[
    {
        "id": 204474,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 106,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n95\n\n2 Extracts from the Report are given between pages 181-209 of Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1899, (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1900). For this quotation see p. 198. Lockhart was referring specifically to development which was noticeably lacking. The same cannot be said of the population during this period. The evacuation of the coastal areas (1662-69) caused a great disruption to the villages at the time. For a brief mention in English, based on Chinese authorities, see S. F. Balfour, \"Hong Kong before the British\", an article in T'ien Hsia, Vol. XI, No. 4, 1941, p. 334. In any case there has been a continuous inward flow of both Cantonese and Hakka since then, more especially of Hakka in the 19th century, from which time many of the hill villages in the Colony take their origin.\n\nIt is interesting to compare this report with a book on Wei Hai Wei, Lion and Dragon in North China (London, John Murray, 1910) which was written by a junior colleague from Hong Kong, R. F. Johnston (1874-1938) who went to Wei Hai Wei as Magistrate and Secretary to Government in 1904, probably at Lockhart's request. Johnston, later knighted and Professor of Chinese in the University of London was a man of great application and erudition who became tutor to the deposed boy emperor, P'u Yi, (1919-25) and wrote the well-known book Twilight in the Forbidden City, (London, Gollancz, 1934). He was himself Commissioner of Wei Hai Wei 1927-30. His detailed description of Wei Hai Wei, its people and their customs leaves an impression of the striking similarity of life and thought between that remote part of Shantung and this small corner of Kwangtung. The means of government was of course the same, but so also are the ways of doing and thinking which seem, in my own experience, hardly to differ at all despite the different agricultural background. To anyone interested in the Chinese peasant Johnston's book is a mine of information. The annual reports on Wei Hai Wei presented to both Houses of Parliament are, too, an interesting commentary on life in this northern leased territory.\n\nThe market towns of the New Territories in 1898 were Tai Po, Yuen Long, Tai O, Cheung Chau, Sai Kung and Tsuen Wan. A despatch of 1905 in connection with the Kowloon-Canton Railway No. 59 dated 11th January 1905 from Governor Sir Matthew Nathan to the then Secretary of State, Mr. Lyttelton gives some figures. Yuen Long had \"seventy-four shops of which twenty-five are large and deal in rice, oil, samshu etc. The remainder belong to barbers, doctors, jewellers, vegetable sellers, piece goods dealers etc.\" Tai Po Market consisted of twenty-three large shops and fifteen smaller ones, Tsuen Wan had a few shops supplying the local needs\". No figures are given for Cheung Chau or Tai O with which the railway was not concerned, but an inscription of 1878 inside the grounds of the Fong Pin Hospital at Cheung Chau states that there \"used to be over two hundred shops trading here\". Lockhart Papers 1899, p. 207 gave Cheung Chau a population of 5,000, whilst Tai O with its fisheries and salt pans was reported to have about 3,000. These were larger towns than Yuen Long (no figure given), Tai Po (280), Sai Kung Market (800) and Tsuen Wan (900). The present New Territories towns were not the largest in the San On district. Pride of place went to Sham Chun, now on the Chinese side of the border, with sixty-one large shops and three hundred and twenty-three medium sized shops, and to Kun Lan Hui, also north of the border which was the cattle centre of the whole district with fifteen large and one hundred and thirty-six medium sized shops. (Enclosure C to No. 59). See Eastern No. 88 Correspondence relating to the Kowloon-Canton Railway (London, Colonial Office, 1907).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204560,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 41,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "36\n\nTHE DEVELOPMENT OF PRINTING IN CHINA and its effects on the renaissance under the Sung dynasty (960-1279) A lecture delivered on 3 September, 1962\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH,* PH.D.\n\nThe art of printing took a long time to develop. It came into being when the demand was urgent for multiple copies, and when the Chinese had both the essential materials and the technical processes. This seems to have happened some time after the year A.D. 700.\n\nLet us consider first the demand. It came in all circles where reading was essential. The Buddhists at this time were extremely active in their work of propaganda. For example, in 581 the emperor Kao-tsu4 of the Sui ordered the copying of Buddhist texts at state expense; this involved 46 collections in 132,086 rolls. In Taoist circles there was need for large numbers of charms to ward off evils. The Confucians, again coming into their own with the re-introduction of the system of civil service examinations, needed hundreds of thousands of text books for students, and copies of the Confucian canon for the scholar class. We read that at the capital alone, for instance, the emperor Yang (605-616) ordered the making of fifty duplicate sets of the imperial library. This involved the copying of 3,127 works in 36,708 rolls.\n\nLet us consider next the main ingredients and technical processes. The first were ink and paper. We know now that red ink was known to the Chinese at least by the 13th century B.C. (A) and black ink about the same time. For writing surfaces the Chinese experimented with wood, bamboo, silk, and harder materials. Then at the end of the 1st century A.D. paper came into being. At this time the dynastic history drily relates: \"Silk was too expensive and bamboo too heavy.\" In 1931 the Swedish member of the Sino-Swedish Expedition in Central Asia, Folke Bergman, discovered some paper in a lonely site called Chü-yen\n\n* Dr. Goodrich is Professor Emeritus of Chinese at Columbia University. He is well known as the author of A Short History of the Chinese People, and for his revised edition of T. F. Carter's The Invention of Printing in China and its Spread Westward.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204610,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 91,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "80\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nGamewall, an American Methodist, became almost legendary. We get a pen picture of Gamewall in the diary of the Rev. Roland Allen, who was chaplain to the Anglican Bishop in North China at this time. \"Mr. Gamewall was almost voiceless, but still pursued his weary round of the Legation on his bicycle, overseeing the fortifications, and carrying out every suggestion of the military council with untiring zeal.\"25\n\nOutside the Legation Chapel (by now filled to overflowing with missionaries) stood a stone kiosk with a bell inside it, erected to celebrate Queen Victoria's Jubilee. This Bell Tower stood in the middle of the Legation at a point where four ways met. As Allen explained: \"The Tower stood in the midst of tree-shaded ways beautiful from every point of view, sheltered, too, more than most spots from shot and shell. It was only once struck; no one was wounded there. It was well suited to be the centre of the life, as it was by nature the centre of the structure of the Legation.\" People used to collect there in groups to discuss the latest news and rumours. The bell itself was used as an alarm in case of a general attack, when it was rung furiously, and in the case of fire when it was tolled. All round the kiosk were posted up notices for the guidance of the besieged as well as cables, messages, edicts and rumours. Here also was posted up, from time to time, an official census of the inhabitants of the Legation. For instance on August 4th Jessie Ransome entered in her diary the census figures just posted up on the Bell Tower which gave a total of 883 men, women and children. One of the few amusing incidents of the siege was only known to the besieged some time afterwards. On 16th July, 1900 the Belfast newspaper, Northern Whig, had published an account of\n\n25 Rev. Roland Allen, The Siege of the Peking Legations (London, 1901), 161.\n\nA photograph of the six fighting parsons' can be found in Archibald Little, Gleanings from Fifty Years in China (Philadelphia, 1908), 289.\n\n24 When Professor L. Carrington Goodrich passed through Hong Kong in 1962 we spoke about the siege of the Foreign Legations and he told me that he was one of the children of missionary parents who sheltered in the Legation chapel. His father was the Rev. Chauncey Goodrich, remembered today by students of Chinese as the author of A Pocket Dictionary and Pekingese Syllabary, which was first published in 1891 and is still in print, See A. H. Mateer (Mrs.) Siege Days (New York, 1903), 217-18 and photograph opposite page 44. For another photograph see Arther H. Smith, China in Convulsion (New Jersey, 1901) II, 494.\n\n27 Allen, op. cit., 119.\n\nH",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204747,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 50,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n39\n\nwas persuaded to join the firm of Baring Brothers & Co. In 1873 he became senior partner of the house, finally retiring in 1882. (L.T.R.)\n\n24 Lin Tse-hsü's fate. Hunter long survived Commissioner Lin. Lin Tse-hsü was dismissed from office in 1840 and later sentenced to exile in Ili in Chinese Turkistan, where he remained for three years. He was allowed to return to Peking in 1845. He later served as Governor-General of Yunnan and Kweichow, and retired from office in 1849. He died in 1850 at the age of sixty-seven. (J.L.C.B.)\n\n25 Heang-shan (Heungshan). Former name of the District in which Macao lies. Re-named Chung-shan in honour of Sun Yat-sen. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n26 Morrison. John Robert Morrison (1814-1843) was born in Macao, the second son of Dr. Robert Morrison and his first wife Mary (née Morton). He had some schooling in England but at the age of twelve he came back to Canton with his father in 1826. He became a fluent Cantonese speaker as well as a Chinese scholar, and on the death of his father in 1834 was appointed Chinese Secretary to H.M.'s Commission in China. In 1838 he became, in addition, Interpreter, and in 1841 succeeded Elmslie as Secretary and Treasurer to the Superintendent of British Trade in China. In 1843 he was appointed Chinese Secretary and member of the Executive Council of the newly founded Colony of Hong Kong and was recommended for appointment, by the Governor, as Colonial Secretary. Before the appointment was approved, however, he died in Macao in August 1843, and was buried in the Old Protestant Cemetery there. (L.T.R.)\n\n27 Kwang Chow Foo. Kuang-chou fu The Prefect of the Prefecture of which Canton was the chief city. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n28 Kam Hay Hue. No such title. But I suspect Hunter intended to indicate the Namhoi Hien which title was sometimes written Nam Hoy Hien. See note 14. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n29 Pwan Yu Hue. Also written Punyu Hien. The magistrate having jurisdiction over the eastern part of Canton city and the District lying to the westward of the walls which included Whampoa and the foreign shipping there. (J.L.C-B.)\n\n30 Fearon, Samuel Turner Fearon was the second son of Christopher Fearon and Elizabeth Noad who were married on 14 May 1818 at the Streatham Parish Church. His father served as a midshipman at the Battle of Trafalgar and after being discharged from the Royal Navy he joined the Honourable East India Company's marine service. In this service he made a number of voyages to Canton and when he decided to take a shore posting there he brought his wife and family out with him. Samuel became a fluent Cantonese speaker and in 1838 was appointed Interpreter to the Canton General Chamber of Commerce. After the cession of Hong Kong he was appointed interpreter and clerk of the Chief Magistrate's Court and a couple of months later were added the duties of Notary Public and Coroner. Three years later he was appointed Assistant Magistrate of Police and on 1st January 1845 he became Registrar General and Collector of Revenue. In July 1845 he was granted a year's sick leave and while in England he was appointed Professor of Chinese at King's College, London, an appointment which he held from December 1846 until December 1852. (L.T.R.)\n\n31 Van Basel. Magdalenus Jacobus Senn van Basel, born in Groningen, Holland on 27 September 1808, was appointed clerk in the Dutch Consulate at Canton in 1826, and Vice-Consul in November 1831. He was later in partnership with G. M. Toe Laer and P. Tiedenan in the firm of Senn van Basel & Toe Laer & Co. In 1848 he became Collector General of Taxes",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204772,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 75,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "64 \n\nK. M. A. BARNETT \n\nNg \n\n103 Ngraahcrinn-chynn, \n\n104 Ngrhtrung-shaann, \n\nN. L. \n\n105 Ngrr-droi, £1 (+908—+959, with local variations). \n\n0 \n\n106 Obliterated villages:- Nai Tong Kok,101 Pak Hok Tuns and the original Tai Pak,35 some way from the present site. \n\nP \n\n107 Phuunniryh, #5. \n\n108 Preangzhaw, , an island five miles west of the western tip of Hong Kong Island. \n\n109 Preangzhaw, H, an island in the north-eastern part of Mirs Bay,41 \n\n110 Pre-Chinese languages: I should exempt from this stricture Professor Princeton S. Hsu,23 whose books, \"History of the People of South China”72 and \"A Study of the Thais, Chuangs and the Cantonese People\"133 are of great interest and should be read by anyone anxious to learn more in this field. But I think he goes too far in suggesting a Malay origin for the Tanka-or is it a Tanka origin for the Malays? \n\n111 Prengshaann, Ħ4. \n\n112 Pruunn-gwuur, 1. \n\nR \n\n113 River Capture. The break-through of the Kwun Yam Ho62 from the Lam Tsuen74 valley to Taipo:33 formerly it flowed through Fanling48 and Sheung Shui130 into Deep Bay;152 and that of the two streams which now flow into the sea at Sham Tseng,119 the headwaters of which used to flow through Tin Fu Tsai137 into Tai Lam.38 \n\n$ \n\nSei-braak, see 35, \n\n114 Shaahtraw-gok, YA★ · \n\n115 Shaahtrinn, 3⁄4w. \n\n+ \n\n116 Shaahtrinn-xoe, , still better known to the local people as Lik Yuen Hoi. \n\nShaamm-braak, E★ see 35, \n\n117 shaann-ghoh, Hakka saan-go, L. \n\n118 Shaannloo, \n\n#. \n\n119 Shamm-zearng, ##. \n\n+ \n\n120 Shamm-zeon, . The second word means an artificial channel with earth banks and suggests that the present river was cut to drain the swamps to the east and south-east of the present town. \n\n121 Shann Ngrrdroi-sir, ĦARK - \n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204991,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 99,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "90\n\nS. HUANG\n\nIn June 1961 the University Preparatory Committee, chaired by the Hon. C. Y. Kwan, was appointed. Its terms of reference were to advise on a site for the central university buildings and the accommodation required. In due course a site in the upper Shatin Valley, not too far from Chung Chi College, was selected and Government was persuaded to set aside 250 acres there for the new University.\n\nFinally, in May 1962, Government, satisfied with the progress made on all fronts, announced the appointment of a commission to make recommendations on the establishment of the University. The Commission was a distinguished group of men, and credit for bringing them together must go to the Inter-University Council for Higher Education Overseas in England, in particular to Sir Charles Morris, Chairman of the Council, and to Sir Christopher Cox.\n\nThe Commission Chairman was Mr. J. S. Fulton (now Sir J. S. Fulton), who has been mentioned earlier. The other members were Dr. Choh-Ming Li (now first Vice-Chancellor of the Chinese University), Professor of Business Administration and Director of the Centre for Chinese Studies at the University of California, Dr. J. V. Loach, Registrar of the University of Leeds, Professor Thong Saw-pak, Professor of Physics at the University of Malaya, and Professor F. C. Young, Professor of Biochemistry at the University of Cambridge. Mr. I. C. M. Maxwell, Secretary of the Inter-University Council for Higher Education Overseas, joined the group as Secretary. The Commission came to Hong Kong that summer and before its departure publicly announced that in their view the three Post-Secondary Grant Colleges were ready for university status. They took it that their job was to make recommendations on the organization and constitution of the University.\n\nIn April 1963 their eagerly awaited report was published and was received with general enthusiasm. Shortly thereafter, Government announced that it had approved the Commission's recommendations in principle, as had the Colleges. In June the formation of a Provisional Council was announced; and on July 2, 1963 with the completion of necessary preliminary work, which was considerable, the process of preparing the way for the establishment of the University began.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205005,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 113,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "104\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nand mineral deposits in Hong Kong, Southern China and South-East Asia. After a lapse of three years, the proceedings have been published, making a very substantial contribution to the study of the geography of Hong Kong.\n\nThe book is divided into three parts:\n\nPart I deals with land use and contains eighteen short articles. Of the nineteen authors, eight are graduates of the Department of Geography, University of Hong Kong. With Professor Davis as editor, the book leaves us with a vivid impression akin to a painting which portrays a mother hen directing a group of her young in search of food. The eighteen articles occupy 152 pages or sixty-two per cent of the book's length. According to their nature, the articles are again divided into three sections: industrial planning (five papers), agricultural planning (two) and land use in South-East Asia (eleven). Of the eighteen articles, \"Land for Industry and Factors Influencing Location in Hong Kong\", \"Changes in Agricultural Land Use in Hong Kong\", and \"The Port of Hong Kong\" constitute the core of Part I, providing a basic explanation of the economic development of Hong Kong in recent years and the influence exercised thereon by the geographical setting.\n\nIn Part I, only two articles are unrelated to Hong Kong. They are \"Mixed Farming and Multiple Cropping in Malaya\" by R. Ho, and “The Development and Spread of Agricultural Terracing in China\" by J. E. Spencer. The former gave me an opportunity to re-examine the facts about land use in Malaya. In 1962, accepting an invitation from the University of Malaya, I had gone to Kuala Lumpur to participate in the Regional Conference of the International Geographical Union. We had lengthy discussions about land use in Malaya and Professor Ho had kindly accompanied us throughout the post-conference excursion and explained to us the problems concerned. The second article is of absorbing interest to me too, because, over the years I have been groping in a similar field. However, research of this kind entails much reading of the Chinese classics, and I feel that the more I have read, the more difficult it is to jump to conclusions.\n\nOne defect that is usually inevitable in any collection of articles is that they generally fail to reflect a uniform standard. As an article is a piece of writing done on request, the people invited to write often show different degrees of seriousness in",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205196,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 152,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "146\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nunorganized group of individuals living mostly in the Manila area.\n\nBut, fifty years later the Philippine Chinese were an organized community with members in every part of the Philippines. The author concludes that the period 1850-1898 may be regarded as not only a critical era in terms of the survival and future of the Philippine Chinese, but as a necessary period of preparation for both closer bonds with China and the organization of the sophisticated Chinese Chambers of Commerce that were to follow.\n\nOf special interest is the discussion of Philippine foreign trade, especially regarding trade between Hong Kong and the Philippines during the nineteenth century. Due to the dearth of statistics and materials available concerning this trade with Hong Kong, the author was unable to measure its extent during the period covered by his book. This is an interesting subject in which students and scholars might conduct further research.\n\nReading Professor Wickberg's long-awaited book was a great pleasure. I would second Professor William Skinner's appraisal that the book does break new ground and that in \"terms of solid historical scholarship, it is superior to anything in the literature on the overseas Chinese of any country.”\n\nFoo TAK-SUN\n\nAN ANECDOTAL HISTORY OF OLD TIMES IN SINGAPORE, 1819-1867. Charles Burton Buckley. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1965. Two volumes in one; pp. xi + 790 + xxii; 19 illustrations. M$25.\n\nThis photographic reprint of Buckley's two volumes in one makes available once again an interesting and unusual sourcebook for the history of Singapore, first published in 1902 but long out of print. Essentially a scrapbook based upon newspaper articles, private papers and personal reminiscences, it contains a mine of miscellaneous information on Singapore affairs and personalities between 1819 and 1867. Outstanding events and issues of each year are recorded and discussed, ranging from the administration of Raffles, the growth of trade and shipping and the rise of business houses, to Chinese riots, piracy, man-eating tigers and amateur theatricals. The careers and activities of prominent European and Asian personalities — such as John Crawfurd,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205537,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 79,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "74\n\nBEING CAUGHT BY A FISHNET\n\nON FENGSHUI IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER\n\nBig Stream Village is situated on the east shore of Tide Cove in Hong Kong's New Territories. It is a Hakka-speaking settlement exclusively inhabited by people of the surname of Zhang (*) all members of one major lineage. In 1964 there were 146 persons in the village and 33 members of the community working elsewhere. Big Stream Village is located at the mouth of a mountain valley. About one mile and a half further up this valley the small Plum Grove Village is picturesquely situated on the lower slopes of a cone-shaped mountain. It is inhabited by a localized major lineage of the surname of Wu (吳). In 1964 their number was 74 but over 20 members were then away.1\n\nI was told a story about these two villages. Formerly, the story has it, the people of Plum Grove Village were living on the spot now occupied by the Zhang; and the Zhang were living where the Wu are now. Because of influences emanating from the natural surroundings the Wu were not too happy about their location at the mouth of the valley. It is said that the Zhang people pointed out to the Wu that the mountain on the other side of the fields in front of the village was a fishnet. This fact, it was pronounced, had a very special effect on the settlers there. The local Hakka pronunciation of Wu, their shared surname, is Ng. But ng in Hakka also means 'fish', and the Zhang assured the settlers at the mouth of the valley that they were, for certain, in the process of being caught by the net. The Wu seem to have agreed with this suggestion, and the result was that both communities exchanged their locations for their present-day situations.\n\nThis story may need some comments. It deals with influences emanating from the natural surroundings, a believed-in order that in Chinese is designated fengshui – ‘wind — water'. It implies an aspect of ecological adjustment in that it is concerned with natural\n\n* Standard Chinese is given in pinyin form. Dr. Aijmer, whose article \"Expansion and Extension in Hakka Society\" appeared in Vol. VII of the Journal, is Assistant Professor in the University of Stockholm.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205759,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n59\n\npart of further studies of militia, both within Kwangtung Province and elsewhere in China. It is possible that the approach to militia used in this article could be applied to other, more significant, military organizations as they existed in nineteenth century China. For example, recent studies of the regional armies of Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang indicate that they were, initially, amalgamations of local militia forces.78 A more detailed analysis of these militia could contribute to a greater understanding of the particularistic relationships which appear to have been important in maintaining regional armies as viable organizations over relatively long periods of time.\n\nNOTES\n\nThis article is based upon research in Hong Kong between 1963 and 1965. I am grateful for the financial support provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies. A number of colleagues have commented upon the subject matter of the article during its various stages of preparation. I would particularly like to thank the following for their advice: Dr. Christopher Turner, Dr. George C. Bond, Mr. James Hayes, Professor Maurice Freedman, and Professor Göran Aijmer. A draft of the paper was read to the Sociology Seminar, School of Social Studies, University of East Anglia. I am grateful to my colleagues in this context for their comments. Place names will be rendered according to A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hong Kong Government Printer, Hong Kong, n.d., but published 1960.\n\n2 Brine, Lindesay. The Taeping Rebellion in China: A Narrative of its Rise and Progress. London, 1862, pp. 11-12.\n\n3 Krone, [R]. “A Notice of the Sanon District\", Article V, Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, pt. VI, Hong Kong, 1859, p. 71.\n\n4 Freedman, Maurice. Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. London, 1966, p. 115.\n\n5 The Governor of Hong Kong, commenting upon robbery and piracy during the year 1903, said: \"they are the most common offences in the Southern provinces ... the Provincial Authorities do not attempt to deal with such cases until some village is reported as being specially notorious as harbouring robbers, when, if the authorities do not consider them too strong, a force is sent out and as many as possible arrested or the village destroyed.\" Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1903, Hong Kong, 1904, pp. 348 ff.\n\nFreedman, op. cit., p. 112, quotes an account of such an expedition which took place in \"about 1870\" and resulted in the beheading of more than a thousand people.\n\n6 Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960, p. 503.\n\n7 For a detailed account of these events, see: Wakeman, Jr., Frederic, Strangers at the Gate: Social Disorder in South China, 1839-1861. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205927,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 7,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "EDITORIAL\n\nWriting to me recently, Mr. Cranmer-Byng, first editor of the Journal and now Professor of History in the University of Toronto, commented that there had been a great advance in recording Hong Kong's recent past in the last ten years'. Happily these ten years have exactly coincided with the period since the Journal first began publication, and the decade has indeed seen a notable change in the condition and extent of Hong Kong studies. A considerable number of post-graduate students and faculty members, mainly from American and British Universities, have spent varying periods of time here and most have published the results of their studies, in learned articles, books, and doctoral theses. Students and staff in our own two universities have also conducted research into Hong Kong subjects, although the main impetus has come from outside the Colony.\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch has continuously sought out these scholars to take part in its lecture sessions and symposia; and to get them to place this work in the Journal. In both these aims we have been generally successful, and the lecture lists and Journals over the last ten years show that we have served to bring their work to the attention of members here in Hong Kong by means of the spoken and the written word, and to a wider public abroad. In this way, the Branch has provided a convenient outlet for new work on local subjects, whilst the regular appearance of the Journal has encouraged these scholars to entrust their work to us for publication.\n\nAs Editor, I would like here to thank my colleagues on the Council whose knowledge, contacts, and good offices have helped to bring the Branch into contact with visitors engaged in local research, and to extend my appreciation to the scholars themselves for their willingness to place their findings before us. If the Branch has been of assistance to them, they may also be assured that they have been of service to us. A Journal is as good as its contributors, and we have been singularly fortunate in the calibre of our authors over the past decade. To them we offer our thanks. We hope, too, that they will continue to make their work available and that they will encourage their research students and colleagues",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205943,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 23,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "18\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nHsieh's proposal approved, the emperor appointed him editor, and associated with him a staff of 147 assistants. For seventeen months they toiled diligently; then, on December 13, 1404, they submitted to the throne the first draft, entitled Wên-hsien ta-ch'êng. The emperor, however, was not satisfied. He ordered work resumed, adding two other scholars as co-directors of the enterprise: Yao Kuang-hsiao (1335 - 1418) and Liu Chi-ch'ih (1346 - 1423). The staff too was enlarged to the number of 2,169. On December 14, 1407, Yao submitted the Wên-hsien ta-ch'êng once more to the emperor. By this time it had grown in size to 22,211 chüan, bound in 11,905 pên. His majesty showed his satisfaction by bestowing on it the title Yung-lo ta-tien. But it was still not quite finished. A year later he contributed a preface, now included in the table of contents (an additional 60 chüan), in which he used the phrase \"completed in the winter of our sixth year\" (i.e., 1408). In this preface the number of chüan is given as 22,937. (The table of contents, excluding its own 60 ch., gives the figure as 22,877 ch. in 11,915 pên.) Obviously the editors had added some 700 chüan in the interim between Dec. 14, 1407, and the writing of the preface (Dec. 17, 1408).\n\nThe original was stored in the Wên yüan ko, Nanking, and a copy began to be made ready for printing in 1409. The cost was found to be so prohibitive, however, that this plan was abandoned. Woodblocks for a small number may, on the other hand, have been engraved. (This is the assertion of the eminent official and collector, Tuan-fang (1861-1911), who informed Professor Paul Pelliot that at one time he had seen more than one hundred chüan in printed form.) Following the removal of the capital, the YLTT was taken in 1421 to Peking and stored in the Wên lou in the palace area. In May 1557 a fire destroyed three palaces in the imperial precincts. Happily this work survived; it was then shifted to the historiography office.\n\nFive years later (Sept. 11, 1562), because of the danger of another conflagration, Emperor Chu Hou-ts'ung (1507-67) ordered the making of another set, with the calligrapher Ch'eng Tao-nan in charge of more than one hundred scribes delegated for this service by the ministry of Rites. Other responsible persons were Kao Kung (1512-78) and Chang Chü-cheng (1525-82). As this work is essentially a mammoth",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206206,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 23,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "THE TAIPINGS AT NINGPO:\n\nTHE SIGNIFICANCE OF A FORGOTTEN EVENT\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.*\n\nThe occupation of the important treaty-port city of Ningpo in Chekiang province by Taiping revolutionaries from December 1861 to May 1862 constitutes a fascinating and significant page of history. That it has been by and large overlooked in Western historical memory of the Taiping period by no means detracts from this assertion. Rather, such neglect is merely additional testimony to a faulty historiographical tradition. For a curiosity about the event is natural, and the significance of the occupation is self-evident. There are three main reasons for this. First of all, the occupation enabled the largely land-locked Taipings to realize at last their ambition of gaining access to the sea, an especially urgent matter after they had been denied this objective by the British and French at Shanghai. Secondly, the occasion gave the revolutionaries an opportunity to demonstrate in practice what they had long proclaimed verbally, that foreigners had no reason to fear Taiping political authority in an area where foreign lives and interests were exposed. Finally, despite obvious indications of Taiping success on both of these points the entire experience seems only to have helped galvanize foreign opposition to the Taiping movement. This too would seem to call for a closer look at the event.\n\nThe Taipings had been in possession of much of the Chekiang hinterland for many months. When they finally decided to take Ningpo in late 1861, they did so with surprising swiftness, and painlessly. To the disappointment of the British, who had helped in making plans for the defense of the city against the Taipings, there was in fact no military opposition. British Admiral James\n\n*The author, a former editor of and contributor to this journal, is a Senior Specialist at the East-West Center and Visiting Associate Professor of History in the Asian Studies Program at the University of Hawaii for 1970-71. This article is based upon a paper delivered at the 28th International Congress of Orientalists in Canberra, Australia on January 9, 1971 and on material from a forthcoming book, Revolutionary Taiping China and the West. The author acknowledges with gratitude the suggestions made by Professor Jen Yu-wen for improving the original paper.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206326,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 143,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "The District Watch Committee\n\n137\n\nto be the richest man in Hong Kong. When Ho Tung retired as chief compradore to Jardine, Matheson's in 1900, Ho Fook succeeded him. Ho Fook's assistant was Ho Kom Tong, another of Ho Tung's brothers. The members of the District Watch Committee were members of a small circle of businessmen, often related through ties of blood or marriage. When the Tai Yau Bank was established in 1914 with a paid-up capital of $6,000,000, the proprietors were named as Lau Chu Pak, Ho Fook, Ho Kom Tong, Lo Chung Shiu and Chan Kai Ming. Lau Chu Pak was compradore to A. S. Watson and Co., chairman of the Po On Commercial Association and chairman of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce; Chan Kai Ming was manager of the Opium Farm; and Lo Chung Shiu, assistant compradore to Jardine, Matheson and Co., was Ho Fook's brother-in-law. All were or became members of the District Watch Committee.\n\n22 T. C. Cheng writes that Wei Yuk 'was very much concerned about law and order among the Chinese masses because in those early days riff-raff and political refugees from South China continued to come into Hong Kong. Thus it was at his suggestion that the District Watch Force was founded in 1888. Mr. Cheng appears to be mistaken about the date and is no doubt referring to the ordinance of that year, no. 13 of 1888 rather than to its proper date of origin. Wright and Cartright, Feldwick, and Professor Woo all state that the Committee was formed on Wei Yuk's suggestion. See: T. C. Cheng, 'Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils of Hong Kong up to 1941', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 9, 1969, pp. 17-18; Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and other Treaty Ports, London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Co., 1908, p. 109; W. Feldwick, ed., Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent Chinese at Home and Abroad, London Globe Encyclopedia Co., 1917, p. 576; Professor Woo Sing Lim, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Five Continents Book Company, 1939, p. 4.\n\n23 Unfortunately all the records in the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs were destroyed or lost during the Japanese occupation and hence anyone trying to reconstruct the history of the District Watch must work mostly from scraps of information found in government publications, newspapers, books.\n\n24 My guess is that a large number were traditional Chinese merchants from the Five Districts operating on a relatively small scale. The Committee after 1891 represented the views of a more westernised and modernised elite with a knowledge of modern business techniques and modern financial manipulations. Dr. Ho Kai, for example, played the stock exchange with great success and speculated in many fields, particularly land development. He was, properly speaking, a financier although his occupation is often given tout court as lawyer. He had also qualified in medicine at Edinburgh but gave up the practice of medicine soon after his return to Hong Kong in 1882 because of Chinese resistance to western medicine.\n\n25 In 1903, for example, the Committee opposed the re-introduction of the night-pass system but suggested other remedial measures (see Index to Correspondence (General Register) 1894-1904, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1909, p. 100). In 1909 'at the request of the District Watchmen Committee, children who are hawking without a licence are on their first offence sent to the Registrar General who cautions their guardians. This procedure seems to have proved effective in each case' wrote the Registrar General in 1909. It is worth noting that both Registrar General and Committee wanted to end the night-pass system and were opposed by the Captain Superintendent of Police, who was unsuccessful. As for hawkers, very few Chinese regarded them as a serious menace although colonial administrators",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206327,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 144,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "138 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nwith a passion for tidiness disliked them intensely. In this case, I suspect, the Registrar General bowed to the will of the Committee. \n\n26 There was a marked tendency for the committees of such associations to grow very large in size-so many affluent Chinese wanted their names recorded as committeemen, and to donate money, without of course doing any committee work. Professor Freedman supplies an explanation for this phenomenon in Singapore: 'Since office-holding occupies a strategic position in the formation of social status, it is not surprising that the structure of associations seems adapted to this function. This adaptation is clear in two features: the elaboration of offices, such that many positions are made available, and the institutional arrangements for filling the offices with the well-to-do', Maurice Freedman, Chinese Marriage and Family in Singapore, London, H.M.S.O., 1957, p. 95. \n\n27 In 1903 the proposed scheme of detectives under the control of the Committee was not approved; but permission was given at a later date, apparently during the First World War and probably because of the shortage of European policemen. \n\n28 In 1938 there were 5 Head District Watchmen, 6 Assistant Head District Watchmen, 26 detectives and 103 uniformed men. The position was approximately the same in 1941. \n\n29 In 1902 the rate paid by Chinese shops was increased slightly and in 1924 it was increased by another 1/4 per cent. \n\n30 Butters writes that the figures which appear annually regarding the cost of living in the report of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs are based on information obtained from the District Watch Force. At my request figures were furnished from the same source showing the cost of living of an ordinary labourer': H. R. Butters, Report on Labour and Labour Conditions in Hong Kong, Sessional Papers, No. 3 of 1939, p. 137. Applications from guilds and trade unions to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs for permission to hold 'sing songs' were granted conditionally on a district watchman attending the meeting to see that nothing unlawful transpired. See Butters, p. 126. The watchmen were always regarded as a source of information about the Chinese population. When the commission on chair and jinricksha coolies attempted to discover whether there was a secret union of public transport workers, the first people they contacted for information about the matter were district watchmen. See Report of the Commission on Chair and Jinricksha Coolies, Sessional Papers, No. 47 of 1901, p. 56. \n\n31 The Registrar General in his report for 1868 made this quite clear: 'the chief object of the Chinese paying these watchmen is to drive away thieves, the cardinal evil of a shop-keeping population, And it is thought that the watchmen succeed, not only in arresting actual offenders, but also in keeping away those who live by pilfering'. \n\n32 These constables were recruited mostly from Weihaiwei, a territory leased to Britain on 1 July, 1898. \n\n33 These facts are taken from the reports of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs for the respective years. \n\n34 See above: note 33. \n\n35 The Lok Sin Tong was an association established by officials and village gentry in Kowloon about 1879 to perform charitable works in the surrounding district. See James Hayes, 'Old ways of Life in Kowloon: The Cheung Sha Wan Villages', Journal of Oriental Studies, vol. viii, 1970, p. 167. The Chung Sing Charitable Society, originally known as the Chung Sing Opera Society, was founded around 1917 by a leading merchant, Tsang Foo. This charity also maintained a free school.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206429,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1971",
        "page_number": 246,
        "title": "RAS-1971",
        "content_text": "220\n\n \nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n \nsupport his thesis about variations in the three components of the chia. But ideally of course — and one is asking too much — we would like to know, if only by some crude measure, the statistical frequency of these variations. Were some variations so rare that they were clearly aberrations evolved by a few families? Thus in Western societies typically most husbands and wives live together; there are however some few cases — they do exist — in which eccentric husbands or wives live in separate households but continue to meet at need. How much attention should one pay to this rare family form? How many cases would make a variation significant in terms of social structure? The question is a worrying one.\n\n \nThe essay by Mrs. Margery Wolf on child training and the Chinese family is brilliantly written: sensitive, perceptive, acute. She shows how the way in which Chinese children are raised — the elder brother having to defer to the younger for some years — helps to develop tensions between them when they become adult. She also traces the process of fen-chia (partition of chia) to the competition that develops between the wives of married brothers; for wives come from stranger families and, unlike brothers, their loyalty lies primarily with their own little tribe of husband and children. Professor Freedman has been accused in a review of cutting the Chinese father down to size: Mrs. Wolf pursues this theme. She argues that the Chinese father, but not necessarily the mother, becomes a lonely and pathetic figure in old age, an authority in decay, with the power to make family decisions gradually eroded as the son or sons reach the plenitude of their vigour and manhood. Mrs. Wolf discusses not only the 'typical' family but variations — the sim-pua (hsin-pao) (little daughter-in-law), the practice of providing sons with wives by adopting an infant girl, and the custom of uxorilocal marriage. The treatment of these variations forms an important segment of her paper and throws much light on the developmental cycle of the family. Reading her paper, I was immediately reminded of the picture presented by Arensberg and Kimball in their classic study of the Irish small farmer and of his destiny when old.* Mrs. Wolf's paper is full of subtleties and insights, as one would expect from the author of The House of Lim.\n\n \n* Family and Community in Ireland (Harvard University Press, 1940).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206499,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 47,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "The Establishment of the Tsungli Yamen: A Translation of the Memorial and Edict of 1861.\n\nJ. L. Cranmer-Byng*.\n\nThe steps which led to the setting up of an office for the general management of the affairs of the various countries (tsung-li ko-kuo shih-wu ya-men) have been studied by Masataka Banno in his scholarly monograph, China and the West, 1851-1861: the Origins of the Tsungli Yamen. However, no complete translation into English of the important memorial and six-point memorandum submitted by Prince Kung, Kuei-liang and Wen-hsiang advocating the establishment of the Tsungli Yamen appears to exist, though a translation of the memorandum by T. F. Wade (later Sir Thomas Wade), made from a version of the text printed in the Peking Gazette, can be found in the Public Record Office, London. Short translated passages from the memorial and memorandum can be found in China's Response to the West, while Banno has supplied a brief analysis of their contents (with a few sentences translated) in chapter seven of his monograph. S. M. Meng, in his study of the Tsungli Yamen, refers to them but without offering any translation. Therefore a complete translation of the memorial and the memorandum, together with footnotes, is here offered in the belief that a detailed study of the whole document is valuable for a proper understanding of the reasons for the establishment of the Tsungli Yamen. The memorial was received at the travelling headquarters (hsing ying) of the Hsien-feng emperor at Jehol on 13 January 1861.\n\nThe memorial is a careful piece of reasoning, written in dignified Chinese, and aimed at persuading the war party at court of the necessity of setting up the Tsungli Yamen in order to have a more permanent method for discussing problems arising with the western-ocean countries now having treaties with China. The line of argument taken by Prince Kung and his co-memorialists is that because of the Taiping and Nien rebels China is now too weak to oppose Russia, Britain, France and America by force of arms.\n\n* Professor Cranmer-Byng, now of the University of Toronto, was formerly on the teaching staff at the University of Hong Kong. He was first Editor of this Journal in 1960, and again in 1962-63.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206608,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 156,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "The Origins of Hong Kong's Central Market and the Tarrant Affair\n\nDafydd Emrys Evans*\n\nThe public market which at present stands in Queen's Road Central in Hong Kong occupies the site of a succession of older buildings of which the earliest was built as a market in 1842. The early history of this market amply demonstrates the too-seldom revealed complexity of Chinese merchants' commercial transactions at the time of the founding of the Colony of Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong's first public market opened on the site in May, 1842.1 At the first sale of crown land in the new Colony in June, 1841, the westernmost lots were put up to auction first and the first four, designated at the sale numbers 19 to 16, were not sold but reserved for Government purposes. It was on the lot numbered 16 that the market opened, lying as it did conveniently near to the Upper and Lower Bazaars.2 The Market was, apparently, the brain-child of the Colonial Secretary of the time, Colonel George Malcolm who secured the erection of buildings at a cost of some $3,500.3 He appointed a Chinese named Hwei Aqui as Superintendent and established a fixed list of prices to be charged by the individuals to whom the stalls were let by Government.4\n\nWhen Sir John Davis succeeded Sir Henry Pottinger as Governor of the Colony in 1844, he decided that the Market could operate as a useful source of revenue for the Government and sold the market franchise to the highest bidder who was then free to charge what he could to the stallholders. The successful bidder was, in fact, Hwei Aqui and, though he had apparently given satisfaction formerly when simply in the employ of Government, caused grave dissatisfaction once he was operating the market on his own account, with prices rising far faster than they had previously and without the benefit of Government control over the state of the market.\n\nIt is the few years after the market passed into private hands that it makes its contribution to Hong Kong's history, not only on\n\n* Mr. Evans is Professor of Law at the University of Hong Kong. See Journal vol. 10, 1970, for his earlier article \"Chinatown in Hong Kong: The Beginnings of Taipingshan\".",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206647,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 195,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n189\n\nMalaya, in nine of which he is the main deity. Twenty-seven of these temples are run by Fukienese emigrants or their descendants; one is run by Hakka, three by Cantonese, two by Ch'ao Chow and one by Hainanese. In Taipei all eleven observed images are in temples maintained by Ch'üan Chow emigrants. There are three Cantonese temples in Malaya in which he has been seen; one is in Seremban and two are in Kuala Lumpur. In one of the Kuala Lumpur temples he is to be seen beside a sand divination table; the temple keeper in the other said that he was a lesser deity donated by a Fukienese devotee. The Seremban temple had all three brothers seated together on an altar in a temple devoted to Hsuan Tien Shang Ti (玄天上帝).\n\nIn a Hainanese temple in Singapore there is a standing image of Fa Chu Kung with the usual unkempt hair, but he has only one foot resting on a fire wheel. He is the secondary deity in the temple, which is dedicated to Wen Chow Hou Wang (溫州侯王) who is a specifically Hainanese deity.\n\nIn one spirit medium temple in Singapore, where Fa Chu Kung is the main deity, the medium and the keeper are both Fukienese. The female medium speaks with a very deep voice, said to be that of Fa Chu Kung, and writes prescriptions for medicines dictated by him. To stimulate the spirit to reply, and thereby causing considerable interest to the spectators around the table, the female medium pauses between writing each prescription and extinguishes a lighted candle on the roof of her mouth.\n\nProfessor Wolfram Eberhard has confirmed that in his researches he has encountered this deity, the god of the cult of tea merchants localized in the areas of Ying Ch'üen (#) and Te Hui (德惠) whose birthday is on the 27th day of the 7th lunar month. Law suits were settled before this deity, who is mentioned in the Taiwanese folk almanac of 1963.\n\nMyths concerning the origins or deification of Fa Chu Kung\n\nMost temple keepers who have an image of Fa Chu Kung in their temples tell a different story about his origin. These tales do, however, contain certain common factors:\n\na. Fa Chu Kung is the head of all demons and is to be feared. His black face signifies his demonic origins. He warned all gods in the area of Ying Ch'üen in Fukien that the area was too\n\nPage 190 is missing\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206685,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 233,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n227 \n\npoints out, that they have sometimes had interests in the twentieth century homeland which chimed with those of the secular patriot: notably in anti-Japanese activities, but in contrast to the messianic organizations there are no long-range idealistic goals. Like these groups however, messianic organizations have tended to splinter, as indeed have many kinds of Chinese association. And the coordination of the lodges and halls of the two kinds of grouping appears to have been weakened by the various ecological and sub-cultural differences between the regions they tried to encompass. This is itself an interesting matter which cannot be pursued here. But it is one that should perhaps have engaged the author rather more. \n\nAs an introduction to a vast, intriguing and complex subject, this book certainly deserves attention, and the specialist will welcome some of the more contemporary material. It has some fascinating illustrations and photographs and is well translated from the original French. But it is too ambitious. The material is just too heterogeneous, the social and historical context too broad, and the theoretical context too narrow, to warrant some of the more generalized assertions and suggestions that are made. \n\nHong Kong, 1972. \n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY \n\nCHINESE VILLAGE PLAYS FROM THE TING HSIEN REGION (YANG KE HSUAN), a collection of forty-eight Chinese rural plays as staged by villagers from Ting Hsien in Northern China, tr. from the Chinese by various scholars after the original recordings and edited with a critical introduction and explanatory notes, SIDNEY GAMBLE, Research Secretary of the Chinese National Association of the Mass Education Movement, Amsterdam, Philo Press, 1970, (xxix+762p.). \n\nThis is a translation of the Choice of \"Yang ke\" from Ting Hsien district, Ting Hsien Yang ke hsuan Akif, published by Li Ching-han and Chang Shih-wen in the early nineteen thirties. Unfortunately the few photographs of the original have here been omitted. A copy of the Chinese text is in the Fung P'ing-shan Library of Hong Kong University, and Professor Lo Tzu-k'uang has just reprinted it in his marvellous series of reprints on folklore.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206688,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 236,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "230\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ntion for the field ornithologist. Most species are illustrated in colour, and some with black and white photographs.\n\nApart from tiny Hong Kong, there is no area on the eastern seaboard of Asia between Korea and South Vietnam which is accessible to Western ornithologists. This gives the Republic of Korea a somewhat artificial importance, as it is part of the breeding area of many palaearctic species which winter in South-East Asia, and on the migration route of others. A total of 366 species have been recorded from the Republic, of which about one in seven is resident. For a foreigner, therefore, the main interest of the Birds of Korea lies in the details of migratory species known to him from other countries.\n\nThis book is intended for the field ornithologist, and it is therefore a little surprising to find it too bulky to be carried on a field trip. The necessity for this large size is the very admirable fact that the text is bi-lingual in Korean and English, but it would surely have been cheaper and more practical to have printed the English and Korean texts as separate volumes. This could also have kept the price down to a more reasonable level: not perhaps that it is too expensive for the expatriate community, but it is certainly high for the ordinary Korean student for whom the Korean version was presumably prepared.\n\nThe text describing each species is rather brief, even for a field guide, and in many cases is insufficient for field identification. This particularly applies in the case of difficult families like the Phylloscopi, where a key at the beginning would have helped, and where details of distinctions in the hand would not have come amiss, and of the whole order of Falconiformes, for which diagrams of flight-patterns are a sine qua non in identification works these days. Data regarding distribution are fragmentary, as would be expected from a country where practically all ornithological collections and field-work have been done by foreigners, with the notable exceptions of Professor Won and his father. However, there is a certain advantage in that the majority of records, particularly of rarer and more difficult species, are of collected specimens, and are therefore not subject to dispute in the same way as the sight-records upon which more and more modern ornithology is based.\n\nPrevious literature has been carefully collated, and, with Professor Won's knowledge of the Korean and Japanese literature, and Mr.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206940,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 11,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "5\n\nof disease and urbanisation in Singapore and Hong Kong. Finally Dr. Shih Hsiao-yen, Curator of the Far Eastern Department of the Royal Ontario Museum, and Adjunct Professor of the Department of East Asian Studies, University of Toronto, talked on the relationship between Chinese tomb figurines and monumental sculpture. Dr. Shih, who is presently visiting professor at The Chinese University of Hong Kong, illustrated her talk with many striking colour slides.\n\nOur overseas trip this year, which took place over five days at the Chinese New Year, proved very popular. It was, like our previous Thailand excursion, very ably led by Mr. Michael Smithies. Forty-one members joined the party, starting at Vientiane, proceeding to Luang Prabang, and returning again to Vientiane. They visited museums, Vat, a silk-weaving village, and other handicraft centres, caves and ceremonies; and they saw a rare performance of classical dancing given by the Royal Lao dancers. It is hoped that we may continue to arrange at least one overseas trip a year and we have already received offers to lead future excursions from two of our members. I regret to say that our proposed trip to China has not advanced very far. On the advice of the China Travel Agency we revised our original proposals, suggesting several small groups of ten to fifteen members—and also the possibility of diversifying, some groups making a longer (approximately three weeks) trip to take in Peking and other northerly areas, and some making a shorter (about ten days) trip to places within Kwangtung Province to include museums, potteries and archeologically interesting areas. Recently members of another learned society in England made a trip to China and we can only hope that we are not too far down China's list of priority groups.\n\nARTS CENTRE MANAGEMENT COMMITTEE\n\nA few words about the progress of the Hong Kong Arts Centre and our participation. The Society became a constituent member of the Arts Centre in January 1973, paying its entrance fee in February of that year. The Society had long wished to have its own premises both for holding lectures and discussions and for housing its library and archives, but despite efforts it was never able to afford to fulfil these wishes and now with astronomical rents it is clearly most unlikely that it ever will. We joined the Arts Centre so that when its buildings are completed we may enjoy",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207505,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 273,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n265\n\nAt this time I took part in some discussions on any action to be taken to report on the conduct of individuals while prisoners and I took the view that adverse reports should only be made in cases of the grossest neglect of duty and I made no report of this kind. Our staff and patients, apart from an occasional minor misdemeanour by one or two, conducted themselves splendidly.\n\nOn 4 September the large Empress of Australia arrived. I took two R.A.F. doctors to the Central British School where they saw something of the population of bugs and very understandably wanted to occupy apartments in nearby flats. By now the R.A.F. had brought 3000 troops into the Colony and they needed hospital services for their sick. There was, as might be expected, some confusion in the various administrations. Some people were moving too fast with too little thought, while others thought too long before moving.\n\nOn 5 September I went off to the Empress of Australia early and later found that Surgeon-Captain George Abercrombie was now Fleet P.M.O. in the battleship H.M.S. Anson. Abercrombie was later to be a founder member and in due course a distinguished President of the College of General Practitioners (later a Royal College), and I had the pleasure of meeting him quite frequently in London later. He kindly invited me to lunch in the Anson one day. Long voyages in warships in wartime conditions had left him looking rather pale, while of course I was pretty thin by that time. The main dish at lunch was a mutton stew in which the mutton was extremely fat and the watery part of the stew was laden with fat globules. I well remember the look of horror on his face as he watched me dispose of what to him must have been a repulsive dish.\n\nAt this time I learned that Colonel Lindsay Ride was replacing Field as senior officer in the army in Hong Kong. Ride had commanded our Field Ambulance during the fighting in Hong Kong. He was a professor in the University and his Chinese students helped him to escape as soon as we surrendered to Mainland China, where he set up an organisation to keep in touch with events in Hong Kong and which helped people to escape from the Colony. I believe that it was through his thoughtfulness that my wife learned that I was still alive after hostilities ended but none of the messages I sent off from Hong Kong after our release ever arrived. Ride was later Vice-Chancellor of the University of Hong Kong, and knighted for his services to the Colony.\n\nThe R.A.F. hospital moved into the Central British School",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207568,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 336,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n\"A THOUSAND PEAKS AND MYRIAD RAVINES, by CHU-TSING LI, Zurich Artibus Asiae, 1974 (Vol. 1, pp. xi + 319, Vol. 11, 104 plates, signatures and seals, maps)\n\nIn studying the history of Chinese art, particularly that of painting, Professor Chu-tsing Li of the University of Kansas is an active scholar. Formerly his main field of study was the Yuan Dynasty (1280-1368); and for this period his thorough studies on Chao Meng-fu (1254-1322), Tsao Chih-po (1272-1355) and Hsueh Ch'uang (active ca. mid-14th century), as well as a general, but extensive, study about a group of artists active in the late Yüan period in Soo-chou area, are all highly regarded. However, in studying the history of Chinese painting, he seems now no longer to confine himself to individuals of the Yuan Dynasty but has begun to focus on other aspects of the later periods of Chinese art history, c.f. his latest monographs on Ting Yun-peng and Chin Nung (1687-1765). Following this, his latest publication; A Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines, a voluminous work in two volumes, deals, with the exception of one painting by a late Yüan artist, many different types of Chinese paintings of either Ming or the Ch'ing Dynasties. It was published in 1974.\n\n5\n\nBeginning from the late 19th century, when private collecting of Chinese art reached its climax, in the East as well as the West, a detailed illustrated catalogue, more commonly edited by a specialist in the field rather than by the collector himself, was published. A few examples for ancient Chinese bronzes are those essential works contributed by Professors Kosaku Hamada,1 Yoshito Harada,2 and Sueji Umehara3 in Japan, and those works by Professors Bernhard Karlgren,4 Gustav Ecke, and Chen Meng-chia in America or other countries; all well-edited bronze catalogues on private collections. For archaic Chinese jade, the catalogue produced by Professor Alfred Salmony is also well known. In addition to those cited which always deal with a specific subject of Chinese art, there are also some catalogues characterized by dealing with more than two branches of Chinese art in the one publication, or separately devoted to Chinese art and art objects in another Asiatic country. For the former, the over-sized catalogues about the famous collection",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207580,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 348,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n339\n\ncontrolled the central government of the late Ming period. However, due to the expansion of the military power of the Manchus, the central activity of this Association from 1640, turns into the intellectuals' Anti-Manchu Movement.41 The fact that Hsiao Yün-ts'ung has been a member of the Reconquering Association can certainly help us to understand more about his life and personality. Although we know nothing about Hsiao's Anti-Manchu activity, a description of him as, “taking up the life of a hermit, he devoted himself to poetry, essay-writing, scholarship, and painting” (p. 177) is at least not the entire picture of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's life. He must have been patriotic and full of the spirit of justice at one time. More likely it was only because of the triumph of the Manchus that he was forced to live as a recluse for his last 30 years. Professor Li has tended to ignore this key point in Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's life.\n\nTo conclude, in the 20th Century, in the 60 years since Stephen W. Bushell (1844-1908) published his classic Chinese Art42, due to the stimulation given by the opening of museums, the growth of private collections and a developed new interest in studying things oriental, a good number of histories of Chinese art have been written by scholars of different nationalities. None of them, however, has attempted a Chinese art history based on a single private collection,43 like Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines. This appears to be the first book of this kind, and despite those problems that the reviewer has already pointed out, and some other minor disputable points44, it is not inappropriate to call this book the first such publication. It is one, too, that is associated with a unique and earlier feature of writing Chinese art history, the introduction.\n\nThe reviewer suggests that as a Research Curator of the Nelson Gallery and Atkins Museum in Kansas, with its far better known collection, Professor Li should publish another such history of Chinese art, or history of Chinese painting, based on that renowned assemblage.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, 1976\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\n1 For instance, the well-known collection of Mr. K. Sumitomo, is described in the illustrated and descriptive catalogue Senoku Seisho ★A★T (The collection of old bronzes of K. Sumitomo) first edited by Prof. Kosaku Hamada∗ ∗ ∗ and others in 1911. After being revised by Prof. Sueji Umehara∗ ∗ ∗ it was reprinted in 1934 in Kyoto. The additional catalogue concerning Mr. Sumitomo's new acquisitions on ancient",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207735,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 123,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "108\n\nTIN-YUKE CHAR\n\nTo identify Li Sun's name as written in Chinese characters and to gather more information on this interesting person, a letter was written to Hamilton College on April 8, 1975. A reply from the President's office said, “A search of our records revealed that Li Sun (listed as Chan Lai Sun in our files) attended Hamilton College for two years, in 1846-48. He was awarded the honorary degree of Master of Arts during his visit to the College in 1873 [as a member of the Chinese Educational Mission].\" Frank K. Lorenz, Reference Librarian at Hamilton, also wrote, \"Unfortunately we cannot determine what Chan's full name was in Chinese. We have a dozen letters from him, under the letter head of the Chinese Educational Commission, but they are entirely in English (very fluent and colloquial English at that) and are all signed \"Chan Laisun.\"\n\nThus began the search for Chan Laisun's name in Chinese.\n\nYung Wing, a commissioner of the Chinese Educational Mission in 1873 made this report: \"The educational commission was to consist of two commissioners, Chin [Ch'en] Lan Pin [  ] and myself. Chin Lan Pin's duty was to see that the students keep up their knowledge of Chinese while in America; my duty was to look after their foreign education and to find suitable homes for them. Chin Lan Pin and myself were to look after their expenses conjointly. Two Chinese teachers were provided to keep up their studies in Chinese, and an interpreter was provided for the Commission. Yeh Shu Tung [***] and Yung Yune Foo [***] were the Chinese teachers and Tsang Lai Sun was the interpreter.” He was most likely selected because he had been educated in English and was familiar with the Chinese dialects of the Southern maritime provinces from where most of the students were chosen by Yung Wing who was himself from the Heung Shan (now Chung Shan) district of Kwangtung.\n\nTsang Lai Sun was identified with the Chinese characters 曾蘭生 (Tseng Lan-sheng in kuo-yu pronunciation) in the Chinese translation of Yung Wing's book. Thus, it appears that this Tsang Lai Sun was the same person as Chan Lai Sun as listed in Hamilton College records and also Li Sun who met the Hawaiian King.\n\nChan wrote in a letter to Professor Edward North of Springfield, Massachusetts, that he would be enclosing a family photograph about which Mr. Lorenz wrote on July 30, 1976, “..\n\nwe cannot",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208295,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 19,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1977\n\n(Covering the period April 1, 1977-March 20, 1978)\n\nIt is my pleasure tonight to report to you on the year's activities and progress of our Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. During this eighteenth year since the Society was resuscitated we have continued to organise a regular programme of lectures and occasional tours drawing on both local talent and the expertise of visiting scholars, and I begin with a short resumé of these events, so that newcomers particularly may gain some idea of the range of our interests.\n\nIn April Mr. Geoffrey Emerson, a local historian of the Japanese Occupation, gave an illustrated talk about the Stanley Internment Camp during the 1942-45 period: a camp where many local residents at the time were forced to live by the Japanese authorities. Several of the persons thus interned attended the talk and some interesting discussion arose. The talk will be published in the 1977 Journal for it is based on original research. Also in April Michael Stevenson spoke on the Chinese Press from his long knowledge as a journalist and particularly his more recent work for the Sing Tao Group of newspapers and as a public relations consultant.\n\nIn May, Tony Reynolds, Head of the Department of Industrial Engineering at Hong Kong University, and member of the Friends Ambulance Service in West China between 1941-46, described his fascinating experiences as convoy leader for a load of medical supplies allowed by the Nationalist Government to be taken to the Shensi-Kansu-Ninghsia Region occupied by the 8th Route Army—the first since 1941. This talk which also gives Mr. Reynolds' impressions from meetings with Mao Tze-tung, Chou En-lai and Marshal Chu Te will appear in the 1977 Journal too.\n\nThe first of two lectures in June was concerned with the History and Music of the Cheng, the Chinese 16-stringed zither, delivered by Professor Liang Tsai-ping who has performed and lectured in both Europe and the U.S.A. as well as Asia; and the second with political and other changes in the Far East in the last ten years, given by Tony Lawrence, for nineteen years Far Eastern Correspondent for the B.B.C. In July Brian Peacock, Curator of the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208405,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 129,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA [1933]\n\nINTRODUCTION\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR*\n\nThe importance of the study of village government in China can hardly be too enthusiastically pressed. It deals, in the first place, with a phase of Chinese life which has in the past been largely overlooked by Sinologues. Western students have been too inclined to lay stress upon and to confine themselves to the political history of the Chinese, or to the monuments of Chinese culture, its art, philosophy and literature. As to how the people themselves lived there has apparently been little interest. To be sure, the central government of China has been carefully studied, and many admirable works on government institutions have appeared. But almost no study has been made by Westerners upon the government of the village, despite the fact that this is to a large degree the only real government for the vast majority of the people. Because the institution vitally affects the lives of the Chinese people, and because it is peculiarly their creation, it should be of great importance to the Sinologue.\n\nTo the general student of social institutions the subject should likewise be of great interest. It seems strange, indeed, that Sociology and its allied sciences have not demanded of Sinology more information upon the conditions of rural life in China, or have not themselves gone out to get it. If only to serve as a cultural measuring rod, as a basis for objective comparison with Western institutions, Chinese social phenomena should be of high value. Yet the Sociologist, no less than the Sinologue, has largely overlooked the rich and important phase of Chinese life which is here to be considered.\n\n*The author, C. Martin Wilbur, Professor Emeritus of Chinese History, Columbia University, was awarded his M.A. in the Faculty of Philosophy, Columbia University for this thesis in 1933. The work is still of value, and with the author's kind permission it is printed here, with the exception of the chapter on the historical development of village government (pp. 74-109 of the original typescript). No changes or additions have been made, nor any updating attempted. Hon. Ed.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208801,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1979",
        "page_number": 258,
        "title": "RAS-1979",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n231\n\nstrength (“gunboat diplomacy” and “showing the flag”) that westerners were indeed the equal of Chinese, and that the trade which was mutually beneficial ought to be allowed to flourish in peace and tranquillity.\n\nProfessor Graham shows quite clearly that, of course, the dominant theme of this whole period was the issues raised by the meeting of traditional sino-centrism and the dynamic of western expansion, a familiar theme from the work of countless China scholars including Fairbank and Waley. The author details much of the theme in episodes in Canton (“a war of nerves between British ‘barbarians’ and Canton ‘imbeciles’”), at Chusan, at Shanghai (in 1841 a “squalid” place “rising from the middle of ‘a low unhealthy marsh’”, but by 1858, a queen of a city “with handsome houses and gardens and busy quays”, pp. 217-218), and finally, close to the imperial seat, at Taku at the mouth of the Peiho.\n\nThe book pays the usual attention to some of the familiar and hoary myths: on the one hand, the Chinese official belief in “self sufficiency” and on the other the Western traders' belief in the limitless potential of China for international trade (The present interest in China of the international business community sounds all too familiar to the historian!); the “inscrutability” of the Chinese (the author seems to subscribe to this myth even toward present day Chinese!); their “traditional courtesy to the stranger” (For accuracy substitute “curiosity toward” for “courtesy to”!); and the curious belief that Chinese did not (do not?) react to heat and cold and pain and hunger like the rest of mankind (despite which, history shows quite clearly that the Chinese do indeed react to such stimuli as armed force and deprivation, like their fellows.)\n\nGraham on occasion overstates and exaggerates his analysis of the character and temperament of oriental races, seemingly succumbing to the now fashionable habit of admiration for anything “oriental” that lately, and again, permeates western attitudes and approaches to the Orient.\n\nOne also notes a contradiction or so: on page 356 we read,\n\n“Whether out of ignorance, natural courage, or despair, they (Chinese) were never cowed by the trappings of military might. The British Commissioner underestimated their determination and tenacity.”",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208955,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 117,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "FUNG SHUI: ILLUSTRATED BY KAT HING WAI, N.T.\n\n85\n\nThe basic premise of geomancy is the location of ch'i, the cosmic breath, of the site in question. This ch'i is dispersed by wind and carried by watercourse; too much of each or both will drive the site's good influences away, and too little movement will cause stagnation of the influences. An ideal site should be south-facing and constitute the following topographical features: The hills should have the formation of an armchair; those in the rear should fence off evil spirits brought in by the cold bitter northerly wind, those on the left and right should flank it like embracing arms, and the front should be opened or unobstructed such that view, airiness, and sunlight can be brought in by the yang spirit. These features are represented by the four numinous animals: the azure dragon on the left, the white tiger on the right, the red bird in the front, and the black tortoise in the back. Thus, the point where the two forces meet, and in a proportion of three to two of the azure dragon and the white tiger in elevation, is the perfect location for burial and building. As to water, a site with confluence of streams brings good influences; conversely, branching does the opposite. \"Sharp bends are bad since they make straight arrow-like lines, meander being the natural path of good influence...\" However, favourable and auspicious sites are not always readily available, and less desirable ones are remediable by means of tree planting, or building a fung-shui pagoda at proper places, or removing contours and watercourses according to geomantic principles. As fung-shui can bring good influences to people if dwellings are properly placed, so can it cause ill fate if they are placed otherwise. According to a geomantic professor I interviewed in Hong Kong, inauspicious fung-shui can induce illness or even death in the family if, for example, windows or doors or kitchen stoves are mislocated. The same fatality may occur if a beam of a house is erected directly over one's head in a sleeping area. Or a house is in a baleful location if it is situated at the crossroad of a Y-junction. My investigations concur with the Yang Dwelling Classics, which says in the opening paragraph: “All dwellings should not be at the mouth of a thoroughfare, or in a monastery (Buddhist temple grounds), nor come near to a shrine, nor be where plants and trees do not grow (to screen and protect), nor in an old battleground ... nor at the gate or opening of a large wall, nor opposite a prison gate.\"12 In Maurice Freedman's research\n\nyang",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209136,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 39,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "ANOTHER LOOK AT LAND AND LINEAGE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES, CA. 1900\n\nEDGAR WICKBERG*\n\nPreface\n\nThe title of this paper may sound presumptuous, as if I have, after only six months' research, discovered the utter foolishness of all previous research on the subject, which I will now correct with one revisionist flourish. No such thing. What I really mean is: \"Yet another look at Land and Lineage in the New Territories, ca. 1900\". Why is \"yet another look\" worth taking? Because my methods and my experience are somewhat different from those of previous students of the subject, I think that I may be able to raise some old and some new questions in different ways than before and thereby advance discussion.\n\nI approach this task with some diffidence, since I am well aware of the years of experience, the skills and the effort that many people — including some in this room — have lavished on the subject. I am presenting my findings and views after only six months on the job because I want and need your comments and criticisms before it is too late; in other words, before my research year ends, as it will next July, and I must return to Canada. Better to correct mistakes now while I am still in the field and can do so.\n\nWith these comments as background, let me turn to Part I of the paper.\n\n1. The multi-tiered land tenure system of east and south China.\n\nOur understanding of agricultural land tenure in the New Territories ca. 1900 will be enhanced by considering first the general type of Chinese system of which it was a representative. This system, usually called \"one-field, two-owners” (or, sometimes, when circumstances warranted, \"one-field, three-owners\"), has been written about extensively by Chinese, and especially, by Japanese scholars. Widely found in south China during the Ch'ing period, this system was characterized by a separation of agricultural land ownership and occupancy into several\n\n* Professor of History, University of British Columbia.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209690,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 347,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n325\n\nare many other, smaller countries where no newspaper industry has developed.\n\nProfessor Lent is concerned with press freedom. He deplores its disappearance in countries ruled by totalitarian regimes. He deplores the repressive situation in Singapore, where the Newspaper and Printing Presses Act enables the government to put its own nominees in control of newspapers. Even the more liberal press atmosphere of Hong Kong comes in for some criticism. Journalists are tempted to take bribes because of their often miserably low salaries, he says, and these bad practices remain outside the reach of the ICAC (Independent Commission Against Corruption) because they are condoned by the journalists' employers. Lent also complains that there are many doors of government closed to Hong Kong journalists.\n\nSome of the book gives a somewhat out-of-date impression. It is a recent publication but much of the material was gathered years ago and in some cases there has obviously been difficulty in revising it. This detracts from the value of the survey where it deals with countries like Vietnam.\n\nIt could also be objected that the viewpoint of the editor and contributors is too western-oriented when dealing with the press in developing areas. Freedom of the Press is a hall-mark of civilised modern communities, but it can survive only in a country which is highly literate and politically awake; it has no hope in more primitive places or in countries where the government fears criticism. To expect a free press in such areas may be unrealistic. There is a considerable difference, too, between Asia and the West in attitudes towards the profession of journalism. In the West the image of the journalist as news-gatherer, critic and reformer inspires considerable numbers of young men and women to enter the profession. Its human opportunities and fascinations more than compensate for the relatively mediocre financial rewards. This is far less the case in the Far East where in many countries journalism has little appeal for the educated. Inevitably this affects the value and effectiveness of newspapers.\n\nHowever the fact that the Asian press is surveyed here from a western viewpoint in no way detracts from the impressive",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209751,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 10,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "of the charitable work done by the Kadoorie family in this field. A cheque for $500 was sent in appreciation to Mr. Horace Kadoorie on behalf of the Society.\n\nK\n\n26th November 1983 about 35 members took part in a visit to the Soo Kon Poo district of Hong Kong Island where we visited the Buddhist Memorial to victims of the Race Course fire in 1918, the Tung Wah Eastern Hospital and the Confucian Middle School.\n\nDecember 1983 and March 1984 - two separate groups of members visited the Narcotics Museum of the Narcotics Bureau, RHKP, in Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, under the kind arrangements of Mr. K. W. J. Lloyd, Chief Inspector of Police.\n\n28th January 1984 about 70 members went by boat to the Ch'ing Dynasty fort on Tung Lung Island, and passed by the Tin Hau Temple at Fat Tong Mun and the former Chinese customs station at Junk Island on the return journey.\n\nLectures\n\n29th March 1983 Mr. Nigel Cameron, the author and art critic, gave an interesting illustrated talk on \"Hong Kong Art: the Quiet Revolution\".\n\n14th April 1983 — Ms Elizabeth Sinn of the Department of History at the University of Hong Kong spoke about \"The Strike and Riot, Hong Kong 1884\", an interesting local side effect of the Sino-French war over Vietnam.\n\n25th April 1983 Professor Daffyd Evans, Head of the Department of Law, University of Hong Kong, spoke about the wills made by some Chinese in early British Hong Kong in an interesting talk entitled \"Fearing Verbal Words, or Chinese Testaments in British Hong Kong\".\n\n25th May 1983 Professor Daniel Kwok, professor of History at the University of Hawaii and visiting professor, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, gave a stimulating talk entitled \"Confucianism and Modernization: Reflections of Antipathies and Sympathies\". This dealt with\n\nix",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210749,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 100,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "83\n\nthe right direction. At that time the Shek O men worked as seamen and their farm land was idle. The newcomers did vegetable gardening and fishing, renting farm land from Shek O people. To explain why the locals accepted the newcomers, Mr. Lau said that the local population was only some 300 at that time. The newcomers had built their houses on Crown land, which Mr. Lau said was ba-wong-dei, i.e. land which was claimed by the exertion of physical presence in force.\n\nBesides the predominately Western residents of the “villas”, there were newcomers from the cities too. One woman who started a brief conversation with me when preparing among others the final offerings to the ghosts told me that her husband who worked in an accounting firm moved to Shek O some 20 years ago in his forties because he liked the place. Among the newcomers was also a Tanka family.\n\nShek O has a temple for Tin Hau, who was the main god of the jiu celebration. According to Professor Tanaka Issei, the oldest dated object found in the temple was a bin-ngaak inscription dated the eighteenth year of Gwong-seui (1893).* Immediately to the left of the Tin Hau temple is a Residents' Association which organized an annual celebration in honour of Tin Hau. Third in the row of houses is the Man San Sports Association. I remember that the primary school is also named Man San, and at one of the shops or tea-houses near the bus stop, there was a poster announcing the results of football matches organized by the Man San Sports Association.\n\nAccording to Mr. Wong, the Shek O Residents Association takes care of local public affairs, relaying messages from the Hong Kong Government. It liaises with the South District Office and the Chai Wan district police headquarters. I saw a poster inviting entries for a South District Festival competition, with \"forms available from the Shek O Association” added in handwriting. The officers of the association also organize the annual opera performances in honour of Tin Hau. Mr. Lau saw the association as essentially a development of the village office (heung-gung-so) of pre-War times. The association has almost 2,000 members, although some of the Shek O residents do not join. Mr. Lau could",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211036,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 97,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "72\n\n40\n\nHong Kong Government Gazette, 6th May, 1899, p. 701. Mok Man Cheung's book, retailing at $8, was unusually expensive. There clearly was a market for books attempting to bridge the social and linguistic gap between the Chinese and British communities. Also in 1899, for instance, a Lo Sing-lau published his English Self Taught for Chinese at $1 per copy and this went into a second edition in 1904 and a third in 1905, 1904, the year in which Mok Man Cheung produced his English Made Easy, also witnessed the publication of Tang Chi Kun's A Step in English Tongue ($0.80),\n\n41 Letter to the Editor, signed by \"X\", Hong Kong Daily Press, Thursday, 17th January, 1901, p. 2.\n\n42 This assumption is further strengthened by the fact that he made out his will on 28th December, 1917, and that its Probate Number is No. 68 of 1918. I owe this information to Professor Dafydd Evans who also points out the relatively high proportion of \"death bed” wills among the Chinese in Hong Kong at this time. The will itself is serial no. 3135, deposit no. 4, in series 144. It confirms that one of Mok Man Cheung's aliases was Mok Cheuk Lim. An examination of the actual will shows that it was, indeed, a deathbed will and that Mok Man Cheung actually died on 30th December, 1917. The Declaration by Executor before Probate, dated 13th March, 1918, indicates that \"the whole of the personal estate of the said testator amounts in value to the sum of $21,075.53”, certainly no mean sum at the time.\n\n43\n\nThere appear to be no locally-published Chinese language newspapers extant for this period of time. Although the Wah Tsz Yat Po was certainly in operation, unfortunately there is a break in the surviving copies from 18th January, 1917 to 16th February, 1918.\n\n44 The acronym for Queen's College, which was (and is) the current name for the school Mok Man Cheung had attended as \"the Central School\".\n\n45 These are very clear and characteristic indications of his prominence in Hong Kong Chinese society. See, for example, H.J. Lethbridge, Hong Kong: Stability and Change, (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1978), especially pp. 52-102, and Carl T. Smith (1985), especially pp. 139-171. Confirmatory evidence that he was a member of the Committee of the Po Leung Kuk, elected on 20th March, 1909, using his alias, Mok Yeuk Lim, is found in the Hong Kong Government's Administrative Reports for that year, p. C39. If one can assume that another of his aliases was Mok Yuk-chi, confirmatory evidence about his membership of the Committee of the Tung Wah Hospitals can be found in the Administrative Reports for 1913.\n\n46 Even though Mok Man Cheung was certainly successful in a material sense, his name appears neither in Arnold Wright's Twentieth Century Impressions nor in S.L. Woo, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong, (Hong Kong, The Five Continents Book Company, 1937) which, though written long after Mok Man Cheung's death, contained reference to several deceased merchants who had been born before 1865. Moreover, he does not appear to have been a member of the District Watch Committee, posited by Lethbridge as the Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong (Lethbridge 1978, pp. 104-129). On the other hand, Carl Smith's justly-famed index cards reveal that he was involved in many property deals and was, for example, co-proprietor, with Tang Lap Ting and Mok Kun Hiu, of the Wanchai Godown.\n\n47\n\nIn London, a Colonial Office minute in 1907, for example, declared that “I don't think that the fact that Mr. Hee has found an Englishwoman foolish enough to marry a Chinaman is an argument for increasing his salary [as Headmaster of Wanchai District School] (CO129/341, p. 342). In Hong Kong, the official defini-",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211218,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 279,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "254\n\nTHE HONG KONG HISTORY PROJECT\n\nThis note is based on a taped recording of the meeting of the Society, 22 May 1984, when this subject was discussed by James Hayes, David Faure, and Patrick Hase, with questions and comments from the speakers and the floor.\n\nJames Hayes\n\nThis evening, we are going to hear about the \"Hong Kong History Project\". This aims at rescuing something of the social, economic, and political history of the communities of this area before 1841, and indeed right up to the eve of the modernization of the New Territories in the 1970s.\n\nThe late Maurice Freedman, who was Professor of Social Anthropology at the London School of Economics, and then at Oxford University before his death in 1975, said that until the 1950s, Hong Kong was almost totally neglected by all manner of social scientists. It was regarded as of no importance to scholarship, being viewed as \"no more than the railway route into Guangdong\". Thereafter, a few mainly overseas scholars, people who were mostly anthropologists engaged on researching doctoral dissertations, came now and then to Hong Kong. This continued, and is going on at the present time. Among the first of them was our member Barbara Ward — unfortunately for us, she died at the beginning of this year — who went to study the boat people of Kau Sai in 1952. She was followed by Hugh Baker and Bob Groves, who came in the early 1960s to work in Sheung Shui and Tai Po Market, and there were one or two others before that. They were the pioneers of the anthropological study of Hong Kong's past and present, and its social history, too. You will note that the researchers mainly came from outside. Neither Chinese nor European staff of the University of Hong Kong were interested in the subject, and it also took some time for people at the Chinese University established in the 1960s to become aware of local history.\n\nI want now to say something about my own interest in the subject, how it began, and its relevance for the efforts made later",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211222,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 283,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "258\n\nsome of these things again, because we run into an awful lot of problems because of that sort of attitude.\n\nHow did I get involved in all this? Now and then I think that James framed the \"trap\" and I fell right into it. I was not interested in local history for a long time - I was never interested all the way through college and graduate school. When I got my job in the Chinese University, I lived in Tai Po Market. I remember there was this year when they had the shed for their village opera but I never went once. Although I passed by many times, it never occurred to me to go and see what was happening.\n\n—\n\nI had set my mind on writing about the rural economy of a couple of provinces in China from about 1870 onwards, and thought, \"Well, being here one should look at what happened in the New Territories, and see what you get in the field”. James showed me some of the inscriptions that he had collected, and there were a couple that were about tenancy disputes in the Ch'ing dynasty in the 18th Century. At the time this is only about five years ago these documents were rather rare, although in the last couple of years China has published a lot more of them. To have the actual dispute recorded in full, to have the text of the decision from the Magistrate, and to have all the details there, and to be able to find out from local enquiries who the people were who were involved in all these sort of things, was just too tempting. It was a trap that I suppose any historian would fall into! I was hoping that there would be more of these things in the New Territories, and knew that the only way to get to them was to go around the whole of the New Territories and look at every temple. So something had to be organised. My interest was totally selfish, I just wanted more inscriptions and land deeds and the like!\n\nAnyway, that's how it began. I got a couple of colleagues together and other people who were interested. We were lucky at the time, because Professor Ch'en Ching-ho was running the Institute of Chinese Studies in the Chinese University and was interested in local history. He had done similar work in Singapore. He gave us funds and we managed to employ some students, and that got the project started.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211309,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 25,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "PIRATES IN THE PEARL RIVER DELTA\n\nDIAN H. MURRAY*\n\nThis study of “Pirates in the Pearl River\" was a multiarchival research project whose goal was to piece together information on a group of Chinese non-elites who had hitherto escaped the attention of historians and to turn our attention seaward from the Chinese mainland in order to place our understanding of land-sea relations within a broader ecological context. The research drew upon documents written in Chinese, Vietnamese, French, Portuguese, Japanese and English and involved visits to archives in Washington, D.C.; Taipei, Taiwan; Beijing, China: Macao, Hong Kong; and London.\n\nAlmost at its outset my investigation revealed a significant growth of piracy within the Pearl River Delta and along the entire South China coast from Chekiang to Vietnam between 1796 and 1810. Within Kwangtung province alone a confederation of several thousand pirates and a fleet of 1,200 junks dominated delta and coast alike forcing all who set sail, regardless of whether they were merchantmen, fishermen, salt distributors or opium smugglers, to purchase passports for immunisation against attack.\n\nThe military prowess of the pirates was such that they successfully fought the Ch'ing government fleet, in the form of the Kwangtung provincial water force, to a standstill and involved themselves in both battles and negotiations with the Western foreigners then on the scene.\n\nYet, during 1810, at what seemed to be the height of their power, the pirates disappeared almost overnight from the sea. It then became my mission to understand both their rise and fall. Initially, I had intended to investigate the entire phenomenon and to account for all of the pirate activity along the southeast littoral. In the end, however, I discovered that just as there were economic macroregions within which life was lived on the continent, so, too, were there similar regions or 'water\n\n* Professor Murray, of the University of Notre Dame in Indiana, is author of Pirates of the South China Coast, 1790-1870 (Stanford University Press, 1987). This talk was delivered to the Society on August 1st, 1983.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211773,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 188,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "163\n\nconcert. Everything was conducted in a quiet gentlemenly manner so that we imagined ourselves in a drawing room more than in a theatre. There was no attempt at grandeur of display (...) which characterises too much the quasi musical taste of the day where the composition of the author is sacrificed frequently to the execution of the performer and the audience is led to think more of the latter than of the former**. \"The \"Shanghai Commercial Record\" reported in a similar laudatory way about the Annual Volunteer Concert on February 15, 1865: “We fancy few home concerts could show anything better; amateur concerts we are sure rarely could\".20\n\nHowever, about professional musicians, and those formed the majority of performers, the critic sometimes made no bones about his disapproval: speaking of a recital given by a Professor Shonbrun on the piano in March 1859, he was \"sorry to say we have no great opinion of his powers; the skill and artistic feeling which would be highly respectable in an Amateur reflect no especial credit on a professional player'\"; at the same time **the Amateurs who assisted Mr. Shonbrun did their share well and merit great praise\". Thus the line was drawn, at least by this particular reviewer.\n\nIII. The Companies\n\nA. Theatrical\n\n**21\n\nWriting about the theatrical companies that performed in Shanghai during the period 1850-1865, a distinction must be made between those that were got up from among the local residents, those that were initiated by the military garrison, and those that were of a professional, travelling nature.\n\nThe Local Companies\n\nOn November 15, 1866, it was proposed at a meeting of the Dramatic Corps of the Infantry and Rangers of the Shanghai Volunteers Corps that “a Dramatic Society be formed\",22 and hardly a month later the Shanghai Amateur Dramatic Corps was established on December 7.23 Its objects were stated to be \"the encouragement and maintenance of an amateur theatre in Shanghai; the maintenance of a theatrical library and the management of funds for theatrical purposes\". There were to be no honorary members but only those who were willing to be active",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212265,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 207,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "184\n\nof fact, focusing on the negative comments made by Legge without balancing them by Legge's sensitivity to broader ethical and religious contexts. Furthermore, Kranz showed none of Legge's sensitivity to the values of Chinese cultural and ethical standards; all of his comments were marred by a crass condescension.\n\nThis attempt to discredit Confucius and Legge's interpretation of Confucius went without criticism for only a few years. In 1904, another author in the The Chinese Recorder noted that Kranz had employed for his purposes only the earlier (1861) edition of Legge's work. He was apparently unaware of Legge's positive re-evaluation of Confucius which had appeared in his second (1893-1895) edition.\n\nV. Unintentional Imbalance\n\nIf the judgements of strangers are too often insensitive, the justifications of relatives are sometimes too sensitive. Pastor Kranz's distortions were drawn from general and personal ignorance; Helen Legge's biography, James Legge: Missionary and Scholar, was a self-conscious piece, full of personal insights and general awareness of her subject's interests and intentions, but somewhat unbalanced.\n\nHelen Legge was commissioned by the Religious Tract Society to write the biography. James Legge's career and professional life could be neatly divided: thirty-five years were spent in the service of the London Missionary Society; twenty-one years were devoted to his academic work in Oxford. Although his Christian concerns and his Chinese interests were consistent throughout his professional life, the institutional change marked a watershed in the direction and character of his efforts. Nevertheless, in Helen's biography, thirteen of fourteen chapters dealt with her father's missionary life! This may well have been the preference of the publisher, but, even though Helen interspersed some notes on her father's academic career, far too little of the scholar appears in the book.\n\nThis unbalanced presentation was redressed twenty years later. One of Legge's students became the third Professor of Chinese Language and Literature at Oxford. William Edward Soothill prefaced his book on Chinese Religions with a dedication which read: “To James Legge, a Great Scholar and a Devoted Missionary”\n\nJ\n\n1136",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212300,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 242,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "219\n\nHONG KONG HONGS WITH LONG HISTORIES\n\nAND BRITISH CONNECTIONS\n\n+++\n\nDAN WATERS*\n\nTrade the beneficent daughter of liberty and industry. The giver of human happiness! The creator of wealth. The supporter of social existence! Blessed commerce, the friend of the slave, the liberator of the oppressed\n\nJohn Holt\n\nmerchant and West African trader 7th January 1906\n\nIntroduction\n\nThis paper traces the histories of some of the present-day commercial, industrial and professional firms, that have British origins or connections, which were established in Hong Kong in the 19th century. Traditional Hong Kong romanisations of Cantonese names have been used. When currency is referred to, unless otherwise stated, it is Hong Kong dollars.\n\nA valuable start in researching the hongs (large business houses), has been made by Dr S.M. Bard (Bard, 1988) who prepared a paper for the Hong Kong Museum of History. Clearly, as Bard stresses, it is important not to forget Chinese merchants. Here too a useful beginning has been made by Professor Wong Siu-lun (Wong, 1988). The aim of the author of this article is, as Bard suggests, to continue the momentum.\n\nNow, one-and-a-half centuries after Hong Kong was established, is a good time to retrace steps, especially as the story of industry\n\n* The author is grateful to his friends, Dr. James Hayes, the Rev. Carl T. Smith and Dr. Elizabeth Sinn, for their encouragement, for recommending research material and for assistance in other ways. Thanks are also extended to the many companies covered in this paper, and to their members of staff who helped the author and without whom this study would not have been possible.\n\nThis paper was first presented at the 12th Conference of the International Association of Historians of Asia, at Hong Kong University, in June 1991.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212420,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 362,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "339\n\nAs Spence and other students of history are well aware, circumstances in later years forced the Empress Dowager to implement even more radical reform measures than the ones her nephew the Emperor tried to put in place. But those came too late to save the dynasty.\n\nFRANK CHING\n\nWong Siu-Lun, Emigrant Entrepreneurs Shanghai Industrialists in Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1988. xii+244pp. Bibliography. Index\n\nThe role of the Shanghai industrialists in the post-War development of Hong Kong is a tale often told. A comprehensive, authoritative and readable book on this subject would be a welcome addition to those interested in modern Hong Kong history. Unfortunately, Professor Wong's book does not justify such a welcome.\n\nThis book is the result of research performed by the author over a period of ten years. His objective is to provide a detailed account of (the Shanghainese group's) industrial accomplishments to fill a gap in our knowledge about the process of industrialization in Hong Kong, which he hoped would 'help to answer two theoretical questions. First, why do people with common regional origins often congregate in particular economic spheres? Second, what are the distinctive features of Chinese industrial entrepreneurship?' His research was based on his B.Litt. thesis at Oxford, conducted in 1975, and was supplemented by interviews conducted after his return to Hong Kong. However, it was not until 1985 that he was able to undertake a thorough revision, resulting in the publication of this manuscript.\n\nAs a sociological study, this book was probably destined not to appeal to a businessman such as me. In any case, I found this book to be extremely dry, one of the dangers of releasing to the general public work originally done for an academic audience. There were and are a number of colourful characters among the Shanghai textile industrialists, but little of this is reflected in this book; there is no sauce to go with the meat. Names of individuals are sometimes disguised and textile mills are numbered; suitable perhaps for an academic thesis, but not for a more general audience.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212943,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 11,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "Lectures:\n\n1993\n\n16 April\n\n14 May\n\n11 June\n\n9 July\n\n15 October\n\n30 October\n\n19 November\n\n26 November\n\n9 December\n\n1994\n\n21 January\n\n18 February\n\n11 March\n\n21 March\n\nChinese Opera Di S.Y Chan\n\nGrowing Up in China Mr Denis Bray\n\nNew Territories Poetry and Song Di Patrick Hase\n\nThe Li Family of Hong Kong Mr Frank Ching\n\nChinese Festivals in Hong Kong. Dr Patrick Hase based on video taken by Mr. Peter Lee\n\nMult-culturalism and Asia Asian Arts Society of Australia Dr. James Hayes\n\nEmigration from Hong Kong Dr. Elizabeth Sinn\n\nLaw as a Foreign Language Professor Derek Roebuck\n\nTriad Societies in Hong Kong Mr. Ip Pau-fuk\n\nWilliam Mesney. Mr Keith Stevens\n\nChinese Clothing An Illustrated Guide Mis Valery Garrett\n\nEternal Serenity Meaning of Architecture of the Chinese Buddhist Monastery Di Puay-peng Ho\n\nAncient Chinese Gold Dr Simon Kwan\n\nCrossing the Taklamakan Desert Mr Charles Blackmore\n\nVisits:\n\n1993\n\n3 April\n\n2 May\n\n22 May\n\n5 June/September\n\n25 June\n\n3 July\n\n30 September\n\nExhibition of paintings by Nancy Woo - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University\n\nJewish Cemetery\n\nMer Yung Tang Collection of Paintings by Chan Dai Chien Chinese University Art Gallery\n\nMarine Police Headquarters in Tsim Sha Tsui (two visits)\n\nJapanese Tea Ceremony - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University\n\nPicnic and outing to Yuen Tun Village Civil Aid Services Camp, Tar Lam Chung\n\nWo Hang Village to see making and letting off of paper balloons (Moon Festival)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213171,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 239,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "221\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nEdward Seidensticker, Low City, High City Tokyo from Edo to the Earthquake how the shogun's ancient capital became a great modern city, 1867-1923 (Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. 1991) and Tokyo Rising The City since the Great Earthquake.\n\nThese two volumes by Edward Seidensticker may well be the envy of every university press they are books which deserve to be on every scholar's shelf, which should be assigned regularly to students in classes and which are desirable reading for amateur historians and tourists alike. Certainly popular enough to be published in paperback as well as hardback, the books have also been made major selections in at least one book club. Profits like these are the staff of life to all the other worthy academic books which never make back their cost.\n\nSeidensticker is, first and foremost, a translator of Japanese literature and a commentator on the literary arts in Japan. His has long been an esteemed name in the field, holding with Donald Keene (likewise a professor of Japanese literature at Columbia University) pre-eminent position in the field. He crowned his “serious” career with a new translation of Lady Murasaki's The Tale of Genji, the first novel in Japan as well as in the world. Initially questioned for challenging the masterful translation by Arthur Waley, Seidensticker's translation has now been accorded pride of place in the field. It hews closer to the words that Murasaki wrote, yet it parses well too, even if it is not so splendid a piece of English literature as Waley's work.\n\nIn addition to literature, however, it is evident that Seidensticker has long been smitten by the city of Tokyo. He has collected enough trivia about the city, combined it with urban history and literary information, and achieved a series of insights into the city, the culture which vibrates through it, and the history of the development of Japan's largest urban centre. These he weaves together with light delicacy into a pair of books that are readable, interesting, entertaining and informative.\n\nSeidensticker begins Low City, High City by stating his intention to write primarily about the plebeian portion of the city, leaving the more patrician High City for the moment and stating about it that 'Another book asks to be written.' Fortunately, after the success of Low City, he replied to the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213281,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 103,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "83\n\nThere was a severe landslide on Fathers' Day, in June 1972, on the steep slope 200 metres to the west of the flat in this case study. After three days of torrential rains the hillside, with its excessive yang, turned to mud. When the earth is healthy humans thrive. When it is 'sick', humans suffer. The slippage extended from Po Shan Road, down to Conduit Road and below to Kotewall Road. The conclusion of the public enquiry was that extensive site development had caused the disaster. Sixty-seven people lost their lives after a 13-storey block of flats was cut off at its base and swept downhill. Life can be incomprehensible and vicious.\n\nHong Kong is not liable to seismic activity. The last earthquake, in 1918, did little damage. But a report by the late Professor S G Davies of Hong Kong University, shortly after the 1972 Kotewall Road landslip, noted fault lines. One line is said to run from Wanchai Gap over to Aberdeen, to the south of the flat in this case study. It is thus not difficult to appreciate how villagers, mentioned above, feel living at the foot of, or on the slopes of, a mountain. In the flat in this study, when it rains heavily and the slopes above turn to mud, as residents put it, 'one finds oneself gazing up at the mountain with its latent, supernatural power and wondering.' This is basically why, even if there is rhythm in the cultural landscape of nature, gentle slopes are preferred.\n\nUnderstanding the empirical ground rules of fung shui land usage, and the aesthetics of Chinese geomancy as a traditional form of spiritually based planning, can provide lessons for western architects, townplanners and environmentalists even today. Fung shui attempts to ensure that everything is in harmony with its surroundings. Its scope ranges from the planning of an entire town, to the construction of a high-rise building, to the design of an interior in an office or a home.\n\nWith respect to fung shui the owner's study, in the flat in this case study, is probably the best room in the flat. The owner has, however, been advised it would be better, even if he would miss the view, if he moved his desk around so he faced the door, rather than looking out of the window. With his back to the entrance much of the time, he always half-expects someone to come in. There is a loss of 'power'. It is not easy to concentrate. If he moved he would also not have to turn around when visitors come to see him. One's back should never face a window or a door as the force of chi is too great. The operator of a computer, which can stimulate chi, on the other hand, should face a door. If not, he or she may feel nervous and suffer stress.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213659,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 12,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "Council Member, together with his wife, back to Hong Kong last December. We hope Immediate Past President David Gilkes will also come back to see us. We sincerely hope, too, that he and Edith, who also attended so many of our functions, will enjoy a long and happy retirement together.\n\nPersonalities are obviously important. They help to make a society. That is why it was especially interesting, in December 1996, when Professor P. S. Erasmus G. Harland lectured about his forebear, Dr. William Aurelius Harland, who took up a position in 1843 at the Seamen's Hospital in Hong Kong. He served in the Colony as a prominent physician until 1858 and translated several Chinese medical works into English. During his time in the Colony he was, of course, a Fellow of the Royal Asiatic Society, first time around. That is from 1847 to 1859. During that period the Society proposed that the Botanical Gardens be established. It was a pity our Branch slumbered for a century.\n\nMembership\n\nYour Council decided, in January 1997, that, with manageability being a consideration, the optimum membership was probably about 650. But with so many leaving Hong Kong with the change-over, this figure is largely academic. The President, Dr. J. R. Jones, wrote in his 1960-61 Branch Report.\n\nAs we are a Royal Society, we do not go out into the highways and byways to recruit members.\n\nSince then, conditions have altered. We need to keep membership up to ensure adequate funding. In this regard public relations, including radio, television and press interviews, play a part. As at 22 March 1997 the membership stood at 500 locally, with an additional 85 members overseas. The number of local members could, in fact, be fewer than 500 as, unfortunately, some members do not inform us when they leave the Territory.\n\nWith a spirit of localisation prevailing in Hong Kong, but within the framework of an English-speaking Society, we have, over the past few years tried to encourage more Chinese to become members.\n\nxi",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214142,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 210,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "182\n\nBlack, Governor of Hong Kong and Patron of the Branch when it was re-established in 1960,\n\nIn his letter dated 28 February, 1964, to Dr J.R. Jones, Sir Robert\n\nwrote:\n\n...I feel very honoured to have been admitted to be the first Honorary Member of the Hong Kong Branch of the Society and I should like to take this opportunity of expressing my appreciation for the courtesy of yourself and the Members of the Council in so admitting me\n\nSigned: Sir Robert Black\n\nOther Patrons of the Branch who were later made Honorary Members include past governors Sir Murray (later Lord) Maclehose and Sir Edward Youde.\n\nA great deal of the work in reconstituting the Branch, in 1960, was carried out by Dr Marjorie Topley and Professor Granmer-Byng. In addition to Marjorie Topley who has been mentioned above, Granmer-Byng was also made an Honorary Member. Mr R.E. Lawry, another founder member of the Branch, was also made an Honorary Member.\n\nMost of the above Councillors undertook research and published and some of their work may be read in past editions of the Branch's Journals. In the case of some, such as James Hayes and Marjorie Topley, they published internationally.\n\nOther persons who have in the past been made Honorary Members include Lady Pamela Youde and Mr Lam Yung-fai, an active Member of the Society and printer of the Branch's Journals for many years. Mrs Margaret O'Hara, who at one time worked for the British Council was responsible for a great deal of the RAS's administrative work in earlier years. She too was made an Honorary Member and she still takes part in Branch functions.\n\nIn addition to all the above Honorary Members the Reverend Carl Smith was made an Honorary Vice President, under rule 9 of the Constitution, at the 1997 Annual General Meeting. Carl Smith was elected to the Council in 1975 and still sits on the Council. He was first made a Vice President in 1976. He is respected internationally as a scholar specialising in Hong Kong history.\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214204,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 62,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "25\n\nstrange,\" said the customer who was left standing at the bar.\n\n\"Yes,\" said the publican. \"Wonder what's happened? Previously, he only drank lemonade!””\n\nWhen the author has told this joke Westerners generally think it funny partly because it is so ridiculous, but also because it is just about impossible. But most Chinese, unless very westernised, have been unable to appreciate it. To Westerners, it tends to be not just 'funny ha ha' but also 'funny peculiar.'\n\nChinese tend not to be able to visualise easily the bar scene. Indeed if one uses the word 'pub' and 'publican' many Hong Kong Chinese might not be too clear what you mean. They are not common Hong Kong words. Harking back to what was written at the start of this paper, Bloom (Wu, undated; 3) contended that language inevitably affects the thinking processes of people. Another comment made by a professor of comparative Chinese/English linguistics at Taiwan National University was: 'You know, English has a whole complex of ways of talking, and hence thinking, on an abstract, theoretical level, which Chinese doesn't have (Bloom, 1981; 35). We speak and think more directly.' Similar comments have also been not infrequently heard by others who appear qualified to judge. If thinking is indeed affected in this way then speech must also affect senses of humour.\n\nLifestyle is important and many Chinese jokes are centred around the circular, Chinese banquet table. That is part of their everyday life and they can easily picture the situation. There a man turns his glass upside down and rubs his finger around the bottom. When asked why he was doing that he replied, it was to make the glass shorter. 'But why make it smaller?' he was questioned.\n\n\"They give us so little to drink here,' came the answer, 'there is no need to have such a big glass!'\n\nSome argue that Chinese do not generally see the funny side of the joke about walking up the pub wall because Asians tend to see things in complex, contextual, all-embracing ways (Waters, 1991; 35). With Chinese landscape painting more attention is paid to the overall",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215611,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 388,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "338\n\ninterpreter, a Hong Kong Baptist University doctoral graduate, Professor Zhang Meifang, without whose help I wouldn't have got very far. After lengthy negotiation with the bureaucratic hierarchy, officials in the Guangdong Provincial Government were most generous, both in offering me a lengthy interview and also a guided tour of important sites, including the new Funeral Centre, then just approaching completion. Lots of additional fieldwork was necessary too, of course, by bus, taxi and on foot in that dusty, confusing, reconstructing and ancient city.\n\nTeather, E.K. (2001). Seoul's deathscapes: incorporating tradition into modern time-space. Environment and Planning A 33: 1489-1506.\n\nIn order to accomplish this piece of work, conceived of as another element in the pattern of deathspace in societies with a Confucian heritage, I asked Professor Hae Un Rii, Head of the Department of Geography at Dongguk University, Seoul, if she would like to collaborate. Her personal contacts and organisational skills were invaluable. I had hit on a hot topical issue, because a big public debate had just emerged in South Korea, reflecting concern in some government quarters about land lost to graves each year in this, the second most densely populated country in the world. Cremation is being strongly promoted but, unlike in Hong Kong in the 1970s, the public is strongly resisting official urges to consider cremation.\n\nWe found that the grass dome design of the ancient royal graves was influential on architectural responses to the need for columbaria. A small, space-saving family tomb has been devised to hold the ashes of up to twenty-four family members within a small, grass-covered dome. Although we came across several architect-designed columbaria, we were most impressed with an unusual and extraordinarily beautiful, newly opened, series of open-air niche walls winding gently down a wooded hillside. This serene site reduced my two young research assistants/interpreters to tears.\n\nThe public cemeteries that I visited are utterly different from those in Hong Kong. They were spacious and green, and some were incorporated into the system of walking trails around Seoul without, apparently, any fears relating to the spirit world.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    }
]