[
    {
        "id": 204531,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 12,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "The keen and active interest in the Society shown by our patron, Sir Robert Black, and members of his family is very gratifying and is warmly appreciated. Despite the exacting calls on their time they have been attending our meetings, and this is a noble example to other busy people in the Colony. We appreciate also the zeal of many other prominent personages including the Chief Justice, Sir Michael Hogan, and the Hon. W. C. Knowles who is a member of the Council and whose business house has provided us with both an Honorary Treasurer, Mr. T. J. Lindsay, and an Honorary Librarian, Mr. John Le Mare. I should like also to refer to the interest in the Society taken by members of H.M. Forces and particularly to the interest taken by Col. Halliday and Col. Mackenzie, both of whom have now left the Colony, but it is greatly hoped that this interest will be sustained by their successors. In this connection it may be interesting to mention the first office-bearers of the Society in 1847:\n\nPresident: Sir John Francis Davis (Governor); Vice-Presidents: Major-General D'Aguilar, Major H. P. Burn, John Stewart, Dr. Kinnis; Council: Lt.-Col. Brereton, Peter Young (Colonial Surgeon), W. T. Mercer (Colonial Treasurer), J. C. Bowring (Son of Sir John Bowring); Secretary: A. Shortrede; Corresponding Secretary: Capt. Clark Kennedy; Chinese and Foreign Secretary: Thomas Wade;* Treasurer: F. Bevan; Curator: C. T. Watkins.\n\nIn conclusion I wish to thank all the officers and members of the Society for their loyal and wholehearted support. I am probably in a better position than anyone to appreciate and also to pay tribute to my colleagues on the present Council, in whom you have a hard working and active body, and each of whom pulls his or her full weight in the furtherance of the objects of the Society.\n\n* Afterwards Sir Thomas Wade, K.C.B., G.C.M.G., British Minister at Peking from 1871 until 1883, and later first Professor of Chinese in the University of Cambridge.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v",
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    {
        "id": 204840,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 143,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "118\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\n14 They had every reason to be alarmed on account of the continual attacks from pirates on coastal villages in Kwangtung and other places during the period from about 1787 until 1810. See A. W. Hummel: Eminent Chinese of the Ching Period, 446-8. Also C. F. Neuman, History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810.\n\n15 Macartney took with him on the embassy a \"gardener and botanist”, David Stronach. For the botanical side of the embassy see J. L. Cranmer-Byng, op. cit., 317-19.\n\n16 These nets are known locally as \"stake nets\" or tsang pang are lowered and raised by means of a tackle. They are frequently used along the coasts of Kwangtung today. The fishing season is from February to mid-September,\n\n17 The island is now reasonably well covered with pine trees and there are a few small feng-shui woods of deciduous trees. A large number of kites have been observed using pine trees on a ridge in the centre of the island as a roost during the winter months.\n\n18 Parish knew the island, which he had been sent to reconnoitre, under the name of Cowhee. Now he learned that the inhabitants called it Toong Shing-ow-a. However, this name does not appear to have survived and the island is now always known as Ma Wan4 and was so called as far back as 1859. See Rev. Krone, op. cit. (note 8) p. 73. The word Cowhee was probably a phonetic rendering of the name of an island between Ping Chau island and Hong Kong island known as Kau I Chau 交椅洲.\n\n19 By the small island to the south-east Parish presumably meant Tang Lung Chau## which now has a small light-house on it. There is now a small harbour with a jetty at Ma Wan village, and this is the normal place for landing on the island today.\n\n20 This is a doubtful statement.\n\n21 The word as written in the manuscript report is clearly \"profil\". I can only suggest that Parish meant \"profile\", and was using it in a technical, military engineering sense, meaning \"outline\". A reading of Tristram Shandy and other eighteenth century books about sieges and defence works might give a clue to its technical meaning at that time,\n\n22 From the anchorage position marked on the chart this must refer to the bay of Tsing Lung Tau. Today Ma Wan is connected to the mainland by a regular ferry service running from the bay of Sham Tseng, where the Hong Kong Brewery is situated.\n\n23 By the word \"bay\" in this context Parish appears to refer to the wide bay formed by the northern coast of Lantao from its headland opposite Tsing Lung Tau to Chek Lap Kok opposite Tung Chung bay, but the wording is somewhat ambiguous at this point.\n\n24 Probably the western arm of Luk Kang\n\n-\n\n· + +\n\non Lantao.\n\n25 Tung Ku #island opposite Tap Siak Kok on the Castle Peak peninsula. It forms part of the Urmston Road.\n\n26 See Charles Tulse, Local Master's Handbook. Seamanship Illustrated (Hong Kong University Press, 1960).\n\n27 See photograph of the \"race\" between Ma Wan and Lantao on page\n\nIt is interesting to know that Professor Deryck Chesterman of the Department of Physics in the University of Hong Kong is carrying out research into the currents off Ma Wan and their effects on the sea bed.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205018,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 126,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n117\n\nthat the official title for the Superintendent of Maritime Customs for Kwangtung was Yueh hai-kuan chien-tu. Yueh hai-kuan pu means the Kwangtung Maritime Customs Office. In the footnotes on page 38, note 15, the term Kwang Hup, or Heep, is translated by Dr. Chang as 'police commandant'. Note 33: the Hoppo at this time was Yü-k'un.\n\n豫堃\n\nThere are three further points for which I feel some responsibility since I was still editor of the Journal when this contribution was originally accepted. The editorial note on page 9 states that the manuscript of Hunter's journal was 'discovered' in the library of the Boston Athenaeum by Professor Ellsworth. This is misleading since the ms. was already known to Dr. Chang and, I imagine, a few other scholars. Also I now see no reason to be so cautious over the authorship of the ms. journal and I think it can safely be attributed to Hunter. Finally I was sorry to see that no acknowledgement was made to the Trustees of the Boston Athenaeum for permission to print from the microfilm which they allowed to be made. This can now be rectified by thanking the Trustees for their kind permission.\n\nUniversity of Toronto\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-Byng\n\nA MAP OF THE PEARL RIVER ESTUARY\n\nReaders of Volume 4 of this journal, especially those living outside the Colony of Hong Kong, must have been troubled from time to time by the plethora of local place-names which occurred in four of the articles dealing with the Kwangtung area. The sketch maps printed on pages 27, 83 and 106 of that volume, although of some help, were inadequate for identifying all the places mentioned. In case any reader of Volume 4 still wishes to identify certain places may I refer him to A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1960) if he does not already know it. This publication contains a pocket map, and is useful for a start. However, what is now needed is a specially compiled map of the Pearl River estuary from Canton to Macao and from Macao to Hong Kong as far as Tai Pang (Mirs Bay) showing names of places which occur in accounts of this area relating to the first half of the nineteenth century. A second map for the second",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205401,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 163,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "156\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nADDITIONAL NOTE to the above, kindly supplied by Professor LO Hsiang-lin, Professor of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, at Professor Goodrich's suggestion and the Hon. Editor's request.\n\nProfessor Lo writes:\n\n“I am pleased to provide a note on Tu, Fan and the Superintendent of Inland Seas, Chief military commissioner, installed as Ting-hai General. I regret that I have not been able to identify the other two persons, namely Hsiao Li-jen and Su.\n\nTu, Fan and the Superintendent of Inland Seas also appeared on the inscription of the cannon constructed in June 1650, discovered in 1956, for which I have written a short treatise entitled \"Researches on a Cannon made in the Fourth Year of the Yung-li Period of the Southern Ming (1650 A.D.), in Hong Kong”, (in Chinese) Ta-hsüeh Sheng-huo★ Vol. II, No. 10 (January 1957). For detailed information the reader may refer to my treatise on the cannon discovered earlier.\n\nTU, GOVERNOR-GENERAL OF KWANGTUNG AND KWANGSI ✯t, who re- 1648 and offered\n\nTu can be identified as Tu Yung-ho † †¤, a follower of the Governor of Kwangtung. Li Cheng-tung volted against the Ch'ing dynasty in Canton in his allegiance to the Emperor Yung-li (Chu Yu-lang *. formerly prince of Kuei) of the Southern Ming dynasty. When Li Cheng-tung died in the following year, the Ming emperor appointed Tu as Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi with his head-office at Canton. Thereupon Tu took up the responsibility of leading his men in their fight against the army and fleet sent by the Ch'ing government to crush the revolt. The Ch'ing general Shang K'o-hsi laid siege to Canton in February of the fourth year of Yung-li (1650). To check the enemy's advance, Tu used the two forts built by Li Ch'eng-tung which stretched out into the sea outside the city of Canton. However an officer under Tu conspired with the Ch'ing army and assisted the latter to land on December 2nd. The forts fell into the hands of the Ch'ing army and the city met the same fate. Tu and his fleet consisting of several hundred vessels made their escape through the sea route and headed for Kiungchow ] (the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205559,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 101,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "96\n\nPLOVER COVE VILLAGE TO TAIPO MARKET: A STUDY IN FORCED MIGRATION\n\nMORRIS I. BERKOWITZ*\n\nThis paper is a preliminary report of a research project which aims to trace the impact of migration from rural, semi-isolated villages to a major market center upon the lives of the villagers. The current paper will discuss only some methodological considerations and preliminary data analysis based upon the results of interviews with household heads and housewives; later work will report other phases of the study.\n\nThere are six villages and two hamlets under question, although at the time of the resettlement of the population one of the hamlets had already been largely deserted. The reason for the resettlement was the intention of the Hong Kong government to build a major fresh water reservoir by damming the inlet of a large bay (Plover Cove) and impounding water therein.† The villages along the coast line of the bay would eventually be inundated and had to be evacuated. With this in mind the government constructed a large redevelopment project with multi-storied buildings, playgrounds, and a government subsidized school on reclaimed land in Taipo Market. This development was given directly to the displaced villagers as partial compensation for their homes and land. The buildings were completed and the removal accomplished by December of 1966, and this study began almost one year later, November 1967. The total population of the villages was 1,041 at the time of removal, distributed through the villages and hamlets as shown in Table I. Approximately 41% of the people were not residing in the villages at the time of removal. Of these, 108 (10.3%), mostly men, were working abroad, and the remainder were residing in other parts of the colony. As later data will show, not all of the villagers chose to move into the resettlement blocks+.\n\n* Dr. Berkowitz is currently Senior Lecturer, Chinese University of Hong Kong, on secondment from the University of Pittsburgh, where he is an Associate Professor in the department of Sociology.\n\n† See, inter alia, the twelve pages of photographs \"Winning a Reservoir from the Sea\" between pp. 180-181 of Hong Kong 1967, (Hong Kong, Government Press, 1968), and text at pp. 167-168 of that Report and pp. 171-172 of the Report for 1966. Ed.\n\n+ This description of the Plover Cove re-housing estate does not follow the Hong Kong usage, in which \"resettlement blocks\" refer to Government-owned low-cost housing administered by the Resettlement Department of the Hong Kong Government, Ed.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d",
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    },
    {
        "id": 206994,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA\n\n59\n\nmust have bred with other unknown races of horses to produce the big-headed pony with an erect mane and a shaggy winter coat sometimes depicted on Shang oracle bones.5\n\nDogs and Horses in Shang Times\n\nBoth dogs and horses were often mentioned on Shang oracle bones. Questions concerning the whereabouts of lost dogs and queries as to the success or failure of hunting expeditions to capture wild horses have been recorded.\n\nBut we also have other testimony from Shang times which shows that in ancient Chinese society, dogs and horses served other purposes as well.\n\nSystematic excavation of Shang tombs began in 1928, and since 1953 the Chinese Government has undertaken a number of archaeological campaigns to excavate Shang sites in and around An-yang (Honan), the Shang capital from 1300 to 1028 B.C. As a result, we know that building of palaces and houses was accompanied by an elaborate ritual requiring both animal and human sacrifices.\n\nAt one site, Hsiao-t’ung, a large number of buildings were excavated and 187 ceremonial pits used to immolate the victims of various consecration ceremonies were discovered. Bones of a total number of 825 human victims, 15 horses, 10 oxen, 18 sheep, and 35 dogs were unearthed.7 The large number of dogs sacrificed here as well as at other sites has led Professor Cheng Te-k'un to claim that:\n\n“There is hardly a tomb, regular or royal, or a building of any kind that was concluded without the sacrifice of a dog.”8\n\nBut dogs were not only sacrificed during consecration ceremonies. Shang oracle bones refer to other rites requiring dogs as sacrificial victims. In particular, there was the Ning (*) rite during which a dog was dismembered to placate the four winds or honour the four directions.\n\nDogs and Horses in Chou Times\n\nThe above sacrifice was carried over into Chou times. In his comments on a similar ceremony described in the Er Ya, Kuo P'o (276-364 A.D.) mentions that in his day it was still customary to dismember a dog to “bring the four winds to a halt.” (£).9",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211542,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 259,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "235\n\nvarious heads, including causation and factors leading to the development of such large fleets, whether the pirates were rebels or only another form of Chinese bandit (using the later 19th century North China Nien Rebellion on land for purposes of comparison), and suggesting that overcoming the pirate menace was not, in the end, a good thing for Ch'ing government or its coastal forces, owing to its contributing to the false sense of security and sufficiency that was to be shattered by the encounters with Western forces thirty years on.\n\nThere are useful appendices giving information on a small number of pirates' social backgrounds (for voluntary pirates), on the “Pirates' Declaration” of 1809 posted in Macao and Canton, on Pirate Junks, on the Pirate Surrender Document of 1810, and on Chinese Weights and Measures. The Notes at pp. 179-213 contain much extra material.\n\nProfessor Murray has given us a readable and fascinating account of a colourful period, and an insight into a group of persons who brought fear, suffering and violent death to many people.\n\nThere appears to me to have been no particular socio-economic or political reason that would either justify or extenuate the activities of these pests. The times no harder nor the government more inept or corrupt than the norm, on land or at sea, although the beneficial results of a long period of stability and prosperity were beginning to be offset by increased pressure of population. As the author says, piracy was a part of life in the \"Water World”. In the Hong Kong Region, this was true up to and after the British took over the New Territories in 1899: see pp. 26-31 of my book The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, Studies and Themes (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1983). In the late 18th century, as Dr. Murray states, it just so happened that larger than usual groups of pirates on the Sino-Vietnamese coast were encouraged by contesting rivalries over the Vietnamese throne, and that above average leadership was available.\n\nThe book resulted from a doctoral thesis. Dr. Murray has done a good job. Her industriousness is evident, and she has opened up a fascinating subject with asides on other major themes. If I can voice a personal \"moan\", it is about something for which she herself is not really responsible. I refer to the deplorable habit of giving Cantonese place",
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        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212178,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 120,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "97\n\nmade a very good shewing, which drew the admiration of all neutral observers. The Japanese soon brought reinforcements and extended their front down towards the Yangtze in an attempt to dislodge the Chinese from their grip on the suburb of Chapei; but despite the overwhelming superiority of the Japanese equipment, especially in the air, the Chinese stuck to their ground all through August and September, until well into October, when they began to crack, and were finally dislodged by a successful landing on the flank in Hangchow Bay,\n\nThese operations at first led to a complete breakdown in communications between Nanking and Shanghai. Towards the end of August, however, it was found that cars could cover the 200 miles to Shanghai by turning off the main road at Soochow, and passing through Kashing to the Hangchow road, which entered Shanghai from the south. As I was badly in need of instructions I decided to motor down. On arrival in Shanghai I was astonished at the state in which I found popular foreign opinion. There appeared to be no adequate appreciation of the meaning of these new Japanese encroachments in China, or of the Japanese threat to the \"open door\" system of trading the Far East, the traditional British policy expressed in Lord Palmerston's instructions to Admiral Elliot in 1840, when he said \"You will bear in mind that Her Majesty's Government do not desire to obtain for British subjects any exclusive privileges of trade which should not be equally extended to the subjects of every other power\".\n\nShanghai had for some years been the object of much factious interference and petty vexation on the part of Chinese officials in their campaign to recover their \"lost privileges\". The municipal council of the International Settlement found itself continuously involved in arguments, mostly sterile, over all sorts of questions of local interest, such as roads, police, taxes, jurisdiction, and so on, providing occasions where the Chinese aptitude for obstruction had full play. The consequence was to alienate the sympathies of many of the leading foreigners in the main stronghold of foreign interests in China. (According to Professor Remer, an American economist who made a study of foreign investments in China in 1931, British business investments were distributed as follows:\n\nIn Shanghai £130,000,000\n\nIn Hongkong £36,000,000\n\nIn the rest of China £30,000,000\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215102,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 198,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "155\n\nIMAGES ON CHINESE POPULAR RELIGION\n\nALTARS\n\nOF THE HEROES\n\nINVOLVED IN THE SUPPRESSION\n\nOF\n\nTHE AN LUSHAN REBELLION [AD 755 - 763]\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nChina suffered a major internal political upheaval between 755 and 763 when General An Lushan led a rebellion against the Tang emperor. It took some seven years for it to be decisively suppressed by government forces.\n\nFrom some records it would appear that An Lushan was half Turkish and half Soghdian, the son of a Soghdian officer and known as Rokhshan before he took the Chinese name of An Lushan. Recent histories written by foreigners only rarely refer to An Lushan prior to his command of a punitive expedition against the Khitan in 736. This campaign was a failure to such an extent that his superior general considered having him executed. Within ten years, however, he became one of the most powerful of the generals, ruling most of the north-east of what was then China, and in particular holding the governorship of three frontier cities, Pinglu, Fanyang and Hedong, along the northern borders of present day Hebei and Shanxi provinces. This meant that he commanded the best and largest armies of the Empire.\n\nProfessor Giles' provided An Lushan's biography in some detail, and although very dated it is still of great interest:\n\nAn Lu-shan died in AD 757. He was born in Luk-chak, of Turkic descent, whose original name had been K'ang. [Presumably Giles was quoting Chinese sources when he related that]... An Lu-shan's mother had been a witch who had prayed for a son on the Ya-lao mountains and at his birth, a halo was seen around the house, and the beasts of the fields cried aloud. The authorities sent to have the child put to death, but he was successfully concealed by his mother. His father died young and his mother re-married, a man named An;",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n",
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    },
    {
        "id": 215150,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2000",
        "page_number": 246,
        "title": "RAS-2000",
        "content_text": "DESIGNATORY LETTERS AFTER AN RAS MEMBER'S NAME\n\nDAN WATERS\n\n205\n\n'As an RAS member, am I entitled to put letters after my name?' Occasionally, your Branch receives such enquiries. We are also sometimes asked if our Hong Kong members are Fellows\n\nAlthough RAS members of our London Headquarters are given the title of Fellow, that has never been the practice with the Hong Kong Branch since it was reconstituted in 1960. There are other Royal societies in Hong Kong, however, which do use the term 'Fellow.' The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Commonwealth Society is one example.\n\nIndeed even when the Hong Kong Branch of the RAS was first established, from 1847 to 1859, the title 'Member' and not 'Fellow' was used. It would also appear from records that the title 'Member' was used in the North China RAS Branch in Shanghai.\n\nRegarding putting letters after one's name. That splendid reference book, Things Chinese or, Notes Connected with China, is of special interest. The author was the noted sinologist J Dyer Ball MRAS (Member of the Royal Asiatic Society) as he styled himself. One notes straightaway that he used the title Member and not Fellow. That is probably because he was a member of the North China Branch.\n\nInterestingly, Dr James Hayes points out that the famous missionary, sinologue-author, J Edkins DD, in his booklet on Opium (published by the Presbyterian Mission Press, in Shanghai, in 1898), styles himself, 'Honorary Member of the Asiatic Society (sic) London and of the Japanese Branch'.\n\nI have sought the views of RAS Head Office, London, on this subject. They say they cannot find any official statements sanctioning the placing of RAS after one's name. They suspect it has not been encouraged. Head Office also mentions that, in Professor Beckingham's History of the Royal Asiatic Society, he does not refer to Fellows being called anything else nor does he refer to the use of designatory letters.",
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