor of Sun Yat-sen. Under Jiang's leadership, the Guomindang's base eventually moved from Canton to Shanghai. The political landscape in China changed accordingly, the north-south cleavage between Beijing and Canton became a cleavage between Wuhan and Shanghai. These are the areas of studies that Bergere, Rankin and Rowe concentrate on.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214366, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "190\n\nfor\n\nmany years. Although the government had turned a blind eye to such activities in the past, mainly in the name of making tourist dollars, it now focused attention on these 'superstitious rituals' which were said to be daily corroding the ideology of the people. The magazine, saying that market forces had prompted a resurgence of 'backward' religious practices, described how the system of traditional beliefs which had been finding fertile ground in the countryside was now creeping towards urban centres. This would seem neither to have inhibited nor prevented Taiwanese pilgrims flying into mainland China bearing Taiwanese images of deities to their particular cult centres in Fukien and Chekiang provinces for their 'power' [ling] to be renewed. It has to be remembered, however, that Taiwanese visitors are treated as privileged guests.\n\nProblems of luck and fate are as real today in China as they are in any rural society, and as they were in pre-communist China. Some private firms are reported maintaining altars on company premises and are making offerings to the traditional God of Wealth in the belief that this would help ensure their success in business. Buddhist statues have been placed in cultural centres and tutelary deities adorn the roofs of schools. Children too seem to have succumbed to the craze. A survey of 1,622 children between 11 and 12 in Changchun showed 50 per cent believed in fate and 40 per cent believed in the immortality of the soul. A further 40 per cent of boys and nearly 60 per cent of girls believed in spirits and in Heaven and Hell. It went on to describe the resurgence of superstitious practices and the appearance of several 'reactionary sects.' The September 1996 issue of Democracy and Legal System magazine said that tens of thousands of temples dedicated to China's colourful assembly of gods were being illegally built or restored. It quoted 20,1692 in Fukien province, 9,000 in Honan and 10,000 in Shansi provinces had been destroyed, and even 597 state-run restaurants in Peking had taken down and removed Buddhist shrines during one month alone. A further report described a similar crackdown in Hupei province where 1,600 'pagan' shrines, mostly dedicated to the Earth God, had been destroyed as part of the nation-wide crackdown. Similar action had been taken in Kueichou province where nine illegal temples had been closed in one month. A report about Chekiang province about the same time claimed that provincial officials had brought under control 17,900 Taoist, Buddhist or Christian [sic] temples and monasteries.\n\nThe mainland newspaper, Paok'an Wenchai, had about this same time criticised the widespread superstitious practices in the building", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214972, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "24\n\npromised quick liberation from technological backwardness of China and consequently from the dependence on non-altruistic foreign assistance, or so at least hoped young, aware, fierce and idealistic Chinese patriots of the mandarin origin, Han Suyin's father, Chou Yentung, among them. Belonging to the upper class of the Old China's society, a scholarship was rather easily granted to him by the provincial government of Szechuan to study railway engineering in Belgium. He spent ten long years in Brussels (1903-1913), studying and working, and there he met his future wife, Marguerite Denis, and eventually married her in 1908. In Chapter One of The Crippled Tree Han Suyin briefly comments:\n\nWe are all products of our time, vulnerable to history. I was born because there had been, in China, a Boxer Rebellion (as the Europeans called it) in 1900, and because of this event, which the Chinese call the Uprising of the Righteous Fists, my Chinese father, instead of becoming a classical scholar, perhaps a Hanlin Academician, married my Belgian mother.\n\nRe-settlement of the Chou family from Belgium to China was a great disillusionment for both, Marguerite Denis and her young Chinese engineer husband. At that time (which - unfortunately enough - would end with the Communist Revolution only) Chinese were treated in their own motherland as citizens of the second category, by definition inferior to the whites. Han Suyin's great epic cycle on autobiography/history of China gives multiple examples to prove this abhorring and painful truth. The return trip alone was a bitter humiliation for the couple travelling such an enormously long way to the Chinese homeland with their first-born son. In Chapter Eighteen of The Crippled Tree, Han Suyin quotes fragments of her father's memoirs, which describe some details of that event:\n\nWhen we went to collect the tickets [for the English boat], the man in the booking office (tall, blond, low-voiced) said to Marguerite: \"But, madame, you can go in first class if you wish, but not monsieur. It is the rule.\n\n\"Oh,\" said Marguerite, astonished, \"but he is my husband. Of course I shall go with him.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215611, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 388, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "338\n\ninterpreter, a Hong Kong Baptist University doctoral graduate, Professor Zhang Meifang, without whose help I wouldn't have got very far. After lengthy negotiation with the bureaucratic hierarchy, officials in the Guangdong Provincial Government were most generous, both in offering me a lengthy interview and also a guided tour of important sites, including the new Funeral Centre, then just approaching completion. Lots of additional fieldwork was necessary too, of course, by bus, taxi and on foot in that dusty, confusing, reconstructing and ancient city.\n\nTeather, E.K. (2001). Seoul's deathscapes: incorporating tradition into modern time-space. Environment and Planning A 33: 1489-1506.\n\nIn order to accomplish this piece of work, conceived of as another element in the pattern of deathspace in societies with a Confucian heritage, I asked Professor Hae Un Rii, Head of the Department of Geography at Dongguk University, Seoul, if she would like to collaborate. Her personal contacts and organisational skills were invaluable. I had hit on a hot topical issue, because a big public debate had just emerged in South Korea, reflecting concern in some government quarters about land lost to graves each year in this, the second most densely populated country in the world. Cremation is being strongly promoted but, unlike in Hong Kong in the 1970s, the public is strongly resisting official urges to consider cremation.\n\nWe found that the grass dome design of the ancient royal graves was influential on architectural responses to the need for columbaria. A small, space-saving family tomb has been devised to hold the ashes of up to twenty-four family members within a small, grass-covered dome. Although we came across several architect-designed columbaria, we were most impressed with an unusual and extraordinarily beautiful, newly opened, series of open-air niche walls winding gently down a wooded hillside. This serene site reduced my two young research assistants/interpreters to tears.\n\nThe public cemeteries that I visited are utterly different from those in Hong Kong. They were spacious and green, and some were incorporated into the system of walking trails around Seoul without, apparently, any fears relating to the spirit world.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216076, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 375, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "309\n\nDuring their drive north to eliminate the War Lords and unify China under the Republic, the Nationalist [KMT] forces entered Zhenjiang in March of 1927 and at the same time took over the Concession. Most westerners left for Shanghai whilst those who remained lived aboard hulks on the River or as close to the River as they could get. Even the British Consul was withdrawn to Shanghai where he continued to carry out his Zhenjiang duties. Eventually, in 1929, bowing to the inevitable the Zhenjiang Concession was finally retroceded to Chinese control and the treaty port, as such, was no more.\n\nGerald Yorke travelled to China in 1931 planning to spend a couple of years travelling around China and studying, to satisfy a childhood dream. Not long after his arrival, as Reuter's correspondent, he joined a party chosen by the Chinese Government to inspect the dyke systems of the Yangzi and Huai river valleys which had just been rebuilt as a result of the disastrous floods in 1931. During the tour with the party they departed from Shanghai and reached Zhenjiang early the next morning. They were greeted on the hulk by a band which played valiantly out of tune. After motoring through the town to a public garden they were entertained at a European luncheon. The weather was cold but presuming that any entertainment would be indoors an under-dressed Yorke froze in the open pavilion. A Shandong medicinal wine was served with the first course; appetising dishes came hot from the kitchen, all of which sat on the table waiting for the Chairman of the Provincial Reconstruction Committee to finish his welcoming speech. When the tepid lunch was over they were each given a pamphlet describing the flood protection work done and the reconstruction planned for the future, a perfect example of how provincial officials wasted their time and country's money by publishing, with their portraits next to the title-page, an account of rather more than they have done and of what they would like one to think they are going to do.\n\nThe afternoon was spent sight-seeing at the monastery on Silver Island [Jin Shan], with its hundred or so monks and its ancient fir tree in the outer courtyard. The tree had but one branch still alive, its trunk bound in iron and its base enclosed in marble - a symbol of the passing of classical Chinese culture. The monastic treasures were all displayed, the bronze vessel from the Zhou dynasty, a drum from the Han, and a jade belt belonging to a former statesman, possibly Ming. There was also a small hexagonal column inscribed with the Daode Jing, the Daoist classic which had surprised Yorke as he had not expected to see a Daoist classic in a\n\nPage 375\n\nPage 376", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216124, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 423, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "357\n\nMORE ON LOUIS DE SAN\n\nPAUL BOLDING\n\nYoung and keen for adventure, Louis de San was 29 in 1939 when he found himself in Chungking as a Belgian diplomat at the court of the nationalist Chinese government as the Japanese seized more and more of the country.\n\nThrough a family connection I met Louis de San in Syria in 1988 where he had retired and where he later died. I have recently acquired a fascinating letter he wrote to a friend from Chungking and some family photographs. In addition, his own recollection of how he set an Asian gliding altitude and duration record in Chungking in 1940 has been published.\n\nThe letter describes how he arrived in Hong Kong en route for his new post. 'I knew absolutely nothing about China. It took me three days to find out what was happening, buy supplies (bed linen, underwear, radio, wines and spirits etc) daily lunches and dinners, packing and repacking my stuff, making a thousand demarches, in short an absolute killer of a regime.'\n\nHe took the 900-tonne steamer Canton for Haiphong, a three-day journey. Hanoi he found ‘a small French provincial town replanted in Asia; the Japanese will find it easy to swallow it when it takes their fancy.' He caught a train to Kunming and waited there for a plane to Chungking. After five days, French fliers got him a place on a flight on a Douglas.\n\n'A lunar landscape with nowhere to land in case of accident; these poor planes are flying 10 or 12 hours a day!' he wrote of the trip.\n\nHe was immediately put to work by colleagues and the next day was at the French embassy when air raid sirens sounded.\n\n'In a few seconds, everyone was underground in the shelters with admirable discipline; then the wait with a note of anxiety and mystery... one did not know if one would still be alive minutes later... that lasted half an hour.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "32\n\ncould see, and it seemed as if it were one vast garden'.\"\n\nParkinson, Trade in the Eastern Seas (1937) writes: \"When the whole [EIC] China fleet was collected there, twelve or sixteen of the largest merchantmen in the world, together with the country ships, the spectacle must have been magnificent.\" He records that sometimes the Viceroy at Canton would come down to visit the fleet. The ships would be decked to receive the great man, with yards manned and officers in full dress.12\n\nCanton\n\nCanton was, and is, the capital of the Guangdong Province. One of the larger and richer cities of the Chinese Empire, and dating back to pre-Han times, it had long been a major sea port for overseas trade, notably in the Tang Dynasty when it had a significant Arab and Muslim population. During the turmoil which accompanied the change of dynasty from Ming to Qing, it upheld the Ming, endured an eleven-month siege in 1650, and suffered a wholesale massacre of its inhabitants. However, it recovered, and by the mid-nineteenth century was credited with a population of around one million persons. It was renowned for its manufactories, carried on by human industry, without the aid of machinery, particularly in silk and cloth, women and children included, whilst trade - international and regional trade - was described as being 'the great business of life'.13\n\nCanton was a walled city (actually two walled cities in one, the Old and the New) with major suburbs along the Pearl River, and to the West.14 As befitted its status, it contained the yamens (office-residences) of many senior government officials, including those of the governor-general of the two linked provinces of Guangdong and Guangxi, the governor of Guangdong, the Canton prefect, two county magistrates, the Tartar general, the provincial naval commander, and the like, as well as those officials with charge of other, specialised concerns, and (of special status, since he was responsible directly to Beijing) the Hoppo or Superintendent of Maritime Customs, who oversaw the foreign trade and its accruing revenue.\n\nThe Foreign Factories (British, French, Swedish, Spanish, Danish and Dutch) of the river suburb were so-called from their being the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "The Hoppo lived in the City, along with the Viceroy, the Governor of Guangdong, and other high provincial officials. Their relations had for long crystallised into an arrangement that ensured access to private gain from the trade as parts of one administration, in contrast to the competing rivalries of earlier times. This was in part to provide for mutual protection against interference and accusation from Beijing officials.\n\nThe Hoppo's and other officials' treatment of foreign merchants\n\nThe language used by these officials in their communications with the traders and the EIC's Select Committee - as instanced by Dr. Gutzlaff, a most useful contemporary source of information on the times - was invariably haughty and patronising, in keeping with the accepted modes of address towards inferiors of all kinds, and did nothing to ease relationships. Gutzlaff also mentions the 'governmental proclamations, detailing the infamous conduct of barbarians, [which] have been repeatedly posted up at Canton,' imbuing the minds of the people with strong antipathy against such worthless barbarians, and discouraging them from having anything to do with foreigners. \"The writer has often heard the natives rehearse these accusations with self-congratulation at their own superiority.\"\n\nThis sort of thing was an irritant, as were the restrictions on the movement of foreign merchants whilst in residence at the Factories, mentioned above.\n\nFar more vexing were their other complaints against the Canton System, which were listed by Morse as including the heavy taxation/impositions levied on the trade; the monopoly system of the Co-hong; the uncertainty of recovery of debts due from Chinese merchants; the diversion of the Consoo Fund (provided from the trade to cover such debts) to government use and presents to officials; and the prohibition on their making representations to any official save through the Co-hong.\n\nTo all such complaints must be added the descriptions of the general venality of the administration, the Hoppo and other senior officials included, and indeed of the whole Canton System, as described in this paper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216403, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "112\n\nthese river steamers. Without going into detail, commencing on Monday afternoon with S.S. SIANG WO,12 the list is impressive.\n\nIt was on 12th September that Mr. T.V. Soong, minister of finance in the Nationalist government and chairman of the Flood Relief Commission, requested the C. in C. for assistance by using reconnaissance aircraft from HERMES in flood survey patrol work from Hankow.\n\nHowever being China there were complications.\n\nUnless it particularly suited them there was a general disinclination by the Hupeh authorities to obey any instructions received from the government at the capital of Nanking. In addition allowance had to be made for a variety of especial local interests.\n\nThe British Vice Admiral and Senior Naval Officer, Yangtze, Colin MacLean summed up the situation:\n\n\"The Hupeh Provincial authorities do not, in my opinion, care a rap for Flood Relief. To them the floods are a merciful dispensation in disposing of a surplus population and the only use they have for Flood Relief is to fill their own pockets from the funds.’13\n\nFor two weeks local permission could not be obtained to fly from the ship.\n\nThis difficulty was to be overcome quite by chance.\n\nOn 29th September it was announced in the local press that the world famous aviator, Colonel Charles Lindbergh, accompanied by his wife Anne, was to fly to Hankow to assist in the aerial survey of the flooded regions. In the 1930s the press around the world tended to pay great attention to the activities of the Colonel and his wife. Clearly with such considerable publicity being given to their progress the Chinese authorities could not refuse Colonel Lindbergh permission to fly on so humanitarian a mission. Equally, to allow him to fly but not the British would be seen as a great insult. In next to no time the Hupeh authorities had changed their tune entirely. Suddenly there were no further difficulties.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]