[
    {
        "id": 204751,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 54,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE\n\n43\n\nas a humble amateur I appeal humbly to the professionals for assistance; and, much less humbly, to other amateurs to take over the gathering of data on Hong Kong before the Chinese.*\n\nBy Hong Kong, I mean that southern part of the district now known as Po On,1 previously known as San On,122 and still earlier included within Tung Kwun,31 or partly within Tung Kwun and partly within Kwai Shin,60 which today comprises the Colony and leased territory of Hong Kong. By Chinese, I mean such of the inhabitants (and ancestors of the inhabitants) of that territory as would not have been described in a contemporary official document by one of the terms used for non-Chinese, i.e. I Ti Jung Man.67 If this definition appears negative it cannot be helped, since Chinese literature itself does not, until modern times, contain any word which corresponds to our word \"Chinese\", but has always had several terms for what might be called \"Non-Chinese\". Although one Chinese-type grave, said to date from the Han151 Dynasty, has been found in New Kowloon, and although one small Buddhist temple has behind it the foundation of a previous structure said to date from the Tsin158 Dynasty, there is no evidence of Chinese settlement before the end of the Tang.139 Up to and including the Tang Dynasty all the inhabitants, and up to the Yuan Dynasty most of the inhabitants of what is now the Colony and leased territory of Hong Kong are described, if described at all, as Man.88 The two Chinese clans with the longest records of continuous local residence (the Tang44 of Kam Tin,56 Lung Yeuk Tau7 and Ping Shan; and the Man of San Tin125 and Cha Hang11) go back indisputably to early Sung;132 and their traditions, to which I shall be referring again, speak of two other clans (Mo5 and Chan17) having been before them. The oldest building, except the temple previously mentioned, of which there is evidence, is the fort of Tuen Mun141 built in the Nan Han99 (Canton) Dynasty in A.D. 958. Another document refers to the appointment of a military commander of Tuen Mun in A.D. 954. I cannot be assailed if I say \"Anything before A.D. 900 is, for this territory, before the Chinese.\"\n\nThe Frame. The natural question to be asked is \"Before the Chinese, who?\" Before I attempt to answer this question, there\n\n*All local place names are given in the Cantonese pronunciation. Notes giving Chinese characters and romanization in the Barnett-Chao system are given at the end of the article.—Ed.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r",
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    },
    {
        "id": 209014,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 176,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "144\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTai Lam Chung Sub-district:- Tai Lam Chung, So Kun Fat, Tai Lam, Tsing Fai Tong, Un Tan and Tin Po\n\nTsai 田箭仔、\n\nLung Ku Tan Sub-district:- Nim Wan, Tai Shui Hang 大水坑, Pak Long 北朗, Ha Nam Long 下南朗, Sheung Nam Long 上南朗 and Tuk Mi Chung 篤尾涌.\n\n18\n\nAt present, Tuen Mun consists of thirty-two villages; namely: Chi Tin Tsuen, Ching Chuen Wai † (mainly surnamed To 陶), Ching Shan Keuk 青山脚, Ching Shan Tsuen 青山村, Chung Uk Tsuen (mainly surnamed Chung), Fu Ti Tsuen 虎地村, Fu Hang Tsuen 福亨村, Ho Tin Tsuen 河田村, Ki Lun Wai 麒麟圍 (mainly surnamed Chan 陳), Kwong Shan Tsuen 礦山村, Lam Tei 藍地 (mainly surnamed To 陶 and Kwan 關), Lam Tei San Tsuen (mainly surnamed To), Leung Tin Tsuen 良田村 (mainly surnamed Ho 何), Lung Ku Taan 龍鼓灘 (mainly surnamed Lau), Nai Wai (mainly surnamed To 陶), Nim Wan 稔灣, Po Tong Ha 寶塘下 (mainly surnamed Tsui 徐), Sam Shing Hui 三聖墟, San Hing Tsuen 新慶村 (mainly surnamed Siu 蕭), San Hui 新墟, San Wai Chei 新圍仔, Shun Fung Wai »§ £, ♬ (mainly surnamed Cheung 張 and Leung 梁), Siu Hang Tsuen 小坑村 (mainly surnamed Tse 謝), So Kwun Wat 掃管笏 (mainly surnamed Lee 李), Tai Lam Chung (mainly surnamed Wu 吳 and Wong 黃), Tin Fu Chai (mainly surnamed To and Choi), To Yuen Wai (mainly surnamed Lee 李), Tseng Tau Tsuen 井頭村, Tuen Chi Wai 屯子圍 (mainly surnamed To 陶), Wo Ping San Tsuen 和平新村, Yeung Siu Hang 楊小坑 and Luen On San Tsuen 聯安新村.\n\nTuen Mun has now been developed into a large new satellite town. A major road, the Tuen Mun Highway, has been built, joining it with Tsuen Wan, and a light rail system within the town area will be developed in the near future.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 The name 'Tuen Mun' appeared first in Chapter 43 of the New History of T'ang.\n\n2 Tuen Mun Shan was also known as 'Pui To Shan'. Nowadays, it is also called 'Castle Peak'.\n\nThe Bay was also known as Tuen Mun O.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211556,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 273,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "249\n\nFreedman's model. All of this then suggests in my opinion that the localized cult of ancestral worship is a peculiar historical phenomenon which cannot be understood in terms of Freedman's model or any version of descent theory. I shall elaborate further in a later context.\n\nThe third dimension of Faure's work concerns the linkage he claims exists between the fall of \"The Great Five Clans\" and the rise of other village-lineage formations as well as regional alliances called the yeuk in Cantonese (hsiang-yüeh (M)). His political argument that alliances of this sort were successfully suppressed in the past and could only have appeared when the former's sphere of influence was considerably weakened is not very convincing. By Faure's account, there were several kinds of yeuk in the New Territories, some of which had primarily defensive functions. It is a significant fact that the yeuk in the New Territories has had a short history beginning no earlier than the mid-19th century and faded from memory by the mid-20th century. Yet even in the archetypical case of a defensive alliance like Luk Yeuk, it came to light only under threat by a larger party regardless of whether the latter was on the decline or on the rise, and under such conditions it is perhaps easier to believe that the \"great\" lineage-village and the yeuk are both products of the same \"structural\" environment (as in the notion of a **village-temple alliance**; see Brim 1974). Unless Faure can produce examples of yeuk having been obliterated out of existence in the past by larger villages, I would prefer to believe that a yeuk could easily have maintained its existence especially if it was necessary for its continued survival. Moreover, in the case of the Luk Yeuk, many of its participating villages outside of the more established villages like Ping Yeung, Shan Kai Wat and Ping Che were small communities which hardly could have been called anything more than groups of households a century earlier. Therefore, the yeuk was to be sure a product of a particular (historically constituted) social milieu, but one is still far from pinpointing how that social milieu was defined in analytical terms. In short, while the contrast Faure wishes to make between the villages of the \"great\" era and later settlements is an interesting one, his point would have been better served by writing his political history as history or by isolating regions in light of their peculiar historical experiences. History is what the nature of the village and the local community in the New Territories is all about, not misguided attempts to abstract in functional terms the rights of settlement.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211741,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 156,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "N\n\n+\n\nSham Tsun\n\nLUK VEUK\n\nCHEUNG SHAN KWU TSZ\n\nPing Yeung\n\nKeng Shan\n\n[Ping Che\n\nCHEUNG\n\nCHEUNG SHAN KWU TSZ\n\nLeng Tsai\n\nKan Fou\n\nHung Leng\n\nSZE YEUK\n\nROADS\n\nTEMPLE\n\nTai Po\n\nMOUNTAINS\n\nRIVER\n\nVILLAGES\n\nTon Chuk Hang\n\nShan Tong\n\nÊ tại Trung Hu\n\nLeng Pe\n\nJ\n\nLOCATION\n\nSHAP\n\n'Man UK\n\nLại Tưng\n\nES\n\n¿Son Uk Tsai\n\nSon Wal\n\nHawai Tau Legg\n\nYEUK BOUNDARY\n\nTung Shih Hạ\n\nLAND SUPPORTING CHEUNG SHAN KWUTSZ\n\n/Hek You\n\nMETHE O\n\nSpe\n\nTheo meng\n\nL\n\nTai Po\n\nKAT TSAI\n\nAU\n\n131",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211747,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 162,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "137\n\nCheung (張) lineage of Wong Pui Ling. The area, however, was fertile, rich, and, by the later eighteenth century, becoming relatively densely populated. Growth of stronger and less politically quiescent inter-village groupings could be expected, and the clearest evidence of this comes from the nunnery.\n\nThe nunnery was founded by the villages of the Ping Yuen Hap Heung on the one hand, and Loi Tung and Man Uk Pin on the other. Loi Tung was a tight lineage alliance of three large villages of the Punti Tang clan (Loi Tung Lo Wai, San Wai, and Tai Tong Wu), and Man Uk Pin was a single, large Hakka village, predominantly of the Chung clan. The nunnery lay in six shares: Ping Che, Ping Yeung, Wo Keng Shan, Loi Tung, Tai Tong Wu, and Man Uk Pin. Of these, the Wo Keng Shan and Tai Tong Wu shares were probably there to reflect the greater size and strength of the Chan and Tang lineages within the grouping. In practice, however, the nunnery was controlled by the four clans of the Mans, Chans, Tangs, and Chungs, and normally probably had one Manager drawn from each lineage.” This group of eight villages, most of them large and wealthy, clearly represents a new generation of inter-village grouping in the Ta Kwu Ling area.\n\nThe importance of the road through the Miu Keng pass has been discussed above. The position of the nunnery on the road was not only of value to travellers seeking shelter, it was also of major strategic and political significance. The road was the only passage through the hills, and could not be by-passed. Whoever controlled this pass controlled much of the Sha Tau Kok to Sham Tsun road. The foundation of the nunnery was the result of the grouping together of a few villages which were clearly seeking to capitalise on their strategic location, and thus to increase their local political leverage and district significance. The political significance of the foundation should not be downplayed. The religious impetus behind the foundation should not, of course, be ignored, but the strategic significance of the grouping is too strong to be overlooked. The nunnery-founding group of villages seems to be, in fact, an early example of a Yeuk (約) mutual defence and support inter-village alliance. The villages which had founded the nunnery seem to have worshipped there together at the Yu Lan Festival in the summer, when vegetarian food was served to the elders and faithful in front of the nunnery.\n\nIt is likely that the Ping Yuen Hap Heung people used their alliance with the groups east of the pass to strengthen their position as against",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211750,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 165,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "Heung Tung Z 140 Sham\n\nTA KWU LING LUK YEUK\n\nWong Pur Lirg Sai Ling Ho 1500 River Ho Temple 1 km Chau Tin aw Au Ha Lin Tong Wangi\n\nTsung Yuen Lin Ma Hang huk) Ha Hey Yuanit Та Куни Ling *Kan Teu wai Fung 'Tai Po Tin Shan Kai Wet Ha Shan „Kai Wat Shan Ping Cheung Shant Ping Yuen Temple (Ping Che Hills (uncultivated in 1929\n\nBoundaries of Yeuk Villages Temples (The present border runs along the Sham Tsun and Law Fong Rivers\n\nBridges. Passes Roads in 1898\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211752,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 167,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "142\n\nsteady waves. This sensible and pragmatic defence plan lead to the villages near Kan Tau Wai being formed into five Yeuk, which radiate out from Kan Tau Wai like the spokes of a wheel. The villages to the north-east, furthest from Kan Tau Wai, formed a sixth Yeuk: its duties were to guard the other entrances to Ta Kwu Ling, the Fan Li Au and to keep an eye on the Cheung's allies in the area, especially Lin Ma Hang and Sai Ling Ha. The arrangement of the area into six Yeuk lead the area to be called the Ta Kwu Ling Luk Yeuk (\"Ta Kwu Ling Alliance of Six\"). The Yeuk seem to have been very united in their opposition to Wong Pui Ling — the deaths of villagers in the fighting were very evenly shared between them.\n\n29\n+\n\nThese arrangements required the Ping Yuen Hap Heung to be split, Ping Che joining Tong Fong and Kan Tau Wai in one Yeuk, centred on the Ping Che Road, and Ping Yeung with Nga Yiu Ha and Wo Keng Shan forming another centred on the Miu Keng road. The Loi Tung villagers had no interest in the Law Fong bridge, and did not join the Ta Kwu Ling alliance; their political interests lay elsewhere. Similarly, the old grouping of Kan Tau Wai, Lei Uk and Tai Po Tin had to be split, with Lei Uk and Tai Po Tin being joined with Shan Kai Wat further along their common access path. These arrangements seem to have been introduced no earlier than about 1850, and were limited to defence and mutual assistance matters; ritual and other arrangements continued to operate according to the older groupings. Hence the management of the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz was unaffected, and even though Loi Tung and Man Uk Pin were probably friendly with Wong Pui Ling, the political contacts of the villages near the pass did not end, and probably helped to stop the dispute escalating too far.\n\nAlthough it is something of an irrelevance to this article, it is, perhaps, worth saying something further about the Luk Yeuk. The alliance was successful in its war with Wong Pui Ling: the bridge was built (it was a very fine, three-span granite structure), with an inscription set up at the bridge foot detailing the donors. Wong Pui Ling had to accept defeat, and see its influence disappear throughout Ta Kwu Ling and beyond. The Ta Kwu Ling villagers, after peace had been secured, set up an organisation to ensure that the area could go back onto a “war footing” at short notice if required. This was the Shing Ping She (\"Peace Secured Society\"). This organisation ensured that all the young men were trained in martial arts, and that patrols \"to keep the peace\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211753,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 168,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "143\n\nwere maintained throughout the area. How long the watch on the Ta Kwu Ling was maintained is unclear, but a watch of some sort on the entrances to the area was kept up for a long time.\n\n33\n\nThe Shing Ping She was probably managed by a management committee, composed of one representative from each of the six Yeuk. The names of the committee appointed in 1924 survive. Below the management committee, there seems to have been a manager or managers for day-to-day activity.\n\n14\n\nThe villagers wanted spiritual protection as well as physical protection for the area. The Ping Yuen temple at Ping Che watched over the Ping Che road, and the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz over the Miu Keng road. The Shing Ping She established a third temple, the Kim Ho Temple, between the two bridges, where the Sham Tsun road passes through the gorge. This temple was built where the extinct Cheung market had been, and may have been a re-foundation of an older temple, since most markets in the area had temples. The re-foundation or foundation would, in any case, have marked very clearly the ending of Cheung power in the area. The Kim Ho temple was a Tin Hau temple, and the divinity was invited to the new temple from the Ping Yuen temple. This linked the new temple with the old one. In addition, a nun was appointed to live in the Kim Ho temple and conduct Buddhist rituals in a side-hall. Thus the three main entrances to the Ta Kwu Ling area were well defended spiritually, and ritually connected together into one system.\n\nThe Shing Ping She also rebuilt the temple at Ping Che. It was rebuilt as a temple in two parts, the main worshipping hall, with the altar to Tin Hau, and its side-halls, and a second worshipping unit consisting of a Heroes Shrine, to commemorate the young men who had died in the fighting with Wong Pui Ling. After the rebuilding, the temple was returned to the Ping Yuen Hap Heung for management. The Heung continued to own the main worshipping hall, but the Shing Ping She owned the Heroes Shrine, as a couplet in the Shrine, commemorating a repair in 1915, confirms.\n\n15\n\nThe Shing Ping She worshipped communally at the Heroes Shrine at Ping Che at the Spring and Autumn Rituals, followed by a communal vegetarian meal in front of the temple. Similar rituals then took place at the Kim Ho temple.\n\n36",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211754,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 169,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "144\n\nThe Shing Ping She was thus required to maintain the Kim Ho Temple, and at least the Heroes Shrine part of the Ping Yuen Temple, and had to meet the costs of the rituals it conducted there. It also had to maintain the bridges and roads, and to meet the costs of the patrols it sponsored. However, it had no land at the time of the Block Crown Lease (1905). Apart from the temple itself, the Ping Yuen Hap Heung owned no land at that date either. Similarly, none of the individual villages of the area owned any significant amounts of communal land. The Shing Ping She did, however, have enough income to buy a good deal of land within the New Territories later — five and a half acres was bought, together with a house, between 1911 and 1920, at a cost of $1,272.50 for just over three of the five and a half acres. Villagers believe the She also bought land at Wang Kong Ha during this period.\n\n18\n\nThe She seems to have imposed a grain tax on all householders and cow owners within the patrol district. At least in the 1930s, as the elders recall, some of this grain was passed to the nuns at the Kim Ho temple and the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz for their sustenance, but most was sold.\n\nThe villagers claim that the Shing Ping She also bought from the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz all the nunnery's lands within Ping Che and Ping Yeung, at a date somewhen in the 1920s, but without changing the registration of the land in the Land Registry. This is possibly why the She's programme of land purchase in its own name comes to an abrupt end in 1920.\n\nThis claim may well hide a more complex situation. As mentioned above, neither the Shing Ping She nor the Ping Yuen Hap Heung held any communal land in 1905, although they had significant communal commitments: Loi Tung, equally, seems to have had no communal land to provide income for the needs of the Loi Tung Yeuk. At the same time, the nunnery land does not seem to have been used to meet nunnery needs. After the fire, the abbess repaired the roof by seeking donations, not by selling or mortgaging part of the land, and this was clearly the position also at the time of the 1868 rebuilding, since the inscription in the temple records the donors. In the 1930s, the nuns' rice came from donations from the Shing Ping She, not from rent. It seems very likely that the Ping Yuen Hap Heung and Loi Tung people had placed their communal lands under the name and protection of the Buddha. This is not uncommon in the area; such an arrangement made it more difficult for managers to embezzle the land entrusted to them, and protected it from external...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 211755,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 170,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "145\n\nthreat by the spiritual power of the divinity. This is likely to be the reason why the Shing Ping She did not change the registration of the land after the purchase, but left it under the aegis of the divinity.\n\nThe land \"of the nunnery\", therefore, was possibly always essentially communal land. The claimed \"sale\" to the Shing Ping She, in these circumstances, would merely represent a rearrangement of the communal lands; a transfer from the Ping Yuen Hap Heung to the wider Ta Kwu Ling grouping. Problems connected with the costs of repair of the nunnery after the fire may underlie the transfer. It would seem that only the tiny plots of land in the immediate vicinity of the nunnery actually used by the nuns for growing vegetables, and money donated by travellers, were wholly in the nuns' control. Such an arrangement would certainly make it easier to understand why the nunnery always seems to have been poorer than its landholdings would suggest.\n\nThus, the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz can be seen to have been founded as part of a growing move to political independence in the Ta Kwu Ling area in the later eighteenth century. Later, as the move to political independence moved to open warfare, the nunnery became one of the spiritual bulwarks of the larger Luk Yeuk, and the founding inter-village grouping was swept up in part into the larger and more complex new political structure. Very probably the nunnery held the founding villages' communal lands in its name, and later acted in a similar way for the larger area.\n\nHowever, it is easy to over-simplify the political situation in the late nineteenth century. None of the mutual defence alliances of the area were truly united. All had internal political divisions of some importance, which introduced stresses into the system. Thus, within the Luk Yeuk, the stresses between the Ping Yuen Hap Heung, with its interests and alliances to the south-east, and the northern villages, with their interests concentrated on the north-west, were never entirely overcome. The ritual feasts held by the Luk Yeuk were held both at the Ping Che temple, and in front of the Kim Ho temple. In other words, even ritually the Luk Yeuk had two centres, pointing in different directions.\n\nThe area immediately south of Ta Kwu Ling formed the Sze Yeuk (\"Alliance of Four\"). This divided into Lung Yeuk Tau in the west, and the \"small villages\" to the east, who were always somewhat nervous about their over-mighty neighbour and ally, and restless about",
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    {
        "id": 211763,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 178,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "13\n\n153\n\nPP.\n\n12 The inscription recording the rebuilding is at Faure, Luk and Ng, op. cit. Vol. I, 128-129, but it is unreadable through weathering, except for the heading and date.\n\n(4). Loe An-lim (羅安廉) (42), Qianren Wenxian (千人文献), ÑÍAL. [Collected Writings of Men of Past Ages], unpublished manuscript collection, Vol. 2, ff. 75a. (Copy in library of Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Kowloon Central Library, Hong Kong). Lee An-lim was a villager of Sheung Wo Hang.\n\n(3) Lee An-lim, Qianren Wenxian, op. cit. ff 73-78.\n\n+\n\nAs honour board recording the donors to the 1920 repair has recently been found. It lists the donors by village. Every village in Ta Kwu Ling donated (except Ping Che, Chuk Yuen, Nga Yiu Ha, very probably included with their lineage brethren in Tong Fong, Law Fong, Ping Yeung), as did the villages close to the road both in the Sha Tau Kok area (Shan Tsui, Yim Tso Ha, Yim Tin, Wo Hang, Nam Chung, Luk Keng, Wu Shek Kok and Sha Tau Kok Market) and in the Sham Tsun area (Sham Tsun Market, Lo Wu, and Wong Pui Ling). Shek Wu Hui from further away also donated. See Win Wen Wei Pao (SCHEW) of 17 September, 1991.\n\nU¿÷\n\n16 Detail from the tablets commemorating the departed leaders of the monastery, and from information given by the recently deceased resident nun. The tablet of Kuk Shan Kit reads: 羅浮山寶積古寺監裤正宗第上三代主持上谷下山潔老和尚莲座. The tablet Kuk Shan Kit placed to commemorate his deceased predecessors names the \"ordained monks\" HIBA · MAZA\n\n+\n\nJ\n\n# and Ki£*, all of whom were dead by the date of erection\n\n+\n\n1\n\nof the tablet, and ✯, at that date still alive, as well as predecessors as rulers of this monastery\" ALLKILMINER and \"those monks who founded this monastery\", A WILDFORIKA BAIMM-\n\nL\n\n17 See P.H. Hase, “Notes on Rice Farming in Shatin', in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 21, 1981, pp. 196-206; D. Faure, The Rural Economy of Pre-Liberation China: Trade Increase and Peasant Livelihood in Jiangsu and Guangdong, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1989, pp. 46-57 and 212; and Hong Kong Annual Report: Report by District Commissioner, New Territories for Year Ending 31st March, 1950, Noronha and Co., Hong Kong, 1950, p. 5.\n\nTH The Ho clan of Tsung Yuen Ha descends from Ho Chan, the Earl of Tung Kuan in the early Ming, and the Ho family history (CBMGKR — a manuscript volume in the University of Cambridge Library) suggests this area was in Ho Chan's hands before the end of the Ming. It was certainly in Ho family control before 1393 when Ho Chan's family were proscribed. The Tang family has occupied the Lung Yeuk Tau villages, Loi Tung and Tai Tong Wu since the fourteenth century at the latest. A Tang clan also occupies Au Ha (PUF Aoxia) and Wang Kong Ha (Huanggangxia). I have not been able to discover if these two villagers are genealogically connected with the Loi Tung and Lung Yeuk Tau clan, although this is unlikely. The Man family has occupied Ping Che for **18 generations\", according to village elders, i.e. probably from the fourteenth century. The same family occupies Tong Fong, Heung Yuen Wai, and Lin Tong, Liantang), and a branch of it was resident at Man Uk Pin (**Man Family Houses\") before the present residents, the Chung (鍾) clan moved there in the early eighteenth century. The To clan has been resident at Chau Tin village for **500 years\". Local villagers consider that the Lei family has been resident at Lei Uk for as long as the To and Man clans have been at Chau Tin and Ping Che. All these clans are Punti, although sections of the Man clan at Tong Fong, and those at Heung Yuen Wai and Lin Tong, now speak Hakka. Shan Kai Wat (Lam surname, 林), Fung Wong Wu (Yip surname, 葉), and Law Fong (Law surname, 羅), are all included in the list of villages in existence in 1661 included in the 1688 Hsin An County Gazetteer, along with Au Ha, Tsung Yuen Ha, Ping Che (Ping Yuen 平遠), and perhaps Ping Yeung (坪洋) (Gazetteer, Ch. 3, f 12-13). Other Punti clans in the Ta Kwu Ling area (Wong, 黃, Chan, 陳, and Law, 羅, at Kan Tau Wai, and Hau, 侯)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    {
        "id": 211764,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 179,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "154\n\n19\n\n, at Law Fong) are believed to have entered the area after 1700. See Map of Ta Kwu Ling.\n\nIt is interesting to note that, of the 21 villages in the Ta Kwu Ling area, seven are purely Punti, nine are purely Hakka (including two of originally Punti but now Hakka speaking Mans), but five are of mixed Punti and Hakka residents, including the large village of Chau Tin (which has only a tiny handful of Hakka residents), Fung Wong Wu, Kan Tau Wai, and Law Fong, and Tong Fong which consists partly of Punti speaking Mans, and partly of Hakka speaking Mans.\n\n+\n\n1\n\nYeung, and Ng, at Fong Wong Wu; Siu, and Ho, at Chau Tin; Wong, at Kan Tau Wai; Pang, and Au, at Tai Po Tin; Fu Lau, (and others) at Wo Keng Shan; Yiut, at Chuk Yuen; Chan, and Yiu, at Law Fong (Luofang); Chau at Wang Kong Ha; Yeung, and Kwu, at Sai Ling Ha (Xilingxia), and others.\n\n21 The temple bell, of Chien Lung 21 (1756) was donated by \"all the faithful people of the Ping Yuen Hap Heung...\n\n...to stand for ever before the altar of the Lady Tin Hau*. Faure, Luk, Ng, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 670. The only earlier dated item in the temple, a Cloud Gong of 1727, was donated by a single family from Ping Che, Faure, Luk, Ng, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 661. The temple continued to be owned and controlled by this group of villages. Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Oxford Univ. Press, Hong Kong, 1986, p. 104 is incorrect in saying that the temple was owned by Ping Yeung. In the Block Crown Lease, the Manager of the temple was Man Shan-fung, of Ping Che. The Tong Fong people, although closely related genealogically to the Ping Che people, were not part of the Ping Yuen Hap Heung, and did not take part in the Ta Tsiu.22 Faure, op. cit., p. 103.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n23 The four managers at the time of the Block Crown Lease were Tang Hung-wai (a houseowner of Loi Tung), Chan Shing-pong, called a houseowner of Ping Yeung in a District Office report of 1979), Man Ying-shau (probably a villager of Ping Che, a relative of the houseowners Man Ying-kei, Man Ying-wai, and Man Ying-fat), and Chung Choi-wah (a houseowner of Man Uk Pin). These died in 1938, 1926, 1925, and 1942 respectively, according to a report made to the District Office in 1979. The abbess, Wong Tik-yuen, was appointed a manager in 1926, but she died in 1931. After the War, the lack of managers caused trouble on a number of occasions. A temporary manager was appointed in 1968. In 1979 the Chairman of the Sha Tau Kok Rural Committee and others were appointed as managers, although he, as a Lin Ma Hang villager, had no connection with the nunnery. This seems to have been with a view to rebuilding the nunnery. This proposal has led to a string of vigorous complaints from the elders of the six villages with shares during the last three years, but the situation remains, at present (1991), unresolved.\n\n24 See Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 100-127, for a discussion of the Yeuk.\n\n25 The only alternative was a dangerous, difficult, and often impassable waist-deep ford, as the 1896 Kwong Fuk bridge tablet makes clear. See Faure, Luk and Ng, Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 298.\n\n26 See Robert G. Groves, \"The Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories\", Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Symposium Report, 1964, pp. 16-20, and Alice Ng Lun Ngai-ha, \"Xianggang Xinjie xushi zhi xingqi yu shuailao: Dabuxu yanjiu\" [The Foundation and Decay of Market Towns in the New Territories of Hong Kong: A Study of Tai Po], in Chinese Studies, Vol. 3, No. 2, 1985, pp. 633-655. The very widespread support for the Tsat Yeuk can be gathered from the list of donors shown on the Kwong Fuk bridge tablet, Faure, Luk and Ng, loc. cit.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 180,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "155\n\n27\n\nAs noted above, 20,000 people a month used the Miu Keng pass. Probably as many again used the road from Ping Che to Kan Tau Wai, or started their journey within Ta Kwu Leng. 40,000 users of the ferry a month is a likely figure. Probably 25% of them carried goods. This represents more than $50 a month income, or about $600 a year. Even depreciating heavily for the salary of boatmen and costs of maintenance, $400 a year clear profit seems likely.\n\nThe date of this war was probably in the 1860s, as Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., p. 104, shows.\n\n29 For the arrangement of the Yeuk, see map. The information in this section comes from Mr. Chan Yau-tsoi and Mr. Chan Wa-chun of Ping Yeung, Mr. Man Kam-muk of Ping Che, Mr. Yeung Choi of Fụng Wong Wu, Mr. Man Lei-wa of Tong Fong, and Mr. Hau Foh-tai of Law Fong, all very knowledgeable elders. I met them as a group, and include here only what they were unanimous in agreeing was the case. I would like to express my particular thanks to them for the several hours of discussion they had with me. As to Sai Ling Ha, this village, although it lay within the Ta Kwu Ling hills, supported Wong Pui Ling in the fighting, I was told. It had no part in the Luk Yeuk. However, when the Communists took over, most of the inhabitants of Sai Ling Ha crossed into Hong Kong, and set up homes in Ping Che. They were then allowed to become part of the Luk Yeuk, as part of Ping Che Yeuk. The account of the Luk Yeuk given here differs in detail from that given in Faure, op. cit., pp. 103-104.\n\n+1\n\n-\n\n30 The deaths are recorded in the \"Heroes Shrine\" () in the Tin Hau Temple at Ping Che, which was the community temple of the Ta Kwu Ling area. 23 names of the **Heroes who died in protecting the villages, who knew how to perform the duties of filial piety\", or the \"Heroes who defended the Yeuk\" as they are named in two inscriptions *澳四總鎮源樂友例段英雄履考之神位 and \"MX\") are recorded. Of these, 3 (all surnamed Chan) came from the Ping Yeung Yeuk, 4 (3 surnamed Tang and 1 surnamed Chau) from the Lin Tong Yeuk, 4 (1 surnamed Chau and 3 surnamed Lei) from the Lei Uk Yeuk, 4(2 surnamed Yiu and 2 surnamed Hau) from the Law Fong Yeuk, 2 (both surnamed Yip) from the Lo Shue Ling Yeuk and 4 (2 surnamed Wong and 2 surnamed Man) from the Ping Che Yeuk. One Law died he came either from Law Fong (Law Fong Yeuk) or Kan Tau Wai (Ping Che Yeuk). A Lau Ah-ngau (劉亞牛) also died -- he could have been from Wo Keng Shan (Ping Yeung Yeuk), where there was a tiny clan of Laus, or could possibly have been a servant, as his name suggests his name is entered last on the tablet. 23 deaths suggests very bloody fighting. It is unlikely that the population of the whole of Ta Kwu Ling in 1860 was higher than 1750 (representing an average village population of about 80, or perhaps 12 households), and the adult males could not have been more than a quarter of that (440). The young men of fighting age were probably no more than about 200. 23 out of 200 is about 11.5% deaths of those involved, which is a very high percentage. The population of the Ta Kwu Ling villages within the New Territories totalled 1441 in the 1911 Census (Sessional Papers, 1911, no. 17, Noronha & Lo, Hong Kong, 1911, \"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911”, Table XIX p. 103 (32)).\n\n+\n\n-\n\nLoi Tung, with its lineage brethren of Lung Yeuk Tau, and the small villages between them, formed the Sze Yeuk (四約, “Alliance of Four''), which was, to a large degree, designed to ensure that the ancient enmity of the Tangs of Lung Yeuk Tau and Loi Tung with the Pangs of Fan Ling was tilted in favour of the Tangs. The Pangs supported the Luk Yeuk in its fight with the Cheungs this almost certainly means that the Sze Yeuk supported the Cheungs, as did Sheung Shui, the other ancient enemy of the Pangs. Man Uk Pin was a Yeuk of the Sha Tau Kok Shap Yeuk, as well as forming a part of the Sze Yeuk. The Shap Yeuk were dubious about the activities of the Luk Yeuk. Free travel between Sha Tau Kok and Sham Tsun was vital to the Shap Yeuk. With the Cheung Shan Kwụ\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181",
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 181,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "156\n\nTsz people controlling the pass and the Cheungs controlling the river crossing; no one group had total control of the road; but if the Luk Yeuk controlled both the pass and the bridge, then the Shap Yeuk's interests could well have been at risk. Lin Ma Hang of the Shap Yeuk actually fought alongside Wong Pui Ling; the rest of the Shap Yeuk was probably friendly to the Cheungs, or at least neutral in the dispute. The Sze Yeuk were allied with the Tangs in their opposition to the establishment of the Tai Po New Market by the Tsat Yeuk; as is to be expected, Fanling and the Luk Yeuk supported the Tsat Yeuk.\n\n32\n\n33\n\nIt is unclear if the inscription still survives or not.\n\nThey were Man Fuk-ting (Tong Fong, Chairman); Lei Yi-wa (Lei Uk); Chan Kwok-cheung (Ping Yeung); Tang King-shiu (Au Ha or Wang Kong Ha); Law King-fan (Law Fong); To Kan-yeung (Tin).\n\n14 Between 1911 and 1924 Chan Ping-kei (Chau ...) and Chan Tai [or Ting]-cheung ... (+ [Chinese characters unknown]) were managers, and as such appear on the Land Memorials.\n\n35\n\nIt was put up by Lin Tong and Wang Kong Ha villages, in \"The Shing Ping She Shrine of Righteousness\".ĦTH, Faure, Historical Inscriptions, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 850.\n\n36\n\n37\n\nFaure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 104-105.\n\nChau Tin village owned a small temple, or San Teng (神廳), as did Kan Tau Wai and Law Fong. Kan Tau Wai in addition owned a small house as a meeting place for its elders. None of these communal facilities had any income-producing land attached to them, except for the Law Fong and Kan Tau Wai temples, which owned 0.05 and 0.12 acres respectively. The Ping Yuen temple manager was registered only for the single temple building, but not for any income-producing land, although the temple did buy a piece of land (0.72 acres) from a Ping Che villager in 1906. See DD82, houselot CT20; lot 759; DD78, lot 1158; DD82, houselot KTW13; houselots PC1-3; Memorial 2744.\n\nMemorials 24058 (20 April 1913), 27471 (4 June 1914), 45919 (7 December 1920); see also Memorial 17779 (17 October 1911) for the succession of the She to a house at Tong Fong.\n\n19\n\nFor the Po Tak Old Alliance, see Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 128-140.\n\n40\n\n41\n\nSee R.G. Groves, \"The Origins of Two Market Towns'', loc.cit.\n\nFor the Tung Ping Kuk and the Tung Wo Kuk, see Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 128-140.\n\n42 (唔出嫁嘅女)\n\n43\n\n44\n\nSung Hok-p'ang, Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Kam Tin, op. cit.\n\nIt should be noted that these nunneries are often called Tsz (寺) in ordinary speech and documents. This character strictly means \"monastery\", but, in this area, this does not necessarily imply that the religious living there were men. Thus the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz is almost always so called, as in the document printed in the Appendix. The use of the more correct character Am (庵, 'nunnery') is almost entirely limited to Ch'ing official documents (especially the County Gazetteer) and, sometimes, on bells.\n\n45\n\n46\n\nloc.cit.\n\nSee Faure, Luk and Ng, Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 669. It is called Miu (廟, \"temple\") in Hsin An County Gazetteer, 1922, ch'uan 4 and 7, pages 49-50 and 82 of the Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979, and in the 1688 Gazetteer.\n\n47 Ling To is called Tsz (寺) in the Hsin An County Gazetteer, 1819, at ch'uan 18 and 21, pages 148 and 174 of the Chung Lap Pao edition, 1979, and, given the care with which...",
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        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "deui-lyun dim-dang Wif ding-hau T`LI\n\nDongguan 東莞 dong-ji\n\nDung Ping Guk 東本局 faan\n\nFa-Gung Fa-Mou (EAEN\n\nfa-paai TEMP\n\nFau-Ng ởH\n\nFong 兒\n\nfong\n\nfong-jeung\n\nFu Qing (47\n\nfu 伏\n\nFu-Hip\n\ngwan-ma 郡馬\n\nGwok-Yin\n\nGwong-Yu\n\nK\n\nGwong-Yu Tong Gwun-Yam #E\n\nGyun 銷\n\nHa Tsuen 厦村\n\nHa Che 下崟\n\nhaang 坑\n\nha-fu F\n\nHak-Sa\n\nha-yan FA\n\nHei-Ye 起野\n\nheui-lok\n\nHeung\n\nheung\n\nFui-Sing !!\n\nFung Yuk-Daan MƒU!!\n\nGaai-Yut\n\ngaam-sang\n\nGai-Jau #\n\nheung-on\n\nHo fil\n\nhoi-dang EH hou 號\n\nHung-Fan Taam\n\ngam-taap\n\nGam-Tin\n\nGaozong h\n\nGau Ga Chyun **†\n\nhung-jeuk FL\n\nHung-Ji 孔子\n\nHung-Ji 洪贄\n\nHung-Sing #\n\nHung-Yi 洪儀\n\ngeui-yan\n\ngit-jing #7\n\nGit-Sau\n\ngu l\n\nGuangdong MAC\n\nGuangzong 光宗\n\nguk 榖\n\ngung-chou Y\n\ngung-sang\n\nGwaan-Dai BNR\n\nGwai-Ting\n\ngwai-waan\n\n(?)\n\nGwai-Wong\n\nE\n\ngwan 棍\n\nGwan-Haak 7K\n\nGwan-Leung R\n\njaap-fo 雜貨\n\nJai Baak-Fu Jan 鈞 Jan-Ting Jau M Jau-Man B jau-tung 州同 Jeung Hoi Jeung 張\n\nJeung-Luk A\n\njeun-si 進士\n\nJiangxi 江西\n\nJi-Ga Tong #18 2 Jik-Gin\n\njiu BE\n\nPage 369",
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        "page_number": 396,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "san wui \n\nSap Pat Heung -|- A sau宿 \n\nsau-choi 3 sek Zi \n\nSeui 瑞 \n\nseui-jeun-si :: \n\nSha Tau T \n\nSha Po 沙埔 \n\nSham Chun 深圳 \n\nSheung Che 1: Sheung Tsuen Sheung Shui 1: \n\nShing Moon San Tsuen Shun Fung Wai MAN Si-Daan MILL \n\nsing-bui \n\nSing-Ngok ! \n\nsiu-cheng \n\nSiu-Geui \n\nsiu-yan 小人 \n\nsona 嗩吶 \n\nSong 柒 \n\nSou-Lau Yun VTMN \n\nTin-San toi-wai 枱圍 \n\nTong Fong #† tong \n\nTsi Tong Tsuen Tsiu Keng 蕉徑 Tsuen Wan # Tung Tak 通德 Tung Tau Tsuen Tung Fuk Tong Wa Bou 華寶 \n\nwaang-mei (?) waan-san \n\nWa-Gwong #* wai \n\nwai-jyu \n\nWai-To 韋陀 \n\nWang Toi Shan \n\nWan-Gaan S Wan-Guk \n\nWan-Yu H \n\nwing-bou ping-on *RTE \n\nWing Lung Wai 永隆圍 \n\nWing-Sau 永壽 \n\nWong E \n\nWong Loi-Yam E \n\nwong-gu \n\nWudan Shan 武當山 \n\nsuk-jing wui-bei \n\nSuk-Leun #KA \n\nSung-Gok \n\nTaai-Seui \n\nTaai-Yut Jan-Yan AZHA \n\nwui \n\nTai Shue Ha AMF \n\nTai Hong Wai \n\nTai Hong Tsuen 泰康村 \n\nXin'an \n\nA \n\nYam \n\nTai Kiu 火樾 \n\nTai Mo Shan \n\n1 \n\nTai Po Tau 大埔頭 \n\nyamen 衙門 \n\nyan-hau A \n\nYau-Leun Tong \n\nyau-saan \n\nTim-Kau \n\nYeui銳 \n\nTing-Jing NVI \n\nyeuk # \n\nTing-Sam \n\nTin-Dei-Seui-Yeung \n\nTin-Hau G \n\nTin-Gwun Chi-Fuk X \n\nYeung 楊 \n\nYeung-Hau A \n\nyi * \n\nYi-Chung Wui \n\n371",
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    {
        "id": 213752,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 104,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "75\n\nmarket towns can be, as noted above, identified by their imbalanced populations, as can villages specialising in incense pounding, stonecutting, and salt-working (Yim Liu Ha, and perhaps Tsing Shan and Tsing Shan Po in Tuen Mun) Some fishing villages (especially Kau Sai) show what is probably a seasonal population imbalance, with the male population boosted by the temporary presence of \"foreign\" fishing vessels at the Census date. In all these cases, as with the market towns, the opportunities for wage-paying employment must have led to a certain degree of temporary male immigration into the village in question.\n\nSome other villages may have been \"industrial\" in 1911 without this being so clearly confirmed by oral evidence as in these cases. Thus, Sheung Wo Che in Sha Tin was the site of the Sha Tin Railway Station; the excess males recorded here, with the nearby Pak Tin and Wang Pok, may have been working on the construction of the railway.\n\nHowever, when all the urban and industrial villages are discounted, there remain numbers of villages with excess males where there seems little likelihood of immigration, and where some other factor or factors must be at work. A number of very poor villages in the eastern part of the New Territories have more males than are to be expected. It may be that some of these villages were just too poor to pay the fees required to let their young adult males emigrate, and equally too poor to arrange marriages for them until there was land available for them to inherit.\n\nOn the other hand, a number of very wealthy Punti villages, especially those in the Sheung Shui plain (including Loi Tung, Lung Yeuk Tau, Ping Kong, with others at just below the 56% cut-off point) also have high male-female ratios. The reasons for this are unclear. It may be no more than a particularly strong unwillingness to report unmarried girls in these villages. J.L. Watson, however, has shown that some at least of the wealthier Punti villages had a “bachelor sub-culture”, in which poorer members of the lineage tended not to marry, but to drift into a society of bachelor clubs centred on the lineage self-defence force. This system, in which unmarriageable poorer lineage sons were nonetheless given a positive role in local society, may have induced higher than average male-female ratios in such villages; emigration was not the only option available to the excess males.13 No evidence of such a “bachelor sub-culture” seems to exist for the",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 106,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "77\n\nAppendix I\n\nVillages with Low Male: Female (Less than 47%) Population\n\nRatios, 1911\n\n  \n    District\n    Village\n    No. of males\n    Total population\n    Age of males\n  \n  \n    N\n    San Tong Po\n    15\n    47\n    31.9**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Ngau Ha\n    6\n    16\n    \n  \n  \n    N\n    Sam Tam Lo\n    1\n    6\n    33.3**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Mo To Hang\n    2\n    6\n    33.3**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Ko Tan\n    8\n    21\n    38.1**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Tsiu Keng\n    15\n    43\n    34.9**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Wo Hop Shek\n    21\n    48\n    43.8\n  \n  \n    N\n    Sheung Tan Chuk Hang\n    43\n    102\n    42.2\n  \n  \n    N\n    Ping Che Yuen Ha\n    27\n    61\n    44.3\n  \n  \n    N\n    Tai Po Tin\n    25\n    56\n    44.6\n  \n  \n    N\n    Fung Wong Wit\n    39\n    84\n    46.4\n  \n  \n    N\n    Lo Shue Ling\n    98\n    209\n    46.9\n  \n  \n    N\n    Lei Uk Tsuen\n    41\n    94\n    43.6\n  \n  \n    N\n    Chuk Yuen\n    18\n    44\n    40.9*\n  \n  \n    N\n    Tsung Yuen Ha\n    39\n    85\n    45.9\n  \n  \n    N\n    Muk Wu\n    81\n    174\n    46.6\n  \n  \n    N\n    Luk Keng\n    182\n    484\n    37.6**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Yim Tso Ha\n    18\n    47\n    38.3**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Shek Kiu Tau\n    37\n    98\n    37.8**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Ma Tseuk Ling\n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Tai Long\n    N\n    47\n    125\n    37.6**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Ha Wo Hang\n    20\n    46\n    43.5\n  \n  \n    N\n    Sheung Wo Hang\n    66\n    160\n    41.3\n  \n  \n    N\n    Nam Chung\n    175\n    443\n    39.5*\n  \n  \n    N\n    Wu Kay Tang\n    152\n    348\n    43.7\n  \n  \n    N\n    Lin Ma Hang\n    165\n    423\n    39.0**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Ha Wang Shan Keuk\n    199\n    516\n    38.2**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Ha That Muk Kiu\n    16\n    43\n    37.2**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Kau Tam Tso\n    27\n    76\n    35.5**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Kai Keuk Shue Ha\n    13\n    42\n    31.0**\n  \n  \n    N\n    Fung Hang\n    47\n    108\n    43.5\n  \n  \n    N\n    Kuk Po San Wai\n    61\n    143\n    42.6*\n  \n  \n    N\n    Tong To\n    56\n    126\n    44.4\n  \n  \n    N\n    Shan Tsui\n    47\n    104\n    45.2\n  \n  \n    N\n    Kong Ha\n    162\n    367\n    44.1\n  \n  \n    N\n    Pok Wai\n    63\n    135\n    46.7\n  \n  \n    N\n    Tai Che\n    100\n    225\n    44.4\n  \n  \n    ST\n    Ngau Kok Wo\n    7\n    18\n    38.9**\n  \n  \n    ST\n    Tsung Tau Ha\n    3\n    8\n    37.5*\n  \n  \n    ST\n    \n    3\n    9\n    33.3**\n  \n\nThe table has been reconstructed for better readability while maintaining the original content and order.\n\n \nThe column headers have been inferred as \"District\", \"Village\", \"No. of males\", \"Total population\", and \"Age of males\" based on the content.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    }
]