[
    {
        "id": 204272,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 40,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n36\n\nThe next example is from Li Po, who, having been a knight errant himself, naturally eulogized them in his poetry. In his \"Song of the Knight Errant\", he describes a knight thus:\n\nThe man from the North wears a tasselled hat\n\nAnd a curved sword as bright as frost or snow.\n\nHis silver saddle shines on his white steed\n\nOn which he rides as fast as a shooting star.\n\nHe can kill anyone within ten paces\n\nAnd will not stop till he has gone a thousand miles. Shaking the dust from his clothes, he goes into hiding,\n\nTo shroud in secret his person and his name.\n\nAfter mentioning two famous knights of antiquity, the poet concludes:\n\nAfter death, their chivalrous bones are fragrant;\n\nThey can compare with any heroes in the world. Who cares to imitate the pedantic scholar\n\nWriting books until his hair grows white?\n\nIn another poem he again says:\n\nIt is better to be a knight errant than a scholar:\n\nWhat is the good of studying hard when your hair\n\nis turning white?12\n\nFinally, a poem by Chia Tao (A.D. 777-841), which seems to me to sum up the spirit of knight errantry in four lines:\n\nThe Swordsman\n\nThis sword I have been polishing for ten years;\n\nIts frosty edge has never been put to the test.\n\nNow that I've shown it to you, pray tell me:\n\nIs there anyone suffering from injustice?*\n\nBut the richest fruits of chivalric literature are naturally to be found not in poetry but in fiction. Among the romances in classical prose of the T'ang period, we find many tales of chivalry. Apart from their generally high literary standard, these tales are remarkable for two interesting features: first, in many of them, a supernatural element is introduced; secondly, we encounter as many female hsia, or chivalrous ladies, as knights. The story of Hung Hsien is a typical example. Hung Hsien, or \"Red Cotton\", was a maid in the household of Hsüeh Sung, the military governor of Lu-chou, in the T'ang dynasty. She was a skillful p'i-pa player\n\n11 Li T'ai-po shih-chi, chüan 3, 31.\n\n12 Ibid., chüan 3, 14.\n\n13 Ch'üan T'ang shih, chüan 571. (In the Peking, 1960 edition, p. 6618).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204299,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 67,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n63\n\nThere are two examples of translations of Chinese plays, again by a French scholar, Antoine-Pierre-Louis Bazin (1799-1863), Théâtre Chinois ou choix de Pièces de Théâtre composées sous les Empereurs Mongols, 1838 and Le Pi-Pa-Ki ou l'Histoire du Luth, Drame Chinois de Kao-Tong-Kai. A last example of the work of French sinologues of the early part of last century is Dictionnaire des noms anciens et modernes des villes et arrondissements de premier, deuxième et troisième ordre compris dans l'Empire Chinois, by Edouard Biot, 1842.\n\nSome examples of books published by the press established by Morrison and his colleagues at the Anglo-Chinese College established at Malacca are in the Library. The most interesting from the point of view of the history of the mission is William Milne's A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China. Accompanied with Miscellaneous Remarks on the Literature, History and Mythology of China, etc., 1820. William Milne was sent to join Morrison by the London Missionary Society and arrived in China in 1813. After encountering many difficulties about obtaining permission to stay in Canton he went to Malacca and finally founded the Anglo-Chinese College there, whose primary object was the establishment of a Chinese free school in the hope that it would prepare the way for a Seminary.\n\nAnother interesting example from this press is Notitia Linguae Sinicae by Joseph Henri Marie de Prémare, S.J. (1666-1736), printed in 1831. There is a letter of March 1825 quoted in the Memoirs concerning the Latin MS of this book from Lord Kingsborough to Morrison. It states that the original MS is in the Royal Library of France, describes the book as giving rules for the composition of Chinese in both classical and modern style with many examples from Chinese texts and says that he is having it transcribed at a cost of sixty guineas for Morrison. He also says that Rémusat had made an index for it and suggests that 'by the publication of a work of this learned Jesuit-confessedly the most profoundly versed in the genius of the Chinese language of the Roman Catholic Missionaries who visited China-he will be doing a thing useful to the friends of science, and creditable to themselves.' Elsewhere in the Memoirs it is recorded that Viscount Kingsborough also gave the College £1,500 to defray the cost of printing the book.\n\nThis then is the brief history and description of a collection of books gathered together to perpetuate the memory of Robert Morrison. But his name is remembered in the most fitting way by his two major contributions to Chinese studies, a record of which is thus written on his tombstone in the Protestant Cemetery at Macao:",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204300,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 68,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nL\n\n64\n\nSacred to the Memory of/ Robert Morrison, D.D.,/ The first Protestant Missionary to/ CHINA:/ where, after a service of Twenty-seven years,/ Cheerfully spent in extending the kingdom of the blessed Redeemer,/ during which period he compiled and published/ A DICTIONARY OF THE CHINESE LANGUAGE;/ Founded the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca;/ And, for several years laboured alone on a Chinese version of THE HOLY SCRIPTURES,/ which he was spared to see completed, and widely circulated/ among those for whom it was destined. He sweetly slept in Jesus. He was born at Morpeth, January 5th, 1782;/ Was sent to China, by the London Missionary Society, in 1807;/ Was for twenty-five years Chinese interpreter, in the employ of the East India Company:/ And died at Canton, August 1st, 1834.\n\nA LIST OF BOOKS MENTIONED IN THE ARTICLE IN ALPHABETICAL ORDER OF AUTHORS OR OCCASIONALLY, OF TRANSLATORS.\n\nAINSLIE, ROBERT, 1766-1838.\n\n[Reasons for the hope that is in us.] Edinburgh, printed by Ballantyne & Co. [c.1820.]\n\nAmiot, Jean JOSEPH MARIE, 1718-1793.\n\nDictionnaire tartare-mantchou-français, composé d'après un dictionnaire mantchou-chinois, par M. Amyot, rédigé et publié avec des additions et l'alphabet de cette langue, par L. Langlès. 2v. Paris, imprimé par Fr. Ambr. Didot l'aîné, 1789.\n\nBAZIN, ANTOINE-PIERRE-Louis, 1799-1863.\n\nLe pi-pa-ki ou l'Histoire du luth, drame chinois de Kao-Tong-kia représenté à Péking en 1404 avec les changements de Mao-Tseu, traduit sur le texte original. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1841.\n\nBAZIN, ANTOINE-PIERRE-LOUIS, 1799-1863.\n\nThéâtre chinois ou choix de pièces de théâtre composées sous les empéreurs mongols traduites pour la première fois Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1838.\n\nBIOT, ÉDOUARD CONSTANT, 1803-1850.\n\nDictionnaire des noms anciens et modernes des villes et arrondissements compris dans l'Empire Chinois indiquant les époques auxquelles leurs noms ont été changés. Paris, Imprimerie Royale, 1842.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204358,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 126,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n122\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\ntouch the dead is to run the risk of becoming infected by an aura of ill-luck (sz yan fung) whereby all the misfortunes of the deceased will be transmitted.\n\nAmongst fishermen fear of the dead and of ill-luck is particularly pronounced. At Tai O on the north-western end of Lantau, fisherfolk on their death bed may be taken from their boats to die in a special house maintained for the purpose near the cemetery.\n\nDuring funeral processions in both the urban areas and the New Territories it is the practice to scatter different types of paper, representing money, along the route to the burial ground, particularly at cross-roads where traditionally malevolent spirits tend to congregate. It is hoped that in the confusion caused by the evil spirits grabbing the money the spirit of the deceased will be able to pass unscathed. The remainder of the paper money thrown out at points other than cross-roads is for the use of the spirit of the deceased in making his way back to his home three days after death (saam ch'iu ooi wan). In many homes, a corner in a hall or passage may be reserved for a tablet and memorial, to house the spirit on its return to the home. This return of the spirit may at first sight be difficult to reconcile with the belief that the spirit descends into hell. The answer is that according to Chinese belief each dead person has a number of spirits. The descent of one of these spirits into hell is often assisted at the burial by the scattering and burning of specially printed hell bank notes (meng t'ung chí paî), together with paper effigies of clothes, suit-cases, motor cars, steam ships, aeroplanes, etc., often of most elaborate and detailed construction.\n\nThe impact of crowded living conditions, economy and improved public health have had their gradual effect in changing the pattern of Hong Kong burial custom. Except for paupers, by far the greater proportion of Chinese dead from the urban areas (numbering some 10,000) are now buried in the public cemetery at Wo Hop Shek, near Fan Ling in the New Territories. Coffins may be conveyed by rail from Kowloon daily as a service included within the burial fees that are $5 or $15 according to size of coffin. Only some 20% of the coffins are carried to the cemetery by private hearses at the expense of the relatives. Of the balance brought by rail, not more than half are attended by relatives. It is obviously not possible in a public cemetery to site graves in accordance with individual interpretations of good fung shui. The fact that each coffin is simply allotted the next vacant space in the burial terrace is readily accepted, although it must be admitted that the majority of terraces are well up the hillside with a commanding view of distance and water. Similarly, when the routine six months' notice of intention to exhume remains from the coffin sections is given, it is unusual for relatives",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204439,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 71,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "60\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nof south China that have evolved a significant culture. But precisely because of this and because they occupied irrigable valley lands, the Han Chinese came into conflict with them. Moreover, because of superior culture, technology and number, the Han gradually took over the T'ai states of the Yangtze valley and assimilated their populations. Those among the T'ai leadership who escaped Han political and cultural conquests were the ones who led their following in migration away from the front of contact. The direction of this slow historical flight was southward and southwestward,\n\nBefore the Han Chinese conquest under the Ch'in dynasty (Third century B.C.), south China contained 6-8 large T'ai states. In Szechwan the T'ai state of Shu was centered on the present provincial capital of Ch'eng-tu. The Pa state was centered at Chungking. In the central and lower Yangtze region were the T'ai states of Ch'u and Wu respectively. The T'ai state of Nan-yueh included such areas as the Canton delta and the Red river delta of Tongking. In Fukien were the Pai-yueh, sometimes politically centralized at Foochow. All of these were absorbed into the political body of China during the 400 years of the Han dynasties. Sinicization, however, took many more centuries and reached its greatest flowering in the Canton delta region during the T'ang period. West of this region in the Yunnan-Kweichow plateaus, however, a Sinicized T'ai power lingered on through the T'ang and Sung periods in the state of Nan-chao, at times strong enough to pose threats to the stability of the T'ang empire. The successor to this state, Ta-li, withered under the Mongol onslaught directed by Kublai Khan, and T'ai political genius moved across the southern borders of Yunnan into the Mon-Khmer cultural sphere in the basin of the Chao Phya river where it evolved the present state of Thailand.\n\n7\n\nT'ai autonomy within southwest China continued in smaller units in the lake and river basins of Yunnan near the Burma borders until the Communist conquest of China. The reasons for the extended freedom from close Han Chinese control over the southwest include the rough topography of the region with agriculture restricted to small basins or primitive self-sufficiency\n\nCh'en Pi-sheng, T'ien-pien san-yi (Reflections on the Yunnan borderlands), Chungking, 1941, 21-24.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204453,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 85,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "74\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nTABLE II\n\n(Population in 000's) Provincial distribution of South China peoples\n\n  \n    \n    Szechwan\n    Kwangsi\n    Kweichow\n    Yunnan\n    Hupei\n    Chekiang\n    Fukien\n    Kiangsi\n    Kwangtung\n    Hunan\n  \n  \n    Chuang\n    \n    6,445\n    43\n    1\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    18\n    \n  \n  \n    Molao\n    \n    116\n    14\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    1\n    \n  \n  \n    Maonan\n    \n    14\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Pu-yi\n    \n    1,233\n    479\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    T'ai\n    \n    \n    439\n    1,333\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    T'ung\n    \n    360\n    1,425\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Shui\n    \n    84\n    204\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    378\n  \n  \n    Li\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    469\n    \n  \n  \n    Miao\n    453\n    150\n    1,233\n    70\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    21\n    72\n  \n  \n    K'e-lao\n    \n    \n    41\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Yao\n    \n    358\n    14\n    1\n    \n    \n    \n    14\n    28\n    14\n  \n  \n    She\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    25\n    96\n    52\n    \n    2\n  \n  \n    Tibetan*\n    \n    \n    \n    713\n    67\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Ch'iang\n    36\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Nu\n    \n    \n    \n    13\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Tu-lung\n    \n    \n    \n    2\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Ching-p'o\n    \n    \n    \n    102\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Yi\n    \n    \n    275\n    1,852\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Ha-ni\n    \n    \n    \n    481\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Li-su\n    \n    \n    \n    317\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Nakhi\n    \n    \n    \n    143\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    La-hu\n    \n    \n    \n    139\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Achang\n    \n    \n    \n    18\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Pai\n    \n    \n    \n    567\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    T'u-chia\n    549\n    \n    \n    \n    1,123\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    K'a-wa or Wa\n    \n    \n    \n    286\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Peng-lung\n    \n    \n    \n    3\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Pa-lang\n    \n    \n    \n    35\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Kao-shan\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    (found only in Taiwan 200,000)\n    \n  \n  \n    Ching\n    \n    4\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    (Vietnamese)\n    \n    \n    \n    2\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n\n* In Tibet proper and in the Chamdo region there is an additional Tibetan population of about 1,274,000.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204472,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1962",
        "page_number": 104,
        "title": "RAS-1962",
        "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n93\n\nThe graves were visited without fail at the two major grave festivals of Ching Ming and Chung Yeung, in spring 清明 and autumn respectively, and to them all male descendants came who could walk unaided, or on a friendly arm, or be carried, in order to sweep the graves, offer food and drink, and make the obligatory kowtow1. These ceremonies were carried out near the village on the slopes of the surrounding hills where the clan graves were usually to be found; but sometimes filial piety was tested further since the dictate of a geomancer would place the first ancestor's grave, and others, at some distance from the village. This could mean considerable inconvenience at the grave festivals. This is the case at Pa Mei, a small village in the Tung Chung valley on North Lantau, where the first grave is at Cheung Sha on South Lantau.\n\nAt New Year the burden could be much heavier. Not every village had its own ancestral hall. Sometimes the parent village from which the first ancestor had come was near at hand, or within several days' journey by sea and on foot. In these cases it was often felt unnecessary to build an ancestral hall in the new village. Instead, the able-bodied members of the clan, male and female of every age, sallied forth at New Year and at the time of the grave festivals on a journey to their relatives in their native village. Frequent examples of this can be found in the New Territories and at the time of the major festivals of the year 1898 the hill tracks and little ports and market towns of the Colony must have been full of persons travelling to and from their homes on ancestral duties.\n\n550\n\nThe whole ethos and action of the clan was practically one hundred per cent Confucian in its workings. In 1898 the clan system appears to have operated in the New Territory in the traditional ways and with all the latent powers and vigour at its command. It regulated what happened within and helped to determine what went on outside itself. Its heads, who were educated to the Confucian tenets, were part of the mechanism of local government. The government of the province, prefecture, and district were also Confucian to the core, at any rate in precept if not always in practice, and both government and people knew how they stood in their traditional relationship one to the other. Disturbances, lawlessness, and unrest were mere trivia, annoying but of no real import to the discipline of the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204584,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "54\n\nMA MENG\n\ninfluence. After 1919, Western sentence structures and punctuation marks were deliberately adopted, especially by the so-called \"New Literary writers\", such as Hsu Chih-mo and Hsieh Pin-hsin 謝冰心.\n\nSince 1949 new efforts have been made in Mainland China to work out a Chinese grammar on the Western pattern. As a result, the sentence structure of the Chinese language has become still more westernised, as a glance at the People's Daily will suffice to show. There are also signs of a deliberate effort to introduce Western phrases and grammatical patterns into the spoken language; but so far at least these appear chiefly in political or ceremonial speeches.\n\nIt should be noted that Western influence on the Chinese language, since the May 4th Movement, has been primarily English, not only because English has been the most widely used foreign language in China but also because since that time most Chinese translations of foreign literature have been made from English.\n\nThe most remarkable feature in the recent linguistic changes in China has been the rapid growth of vocabulary, which has greatly enriched the language. This growth has been due to the coinage of new terms to describe new situations or to replace old terms, and the use of traditional, colloquial or regional terms used in a new sense.\n\nAs in all languages, new Chinese terms or expressions can have foreign or native sources; but in Chinese the great majority of new terms have come from foreign sources. Mass assimilation of Western knowledge in recent years has created an ever growing demand for new terms to describe objects or situations hitherto unknown in China. However, since, with a few exceptions, the Chinese language is written in monosyllabic characters and lacks a uniform pronunciation, it does not lend itself well to the adoption of foreign terms by transliteration. Transliteration being difficult, new terms have more commonly been introduced into Chinese by translating the foreign term into Chinese characters - a practice that can cost more effort than the coinage of new terms. When Liang Ch'i-ch'ao described his impressions of a visit to the British Parliament, he coined the expression pa-li-men. “Science” and “democracy\" first became known in China as sai-yin-szu or sai-hsien-sheng (\"Mr. Science\")",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204699,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 2,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "ACC. NO. 5.00860\n\nDATE OF ACC 24.9. 65\n\nCLASS NO. HKS 950\n\nAUTHOR NO PA & M X H Z\n\nREBOUND\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society\n\nPrinted in April, 1965. 1,000 copies\n\nPrice per copy :\n\nHK $12 US $2 postage extra UK 16/- \n\nObtainable from booksellers or direct from the Hon. Librarian, The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong.\n\nPrinted by Ye Olde Printerie, LTD., Hong Kong.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204878,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 181,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "156\n\nBENHAM, Miss M. E. M. - Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd.,\n\nBERTOVICH, Miss R. C.\n\nBIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D.\n\nBLACK, D.\n\nBLACK, Mrs. W. A.\n\nBLACKMORE, M.\n\nBLATCHFORD, C. H.\n\nBLUNDEN, Prof. E. C.\n\nBOAK, C. D.\n\nBOARD, D. B. M.*\n\nBOLLMEYER, Mrs. H.\n\nBONSALL, G. W.\n\nBORGEEST, G.\n\nBOXER, B.\n\nBOYD, J. D. I.\n\nBRAGA, J. M.\n\nBREUIL, Mrs. N. du\n\nBROMHALL, J. D.\n\nBROOKS, D. E.\n\nBROWNE, H. J. C.\n\nBRUNN, F.\n\nBUCKNELL, P.\n\nBYRNE, D. J.\n\nH.K.\n\nR.D. No. 1, Box 220, Masontown, Pa. U.S.A.\n\n7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon.\n\nLong Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland.\n\n10-A, Stanley Beach Road, Stanley, H.K.\n\nDept. of History, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nNew Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon.\n\nH.K. University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nDept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nc/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K.\n\n408/9 Yu To Sang Building, 37 Queen's Road, C., H.K.\n\nH.K. University Library, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 1058, H.K.\n\n2, Percival Street, 3rd floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 951, H.K.\n\n86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nFisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\nRadio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K.\n\nc/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\n908 Takshing House, H.K.\n\nLegal Dept. Central Govt. Offices, H.K.\n\nBURKHARDT, Col. V. R. 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nCALCINA, P. G.*\n\nCAMERON, N.\n\nCASHMORE, Miss M.\n\nCHAN, Fook-Lam\n\nCHAN, Dr. Hee Chi\n\nP. O. Box 15118, H.K\n\nCommercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K.\n\n75, Deepwater Bay Road, H.K.\n\n9A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\n77 Chun Yeung Street, 10th floor, H.K.\n\nBank of Canton Building, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204900,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 8,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "20th January \n\n9th March \n\n23rd March \n\n27th April \n\n9/10th May \n\n25th May \n\n22nd June \n\n2nd September \n\n27th October \n\nMr. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A. \n\n\"The Macartney Embassy Through Chinese Eyes\". \n\nProfessor J. K. Fairbank \n\n\"The Western Response to China”, \n\nAnnual General Meeting \n\nProfessor F. S. Drake, O.B.E., B.A., B.D., \n\n\"The Jewish Colony at Kaifeng and its Relation to other Monotheistic Faiths in China”. \n\nSymposium on Social Organization of Villages in the New Territories, including visits to villages in the New Territories. \n\nMr. Michael Lau, B.A., PID.ED.(H.K.), M.A.(HARV.) \"The Fung Ping Shan Museum”. \n\nDr. Marjorie Topley, B.SC.(ECON.), PH.D. \"Some of China's Little Known Religious Sects, and Their Migration Overseas”. \n\nMr. Tom Harrisson, D.S.O., O.B.E., \n\n\"Living Cultures in the Niah Context of Prehistory\". \n\nPeter Scott, Esq., C.B.E., D.S.C. \n\n\"The Conservation of the World's Wild Life and Wilderness”. \n\n16th November Professor Chao Mei-pa, B.A. \n\n\"A Brief Sketch of Chinese Music\", with instrumental illustrations by Dr. C. K. Wong and folksongs by Barbara Fei, Winnie Wei and Lee Bing. \n\nOf particular interest was the enthusiasm and the spirit of inquiry that were exemplified in the Symposium held on 9th and 10th May on the Social Organization of Villages in the New Territories which was organized and conducted by Dr. Marjorie Topley and Mr. R. E. Lawry with the active participation of two anthropologists from the University of London and District Officers of the New Territories, whose work had brought them",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 204952,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 60,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE\n\n53\n\nThe fact that these four traditional categories have names which often bear no relationship to the actual tone contours in a modern dialect should in no way detract from their great usefulness as standard labels. The desire to put descriptive names on each group for each dialect may have some pedagogical justification but results in unnecessary profusion of terminology when used in cross-dialect study.\n\nThe consonants of KS are:\n\nLabials\n\nDentals\n\nPalatals\n\nVelars\n\nUnaspirated stopsAspirated stops\npph\ntth\ncch\nkkh\n\nNasalsmnngs\nSpirantsfsh\nLaterall\n\nThe phonetic values for these consonants in all linguistic environments are similar to those of SC with the exception of /k/ before /u/ where the pronunciation is that of a well-rounded laryngeal stop [q\"], and /-at/ which is commonly [-a'] in rapid speech.\n\nExamples of the consonants are:\n\n/pa3/ ‘a handle'\n\n/tol/ 'many'; /pet4/ 'north'\n\n/cit5/ 'to meet'\n\n/kai4/ 'expensive'; /luk2/ 'deer'\n\n/pha4/ 'to fear'\n\n/thui3/ 'thigh'\n\n/chiu2/ 'tide'\n\n/khei2/ 'flag'\n\n/mun2/ 'door'\n\n/lin6/ 'to think of'\n\n/lung2/ 'farmer'\n\n/fen1/ 'a division'\n\n/sau1/ 'to repair'\n\n/hui1/ 'to open'\n\n/lui5/ 'long time'\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205029,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1965",
        "page_number": 137,
        "title": "RAS-1965",
        "content_text": "128\n\nBENHAM, Miss M. E. M. Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd.,\n\nBERTOVICH, Miss R. C.\n\nBERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.\n\nBEVERIDGE, R. J.\n\nBIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D.\n\n+\n\nBLACK, D.\n\nBLACKMORE, M.\n\nBLAKER, D. J. R. -\n\nBLATCHFORD, C. H,\n\nBLUE, A. D. -\n\nT\n\nBLUNDEN, Prof. E. C.\n\nBOAK, C. D.\n\nBOARD, D. B. M.*\n\nBODILLY, Mrs. M.\n\nBOLLMEYER, Mrs. H.\n\nBONSALL, G. W.\n\nBORDWELL, J. H.\n\nBORGEEST, G.\n\nBOXER, B.\n\nBOYD, J. D. I.\n\nBRAGA, J. M.\n\nBRAUN, F.\n\n7\n\nד\n\nBREUIL, Mrs. N. du\n\n-\n\nBRITTON, Mrs. N. M.\n\nBROMHALL. J. D.\n\nBROOKS, D. E.\n\nBROWN, Miss B.\n\nBROWN, Mrs. D. L.\n\n+\n\n-\n\n-\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\nH.K.\n\nR.D. No. 1, Box 220, Masontown, Pa. U.S.A.\n\nItalian Embassy, Tokyo, Japan.\n\nUniversity Press, Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon,\n\nLong Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland,\n\nDept. of History, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nc/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K.\n\nNew Asia College, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o World Wide Shipping, Cornes & Co., C. P. O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan.\n\nMerton College, Oxford University, England.\n\nDept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nc/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K.\n\n12A Mt. Nicholson Road, H.K.\n\nc/o W. F. Bollmeyer & Co. (H.K.) Ltd., Rooms 408-9 Yu To Sang Building, H.K.\n\nFlat 4-B, 3 University Drive, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 25, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 1058, H.K.\n\nDept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ., East Lansing, Michigan 48824, U.S.A.\n\nc/o Political Adviser, Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 951, H.K,\n\n8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K.\n\n86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\n6 Peel Rise, The Peak, H.K.\n\nFisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\nRadio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K.\n\nMedical Rehabilitation Centre, L. 254 Kun Tong, Kowloon,\n\nChatham Galleries, 103 Chatham Road, Kowloon.\n\n*\n\nLife Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205097,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 53,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "Highland\n\nSwampland\n\nBoundary of Hong Kong\n\n2 MILES\n\nSham Chan\n\nKwongtung (China)\n\nHa\n\nSheung Shui\n\nTin Kong\n\nsta. Tow Long\n\nLong\n\nSon\n\nKam teiki\n\nHa Tien\n\nPing Shon\n\nYush Long\n\nKom Tin\n\nTou Trued\n\nLung Kuat Tow\n\nFan Ling\n\nTai Hoop\n\nItai Pa Kau Hai\n\nStar Pa mui\n\nArea of the New Territories largely controlled by the Five Great Clans\n\nCourtesy of Henry Talbot, Hong Kong University\n\n48\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205115,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 71,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "66\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nChinese artists of the tenth and twelfth centuries respectively. One does not even have to look at reproductions of his paintings to see how Chinese he is; the titles of his paintings alone show this. \"Mountains in Rain\", \"A Grove of Leafy Trees in Mist and Rain\", \"Clearing after a Spring Rain over the Mountains\" -- all these and many other titles suggest strongly that Kao stayed strictly within the Chinese tradition.21 In this connection another phenomenon must be noted. These foreigners not only seem to have lost their national background but also their religion. When we read, for example, the poems written by a Nestorian Önggüt in Chinese we do not find any Christian elements, nor is there any hint to Islamic faith in the poems of writers like Sa'd ad-Daula. Nothing could, of course, prevent these authors from, say, praising Allah in Chinese or writing a Christian hymn. And there was also nothing and nobody to prevent them from continuing to use their native language as a literary medium. The Mongol Government remained, on the whole, tolerant towards foreigners and foreign languages. But it seems as if the attraction of Chinese civilization was so strong that foreigners residing in China tried hard to be acknowledged by the Chinese intelligentsia as their equals. Or must we ascribe this phenomenon to a hostility of the Chinese who did not care to preserve literature written in foreign languages? There may have been poems written in Persian or Turkish in Yüan China, but if so, they certainly did not survive. There are certain indications that later Chinese nationalism under the Ming may have wiped out any traces of foreigners. In 1269 a new script for the Mongol language had been invented by Phags-pa Lama, a script that was meant to supersede the Uighur-Mongol script. The use of this new script, the so-called square script which was based on the Tibetan alphabet, was made obligatory by Imperial decree, and also used for printing Mongol books. But only fragments of one Mongol book printed in the Phags-pa script have survived, fragments of a Buddhist text (Subhāsitaratnanidhi) that have been found in Turfan. The Yuan dynastic history contains some data on the translations of Chinese works into Mongol. Apart from Buddhist scriptures at least seven works, some of them quite lengthy, were translated and printed, and nine more have at least reached the MS stage. But not a single one of these printed books and manuscripts has survived, with the possible exception of the bilingual Chinese-Mongol Classical Book of Filial Piety (Hsiao-",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205214,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 170,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "164\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nand transcribed in a variety of ways by native-speakers of Cantonese.\n\nThe origins of words such as amah are hidden in the obscure labyrinths of time but are still as fresh as a new-born babe. Such words contain the elements of English mammy, ma, French maman, Latin mater and so on, for they represent the infant mouth opening to bawl and sometimes the closing of the tiny lips over the mother's teat. Such words exist in all languages even as a rejecting, spitting series for the father: pater (in Latin), English daddy, Cantonese papa mimic the child's rejection of his father's milkless breasts.\n\nIt is unnecessary to derive Cantonese amah from an Arab source. Similar forms, demonstrably not of Semitic origin, occur in many languages; in those of the Iberian peninsula, ama may or may not be an Arabism. In India, it was one of the common Indo-Portuguese words for a children's nurse. It is this word which came to Canton either in the Portuguese lingua franca which preceded pidgin English as the jargon of the China coast or in pidgin English itself. The documents of the nineteenth century are rich in derivatives of this word and even today wash-amah and baby-amah are widely used expressions in Hong Kong. Chow-amah (wet-nurse) disappeared at the introduction of patent infant formulae.\n\nThe only problem is whether amah, which sounds as exotic in Cantonese as kowtowing once did in English, entered the dialect directly from a Portuguese dialect or was introduced by way of English. My understanding is that amah is seldom used by the Hong Kong Portuguese in the sense of servant and that the word, though Portuguese in origin, is an early English loan to Cantonese, the forerunner of pa-si (bus), mhodhang nreoezir (modern girl), bheazao (beer) and the hundred and one other loans found in the Cantonese spoken in Hong Kong today.\n\nUntil more evidence is forthcoming, the derivation of sz tsai and sz tau will seem far-fetched. Nor is there enough proof to convince that fa wong is a calque (translation) of Urdu malik, even though the semantic extensions of wong and malik appear to coincide. I cannot tell which are the foreign words from which we are supposed to derive kwuntim, sz-naai and tai pan and have yet to be convinced that Cantonese natuk is in fact the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205223,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 179,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "173\n\nBENHAM, Miss M. E. M. Harcourt Health Centre, Morrison Hill Rd.,\n\nBENT, Miss Dora\n\nBERTOVICH, Miss R. C.\n\nBERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.\n\nBEVERIDGE, R. J.\n\nBIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D.\n\nBLACK, D.\n\nBLACKMORE, M.\n\nBLAKER, D. J. R.\n\nBLUE, A. D.\n\nBOAK, C. D.\n\nBOARD, D. B. M.*\n\nBONSALL, G. W.\n\nBORDWELL, J. H.\n\nBORGEEST, G.\n\nNethersole Hospital, Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nR.D. No. 1, Box 220, Masontown, Pa., U.S.A.\n\nItalian Embassy, Tokyo, Japan.\n\nUniversity Press, Hong Kong University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon,\n\nLong Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland,\n\nDept. of History, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nc/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K.\n\nChief Engineer, M.V. \"World Yuri\", World Wide (Shipping) Ltd., c/o Cornes & Co., C.P.O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan,\n\nDept. of Modern Languages, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nc/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K.\n\nFlat 4-B, 3 University Drive, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 25, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 1058, H.K.\n\nBORRELL, Rev. Bro. O. W. St. Francis Xavier's College, 45 Sycamore Street, Kowloon.\n\nBOXER, Prof. B.\n\nBRAGA, J. M.\n\nBRAUN, F.\n\nBREUIL, Mrs. N. du\n\nBRITTON, Mrs. N. M.\n\nBROMHALL, J. D.\n\nBROOKS, D. E.\n\nBROWN, Miss B.\n\nBROWNE, H. J. C.\n\nBRUCE, Robert\n\nBRUUN, F.\n\nBUNGER, Dr. Karl\n\nDept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ., East Lansing, Michigan 48824, U.S.A.\n\nP. O. Box 951, H.K.\n\n8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K.\n\n86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\n6 Peel Rise, The Peak, H.K.\n\nFisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\nRadio Hong Kong, Mercury House, H.K.\n\nMedical Rehabilitation Centre, L254 Kwun Tong, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nThe British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n908 Takshing House, H.K.\n\nConsul General, Consulate General of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205276,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 38,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\n\n31\n\nThe original site of the village is believed to have been somewhere southwest of Sung Wong Toi Hill. According to the report of Mr. Wu Pa-ling (A) who had carried out research in that area, the village situated at the foot of the northern tip of the Er-huang-tien Hill was formerly occupied by some two hundred people, mostly by the surname of Lee and living in about twenty or thirty houses. In 1927 or 1928, they were evacuated by the Government and the whole village, together with a Temple of the Northern God (Pei-ti) at the front of the village, was levelled to permit the construction of modern roads and buildings. Henceforth, there was no trace left by which to locate the original site of the village. The temple was removed to a nearby place by the side of the present Tam-kung Road where there is a street by the name of Pei-ti (Northern God),15\n\nMy own study on the subject has led me to the conclusion that it is highly probable that the royal party did visit that place or stay there in some house or houses which, in accordance with Chinese tradition, were subsequently called by the honorific name of palace (kung or tien). After their departure from Kowloon, people came in later times to settle down at the same place. More houses were built from time to time forming a village called Two Emperors' Palace Village and the hill by its side was also called Two Emperors' Palace Hill, which was really the hill on the northern tip of the eastern pincer of the Kuan-fu Mountain.\n\nThe most difficult problem in this study, however, is to know where exactly the original site of the village was, as every written record has omitted the location and no one who has visited it could tell precisely. After many years of painstaking and unsuccessful research, I finally found the right solution as late as 1962 when I was able to obtain some old maps of Kowloon Peninsula through the kind co-operation and assistance of officers of the Crown Lands and Survey division of the Public Works Department, Hong Kong Government. On one of them prepared in 1903—Sheet 6 in Number 2 Survey District—the exact location of the village is indicated and the name is given below. It is, however, misspelt \"Un Wan Tun\" probably due to linguistic difficulty on the part of the foreign surveyor. It is on the eastern side of the northern part of the Kuan-fu Mountain to which the colloquial name of Two Emperors' Palace Hill is also not given.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205282,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 44,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "THE TRAVELLING PALACE OF SOUTHERN SUNG\n\n37\n\n\"the back seat\". But before accepting this interpretation, one must verify the identity of the Yunnan Lao with the aboriginal tribe dwelling in Kow-Joon speaking the same language.\n\n6 See my article \"The Southern Sung Stone-engraving at North Fu-t'ang\" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 5, 1965. At line 17 of the article \"before this date\" should read \"after this date\". The Chinese text on the engraven rock was given in my article, but was not accompanied by a literal translation, which now follows:\n\n[I] Yen I-chang of Ku-pien (K'ai-feng, Honan Province), being the administrator of this Field (namely, Kuan-fu Ch'ang), accompanied by Ho T'ien-chuch of San-shan (Foochow, Fukien Province), come to visit these two mountains (North and South Fu-t'ang). In the course of investigation, [I found, first, that] the stone pagoda (shih-ta, or colloquially called Ku-shih-ta and abbreviated to Ki-ta) at South T'ang was constructed in the 5th year of the reign of Ta Chung Hsiang Fu (i.e., of Emperor Tsen Tsung of Northern Sung, A.D. 1012). Next, Cheng Kuang-ch'ing of San-shan, piling up stones and chopping down trees, renovated the two T'angs. Again, T'eng Liao-chuch of Yung-chia (Wen-chou of Chekiang Province) continued the work. The ancient stone-tablet at North T'ang was established by Hsin P'o-ting of Ch'uan-chou (Fukien province) in the year wu shen but the reign [of what Emperor] cannot be ascertained. Now, Nien Fa-ming of San-shan and Lin Tao-i of this native place (i.e., Kowloon) continue the work. Furthermore, Tao-i can expand the former plan requesting [me] to establish another stone-engraving for commemoration [of the renovation]. Inscribed on the 15th day of the 6th lunar month in the year chia shu [i.e., 10th year] during the Hsien Shun reign (Emperor Tu Tsung of Southern Sung, A.D. 1274).\n\n7 Yuan Yuan, Kwangtung T'ung-chih, Haifang lüeh, chuan 2, kx. Ak Ma. 40%. Shu Mou-kuan, Hsin-an Hsien-chi, chuan 7, Chien-shu lüeh 建署累\n\n8 Ta-ch'ing Hui-tien, Kuan-chih kao. 76.\n\n9 Research notes by the late Sung Hsueh-p'eng (4) who had done much research work on the local history and geography of Hong Kong and Kowloon. A portion of the notes was generously recopied and given to me.\n\n10 Ibid.\n\n11 T'u-shu Chi-cheng, Chih-fang-tien (811A.AZ) records that \"This was the old engraving of Yuan times”.\n\n12 Chuan 18, Sheng-chi-lüeh BAY.\n\n13 Before 1941 there were three streets at this place, called \"Sung Street\", \"Ti (Emperor) Street\" and \"Ping Street\". (Apparently Emperor Ping was mistaken for Tuan Tsung (Shib). As the history of Southern Sung in Kowloon had been rather obscure, the mixing up of the two names was not very unlikely; even the Hsin-an Gazetteer made the same mistake. This whole area including the three streets was levelled during the Japanese occupation to facilitate the extension of Kai-tak airfield.\n\n14 See Jao Tsung-i, Kowloon yũ Sung-chi shih-liao ✯‡, ^*‡‡‡£ #, Hong Kong, Universal Book Co., 1959, p. 105.\n\n15 Wu Pa-ling, Sung-t'ai kan-chiulu 4*. *4434 in Sung Wong Toi, a Commemorative Volume, p. 108.\n\n16 By the side of the cliff a low-cost housing estate has been recently constructed south of the new Fu-ning Street (3##), east of the now Fuk-",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205350,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 112,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\nJ\n\n105\n\nThis officer established himself at a place then called Shak-tse-kong, the present Nam-tou, a part of which situated on a hill was surrounded by walls. But it was found that this officer was unable to rule efficiently the whole of the district, and some men of influence, supported by the high mandarins at Canton, demanded that the part of the country which they inhabited should be made a separate district.\n\nThe Emperor Wan-lik granted this petition in the first year of his reign; the new district was called \"Sanon,” new peace; and the walled part of Nam-tou rose to be the district town of Sanon, and accordingly received the name of Sanon Yuen-shing 新安城.\n\nThe Sanon district included the islands of Lan-tow, Hongkong, and all the small neighbouring islands. The mainland portion of the district was bounded to the North by the districts of Túng-kun 東莞 and Kwei-shin 歸善. The northern boundary is formed by the Pik-tau River, which flows into the estuary of the Canton River, and is navigable for small Chinese sea craft (such as passage-boats) for about 8 miles; and several chains of mountains further to the East. This boundary, however, is very arbitrarily drawn, as sometimes villages in the midst of Sanon belong to Túng-kun. The borders of the three districts join together in the neighbourhood of the mart of Kun-lan, a place notoriously unsafe, as being the abode of thieves and vagabonds, who can with facility escape from the jurisdiction of one mandarin to that of another.\n\nTo the East, the Sanon District is bounded by the estuary of the Canton River. This estuary is divided by the Chinese into several parts with different names: the part to the south of the Bocca Tigris into which the Pik-tow River falls, is called Hop-lan Hoi; the bay named by the English Lintin is designated by the Chinese Nam-low Bay, after the city of that name; Deep Bay is called Hau-hoi or Back-water Bay*. This bay is generally very shallow, a deep channel however running down the centre; the navigation is rendered more dangerous by the many oyster-beds which exist. The bay terminates in a considerable creek, which is navigable at high-tide for three or four miles, as far as the important mart of Sham-tsuen.\n\n&\n\nPA.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205362,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1967",
        "page_number": 124,
        "title": "RAS-1967",
        "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n117\n\noften held by a Keu-jin or a Sew-tsai, whilst a Keu-jin very seldom accepted the office of Fan-to.\n\nThe chief officers of a town-ship were generally such as had purchased a low rank, and who frequently had been long in the service of high mandarins. Throughout a long list of these officers, only two Man-chu names appear. During the Ming dynasty, graduates, even Seu-tsai, thought it beneath their dignity to accept this office, as they might fairly hope for higher employment; but at present the sale of places has reached so great a height, that even this low office is not bestowed on them gratuitously; and accordingly we find that, as the most learned are not always the most affluent, many meritorious men are lost in obscurity.\n\nWe must now proceed to cast a glance at the Military Mandarins and their establishments. There are two Ying-pun camps in the district: the one at Nam-tou, the other at Tai-pung. At the former place the force consists of one “Yau-kik”, or Lieutenant-Colonel; one \"Shou-pe\", or Major; two \"Tsing-tsung\", or Lieutenants; four “Pa-tsung”, or Sergeants; and five \"Ngai-wai\", or Corporals. They are in command of 995 soldiers, of whom 20 are cavalry, 293 infantry, and 682 garrison soldiers.\n\nThe pay of the whole establishment amounts to 14,000 taels per annum, with an allowance of 3,650 piculs of grain, and 15,000 bundles of straw, (principally used as fuel.) Extra emoluments are derived from the Imperial rice-fields, which are cultivated by the soldiers. This force is employed in garrisoning the district town and three forts, one of which is in the neighbourhood of Sanon, and the other two occupy the promontories of the bay of Chik-wan. It has also to supply men for twenty-four guard stations. The three forts above mentioned are ordered to have a garrison of twenty men, and to mount six guns each. I have visited these three places, but found neither guns nor soldiers, and the places themselves showed no signs of fortification, save a dilapidated wall.\n\nThe guard stations should be furnished with from two to six soldiers each; they are scattered over the whole western part of the country, and are intended to serve as a check against the frequent highway robberies. I never found one of these stations",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205654,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 196,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "THE LIBRARY\n\n191\n\nLANG, Olga.\n\nPa Chin and his writings; Chinese youth between the two revolutions. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U.P., 1967. (Harvard East Asian series, 28)\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Peter A.\n\nAn introduction to the Thai (Siamese) language for European students. Victoria, B.C., Curlew P., 1955.\n\nLAUFER, Berthold.\n\nArchaic Chinese jades collected in China by A. W. Bahr, now in Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, described by Berthold Laufer. New York, privately printed for A. W. Bahr, 1927.\n\nLAUFER, Berthold.\n\nIvory in China. Chicago, Field Museum of Natural History, 1925.\n\nLAUFER, Berthold.\n\nJade; a study in Chinese archaeology and religion. 2nd ed. South Pasadena, Perkins, 1946.\n\nReprint of original ed., publ. by the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago, 1912.\n\nLESLIE, Donald, and DAVIDSON, Jeremy.\n\nAuthor catalogues of western sinologists. Canberra, Dept. of Far Eastern History, Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University, 1966. Mimeographed.\n\nLIN, Yu-t'ang (***)\n\nThe gay genius: the life and times of Su Tungpo. New York, John Day, 1947.\n\nLIN, Yu-t'ang (***)\n\nThe importance of living. New York, Reynal & Hitchcock, 1937 reprinted 1938.\n\nLIN, Yu-t'ang (††364)\n\nMoment in Peking: a novel of contemporary Chinese life. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1939.\n\nLIN, Yu-t'ang (#*#*)\n\nWith love and irony. Garden City., N.Y., Blue Ribbon, 1945.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205828,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 134,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "128\n\nARMANDO DA SILVA\n\naccessibility, seasonal demand, and tonic quality. The Chinese names are in colloquial Cantonese:\n\nArtemisia vulgaris (ng yuet ngai AX) is a traditionally sacred medicinal plant. Sprigs of artemisia are hung on doorways on the festival day of tuen yeung (), that day associated with glutinous rice dumplings and dragon-boat races; hence the colloquial name \"fifth moon artemisia\". A powder is made from this and is used in moxa (ngai yung *). For medicinal use the sprigs are ground and sprinkled into warm rice wine to make a fragrant tonic drink, which allegedly relieves upset stomach.\n\nAmaranthus spinosus (lak yuen tsoi ). The roots and leaves of this plant are boiled in water and the infusion used in the treatment of piles. A soup is made by boiling the leaves and the shoots and the decoction is drunk as a yuet hei reliever. It is also considered a diuretic drink. Although this plant is not cultivated, it is often sold as a vegetable in vegetable stalls.\n\nHylocereus undatus (pa wong fa re£) is a seashore plant of the cactus family. The silk tassels from the flowers are dried and used to make a cough medicine. The tassels may also be boiled as a vegetable and cooked with pieces of pork to make soup. See Plate 10.\n\nVitex trifolia (pak fei muk yee ¶). This is another beach plant whose leaves and vines are boiled to make a poultice for bruises. The leaves are ground and drunk with warm rice wine. This is a favourite medicinal plant among the Tanka boat-people.\n\nBreynia fruticosa (hak min shun i) is a hillside plant whose leaves are boiled in water to make an infusion for the cleansing of sores. To complete the treatment a poultice of its leaves is applied to the sores.\n\nMelastoma sanguineum (long kau lei #Ƒ) is a styptic simple. Its leaves are both ground and drunk with warm rice wine, and are also used as a styptic poultice.\n\nPolygonum chinenses (fo tan mo ★★). The leaves are fried with honey and eaten as a treatment for dysentery. The leaves can also be made into a poultice to relieve rheumatic pain and for treating foot sores and arm boils,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205884,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 190,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "184\n\nBELL, G. J.\n\nBENANZIO, Dr. Mario\n\nBERKOWITZ, Dr. M. I,\n\nBERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.*\n\nBEVERIDGE, R. J.\n\nBEYENS, Baron F.\n\nBIRCH, Dr. A.\n\nBIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D.\n\nBLACK, D.\n\nBLACKMORE, M.\n\nBLAKER, D. J. R.\n\nBLUE, A. D.\n\nBLUNDELL, G. S.\n\nBOARD, D. B. M.*\n\nBONSALL, G. W.\n\nBORDWELL, H. H.\n\nBORGEEST, G.\n\nBOXER, Prof. B.\n\nBRAGA, J. M.\n\nBRAUN, F.\n\nBRIDGES, G. A.\n\nBRIGGS, G. G.\n\nBRIM, J. A.\n\nBROMHALL, J. D.\n\nBROOKS, D. E.\n\nRoyal Observatory, H.K.\n\n189 Ampang Road, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia.\n\nc/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Pittsburg, Pa., USA.\n\nLungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy.\n\nc/o 4A, Horsburgh Grove, Armadale, Melbourne, S.E. 3, Victoria, Australia.\n\nRoom 145, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nDept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon,\n\nLong Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland.\n\nDept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K.\n\n\"Upper Woodburn\", 19 Millig Street, Helensburgh, Scotland.\n\nD-4 Silverstrand, 94 Mile Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K.\n\nc/o The University Library, University of Hong Kong, HK.\n\nP. O. Box 25, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 1058, H.K.\n\nDept. of Geography, Michigan State Univ. East Lansing, Michigan 48823, U.S.A.\n\nP. O. Box 951, H.K.\n\n8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K.\n\nc/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nThe Supreme Court, H.K.\n\nc/o Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle Street, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Fisheries Research Station, The Fish Market, Island Road, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\nRadio Hong Kong, Broadcasting House, Broadcast Drive, Kowloon.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205915,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1969",
        "page_number": 220,
        "title": "RAS-1969",
        "content_text": "да\n\n山鞍傷\n\nHun pint\n\nYoung ping\n\nSka kolm\n\nBrak kong na\n\nTuk kezé\n\nSai Kung\n\nTazu kang\n\nflo ring\n\nWang kiung au\n\nTai pa tami\n\nLing bu\n\n*\n\nTing og\n\nMangkung nh\n\nTai kang kaj.\n\nla jant\n\nLeng\n\ntan\n\n**\n\nNa\n\n*ỹ Thrang, sheung ka\n\nfrk bang\n\nan t'au cki“\n\nkang\n\nTo ka ping\n\nTak lam eking\n\nWang una chan\n\nTiu\n\n....\n\nH\n\nPlate 15. A full scale reproduction from the original San On Map of Mgr. Volonteri, showing part of the Sai Kung Peninsula in eastern San On district.\n\n(By courtesy of the Royal Geographical Society).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 205946,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 26,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN\n\n21\n\nserved in the Legation Guard in Peking in 1900. The Chester Beatty Library (Dublin) has three volumes not otherwise accounted for (chüan 803/4, 805/6, and 10,110/1). The Wason Collection of Cornell University has chüan 13,853, and the National Central Library, Taipei, has chüan 7527, which Yang Chia-lo failed to reproduce. The number at present count then is 809 chüan out of the original total of 22,877 chüan (not counting the table of contents which has been separately published).\n\nWhat subjects are covered in the volumes that have been saved? Practically everything that concerned the Chinese around the year 1400, but in fragmentary fashion. Thought, morals, poetry of several kinds, frontier people (the Hsiung-nu and Hu, for example), geography, surnames, government, law, the spirits, biography, divination, architecture (gates, bridges, halls, storehouses, walls, offices), villages, capital cities, history, burial customs, astronomy, botany, grain, military matters, Buddhism, Taoism, travels, bronzes, food and drink, caves, dreams, scholars, drama, sacrifices, clothing, mathematics, images, carpentry, post stations, shamans, literary collections. Dr. Walter Swingle, writing on the YLTT in the Report of the Library of Congress (1922-23), asserted: \"It combined all existing Chinese books that were available to Yung-lo, excepting novels and possibly some plays.\" Fortunately, his remark was found to be in error when the Library of Congress acquired (1935) from the collection of Dr. H. A. Giles, professor of Chinese at Cambridge University, a copy of a \"short historical novel, Ch'ieh-fên-lu and a hsü-lu, purporting to describe the experiences of Sung Hui-tsung, made captive by the Chin in 1127.\" (The son of Dr. Giles, Lancelot, was in the British Legation during the siege in 1900, and doubtless picked it up then.) The first notice of the famous play P'i-pa chi (The Lute Song) also appears in a volume of the YLTT. Professor Pelliot has characterized as one of the most important volumes saved the sections from a great Yuan dynasty encyclopaedia (Ching-shih ta-tien, published 1331), including a part on courier stations (jamči), now in the Toyo Bunko. Among other interesting works saved, generally fragmentary, are geographical. Francis D. M. Dow of Australian National University has recently drawn attention to certain gazetteers preserved: one of the prefecture of Soochow, published in 1379, for example; and years ago (1929) the Metropolitan",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206144,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 224,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "217\n\nBARR, Miss E.\n\n80 Robinson Road, H.K.\n\nBARRETT, Rev. Cyril, S. J. c/o Wah Yan College, Queen's Road, East,\n\nBARRY, Cmdr. R. S. -\n\nBASHALL, Mrs. C. G. BEDLINGTON, Mrs. M.\n\nBELL, G. J.\n\n-\n\nBENANZIO, Dr. M.\n\nL\n\nBERKOWITZ, Dr. M. I. ·\n\nBERTUCCIOLI, Dr. G.*\n\nBEVERIDGE, R. J.\n\nBIRCH, Dr. A.\n\nBIRNBAUM, Mrs. S. D. ·\n\n+\n\nBLACK, D.\n\nBLACKMORE, M.\n\n+\n\nBLAKER, D. J. R. -\n\nBLUE, A. D.\n\nBOARD, D. B. M.*\n\nBONSALL, G. W.\n\nBORDWELL, H. H.\n\nBORGEEST, G.\n\nBOXER, Prof. B.\n\nBRAGA, J. M.\n\nBRAUN, F.\n\nBRIDGES, G. A.\n\nBRIGGS, G. G.\n\nBRIM, J. A.\n\nT\n\n·\n\n-\n\n·\n\n+\n\nH.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nc/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K.\n\nUnknown.\n\nc/o Royal Observatory, H.K.\n\nUnknown.\n\nc/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Pittsburg, Pa., U.S.A.\n\nLungotevere delle navi 30, Roma, Italy.\n\nc/o 4A, Horsburgh Grove, Armadale, Melbourne, S.E. 3, Victoria, Australia.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n7, Braga Circuit, Kowloon,\n\nLong Acre, Gullane, East Lothian, Scotland.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o Gilman & Co., Ltd., P. O. Box 56, H.K.\n\nChief Engineer, M.V. “World Soya\", World Wide (Shipping) Ltd., c/o Cornes & Co., G.P.O. Box 158, Tokyo, Japan.\n\nc/o Education Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong University Press, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 25, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 1058, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Geography, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan 48823, U.S.A.\n\nc/o National Library of Australia, Canberra, Australia.\n\n8 Kotewall Road, 4th floor, H.K.\n\nc/o The British Council, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nc/o The Supreme Court, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Anthropology, Stanford Univ., Stanford, California, U.S.A.\n\n+ Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206674,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 222,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "216\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ndilettante until the Kang-hsi period scholar Ho Cho (*) made known his annotated manuscript copy of the book. Thus the KKYL comes down to the Ching period with the great prestige it acquired during the Ming period, through no merit of its own but through the obscurity of other early work. It may be said that the T'u-hui Pao-chien, composed not long before the KKYL, also suffered the same good fortune. The value of the KKYL for study today lies not in the originality of the material; rather, it deserves study for what it indirectly reveals of early Ming tastes and popular beliefs regarding works of art. More importantly, it serves as a record of the confusion that resulted from the very great cultural and social upheavals which took place in China as a result of the Mongol conquest. The Yuan and early Ming periods saw the \"popularisation\" of a class of knowledge which had hitherto been confined to a very small élite. Ts'ao Chao was a man who stood mid-way between the old élite and the newly literate, and helped to propagate such knowledge. When Ming society settled down to a new pattern, a new class of literate élite grew up in the Chiang-nan area (mainly Chiangsu and Chekiang provinces) with their own canons of taste which have been recorded in books such as Kao Lien's Tsun-shêng Pa-chien but nowhere more elegantly than in Wên Chên-hêng's Ch'ang-wu-chih.\n\nWe now turn to the additions made by subsequent editors incorporated in the Wang Tso edition. These additions occupy several times more space than the original three chapters. Wang Tso, despite the peculiarity of his tastes (which were not so for his age), at least had the honesty to quote his own sources (often not the original sources of the passages). He, like many dilettantes of his time, had a great predilection for calligraphy, especially \"ancient\" calligraphy as transmitted in the form of old rubbings and, in particular, rubbings of the Lan-t'ing Preface supposedly written in 353 by Wang Hsi-chih, the most revered of Chinese calligraphers of all times. Quite one fifth of Wang Tso's book is devoted to calligraphy and rubbings (sixty pages in a translation text of about three hundred pages), and a large portion of this section is devoted to the not always consistent myths and legends which had grown round the holy script through the centuries. Now, Chinese connoisseurship, even without the benefit of western analytical methods, is usually highly sensitive and astute. But when it came to the Lan-t'ing Preface, all the enlightened perception of nearly all scholars throughout",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206818,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 95,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n89\n\nIn a word, during the thousand years between the Sung and the Ch'ing dynasties, documentary records of calligraphies and paintings of past dynasties were never compiled by following editing principles other than these two: either joint or separate. Among the above listed Ch'ing art catalogues, five of them conformed with the separate principle, while eighteen others followed the joint principle. Thus from the ratio of 1:3.6 shown between the two groups, it is clear that although these two editing principles both made their appearance in the Sung dynasty, by the Ch'ing period, catalogues that conformed with the joint principle by far out-numbered those that followed the separate principle.\n\nThe Kwangtung Art Catalogues\n\nII\n\nThe compilation of the catalogues for the five Kwangtung collections is, in fact, closely related to the above-mentioned editing principles: either joint or separate. For example, in his Fêng-man-lou shu-hua-lu (4 chuan, completed around the 20th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1840) Yeh Mêng-lung (1775-1832) adopted the principle of separating records of calligraphy and painting of past dynasties into two independent sections. However, in the other four catalogues, i.e., Wu Yung-kuang's (1773-1843) Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi (5 chuan, completed in the 21st year of the Tao Kuang era, 1841); Pan Chêng-wei's (1791-1850) T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi (5 chuan, completed in the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang era, 1843) and supplement (2 chuan, completed around the 29th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1849); Liang T'ing-nan's (1796-1861) T'ing-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa (4 chuan, completed in the 5th year of the Hsien Fêng era, 1855); and Kung Kuang-tao's (1832-1880) Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu (5 chuan, completed in the 11th year of the Hsien Fêng era, 1861), the compilers all followed the principle of combining the records of calligraphy and painting together in one chronicle.\n\nThus, among the five art catalogues, only one was edited in accordance with the separate principle, and the other four all adhered to the joint principle. This ratio of 1:4 seems to be quite close to the 1:3.6 ratio shown between catalogues respectively edited by",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206826,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 103,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES \n\n97\n\ncapital during the Chia Ch'ing and Tao Kuang eras, did not seem to be aware of the significance of the Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi. This was why when quoting a representative work among the art catalogues completed in the Ch'ing dynasty, Wu Yung-kuang only commended Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu, and completely ignored Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi. Finally it was only when Pan Chêng-wei wrote the preface for his own T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi in the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang era (1843) that for the first time Sun and Kao's works were given equal attention. In other words, whilst Sun's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi had already aroused attention among the scholars of Chiang Nan only half a century after its publication, it had to wait 184 years after its publication to be brought to the notice of Kwangtung art collectors. If Wu Yung-kuang's introduction of Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu to Kwangtung can be regarded as some kind of contribution to the art collectors in his native place, then Pan Chêng-wei's recommendation of Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi should in the same way be said to be one of his contributions to the Kwangtung art collectors. It was probably because of Pan's high recommendation of the Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi that this book later attracted the attention of two other Kwangtung art collectors. Therefore, although in the Chia Ch'ing and Tao Kuang eras, the earlier Kwangtung art collectors Wu Yung-kuang and Yeh Mêng-lung were not fully aware of the significance of the Kêng-tzu hsiao-hsia-chi, it seems that in the Hsien Fêng era, however, the later Kwangtung art collectors Liang Ting-nan and Kung Kuang-tao began to show a certain degree of respect for Sun's catalogue. Evidence for this can be obtained in the compilation system adopted in the art catalogues compiled by Liang and Kung.\n\nNow let us examine the editing system set down in Liang Ting-nan's T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa and Kung Kuang-tao's Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu. In the former there is a preface written in the 5th year of the Hsien Fêng era (1855) by Liang T'ing-nan himself, the last part of which reads,\n\nThis time when I came again to the province, I lived in seclusion ... I decided to keep this part after making a revision. As to this edition, I would not dare to compare it with the two works compiled by Sun and Kao respectively. Moreover, in the matter of the editing system, my book differs from theirs on many points.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206827,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 104,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "98\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nNeedless to say, the two works by Sun and Kao mentioned in the text refer to Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi and Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu. Although Liang T'ing-nan pointed out that it would be unsuitable to compare his T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa with the two works of Sun and Kao—which was, moreover, something that he would not venture to do—it could be deduced that, in his opinion, the two catalogues compiled by Sun Ch'êng-chê and Kao Shih-ch'i must have been held in reverence. Otherwise, it would be difficult to explain why he must necessarily take his work to compare with the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi and the Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu, and not with Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao. According to Liang's remark, it is clear that owing to Pan Chêng-wei's recommendation of the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi, Sun's work became an art catalogue capable of being compared with Kao Shih-ch'i's Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu in the mind of Kwang-tung art collectors some time later; while, on the other hand, Pien Yung-yü's work seemed to remain unnoticed, as it was during Wu Yung-kuang's time. It thus seems rather questionable whether Liang T'ing-nan was ever aware of Pien Yung-yü's Shih-ku-t'ang shu-hua hui-k'ao.\n\nAs to the origin of the editing method employed in Kung Kuang-tao's Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu, some hints may be obtained from the preface written by Li Ch'ao-t'ang, which reads,\n\nThe two brothers Huai-min and Shao-tang (i.e., Kung Kuang-yung and Kung Kuang-tao) had the largest collection of books in Kwangtung. At his leisure hours, Kung Kuang-tao compiled this catalogue by following the editing system set down in the catalogues of Sun Ch'êng-chê and Kao Shih-ch'i.\n\nThus, it can be seen that the origin of the editing method employed in the Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu was also that used in the two catalogues of Sun Ch'êng-chê and Kao Shih-ch'i. From the time when Wu Yung-kuang completed his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi to the time when Liang T'ing-nan completed his T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, 15 years had elapsed, and up to the completion of Kung Kuang-tao's Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu, 21 years. During these 21 years, apart from the fact that owing to Pan Chêng-wei's recommendation, Sun Ch'êng-chê's Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi received more attention, and that Liang T'ing-nan's T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206829,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 106,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "100\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nInk Bamboo & As Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u and Ho-lin-t'u are both paper hanging scrolls, it is difficult to perceive why after recording the painting Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u Wu Yung-kuang must necessarily record four other scrolls of calligraphy and two paintings by some other artists and then continued with Ho-lin-t'u.\n\nAgain, similar confusions could be found in Wu Yung-kuang's record of three paintings by Wang Fu. In chuan 4 of his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, Wu entered first of all Wang Fu's Kao-liang-shan-t'u\n\n# which was followed by Ni Tsan's small hanging scroll of landscape. Furthermore, only after introducing works by five other artists (Wang Mien, Wang Meng E. Huang Kung-wang ★✰✰, Ni Tsan and Wu Chen) and nine calligraphers (Kung Su, Liu Yu-ch'ing, Fan Kuo, Ou-yang Ying, Yü chi, Wu Ch'uan-chieh, Liu Kuan, Fêng Hai-su and Nao Nao) did he continue with Wang Fu's Ink Bamboo.\n\nAlthough, on the one hand, Wu listed the two Ni Tsan paintings and the three Wang Fu paintings separately in two unrelated places, on the other hand, in regard to the four paintings respectively done by Ch'ien Hsüan✯✯ and Chao Meng-fu #, he grouped them together. Why is it that Wu recorded works by Ch'ien Hsüan and Chao Meng-fu in continuous order, and yet broke up the record of works done by Ni Tsan and Wang Fu by inserting entries of works executed by other artists and calligraphers? In a word, when recording more than two paintings done by the same artists, Wu sometimes entered them continuously and sometimes separately. From this, it is apparent that no consistent principle was observed in the method of recording works by one artist in this catalogue. This mixed use of continuous and separate entries not only creates inconvenience to the reader, but also gives one a confused feeling. The presence of such shortcomings is undoubtedly a result caused by Wu Yung-kuang's unsuitable treatment in the matter of compilation.\n\nIn Pan Chêng-wei's ✯ T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi and Hsû-chi, as well as in Liang Ting-nan's T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, another type of shortcoming in compilation, which is quite different from that appeared in the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, can again be found.\n\nThere are altogether five chüan in the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi. With the exception of chüan 5, all the paintings and calligra-",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206832,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 109,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n103\n\nThe same deficiency can also be found in Liang T’ing-nan’s art catalogue. In the table of contents of chüan 4 in T’êng-hua-t’ing shu-hua-pa, the titles of 166 items of painting and calligraphy have been listed. Yet beginning with the 125th item, i.e. Fang Fêng-chi’s landscape, the rest have not been recorded. This shortcoming, though it seems to be exactly the same as that found in the Ting-fan-lou shu-hua-chi, shows in fact a certain degree of difference in comparison with the latter, as explained below.\n\nIn the table of contents of chüan 4 in T’êng-hua-t’ing shu-hua-pa, below the title of the 126th item of painting (i.e. Fang Hsün-yüan’s landscape) there is a four-small-character note (“i-hsia-wei-k’o” — the blocks for painting the following items have not yet been cut), indicating that the record of items following the 125th title have not been included in the text. Consequently, when a reader, checking through the table of contents, comes across this short note of “i-hsia wei-k’o”, he would understand that the record of paintings and calligraphies in the text ends with the 125th item, and that beginning from the 126th item, only the titles are listed in the table of contents, and so he is well prepared.\n\nHowever, neither in T’ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi nor in the supplement of this catalogue did Pan Chêng-wei attach any explanatory note to indicate which items had not been printed. As a result, the reader would presume that the entry in the text would agree with the title listed in the table of contents. He is thus not prepared for the inconsistency of finding the title of a certain painting in the table of contents, and yet not being able to find any record about it in the text. Consequently, when the reader notes the text of chüan 5 or the supplement of this catalogue and cannot locate any entry of the 10 items (i.e., starting from the landscape album executed by the Sung and Yüan artists in the former or the 12 items of painting starting from Wang Hui’s hanging scroll executed in the style of Wang Meng in the latter) and yet later discovers these 22 items of painting and calligraphy in the respective tables of contents of these 2 chüan, he could feel particularly confused and disappointed.\n\nIn regard to the discrepancy between the table of contents and the text, in the two art catalogues mentioned above, there is no difference in the nature of deficiency found in Liang and Pan. Only that, in the matter of seriousness, the shortcoming in Liang’s catalogue is less severe.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206834,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n105\n\nThere are still other mistakes that arise out of carelessness in proof-reading in the Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. The two following examples will serve as evidence. Firstly, an entry of a landscape album executed by the Sung and Yuan artists is recorded in chüan 2 of this catalogue. In this specific album, the third leaf is a painting entitled K'u-shu han-ya-t'u painted by Liang K'ai. Apparently, the character “ya” in the title is a slip of the pen for “ya”. Secondly, an entry of Ch'iu Ying's Yü-tung hsien-yuan-t'u in chüan 5 of this catalogue is accompanied by descriptions about this painting respectively quoted from Pien Yung-yü and An Ch'i. In Pien's description, there is such a sentence, \"i-hsien-lao ch'in-shu tieh-tso\" (“An immortal sits cross-legged with a lute and some books\"). Again, the character \"tieh\" is obviously erroneously taken for the character \"fu\". However, in An Ch'i's description, this character “fu” is in its correct form, and so it looks as though Pien Yung-yu's original text has such a mistake. But on checking Pien's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao, it is found that the character also appears as “fu” and not \"tieh\". From this, it is evident that Pien's original text is correct, and it is only when Wu Yung-kuang quoted this text that this particular character began to appear. Therefore Wu is the one that should be fully responsible for this kind of proof-reading error.\n\nAmong the art catalogues of the 19th century Kwangtung collectors, the above-mentioned proof-reading errors can also be found in Liang T'ing-nan's catalogue. Two such examples are given below.\n\nThree scrolls of painting done by Ch'ien Hsüan of the early Yüan period are recorded in chüan 1 of T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa. Ch'ien Hsüan's literary name is Shun-chü. In recording this early Yuan artist, Liang T'ing-nan designated him as Ch'ien Shun-chü and not as Ch'ien Hsüan. This is not incorrect. But in the table of contents of chüan 1, Ch'ien Hsüan's literary name has been wrongly recorded as Hsin-chü. If this literary name is recorded twice as Shun-chü and once as Hsin-chü, then this carelessness in proof-reading is perhaps excusable. However in the table of contents of chüan 1 of Teng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, Shun-chü has been repeatedly wrongly recorded thrice as Hsin-chü. For such a serious mistake in proof-reading, Liang T'ing-nan cannot be excused.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206835,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 112,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "106\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nBesides, in the table of contents of chüan 4 of T’êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, the 126th item is recorded as a landscape executed by Fang Hsün-yüan. Although there were quite a large number of artists in the Ch'ing dynasty, there was no one whose surname was Fang19. However, during the period between the Yung Chêng era and the beginning of the Chien Lung era, there was an artist by the name of Fang Shih-shu ✯±✯ (1692-1751) who was a native of An Hui and yet lived in Yang Chou. The literary name of Fang Shih-shu is Hsün-yüan20 #✡. Since in T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa, it was Liang T'ing-nan's practice to designate all artists by their literary names and not their real names, therefore this unidentifiable Fang Hsün-yüan is very likely a name mistaken for Fang Hsün-yüan. If this assumption is correct, then Liang T'ing-nan had not only recorded incorrectly the literary name of this An Hui artist, but also mistaken his real name. Such an inexcusable mistake is again due to carelessness in proof-reading.\n\nC. Chronological Mistakes\n\nI have not thoroughly investigated the number of chronological mistakes in the art catalogues of the Kwangtung collectors. However, this kind of error can at least be discovered in Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. It should be noted here that Wu Yung-kuang had left two most important documentary records. One was the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u in 10 chuan, compiled in the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang era (1843) which was the year of his death. The other was Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi in 5 chuan, which, though printed a little earlier than the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u (in the 21st year of the Tao Kuang era, 1841), was in fact completed two years before his death. In other words, the two most important works of Wu Yung-kuang were both completed during the last three years of his life. Unfortunately, there are certain mistakes in both works. As early as ten years ago, the chronological mistakes in the Li-tai ming-jen nien-p'u have already been pointed out by experts21. It is also regrettable that in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he had committed some other curious chronological mistakes. On page 4 of chüan 4, there is recorded Wu Yung-kuang's own colophon inscribed on Ch'ien Hsüan's Li-hua-chüan #4, which reads,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206838,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 115,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n109\n\n9 In chuan 4 of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi pp. 22b-33a, after entering Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u and inscriptions and recording the three colophons written by Tung Ch'i-ch'ang and emperor Chien Lung, Wu Yung-kuang's own colophon follows, beginning thus,\n\nThis painting agrees with the one recorded in Wu's Ta-kuan-lu\n\n4. It was after this painting had been dispersed from Chiêng Chi-pa's collection that Wu Tzu-min came across it. Soon it was acquired by the imperial household.....\n\nIn saying that \"this painting agrees with the one recorded in Wu's Ta-kuan-lu”, it is apparent that Wu Yung-kuang must have used Wu Sheng's Ta-kuan-lu in order to make a comparison between the inscriptions recorded in this catalogue and those appeared on the painting.\n\n10 See Hsin-chou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 5, p. 54b.\n\n11 See Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 4, p. 23a.\n\n12 Ibid chuan 5, p. 54b.\n\n13 See Ping-sheng chuang-kuan chuan 3, p. 20; published in Shanghai, 1962.\n\n14 See Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi chuan 4, p. 39a.\n\n15 Refer to footnote 10.\n\n16 An Ch'i's description of Yü-tung hsien-yüan-t'u can be found in Mo-ylian hui-kuan chuan 3. However he recorded it as Tao-yuan hsien-ching-t'u, which is somewhat different from that recorded by Wu Yung-kuang.\n\n17 See Pien Yung-yu's Shih-ku-t'ang hua-k'ao chuan 37. The edition used here is a photo copy of this catalogue in the collection of Mr. Chiang's Mi-chün-lou, made by Ying-yin chien-ku shu-she of the Cheng Chung Book Co., Taiwan in 1958, p. 4966. (The Chêng Chung Book Co. shows its ignorance in combining two pages of the original book into one page, and instead of following the original page number, gives each page a new number).\n\n18 The titles of these three scrolls of painting can be found in T'êng-hua-t'ing shu-hua-pa chuan 1, which are: Pai-l'ou an-ch'un tu p. 35b; Hua-kuo-r'u, p. 36a; Lan-hua-t'u, p. 36b.\n\n19 Among the documents that were completed in the Ch'ing dynasty and mainly dealt with biographies or names of the Ch'ing painters, the following are, in general, regarded as the most important:\n\n(1) Chang Kêng's Kuo-ch'ao-hua-chêng-lu in 3 chuan, supplement in 2 chuan. According to his own preface, this book was completed in the 13th year of the Yung Chêng era (1734).\n\n(2) P'êng Yün-ts'an's (1780-1840) Hun-shih hui-chüan\n\n史棠傳 in 70 chuan and appendix in 2 chuan.\n\n(3) Fêng Chin's Li-tai hua-chia hsing-shih pien-lan in 7 chuan, published in the 6th year of the Tao Kuang era (1826).\n\n(4) Lu Chün's Sung Yüan i-lai hua-jen hsing-shih-lu in 37 chuan. The preface written by Tang Chin-ch'ao is dated in the 10th year of the Tao Kuang era (1830).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206906,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1973",
        "page_number": 183,
        "title": "RAS-1973",
        "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n177\n\nA.D. The most authentic maps on Buddhism in China are those produced by a Japanese scholar, Oshio Dokuzan ★§♪λ in Shina-Bukyo Shi Chizu £*£ published in 1924 in Japan. Although I have no way to put the maps of Zürcher and Oshio side by side, since the latter's version is not available at this moment in Hong Kong, yet I see that Zürcher has made no use of Oshio's maps. As to Map II about the trade routes of Later Han, Albert Herrmann's An Historical Atlas of China (first edition printed in 1935 and second in 1966) has not been consulted,\n\nThirdly there are some minor editorial and textual blemishes in this important book. In the first place it seems that the author has been rather careless in the editing of his Bibliography. For instance, although Chen Yin-k'o's well-known study on Chih-Min-tu, a Buddhist monk of the Eastern Chin Period, Chih Min-tu Hsueh-Shuo K'ao £*£*** (which appeared in Ts'ai Yüan-pei Memorial Volume, Part I, pp. 1-18,) is mentioned by Zürcher in his 85th footnote for Chapter III (in Vol. II, p. 353), it is not included in his bibliography, although he has listed a second article also by Chen Yin-k'o there.\n\nAgain, there are quite a few misprints or mistakes in the Chinese characters, in these two volumes. As regards the former, at p. 221 of Vol. I, and again at p. 367 of Vol. II, the Chinese character “To” f£ is misprinted as ft. Similarly, on p. 444 of Vol. II, the first Chinese character for the title, Yen-tieh-lun #*, a famous treatise written in the Han Dynasty, is incorrectly printed as. Again, at p. 394 and p. 444 of Vol. II, the studio name Yü-Han Shan-fang has appeared twice. Although in its first appearance, the last Chinese character for this studio name is printed correctly, it is however, printed with a wrong form as second appearance. In addition to these, a commonly used Chinese character, Ming, has been rather frequently used by Mr. Zürcher (in p. 105 and p. 126 of Vol. I and p. 341 of Vol. II), and is always associated with a wrong form in its.\n\nLastly, concerning the author's interpretation of terms. For instance, \"Pa-ta\" Ait, a term which appears twice in p. 79 of Vol. I, has not been properly interpreted and translated except in inadequate English as \"eight-ta”. Yet already in 1938 T. K. Chuan in his study, \"Some Notes on Kao Seng Chuan\", (T'ien Hsia Monthly, Vol. VII No. 5, pp. 452-468, the well-known Journal in",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207084,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 155,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "HONG KONG PLACE NAMES\n\nS.S.\n\nO.S.\n\n57\n\nnim\n\n稔 淰\n\nnhimms\n\n58\n\nnia\n\nnriu\n\n59\n\n61\n\n28\n\n60\n\n澳\n\nqou\n\npa 爬耙艳\n\npraahó\n\npai 排排\n\npraayl\n\n62\n\npak 北\n\nbhak\n\n63\n\npak 白\n\nbraaks\n\n64\n\npak- 伯公\n\nbaakghung\n\nkung\n\nMeaning or Remarks\n\n149\n\nDictionaries give 'ripe grain', but the only meaning that seems to fit all cases is 'wet, muddy'. See (51).\n\nSaid in many places not to mean 'urine'. Is this prudishness, or is niu and its variant liu (35) another alternative for ngau (54), and if so did the name of this tribe in their own language begin with a nasal?\n\nA harbour: but often confused with au (2).\n\nA reef; a small island. But the many instances where this syllable occurs in mountain villages have yet to be cleared up. Sometimes interchangeable (despite the great difference in modern pronunciation with (63) and (76). See pages 156-157.\n\nIn some cases interchangeable with (62) and (76) and cannot mean 'white'. See pages 156-157, also (65).\n\nA numerous tribe of local gods each of whom is responsible for a path, bridge, gate, mountain pass, etc. Several passes are named Pak-kung Au as a result. The pak-kung",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207092,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1974",
        "page_number": 163,
        "title": "RAS-1974",
        "content_text": "HONG KONG PLACE NAMES\n\n157\n\nword. The word Ngau (54) in local place names is often interchanged with Yau (122) and once with Lau (30). It is possible that this is the word from which the Chinese Yao79 was derived.\n\nThe word Pak (63) in some local names interchanges with Pui (76). There was a people called the Pak158 in South China, and Pak (63), Pui (76) and perhaps Pa (60) and Pai (61) may be a version of this name. If these people cultivated salt paddy that would explain the term pak-tin (65).\n\nMany of the village names that make little sense contain two of these elements, e.g. Ma (42) Niu (58); Ma (42) Liu (35) Shui166; Ma (42) Yau181 Tong (98); Pak (63) Ngau (54) Shek (81); Yau180 Ma145 Tei; Pak (63) Tam172 Au (2). These would mean places where, by agreement, the two peoples could meet peaceably to exchange goods, to draw water, etc., or where cultivated land was shared.\n\nThe name Shan-lao165, preserved in Chang Wei-yen's134 petition may be that which we have in Sha Lo Tung163 and Sha Lo Wan164. And the name Lung Kwu143 (also Tung Kwu178) and Lung Kwu Tan144 may come from another name for the boat-people mentioned by Mr. Ch'en Hsü-ching135, víz, Lung-hu142 which he says is also pronounced with initial D.\n\nNOTES AND CHARACTER INDEX\n\n130 See South China Morning Post, Hong Kong, 9 November 1955.\n\n131 The Reverend W. Stott kindly lent me a copy of his unpublished M.A. thesis on the Nanchao Kingdom with extracts from a fuller text of the Man-shu, I believe from the Library of Congress, U.S.A. No text I could obtain in Hong Kong had half as much material.\n\n132 Cham zram (129 Rem.),\n\n133 Chan crann p. 156.\n\n134 Chang Wei-yen Zheonq Wrayjrann ✯✯✯ pp. 138, 157.\n\n135 Ch'en Hsü-ching Crann Zreoighenq pp. 139, 157.\n\n136 Ching crenq p. 156.\n\n137 Hakka xaakghaahx #, possibly a corruption of a Yao79 word for mountain-dwellers. P. 136 and passim.\n\n138 Hoklo xrokloo ## or ##, a name used by Punti160 and Hakka137 speakers to describe users of MinM dialects from Eastern Kwangtung and from Fukien, who pronounce # something like the Hakka pronunciation of. P. 136 and passim.\n\n139 Hsin-an-chih Shannghonn-zi pp. 138, 150.\n\n140 Lam Tsuen Lrammchynn p. 137.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207272,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 40,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "32\n\n9\n\nWELLINGTON K. K. CHAN\n\nShanghai during the 1900's is shown by the fact that out of the fourteen largest merchant organisations, seven of them were Landsmann guilds. Canton was unlike Shanghai in that commerce there was dominated by the local Cantonese. But even Canton had at least one fairly large Landsmann guild—the Chü-ho t'ang. It was founded in 1860 as an offshoot of the Ch'ao-chou (i.e. Swatow) Landsmannschaft (Pa-i hui-kuan) through the help of the naval garrison commander in Canton, who came from Ch'ao-chou.10\n\nThe functions of these Landsmann guilds resembled their parent Landsmannschaften. Chü-ho t'ang in Canton, Ssu-ming kung-so and Kuang-ch'ao kung-so in Shanghai all owned land for relief work and cemeteries for those who were waiting for permanent burial at their ancestral homes. Social values of this sort loomed large in the thinking of the Landsmann guilds, just as they did for the Landsmannschaften. The well-publicised struggle between the Ssu-ming kung-so and the French Consulate in Shanghai for half a century (1849-1898) was not over some commercial interest, but over the Ningpo merchants' insistence to maintain their cemetery grounds and the French desires to level that area. Ultimately, the French had to back down.11\n\nThe Ssu-ming kung-so's preoccupation with the cemetery shows at once its strength and weakness as an institution which contributed to social and economic integration. The traditional trade guilds were primarily concerned with avoiding competition from among its own members. Their regulations were cast in the \"thou-shalt-not\" vein. Their vigorous growth during the late nineteenth century helped to curb intra-trade competition.12 In contrast, the concern of the Landsmann guilds went beyond class lines and the economic self-interest of their members. They thus had broader orientations. Their aim was not to restrict or to negate, but to assert positively the rights of their entire group. Their weakness was, however, also obvious. They seldom considered the interest of the whole community. The Landsmann guilds were at best a stepping stone toward organisations that could claim community-wide representations.\n\nCharitable Halls (Shan-t'ang)\n\nAnother new institutional development took place sometime in the middle of the nineteenth century. As war and economic decline",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207277,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 45,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA\n\n37\n\nthat it became a coordinator of commercial activities between Swatow merchants living at home and elsewhere.31\n\nBut neither of them became fully community-wide organisations. In Newchuang, the city was divided into two parts, east and west, and each elected one president and one vice-president on an annual basis. These four officers then formed a governing committee with all the business transacted in their names. In Swatow, the assembly was divided territorially into two divisions, each electing annually twenty-four leading firms as representatives. From them officers were selected and again paired to assure each division equal representation.\n\nA variant of these guild assemblies was the Chungking Assembly (Pa-sheng hui-kuan), which was composed of the eight major provincial Landsmannschaften in that city. The assembly operated as a committee made up of the presidents of the Landsmannschaften of Kwangtung, Chekiang, Fukien, Hukuang, Kiangsi, Kiangsu, Shansi and Shensi.32 Its responsibilities were to represent the merchants' interest vis-a-vis the local government. It also performed municipal duties such as running a fire brigade, a police force and a social welfare service.33\n\nWhether an assembly of this sort was composed of Landsmannschaften or trade guilds seems to be determined by whichever group happened to dominate the local scene. In Chungking, the dominant group was the provincial Landsmannschaften. In Canton and Swatow, where commerce was controlled by the native Cantonese and Swatowese, there was no confederation of provincial Landsmannschaften to play a leading role. Hence Swatow's Wen-nien-feng Assembly was based on a number of the large firms from the various trade guilds. In Canton, a somewhat different arrangement took place. Prominent merchants from the community joined the boards of the large charitable halls which then performed roughly the same roles as the guild or Landsmannschaft assemblies.\n\nIn Shanghai, both the Landsmann guilds and the trade guilds were influential. Since there was no prominent group of merchants who were natives of Shanghai, one assumes that practically all the prominent trade guild leaders were leaders in the various Landsmann guilds as well. There was, however, no consolidated assembly in a formal way, although we know that informal consultations between them often took place when decisions had to be made on issues of community-wide interests.34\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207279,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 47,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA\n\n39\n\nother geographical groups. However, the Chinese chambers of commerce, with their foreign influence and official sponsorship, were a “modern” kind of merchant organisation, and their story properly belongs elsewhere.38\n\nIn the area of increased political leadership—the third area of merchant aspirations—the merchants' success was mixed and in one sense limited. As a social class, the merchants did not have an overall strategy to enhance their status and influence. Rationalisation of their political roles varied from place to place. In Canton, the merchant leadership remained with the directors and officers of the charitable halls, and they remained conservative. In Shanghai, merchants participated not only in charitable halls but also in municipal organisations with clear political aims. By the first decade of the twentieth century, merchant study groups, in imitation of others formed by students and scholar-gentry, were established to examine the questions of local government and constitutionalism. Eventually these activities led merchants to agitate for political representations in the Municipal Council of the International Settlement, and to set up a city council for the Chinese-controlled section of Shanghai.39 Others participated in direct action, as in the case of the 1905-06 boycott against American goods over that country's discriminatory immigration policy.40\n\nFew merchant organisations, however, became schools for political confrontations or other forms of patriotic outbursts. Most of them were run by establishment-oriented merchants who sought to use their institutions as a means to promote symbiotic arrangements with officialdom. Although these efforts varied by time and place, one common element stood out—the Chinese merchants in late imperial China were by and large interested in making their political links only at the local and provincial levels. Their interaction with the political order took place at these levels, for governmental sanctions and supports came from the provincial Governors-general and their lieutenants. The merchants realised that the central authority at the time was weak and far away. As practical men, they therefore limited their ties of mutual benefit to where they were counted most. Yet this went against their long-term interests. For to achieve economic development, China needed efforts at the national level. Then as collaborations between local officials and merchants increased, the considerable strength of the merchant",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207318,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 86,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "78\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\npart, and even the music was streamlined by her. There are up to date eight plays in their repertoire: Pa-pao kung-chu† ± princess Pa-pao; T'ao-hua huo tu*; also called Su Liu-niang*; Shih yü-cho£; The Jade-bracelet; Ch'en San Wu-Niang: Tze Liang Chi : Tang Po-hu tien ch'iu-hsiang唐伯虎點秋香(三笑姻緣); Shou Shu-yüan搜書院; and Tze Lang-chu辭郎洲.\n\nHere is the content of two of these operas as they were performed by Hsiao Nan-ying in Hong Kong in 1975.\n\nSTABBING LIANG CHI (✯✯M✯)\n\nLiang Chi, a treacherous prefect, passes through the streets and his guards catch a man who roamed about instead of retiring at the approach of the prefect. When questioned, it turns out that he is a fortune-teller. The prefect dismisses his entourage and encourages the fortune-teller to look at his face and tell his fortune. After some hesitation he talks professional terminology about Liang's eyes and physiognomy and asks him about his age. 63 was the answer. Then he would be stabbed in the next 3 days; but if he could avoid it he would be very successful thereafter. If he wants to avoid it—and he asked the lord to go backwards 3 steps—then he should not go out of his house and not see anyone from outside for 3 days.\n\nThe fortune-teller, although afraid, was rather satisfied with the prospect to see this wretched lord killed.\n\nAfter this the fortune-teller wished to get out of the house as fast as possible, but the lord called his housekeeper and ordered him to feed the fortune-teller,\n\nThe gates were locked and orders given, and then the lord planned to enjoy these 3 days of unexpected leisure. As he had just got a new lady in his residence, he gave orders that she should serve him the wine that night.\n\nThe new lady (performed by Hsiao Nan-ying) was in fact the daughter of a fisherman whom the lord had killed with an arrow. The fisherman's daughter had come instead of another, in order to avenge her father. When she was summoned, she knew that this was her chance to fulfill her vows. She took a hair pin from her hair, and decided that she would stab him with it. The ladies-in-waiting brought a crown and gorgeous red garments to dress her for",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207329,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 97,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n89\n\nexplore the lives led by members of the European working class and to develop some ideas about the nature of social stratification among Europeans and Chinese in nineteenth century Hong Kong.\n\nThe documentation on working class Europeans in Hong Kong is not extensive. They were often barely literate. Even if they wrote well, they were not inclined to record on paper their thoughts and experiences for posterity. If they wrote letters home, such correspondence was not usually preserved (there are some exceptions) for future generations. It is extremely difficult, therefore, to obtain a clear picture of their social perceptions, of what they felt about Hong Kong. Most accounts of this class must come, inevitably, from middle-class Taipans, colonial civil servants, travellers, journalists, writers of one type or another, many of whom were class-ridden and decidedly unsympathetic to the European hoi polloi of the China coast.\n\nA great deal of information is to be found, of course, in the English language newspapers printed in Hong Kong; but much of it deals solely with court cases, providing only indirect clues to the problems facing working class Europeans and to the social attitudes of their superiors. We do not have much material on their social and private lives for they were not clubmen or members of prestigious associations. Consequently, their everyday activities are not recorded normally in the social columns of local newspapers. Only intermittently, when they acquired local notoriety for delinquent or deviant behaviour, were their lives memorialised in the annals of the press.\n\nScarcity of primary source material and lack of documentation should not stultify all efforts to write about the European working class in Hong Kong, for questions raised by its existence are important sociologically and some attempt must be made to answer them. For example, members of the European uniformed supervisory staff—those whom Cantonese call pong-paân (help-manage)* - had frequent face-to-face contacts with ordinary Chinese and often lived cheek by jowl with them in Chinese residential areas; this fact would suggest that Chinese stereotypes of the European may have derived from, or been heavily influenced by, such contacts. Such a question directs the sociologist to a further problem,\n\n* For this term, and for the maai-paån or managers see Marjorie Topley's definition at p. 105 below.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207339,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 107,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n99\n\nadjacent to the European business centre, the so-called Central District (Chung Wan), or, eastwards along Queen's Road, in the district of Wan Chai.\" Once Kowloon was acquired, pong-paân were attracted to this new area of settlement because of low rents and the propinquity of the docks, wharves and godowns soon established there, which in time gave employment to numerous European overseers. At the end of the century, Kowloon had become the principal habitat of lower class Europeans. There were terraces of houses occupied solely by them. A witness wrote:\n\nThese are generally employees in the dockyards, or clerks, or the families of engineers and mates of the small steamers that have their headquarters in Hong Kong... Hong Kong looks down on Kowloon with all the well-bred contempt of Belgravia for Brixton. And even in the despised suburb on the mainland these social differences are not wanting. The wives of the superior dock employees are the leaders of Kowloon society; and the better half of a ship captain or marine engineer is only admitted on sufferance to their exclusive circle.18\n\nBut the part of Victoria most frequented, especially at night, by the European lower orders—soldiers, sailors, merchant seamen, beach-combers and others—was Tai Ping Shan, a densely populated Chinese residential area west of the Central District. In 1875 a visitor to Hong Kong wrote:\n\nPassing westward along Queen's Road, we come upon a quarter of the town much frequented by seamen of all nations. Here spirits are sold in nearly every second shop, and bands of common sailors may be seen spending their time and money on questionable drink in more questionable company, roaring out some rough sea-song in drunken chorus, or dancing to the time of a drum and flute, accordion or cornopean. The piles of Chinese houses which rise above this locality embrace Tai-Ping-Shan, or the hill of great peace. The name is a fine one, but a fine name will not hide the sins of the place. Tai-Ping-Shan is inhabited, for the most part, by Chinamen; but men are found there belonging to all the nations of the East. As for women, these are principally Chinese; they are numerous enough, but of the lowest type. There are strange hotels in this quarter,\n\n* There are a number of 19th century street maps available for early Hong Kong, held in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207345,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 113,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n105\n\nhad married, or lived with, Chinese, Eurasian or Portuguese women and for that reason stayed on.\n\nThe decision to remain in employment in Hong Kong was also related to the level of wages in Britain and to depressions and unemployment in the mother country. Most felt that they were better off, if only marginally, in Hong Kong. Lastly, many inspectors had served in the army, navy or merchant marine; the jobs they took in Hong Kong usually satisfied their instinct for hierarchy, order, and discipline. As Dr. Topley writes:\n\nIn Hong Kong, unlike in some British colonies and ex-colonies, two social classes of westerners are recognized. Chinese divide westerners into the taai-puân (bosses) and pong-paân (help-manage). The latter category includes most people who are in uniformed supervisory jobs. The former term has been romanised by westerners in Hong Kong as \"Taipan\" and is used commonly in conversation and in the English press to refer to wealthy westerners.28\n\nThose in uniformed supervisory jobs—members of what one may call the 'inspectorate'—were in nearly every case former servicemen. There was thus no radical break in their lives when they stayed to work in Hong Kong in the dockyards, Marine Department, Sanitary Department, P.W.D., police, or prisons.\n\nTAIPANS AND THE EUROPEAN LOWER CLASS\n\nVisitors to Hong Kong were always startled by the extent of conspicuous consumption found there. Typical are these comments by a seasoned traveller in the 1860s:\n\nEuropeans in Hongkong live in a very expensive style; much more expensively, one would think, than they need do, when we consider that many of the necessaries of life are to be had at prices very little in advance of our market rates at home. Nothing surprised me more in Hong Kong than the expensive way in which English assistants were housed, and the luxuries with which they were indulged. Indeed few more luxurious quarters were anywhere to be found than the 'junior messes' of the wealthy British firms. There the unfledged youth, coming out from the simplicity of some rural home, was apt to develop into a man of epicurean tastes, a connoisseur in wines, and to become lavish in expenditure...29",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207346,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 114,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "106\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nIn 1881, a missionary wrote:\n\nVictoria has been called 'the city of palaces', from the extensive hongs and numerous and elegant residences. The men who principally hold its commerce in their hands are real merchant-princes. They furnish their mansions at great expense, and in the style of the home aristocracy. Their tables abound with every native and foreign luxury, and a liberal hospitality is dispensed toward casual visitors from distant parts of the world,30\n\nThe ostentatious and extravagant mode of life adopted by Taipans enlarged the gap between high and low status Europeans, Taipans and pong-paân. The standard was set by the Taipan and all strove to follow, but many lacked the means to put on dog. We are told that every foreigner (a term that signified European), whose salary was above seventy-five dollars gold a month (police, turnkeys, and inspectors were therefore excluded) retained a passenger chair, that is, a sedan chair, carried by either two or four coolies, who were uniformed, often in striking and colourful liveries designed by their employers.* The Governor, imitating the Mandarin style, was borne by eight bearers in scarlet dress. A man's social standing was given not only by his occupation but revealed by such social indicators as the elegance of his private passenger chair, membership of the Jockey Club or the Hong Kong Club (a sanctum sanctorum indeed), numbers of servants retained, sports played, and recreations indulged in.\n\nMuch of this extravagance, this open flaunting of wealth, was a direct consequence of the parvenu origins of the Taipan class, many of whom were hard-nosed Scots from respectable but needy Lowlands families, who had done well on the China coast and wished to demonstrate the fact. But another factor operated in the early years - the feeling that life was fleeting and chancy in Hong Kong, with its high mortality and morbidity rates for all classes of people, so that life should be enjoyed to the full.\n\nThe European lower orders were excluded from the social world of merchant and official and forced either into isolation within the circle of their own occupational and status group or into a segment\n\nFor an illuminating insight into this situation see the Commission on chair and jinriksha coolies in Sessional Papers, 1901, No. 47.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207347,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 115,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n107\n\nof the underdog Portuguese or Eurasian communities. The one social event that united—for one evening—all classes of European was that great Scots tribal festival, the St. Andrew's Day Ball. Celebrated on November 30, it ushered in the Hong Kong season, a season that closed with the Volunteer Ball.* The St. Andrew's Day Ball was open to any Scot or his friends who could afford the price of a ticket. Held in St. George's Hall, a spacious ball-room within the City Hall edifice, it was attended normally by over a thousand adults. Although an Army chaplain inquired plaintively: \"Why should pig-iron turn up its nose at ten-penny nails (in Hong Kong)?\" for one evening at least status distinctions between retailers and wholesalers were partially ignored, although the proceedings were always dominated by the chieftains of Jardine, Matheson and Co., the patriarchal Scottish hong,\n\nThe European lower orders were excluded not only from the more amusing social life of the colony, they also had little say in its government. In 1885, for example, the total number of ratepayers was eighty-two: from this small group the unofficial members of the Legislative Council normally were elected or chosen. The pong-paân were thus totally unrepresented in this, a British colony. Their names, moreover, are not found on the lists of Justices of the Peace, Special Jurors, and those of members of official and other important committees. They were of course sworn in on occasion as common jurors.\n\nWhy did the European lower orders experience such treatment from the well-to-do and influential? Partly, it was a consequence of social attitudes formed in the homeland: Victorian notions about the ordering of social classes and occupational groups, such as are analysed in Thackeray's The Book of Snobs. However, in early Hong Kong another notion was also prevalent: the view that there were 'dangerous classes', a term that connoted the lumpenproletariat, a class of persons spawned in the new industrial cities of Europe, 'those who had so miserable a share in the accumulating wealth of the industrial revolution that they might at any time break out in political revolt as in France'.32 Predictably enough, working-class Europeans were often viewed with some suspicion; there was fear that middle-class control over them would cease to prevail in certain\n\nFor the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Force see James Hayes' article in this Journal Vol 11, 1971: 151-171.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207351,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 119,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "# EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n111\n\nIt is exceedingly difficult to assess the cultural impact of working-class Europeans on the Chinese population; there were strong, but not completely impenetrable, barriers between the two; each despised the other, the underdog European particularly so. Although the latter usually lived in Chinese quarters of the town, spoke pidgin English or a little Cantonese, and often lived with a Chinese woman, this did not make him necessarily feel less British. He was, it can be inferred, as jingoistic as his counterpart in Liverpool or London, buoyed up at times by a sense of racial and national superiority. He did not belong to Chinese society and, it can be surmised, never wished to. He was more at ease with Portuguese and Eurasians; but his social contacts with them were often touchy, prickly, and patronising; for even the déclassé European knew he was a member of a dominant race.\n\nAt the end of the century, Taipan and pong-paân were residentially segregated. A writer concluded that ‘between those who reside at the summit (of the Peak) and those who live in the peninsula of Kowloon there is as wide a gulf as that which divided Dives and Lazarus'.39 This 'gulf' was more than an expression of traditional English class attitudes: the European working class in Hong Kong was an anomaly in a colonial setting, a curious transplant from a more settled society.\n\n## NOTES\n\n1 Sir James Cantlie, 'Hong Kong' in the British Empire Series, vol. i, 1906, p. 514.\n\n2 See, for example, 'Beachcombers and castaways' in H. E. Maude's Of Islands and Men: Studies in Pacific History, Melbourne, Oxford University Press, 1968, pp. 134-177.\n\n3 China Mail, June 8, 1888.\n\n4 J. W. Norton-Kyshe, The History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1898, vol. i, p. 279.\n\n5 For details about John Lee consult the Report of the Commission to Enquire into the Working of 'The Contagious Diseases Ordinance, 1867', Hong Kong, 1879.\n\n6 'Report on the Public Works Department', Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1902, p. 51.\n\n7 Lt. Col. G. J. Wolseley, Narrative of the War with China in 1860, London, 1862, p. 3.\n\n8 John Stuart Thomson, The Chinese, London (1909), p. 30.\n\n9 George Woodcock, The British in the Far East, London, 1969, p. 21.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207766,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 154,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "500\n\n...\n\n1000\n\n1500\n\n2000\n\n2500\n\n3000\n\n2040\n\n2125\n\n1970\n\n2150\n\n2060\n\n2100\n\n1920\n\n104\n\n150\n\n200\n\n...\n\nM\n\n154.\n\n414\n\n1\n\n...\n\n10+\n\n...\n\nKUNNING\n\nYONNAI\n\n...\n\n南\n\n一方\n\n2200\n\n2050\n\n宣威\n\n2380\n\nYANGLIN\n\nELONG\n\nMALONG\n\nKUTSING\n\nYENGTANG\n\nSUANWEI\n\n2480\n\n2300\n\n一哲笔\n\n2490\n\n2400\n\n2630\n\n2400\n\n2530\n\n2630\n\nTHE CHOU\n\nHE SHIH TOH\n\nWSINING\n\nKWEICHOW\n\n2420\n\n1640\n\n1890\n\n野為川\n\n1940\n\n£750 3070\n\n...\n\n250\n\n300\n\n350\n\n400\n\n450\n\n500\n\n550\n\n600\n\n650\n\n700\n\n750\n\nFig. 2. Map and Profile of the Kutsing - Luhsien Road\n\n1750\n\n1820\n\n1600\n\n000\n\n1750\n\n1600\n\n800\n\n...\n\nMAKUCHER\n\nHECHANG\n\nYEN A CAL'DAN\n\n700\n\n480\n\n500\n\n500\n\n480\n\n*...\n\n850\n\n900\n\n490\n\n...\n\n520\n\n139\n\nPICHIEN\n\nYEH TŠE KLOU\n\nCH'IA SHUIDO\n\nNING PAN SHANT\n\nZECHWAN\n\n...\n\n川\n\nSUYUNG\n\n(SHANG BA CHANG\n\nNACH'E\n\nLAN TIEN PA\n\nA ROAD TRANSPORT SYSTEM IN WEST CHINA 1942-46",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207848,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 236,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 221\n\nwater moves fast the Breaths will be drawn away. Hills must protect the site against the former calamity; the latter must be prevented by avoiding places from which streams and rivers flow. Hills, or in their default barriers set up by man (trees or even walls), must stand to the rear and on the flanks, so that the site rests in a kind of easy-chair (a frequent image). The hills behind the site support it. The hills to the left, as the site faces its unshielded fourth side, are the Blue or (as it is more usually translated in Hong Kong) the Green Dragon (ts’ing lung); those to the right are the White Tiger (pa'ak fu). The Dragon is not a dragon; the Tiger is not a tiger. The one is a beneficent force (one comes close to Chinese conceptions in speaking of it as an electrical or magnetic force) which animates the hills and spreads itself in the approaches to the site; a loi lung, an advancing dragon, may come from the rear to pour its virtue into the grave or building. The other is a force of danger (a White Tiger not because its body colour is white but because it bears a white patch on its forehead, a sign of fierceness), which protects as long as it is in complementary relationship with the Dragon. Dragon and Tiger must be present in the right proportions. The former must stand higher than the latter to ensure a proper balance between them. The one is 'yang, the other 'yin'. The one is civil, the other military. They are opposite and complementary, neither by itself providing any benefit, and together in the correct ratio ensuring concentration of the Breaths.\n\n52. The entities are metaphysical. The statement remains true even when, as in some cases, the hills look like a dragon, a resemblance made the more likely by the use of the word lung for any long and sinuous object—a queue of people, a train, a trail of smoke. Other creatures, human among them, and objects may be detected in the landscape, conferring benefit on the site. There is a grave in the New Territories (it is not unique in southeastern China) which lies in the crutch of a naked woman. There are forms of animals and deities. These things are not there physically and literally, and Chinese think Europeans naive for supposing the contrary. They are signs. The Dragon has Sinews and Veins which may be cut; its Blood may flow. But Sinews, Veins, and Blood are mystical, even though (as the Administration had cause to know from the case of the road-cutting at Tai Mei Tuk) we may see them.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208026,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "A JOURNEY TO YENAN 1946\n\n49\n\nit was mid-winter, the countryside around was bare, brown, and dusty, and many people wore white surgical masks to keep out the fine dust. The hillsides in Yenan and on the way there were all seriously eroded, and there was little sign of the spectacular reclamation work on terracing slopes and damming streams of later years, the result of which can be seen by today's visitors.\n\nOccasions in Yenan\n\nHaving unloaded our cargo, checked the manifests, and visited the hospital, we spent a day servicing the trucks. We were staying at the Guest House, a row of very comfortable caves with a terrace and a courtyard in front. We were in the middle of servicing, with petrol drums and wheels scattered around, ourselves under the trucks greasing and checking, when we were informed that Chairman Mao Tse-tung was coming to see us! The courtyard was rapidly tidied, overalls and dirt removed, and the party went to the ketang to wait. We then discovered that the Chairman had been at the Guest House for some time seeing someone else and had arrived unnoticed while we were under the trucks. We were all introduced and thanked for our assistance and help, to which I replied that this was part of our normal work and not something to earn especial thanks. The impression, which I recorded then, was of great confidence and quiet strength.\n\nTwo or three days later, we were invited to a performance of the well-known opera \"Ta Ming Fu\" (★1⁄2#) part of the \"Liang Shan P'o\" (b) series, which has a very suitable theme. We found ourselves sitting three rows behind the Chairman and other leading Party members, including Marshal Chu Te, all of whom enjoyed themselves as there was a strong cast with some excellent comic character performances. This was, of course, well before the growth of revolutionary opera.\n\nOn one evening, we were entertained by, I think, members of the Lu Hsun Academy of Art (or the Anti-Japanese Revolutionary University). There was a yang ke dance team with a performance extolling improved methods of pest control on crops, some songs, and then dancing for all, mostly folk dances but including some foxtrots and quicksteps played on er hu and pi pa. We were presented with a set of woodcuts by various artists working there, including Zhang Wan, Yan Han, Xia Feng, Gu Yuan, and Weng",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208031,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1977",
        "page_number": 70,
        "title": "RAS-1977",
        "content_text": "54\n\nTien-Shui\n\nHui-Hsien\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\nNINGSIA\n\nKANSU\n\nYung-Ping\n\nYEN-AN\n\nKan-Cho\n\n-Chu\n\nSlo-Pa\n\nKien Rateni (?)\n\n \n-Cheng\n\nCheng-Ku\n\nHan-Chang\n\nDigi-Hsiang (?)\n\n?\n\nSHENSI\n\nNan-Hsing\n\nturng (?)\n\nWEI HO\n\nHsing-Ping\n\nPAO-CIT\n\nHung-Hua-Pu\n\nHSIA Fang\n\nKuang-Shih-Pu\n\nHONAN\n\nLo-Chuan\n\nHiao-Ho-Kou\n\nHuang-Ling\n\nI-Chun\n\nSHANSI\n\nRiver\n\nKuang-Tiao\n\nChien-La (?)\n\nTru-Tung (?)\n\nHien-Yang\n\nTe-Yang\n\nSun-Tai\n\nWan-Yuan\n\nLo-Heh-Pa\n\nShuang-Po-Chang\n\nSZECHWAN\n\nTa-Haien\n\nRs In-Tu (?)\n\nCHENG-TU\n\nSui Ning\n\n \nden-Yang (?)\n\nLa-\n\nTung-an\n\nIzu-Yang (?)\n\nPeng-Ch\n\nChu-Hsien\n\nCHANG\n\n CETAM (?)\n\n-Nan-Char (?)\n\nTa-Chu\n\n-Ch:\n\neng/An\n\n1in-Shui (?)\n\nChung\n\n ́ung-\n\nLo\n\nJung-Shi\n\nHei-Chiark\n\nP1-Shi (?)\n\nhg-Chuan (?)\n\n\"Lung-Chiang\n\nKWEI CHOW\n\nHUPEH\n\nHIUNAN (?)\n\nSzechuan & Shensi Main Road System 1946. Scale: 1:3,000,000. Figure Map of Szechuan & Shensi showing routes.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208497,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 221,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n205 \n\nDISTRIBUTION OF FORTS AND GUARD STATIONS ON \n\nLANTAU ISLAND DURING THE LATE CH'ING PERIOD \n\nLantau, an island which lies to the west of Hong Kong Island, has an area of about 55.55 square miles. Situated at the entrance of the Pearl River estuary, the island enjoyed a strategic location in the past, especially during the late Ch'ing Dynasty. The position was reflected in the construction of forts and guard stations or shuen (屯) overlooking Tuen Mun 屯門.\n\nDuring the K'ang Hsi period (1662-1722), the island was fortified with a fort at Kai Yik Kok 雞翼角, known as the Fan Lau Fort 汾流砲台 or Tai Yu Shan Fort 大嶼山砲台; and with two guard stations; one at Tai O 大澳, the Tai Yu Shan Shuen 大嶼山汎; the other at Tung Chung 東涌, the Tung Chung Hau Shuen 東涌口汎.\n\nDuring the Chia Ching period (1796-1820), more forts and guard stations were constructed, partly because of the coming of the Europeans. Thus in the 22nd year of Chia Ching's rule, the Tung Chung Walled City 東涌城 was constructed, and a guard station with two forts called the Shek Tse Fort 石子砲台 was founded on the coast to its front. Later guard stations were established at Tai Ho 大蠔, Sha Lo Wan 沙螺灣, and at Mui Wo 梅窩.\n\nThe military force on the island consisted of a Shau-pe 守備 or major, with his headquarters at the Tung Chung Walled City. Under him were 4 Tsin-tsung 千總 or lieutenants, 7 Pa-tsung 把總 or sergeants, and 5 Ngai-wai 外委 or corporals. They were in command of 691 soldiers, of whom 195 were infantry and 496 garrison soldiers. This force also manned guard-stations at the Kowloon Walled City 九龍城寨, Shum Shui Po 深水埗, Tsing Lung Tau 青龍頭, Cheung Chau 長洲, Tsing Yi Tam 青衣潭, Ping Chau 坪洲, Po Toi 蒲苔, Kap Shui Mun 急水門, and at Yung Shu Wan 榕樹灣.\n\nFrom this force 215 soldiers were in garrison on Lantau Island. The following shows the distribution of garrison soldiers in various forts and guard-stations on the island:\n\nTung Chung Walled City: 100 garrison soldiers under 1 Shau-pe, 1 Pa-tsung, and 2 Ngai-wai.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208498,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 222,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "206\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTung Chung Fort Shuen: 30 garrison soldiers under 1 Pa-tsung. Tai Yu Shan Fort Shuen: 30 garrison soldiers under 1 Tsing-tsung.\n\nTai Yu Shan Shuen: 40 garrison soldiers under 1 Tsing-tsung. Sha Lo Wan Shuen: 5 garrison soldiers.\n\nTai Ho Shuen: 5 garrison soldiers.\n\nMui Wo Shuen: 5 garrison soldiers.\n\nFor the support of these guard-stations, other guard-stations were established on the mainland and the neighbouring islands. The following shows the distribution of garrison soldiers in these guard-stations:\n\nKowloon Walled City: 100 guard soldiers under 1 Pa-tsung and 2 Ngai-wai.\n\nKap Shui Mun Shuen: 10 garrison soldiers.\n\nShumshuipo Shuen: 35 garrison soldiers.\n\nTsing Lung Tau Shuen: 50 garrison soldiers under 1 Pa-tsung. Tsing Yi Tam Shuen: 15 garrison soldiers under 1 Pa-tsung.\n\nCheung Chau Shuen: 45 garrison soldiers under 1 Pa-tsung and 1 Ngai-wai.\n\nPing Chau Shuen: 15 garrison soldiers under 1 Pa-tsung. Yung Shu Wan Shuen (on Lamma Island): 10 garrison soldiers.\n\nPo Toi Shuen (on Po Toi Island, south of Hong Kong Island): 20 garrison soldiers.\n\nThese guard-stations were under the command of the Tung Chung Shau-pei of the Tai-pang Battalion.\n\nBesides the garrison soldiers, there were also war vessels with 60 soldiers under 2 Tsing-tsung and 1 Ngai-wai.\n\nThese forts and guard-stations remained in position till 1898, when the New Territories and the adjacent Islands were leased to the British. After that, they were redundant.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY CITED (all from Chinese Sources)\n\nO Mun Kei Leuk ¶ g. 1800 edition\n\nSan On Yuen Chi\n\n1819 edition\n\nKwong Tung Tung Chi ✯✯ 1864 edition",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208502,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 226,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "210\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nfort in 1923. However, it is now ruined. The whole area is covered with shrub and mangrove.\n\nBefore the Ming Dynasty, there was no military post on the island. It was not until the late Ming Period that a guard-station or shuen, which was administered by the commander of the Nam Tau Walled City, was set up.2 Before then, the area had only patrol-boats, probably stationed at Tun Mun.3\n\nDuring the early Ch'ing Period, because of the increased strength of the pirates along the coast, more forts and guard-stations were set up. The Fat Tong Mun Fort on the Tung Lung Island was erected during the K'ang Hsi period (1662-1727)3, and a garrison of 25 soldiers under one pa-tsung or sergeant Tai Pang Battalion✯ was stationed there.6\n\nThe fort remained a strong outpost along the east coast of Hong Kong for nearly a hundred years. Then, in the 15th year of the Ch'ia Ching rule (1810), the fort was evacuated and finally abandoned.7 A new fort was built at the place of the present Hong Kong Marine Police Headquarters at Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon.\n\nThe fort remains in ruins till now.\n\nHong Kong, 1979.\n\nSIU KWOK-KIN\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See note 4 of Mr. JAO Tsung-i's Kowloon in Historical Records of the Sung Dynasty九龍與宋季史料, 饒宗頤著\n\n2 Chapter 8 of the San On Yuen Chi, K'ang Hsi edition, records, \"In the 19th year of the Man Lik Period of the Ming Dynasty, guard-stations were established at Fat Tong Mun, Tor Ling Ngor Kung O, Kowloon, Tun Mun, Kap Shui Mun, Tung Sai Chung, Ngor Kung Tau, Chak Wan, Lo Man Shan and Long Pak.\" In the same chapter, it is also recorded, \"Six guard-stations were set up during the Ming Dynasty. They were Fat Tung Mun, Lung Shun Wan, Lok Kat, Tai O, Long To Wan, and Long Pak. These guard-stations were administered by the commander at the Nam Tau Walled City.\" Thus, we know that the Fat Tong Mun Guard Station was established in the 19th year of the Man Lik period of the Ming Dynasty; but the fort must have been built at a later time.\n\n3 Chapter 5 of the Cheong Wu Chung Tuk Kwun Mun Chi records, \"Patrol boats from Nam Tau were stationed at Tun Mun. Some sailed through Fat Tong Mun to the region as far east as Tai Pang.\" The book was completed in the 32nd year of the Chia",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209005,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 167,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n135\n\nmajor during the early K'ang Hsi period. He had taken part in the suppression of the disturbances led by Ng Shaam-kwai in the south. He was promoted to Yau Je or colonel and then to Ti Tu or brigadier of the Fukien Province. In the 56th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1717), he was promoted to be Chuen Fu or Governor of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces.\n\nAt that time, pirates were disturbing the south coast of China, and the people there led a hard life. Yeung Lin lowered their taxes and improved their living. Two years later, in the 58th year of the Kang Hsi reign (1719), he was made Viceroy of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces. He then proposed to erect 126 forts, walled cities and guard-stations, and to strengthen the fortification of the coast by increasing the garrisons to 3991 men. His proposal was authorized, and in the first year of the Yung Cheng reign (1723), he was appointed to be Viceroy of Kwangtung specially responsible for all matters of the Kwangtung Province. He died a year later, (1724).\n\nTo conclude, the Fat Tong Mun Fort must have been built when Yeung Lin was Viceroy of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces, within the period between the 59th year of K'ang Hsi and the first year of the Yung Cheng reign (1720-1723). The fort guarded the Fat Tong Mun and had 8 cannon places and 13 guard-houses. A garrison of 25 soldiers under one pa-tsung or sergeant from the Tai Pang Battalion was stationed there. Then in the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing Reign (1810), the fort was evacuated and finally abandoned.\n\nThe fort became a ruin, long neglected. It is now being excavated under the direction of Dr. Solomon Bard, Executive Secretary, Antiquities and Monuments Section, Urban Services Department, Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong, January 1981\n\nANTHONY K. K. SIU\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Tung Lung Island was called South Fat Tong or Nam Fat Tong in the past. It lies to the east of Hong Kong Island and guards the eastern entrance to the Victoria Harbour.\n\n2 Chapter 4 of the San On Yuen Chi, Chia Ch'ing edition **縣志卷四**.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209009,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 171,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUIRIES\n\n139\n\nFuk Tak Temple **\n\nTai O Market- No information.\n\nThe number of temples found in each area is as follows\n\n1. Mui Wo-2\n\n6. Tsin Yu Wan-1\n\n11. Sha Lo Wan-1\n\n2. Pui O-4\n\n7. Yi O-1\n\n12. Tung Chung 3\n\n3. Tong Fuk-2\n\n8. Tai O-7\n\n13. Tai Pak - 1\n\n4. Shek Pik-3\n\n9. Keung Shan- 1\n\n14. Nim Shue Wan-1\n\n5. Fan Lau-2 10. San Shek Wan-1\n\n15. Chak Lap Kok-1\n\nHong Kong, March 1980\n\nANTHONY K.K. SIU\n\nTHE KOWLOON WALLED CITY\n\nThe Kowloon Walled City was situated to the north of the present Kai Tak Airport. It had been the most important military base in Hong Kong during the later Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1911).\n\nAt the beginning of the Ch'ing period, there was no walled city. In the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1668), there was only a watchpost, called the 6, recorded as having thirty guards. Fourteen years later, in the 21st year of Kang Hsi (1682), the number of guards was reduced to only ten, and the post was turned into the Kowloon guard-station. This Kowloon guard-station, with only ten soldiers, was still in existence up to the 16th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1811)\n\n1\n\nDuring the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1810), the Fat Tong Mun Fort # was evacuated, and a new fort was built on the coast of Kowloon. This was the Kowloon Fort #. Its garrison was forty-eight men, under one pa-tsung and one ngai-wai.\n\nAfter the 22nd year of the Tao Kuang reign (1843), Hong Kong Island was under British rule. In order to strengthen the fortification of Kowloon, a walled city was built in the 27th year of Tao Kuang (1847). This was the Kowloon Walled City\n\n* See JHKBRAS 19 (1979)· 209-210.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209011,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 173,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n141\n\n(1810), General Chin Mun-fu ***** suggested that the Fat Tong Mun Fort be abandoned and be rebuilt near the Kowloon guard-station ✯ ✯ A Viceroy Pak Ling T✯ ordered the Magistrate of the San On County 觚 ***◊ to carry out the suggestion.\n\nChapter 175 of Kwangtung Tung Chi, Tao Kuang edition KKAR £&4-4*+ states, \"The Kowloon Fort Aate lies 290 # E west of the Tai Pang Battalion 4. It was guarded by one pa-tsung and one ngai-wai with 48 guards.\"\n\n5 After the Opium War, the Chinese were defeated, and Hong Kong was ceded to the British. In the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang Reign (1843) Ke Ying was Viceroy of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces **** and Wong Yan-tung & was Governor of the Liang Kwang-tung ✯✯✯. They proposed building the Kowloon Walled City. The work was completed in the 27th year of the Tao Kuang Reign (1847).\n\n* See Chapter 13 of the Kwangtung Tao Shuet, Tung Chih edition ŁATÁRUK+ which records. \"The Kowloon Walled City was under the command of a fu-cheung ## or brigadier of the Naval Forces of the Tai Pang Battalion. Under him was an extra ngar-wai who guarded the Walled City with 150 men. There were 75 men under one tsin-tsune for lieutenant guarding the Kowloon Fort; and one ngai-wai-tsin-tsung ††or sub-lieutenant leading 15 men guarding the Kowloon Coastal Guard Station ALDA.\n\n* See Chapter 73 of the Kwangchow Fu Chi, Kuang Hsü edition ANA££*TE and Kwong Tung Hoi Tao Shuet, Kuang Hsü edition 張之洞廣東海圆說.\n\n* See my article 'The Old Cannons found in Hong Kong' in Volume 8, Part 2 of Kwangtung Man Hin REÆ : RKARXUŁ^ËZI\n\n* The Old Yamen is now occupied by the CNEC Grace Light School.\n\nTUEN MUN FROM CHINESE HISTORICAL RECORDS\n\n2\n\nTuen Mun1 lies in the western part of the New Territories. The highest mountain in this area is the Tuen Mun Shan ₺F2 which reaches a height of 582.9 metres. To the east of the mountain is the Tuen Mun Bay, also called the Castle Peak Bay lying to its east, and the Lantau with Kau King Shan A Island lying to its south.\n\nTuen Mun Bay is surrounded by mountains on three sides, thus forming a good typhoon shelter from the strong easterlies. It is also the waterway for entering the Chu Kiang i or Pearl River estuary of the Kwangtung Province. The Bay had been an important harbour for the Persians, the Arabs and the people from India, Indo-china and the East Indies. Their trading fleets had to anchor and gather at Tuen Mun before entering the Chu Kiang.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209012,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 174,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "142\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nDuring the early Tang Dynasty, the importance of Tuen Mun increased. Thus a garrison of two thousand men was posted1, and Tuen Mun became known as the Tuen Mun Military Zone19 5. The garrison was led by a commander known as Sau-Chuk-Si 守捉使 belonging to the Annam Military Zone 安南都護府. Its headquarters were at Nam Tau, later the district city of San On. The area of present day Hong Kong, including the islands, the Kowloon Peninsula and the New Territories, was under the protection of this garrison.\n\nIn the Sung Dynasty, the Tuen Mun Military Zone was turned into the Tuen Mun Ngam19. However, the number of soldiers and the rank of the officer in charge are not certain.\n\nDuring the early Ming Dynasty, the Tuen Mun Ngam was turned into the Nam Tau Walled City, and the garrison was commanded by a Cham-Cheung or Brigadier. Later, in the 17th year of the Hung Wu Reign (1384), Fa Mau✯✯, Commander of the Nam Tau Walled City, asked the Imperial Court to strengthen the garrison of the coastal area. Tuen Mun lay between the areas protected by the Tung Kwun Battalion and the Tai Pang Battalion. Thus, a watch-post was built, and a guard-station under a Pa-Tsung(4) was established. In the 9th year of the Chia Ching reign (1514), the Portuguese entered the Tuen Mun Bay. They took over the adjacent lands and built forts. They even established a monument. However, in the 16th year of Chia Ching, Wong Wang, Commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung naval forces, defeated the Portuguese at Sai Tso Wan8.\n\nAfter that, no Portuguese was found in the Tuen Mun area.9 At that time, there were villages like Lung Kwu Tsuen, Lang Shui Tsuen✯k††, Tuen Mun Tsuen19#, So Kwun Wat Tsuen 掃桿笏村, and Siu Lam Chung Tsuen 小欖涌村.10\n\nDuring the early Ch'ing Dynasty, the Coastal Evacuation✯✯ caused the abandonment of the area close to the sea. Tuen Mun thus lay barren until, in the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1668), people were permitted to return to the coastal strip. The Tuen Mun Watch-post was re-established with a garrison of fifty men under a Tsin-Tsung. In the 21st year of K'ang Hsi (1682), the Tuen Mun Watch-post was turned into the Tuen Mun Walled City19 with a garrison of thirty men under a Tsin-tsung11. During",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209013,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 175,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nthe Chien Lung period, it was turned into a guard-station\n\n143\n\nVillages rebuilt at that time were Tze Tuen Tsuen, Tuen Mun Tsuen, Siu Hang Tsuen, Po Tong Ha Tsuen, So Kwun Wat Tsuen and San Tsuen Wai.12\n\nIn the 16th year of the Chia Ching reign (1811), the Tuen Mun guard-station was strengthened. Besides the original garrison, a Pa-Tsung was posted to be the assistant. Five guard-stations, each under a Ngai-Wai with four men, were erected at Shing Mun, Wang Chau, Kwun Chung, Tsiu Keng and Ma Tseuk Leng. They were all under the command of the Tsin-Tsung of the Tuen Mun Guard Station. At that time, villages in that area were all under the charge of the Kwun-Fu-Shi TO: namely: Tuen Mun Tsuen, Tsing Chuen Wai, Tsz Tuen Wai, Siu Hang Tsuen, Po Tong Ha Tsuen, Sun Fung Wai, Chung Uk Tsuen, Nai Wai Tsz Tsuen, San Tsuen, So Kwun Wat Tsuen, Tai Lam Tsuen, Tin Fu Tsai Tsuen and Un Tan Tau Tsuen.4\n\nDuring the early years of the Tao Kuang reign, a Pa-Tsung and a Ngai-Wai with sixteen men were posted at the Tuen Mun Guard-station, sixty men were placed in the following six guard-stations which were all under the command of the Tuen Mun Guard Station. These guard stations were at Mong Tseng, Wang Chau (ten men), Kwun Chung (five men), Tai Po Tau (fifteen men), Shing Mun Au (fifteen men) and Tsiu Keng (five men).15 This continued until the 24th year of the Kuang Hsü reign (1898), when the Ch'ing Government leased the New Territories and the adjacent islands to the British, after which these guard-stations were abandoned.16\n\nIn 1899, the area was divided into the three sub-districts of Tuen Mun, Tai Lam Chung and Lung Ku Tan belonging to the Un Long District. Villages in these sub-districts were as follows:17\n\nTuen Mun Sub-district:- Chung Uk Tsun, Shun Fung Wai, Tsing Chun Wai, Tsz Tin Wai, Nai Wai, Tun Tsz Wai, Po Tong Ha, Siu Hang, Lam Ti and San Tsuen.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209029,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 191,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n159\n\nNational Biography, but with the library mentioned by Angus Hamilton. What became of it?\n\nHong Kong, May 1982\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nA MISSING CHINESE LIBRARY\n\nOur Hon. Librarian, Mr. Rydings, has been following up the question posed in my Note on this subject that appeared in the Journal in the 1976 issue (Vol. 16: 284). The papers reproduced below will be of interest, and may also result in the still missing library being restored to wider public knowledge and use.\n\nHon. Editor\n\n30 July 1980\n\n(I) Letter to The Librarian, David Bishop Skillman Library,\n\nLafayette College, Easton, Pa. 18042\n\nDear Librarian,\n\nWilliam Edgar Geil\n\nPlease see the enclosed extract* from Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 16, 1976, p. 284. As Dr. Geil was one of your distinguished alumni, I am interested to know whether you can throw any light on the mystery of the missing books. It seems extraordinary if they have disappeared without trace, yet I can find no mention of them other than in the source quoted.\n\nAny help which you can provide would be much appreciated.\n\nYours sincerely,\n\nH. A. RYDINGS Librarian\n\nc.c.: Dr. J. W. Hayes\n\n* In order to compile his book Eighteen Capitals of China (Philadelphia and London; J.B. Lippincott Company, 1911) Dr. William Edgar Geil, the celebrated American traveller and author stated in his preface: (p.x) \"With the aid of viceroys, governors, Hanlin scholars, librarians, booksellers, we have gathered a large collection, out of which selections by leading scholars have been translated, and a few specimens are given, to let the readers see the old style of book. Local proverbs in themselves have never been brought together on our scale; and to choose from a mass of new material which would fill three volumes has been a difficult task.\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209030,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1980",
        "page_number": 192,
        "title": "RAS-1980",
        "content_text": "160\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIt would appear from the introduction penned by the famous American sinologue missionary and teacher, Dr. W.A.P. Martin, that this literary material was collected on the spot, at each capital, comprising \"their topographical treasures, a mass of literature destined to form the basis of a Chinese Library\" (p. viii). Also that, as for one of Dr. Geil's former books on China, on his journeyings along the Great Wall, Martin had helped to put his materials in shape (p. viii).\n\nDoes anyone know of the present whereabouts of this valuable collection which presumably was taken back by Dr. Geil to his home in Doylestown, Pennsylvania where, according to Who Was Who in America, he was born, lived and died (1925).\n\nHong Kong, 1977,\n\nJAMES HAYES.\n\nPostscript (1981). I was in error as to place of death. Dr. Geil died at Venice on 11th April 1925.\n\n(II) Letter from The Mercer Museum & Fonthill,\n\nThe Bucks County Historical Society\n\nPine Street,\n\nThe Spruance Library\n\nDoylestown, PA 18901\n\nH. A. Rydings\n\nLibrarian\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong\n\nPokfulam Road\n\nHong Kong\n\nDear Mr. Rydings:\n\nSeptember 18, 1980\n\nYour letter of July 30 was forwarded to us by Mr. Robert G. Gennett of the Lafayette College Library in the hope that we might know something of the present location of the Chinese library of William Edgar Geil.\n\nThe enclosed copy of a 1910 article in our clipping file indicates that the material did come home with Mr. Geil. However, we do not own it and we do not know what has become of it.\n\nWhen Geil died in 1925, he left his manuscripts and collections in his will to his wife (as indicated in the second enclosed clipping). Mrs. Geil died on January 16, 1959. The newspaper account of her will makes no mention of the library. She did leave a daughter, Mrs. Constance Geil Laycock, who was then of Shaker Heights,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209163,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 66,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "52 \n\nHUBERT SEIWERT \n\nof fu-luan cults in Taiwan in recent years?\". \n\nThere are many links between fu-luan cults and practices and the I-kuan Tao sect. Most of the texts which expose the teachings of this sect have been revealed by \"spirit-writing\" since the beginning of the sect in the nineteenth century28. Fu-luan sessions are held regularly, normally four times a year?, during which new revelations and instructions are received. Furthermore, the content of the teachings which are propagated by I-kuan Tao show strong similarities to those of many of the common fu-luan cults10. This is the case especially where the religious interpretation of the present time, the assessment of the historical role of the Chinese tradition and the confrontation with Western influence is concerned. It is these elements of the beliefs which show most clearly the popular religious responses to the modernization process. \n\nReligious interpretation of the present time: traditionalism \n\nTo illustrate some basic elements of the world-view of these cults I quote a few passages from a revelation of the god Shang Ti which was given during a fu-luan session in 1977: \n\nFrom 1914 to 1939 two world wars broke out. As a result the correct truth was almost eradicated and the traditional culture went up in flames. Streams of blood were shed and millions of corpses covered the earth. Wives were separated from their husbands and their sons scattered to the four winds, unbearable was the misery. If this happens again, if a third world war breaks out, mankind will face destruction. For the military weapons which are developed by the modern sciences are being improved day by day, nuclear weapons are perfected day and night. In such a situation we must give up our hope for the Great Harmony and the peace in the world. Therefore, there is only one way, if we want to avoid the final catastrophe: the original orthodox tradition of the Tao which our Chinese nation possesses has to be restored. The four social relations (szu wei9) and the eight virtues (pa teλ) [must be put into practice again]. We must continue the past in order to save the future, that means to follow the orthodox tradition of the Tao which has been transmitted from Yao, Shun, Yü, T’ang, Wen Wang and Wu Wang, Confucius and Mencius. Only in this way can one escape this huge cosmic catastrophe.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209458,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 115,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "93\n\n193, ibid.; Parkes to Granville, 1st October, 1884, Despatch No. 201, ibid.; 7th October, 1884, Despatch No. 203, ibid.; Parkes to Granville, 7th October, 1884, Despatch No. 204, ibid. It took some time before Parkes realized there were 2 proclamations involved.\n\nDaily Press, 19th September, 1884.\n\nIbid., 23rd September, 1884. Ho Amei will be discussed further below. See Note No. 59.\n\nThe publication of the Viceroy's proclamation in 4 Chinese language newspapers in Hong Kong was reported by the Acting Governor to the Under Secretary of State of the Colonial Office. (Marsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: CO129/217). Also reported in China Mail, 17th September, 1884.\n\nIt may be noted that although no Hong Kong Chinese language newspaper of this particular period has survived, information on material published in these papers is often available in other contemporary sources.\n\nAdmiral Léspès to Marsh, 18th September, 1884, enclosed in Marsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: CO129/217.\n\nMarsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: CO129/217, China Mail, 18th and 19th September, 1884, Shu Pao II, 23rd September, 1884. (for Shu Pao, see note 10).\n\nShu-pao W, 22nd September, 1884. The Shu-pao published in Canton. Very little is known about its origins though it is believed that it had started publication in 1884 for the specific purpose of reporting on the Sino-French War. There are at present two collections of this paper. One is at the Provincial Library of Taiwan at Taipei, from which a photographic reprint was made in 1964 under the editorship of Wu Hsiang-hsiang (Shu-pao, Taipei reprint, 1964; hereafter referred to as Shu-pao I). Another collection was discovered by Fang Han-ch'i 方漢奇 in Soochow, and he published those parts related to the “anti-imperial struggle\" of Hong Kong workers in 1884. Fang Han-ch'i \"I-pa pa-ssu nien Hsiang-kang jen-min ti fan-ti tou-cheng” 一八八四年香港人民的反帝鬥爭 (The anti-imperial struggle of the people of Hong Kong in 1884) (hereafter Shu-pao II) in Chin-tai-shih tzu-liao 近代史資料 (Sources on Modern History) 57:6 (1957.12) 20-30. The materials in these 2 collections overlap as well as complement each other. Since no Hong Kong Chinese-language newspaper of the period has been preserved, the Shu-pao acts as a substitute in reflecting contemporary Chinese \"public opinion\".\n\nChina Mail, 23rd September, 1884.\n\nMarsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: CO129/217.\n\nIbid., 27th September, 1884.\n\nIbid.\n\nDaily Press, 1st October, 1884.\n\nDaily Press, 2nd October, 1884.\n\nChina Mail, 2nd October, 1884.\n\nDaily Press, 7th October, 1884.\n\nDaily Press, 29th September, 1884.\n\nChina Mail, 7th October, 1884.\n\nMemorandum by the Colonial Secretary, Marsh, 5th December, 1884, enclosed in Bowen to Derby, 5th December, 1884, Despatch No. 399; CO129/218.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209462,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1982",
        "page_number": 119,
        "title": "RAS-1982",
        "content_text": "97\n\n* For Fang Han-ch'i, see Note 10. Li Ming-jen\n\n\"I-pa-ssu nien Hsiang-kang pa-kung yün-tung\" (\"The Strike in Hong Kong in 1884), Li-shih yen-chiu (Historical Studies), 1958:3 (March, 1958) 89-90.\n\nLloyd E. Eastman, \"The Kwangtung anti-foreign disturbances during the Sino-French War\", Papers on China, 13 (1959) 1-31,\n\nLewis M. Chere, \"The Hong Kong Riots of October 1884: Evidence for Chinese Nationalism\", JHKBRAS, Vol. 20 (1980), p. 54.\n\n* Chinese Prisoners, Papers respecting the confinement and trial of Chinese prisoners in Hong Kong 1857 (155, Sess. 2) XLIII, Great Britain, Parliamentary Papers (Shannon, Ireland: Irish University Press, 1971) Vol. 24: China, pp. 151-188. For a narration of the event see James Pope-Hennessy, Half Crown Colony: A Hong Kong Note Book (London: Jonathan Cape, 1969), pp. 55-58.\n\nMarsh to Parkes, 4th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 2nd February, 1885: CO129/224. Marsh to Parkes, 6th October, 1884, Telegram enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 9th December, 1884: CO129/219.\n\nTsungli Yamen to Parkes, 10th October, 1884, enclosed in F.O. to C.O., 13th December, 1884; ibid.\n\n**For Paou-chong, see Ordinance No. 13 of 1844; for Tepo, see Ordinance No. 3 of 1853; for the Registrar-General, see Ordinance No. 7 of 1846. The Registrar-General's duties were redefined by Ordinance No. 6 of 1857, and again by Ordinance No. 8 of 1858.\n\nFor the Chinese elite, see Carl Smith's works cited in Note No. 59. See also his \"An Early Hong Kong Success Story: Wei Akwong, the Beggar Boy\", Chung Chi Bulletin No. 45 (December 1968), pp. 9-14; \"English-educated Chinese Elites in Nineteenth Century Hong Kong\", Symposium Paper, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, (November 1972), pp. 65-96; and H.J. Lethbridge, \"A Chinese Association in Hong Kong: the Tung Wah\", \"The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Association in Hong Kong: The Po Leung Kuk\" and \"The District Watch Committee: The Chinese Executive Council of Hong Kong?\" in his Hong Kong: Stability and Change.\n\n**Marianne Bastid, \"The Social Context of Reform” in Paul A. Cohen and John E. Schrecker, ed., Reform in Nineteenth Century China (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1976), pp. 117-127; 118.\n\nLi Tak Cheong was a director in 1872, chairman in 1883, and a hip-li in 1873 and 1884. Ho Amei was chairman in 1882 and a hip-li in 1883. Leong On was a founding chairman, and chairman again in 1877 and 1887, and was a hip-li in 1872, 1878 and 1888.\n\n**Ho Kai's father, Ho Fuk Tong and his brother-in-law Wu T'ing-fang were both founding chi-shi.\n\nSee Note No. 34.\n\nMarsh to Derby, 24th March, 1886, Despatch No. 91: CO129/225.\n\n**This refers to a meeting called by Europeans in Hong Kong to discuss the rise of crime which they believed resulted from the leniency of the new Governor Hennessy. Some of the Chinese leaders however supported him and the meeting developed into a confrontation between Europeans and Chinese residents in Hong Kong. See James Pope-Hennessy, Verandah (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd.), pp. 203-205. This was also fully reported in the Daily Press and China Mail throughout October 1878.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209945,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 204,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "182\n\nNOTES\n\n1 For historical developments of Taoism, see Ch'en, 1963; Stein, 1979: 53-82; and for a fuller discussion of Jiao-shi, see Saso, 1972: 32-83, Liu, 1974, and Keuper, 1977: 79-94.\n\n\"They hold Jiao-shi in either Cantonese or Fukien dialects and in general, Cantonese-speaking dao-shi provide Jiao-shi to Cantonese-speaking communities and Fukienese-speaking dao-shi to Fukienese-speaking communities.\n\n* The two dao-shi groups who conducted Jiao-shi at these two locations are among the few practicing Taoist groups in Hong Kong. Dao-shi who performed Jiao-shi in Fanling were Cantonese-speaking and in Cheung-chau, Fukienese-speaking.\n\n4\n\nExact instrumentation varies according to the practice of different regions; for example, Fukienese-speaking Taoist team performing at the Cheung-chau Bun Festival employs an er-hu in addition to the melodic instrument suo-na. Ch'en Guo-fu, 1963, mentions that the instrumentation of Jiao-shi music in the Jiang-nan area is quite similar to that of the Shi-fan-luo-go of that area which consists of the melodic instruments of di, xiao, sheng, er-hu, xian-zi, yun-luo, pi-pa and percussion instruments.\n\n6\n\nIt goes without saying that changes of the pitches in the original pattern will result in rhythmic changes as well; they are viewed nevertheless as pitch-variants. In rhythm-variant, the pitches remain relatively stable while rhythmic details change.\n\n• Based on the examples which I have analysed, it seems that the rhythm-variants are rarely used and even if they are used, they are often accompanied by some kind of pitch-variant (e.g.,).\n\n+\n\nOnly the vocal part is included in the transcription. The er-hu part plays the same melody an octave higher. The percussion instruments of luo and po, played by the Taoist priest himself in this case, repeat the following pattern throughout:\n\nluo ро\n\n33 XX- -X333\n\n*This structure makes it possible for the suo-na players to prolong their playing whenever necessary by repeating the middle part several more times before going on to motif k.\n\n• The similar use of instrumentation and seating arrangement, and melodic and rhythmic motives in Jiao-shi music and regional opera of the same locality are two ready examples. Chen, 1963, describes Taoists performing Kun-ju excerpts during Jiao-shi. See also Note 4.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209973,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 232,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "210\n\nvillage representative recalled it very clearly when I spoke with him on the subject, because his second son died and his seventh son was born in the same year. The disease was, for him, Chue mō pêng characterized by a dry feeling, sore throat and, to quote his exact words \"pig bristles and fish scales were found growing on the body\". There was no vomiting or excretion of blood and it was not cholera or malaria which were known to, and otherwise described by the villagers.\n\nAccording to Peplow, the usual remedy was as described in his account:\n\n\"The patient has a high temperature and certain medicines are taken such as honeysuckle and honey. In addition a kind of paste is prepared from rice, boiled. With this the patient's chest is vigorously rubbed, and during this operation thick bristles about an inch long appear through the skin. After these have been plucked out, the fever subsides”.\n\nIn old Ngau Tau Kok village of East Kowloon, a settlement of Hakka quarry men, where I spoke with old villagers on the subject in the mid 1960s, the local treatment for this disease was quite different. It was to kill a chicken, take off its feathers, wrap them in a newly bought white cloth not previously washed, place it in hot water and then rub over the body excluding the chest. Two reasons for not rubbing the chest were given: that the heart was centred there, and that women should not be rubbed there anyway. If the complaint did turn out to be chu mỏ pêng, pig-like bristles would stick to the cloth. They believed that chu mō pêng was a kind of poison inside the body, resulting in too much heat (r'aaì ít hei) that could lead to death or to mental disorder.\n\nAt Ngau Tau Kok, several remedies were given for excess heat. The first was to buy a wông lo kat (E) for 50 cents, and boil it for two hours. The water had to be carefully measured at the start as no more should be added to it during the boiling, the intention being to reduce six bowls down to two. The remaining liquid was drunk.\n\nAnother method was to take a turnip (löh paûk)蘿蔔, and slice and dry it. It should then be soaked for two hours in water",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210186,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 157,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "136\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\np. 78. There was a custom-made school building on the edge of Wong Nei Chung village which is shown on maps from Collinson's survey onwards.\n\n13 By \"town\", Collinson means village.\n\n14 The Last Year in China by a Field Officer actually employed in that Country (London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 2nd edition 1843) p. 75.\n\n15 Cited from the Canton Press for January 1842 by G.R. Sayer op. cit., p. 121. For information on present day So Kon Po, see the Notes by Revd Carl T. Smith and myself in JHKBRAS, Vol. 23 (1983) p. 7-77.\n\n16 Wright and Allom, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 17 and again at p. 33, \"Bamboo Aqueduct at Hong Kong\".\n\nFor a fuller account see J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911, Land and Leadership in Town and Countryside. (Hamden, Conn., Anchor Books, 1977) pp. 25-32.\n\nE A copy of this letter from Mr. Chow Yat-kwong, JP, dated 30 March 1967, is now in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong,\n\n19 This statement can be found in the manuscript volume Summary Report of the Squatters Commission 1891-1906 in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong, under the date of hearing 6 July 1893. By \"100 years\" is meant \"from before anyone now alive can remember,\" as normally in local village usage.\n\n20\n\n21 Ibid, hearing of 26 January 1891 of claims at Wong Nei Chung.\n\nReport of the Hong Kong Mission, Vol. 23, June 1843, November 6, p. 157, in American Baptist Board of Foreign Missions Archives, Valley Forge, Pa., by courtesy of Revd Carl T. Smith.\n\n22 American Baptist Mission Archives, folder of Revd I.J. Roberts, No. 1 — China, also by courtesy of Revd Smith.\n\n23 Captain A.A.T. Cunynghame, quoted in Sayer, op. cit., p. 104.\n\n24 Stanley and Aberdeen in 1841 would seem to have been very similar in size and composition to the New Territories Market Towns in 1898 and earlier. Thus, Sai Kung had 50 shops and 150 houses in 1898 with a population of 512 (cf. C. Fred Blake Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town. (Hawaii, 1981 p. 27-28), Tai Po New Market had 38 shops within eight years of its foundation (J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region, op. cit. p. 36 and n. 78), and Yuen Long Old Market had about 160 buildings of which at least 100 were shops (see unpublished Report 24 (Yuen Long Kau Hui) produced by Antiquities and Monuments Section, Hong Kong Government). 100 shops specifically noted as being from the Yuen Long Old Market donated to the restoration of the Tai Wong Temple there in 1837. At the Yuen Long Old Market many of the families working in the Market lived in the adjacent villages of Nam Pin Wai and Sai Pin Wai. As well as the 100 shops donating in 1837, 7 residents in the Market, 52 in Nam Pin Wai, and 22 in Sai Pin Wai donated, suggesting a total community of about 200 families, about half of which had shops. Tai O must have had more than 100 shops: 119 shops donated to the restoration of the Tin Hau temple there in 1838, 98 to the restoration of the Hung Shing temple there in 1841, and between 105 and 126 to the restoration of the Man Mo temple there in 1852 (in each case counting \"workshops\" and \"ferries\" as shops).\n\n科大衛,陳總集,吳倫電位,合術 香港碑靠藥衚\n\nMOMSKOM * (D. Faure, B. Luk, A. Ng The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong) (Hong Kong Urban Council 1986), pp. 86-90, 90-93, 95-97, 103-107,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210319,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 290,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "269\n\nMy notebook says “We had tea at all these villages all locally grown\". The list includes Tai Hang Hau, Sheung Sze Wan and Ha Yeung, but I visited others in the group without making special mention of tea. At Ha Yeung I was told that they had 100 trees of what they called shan cha (山茶) (“hill tea”), not wild but planted by themselves. Tai Po Tsai, one of the larger villages of the area, claimed to have 50 trees, but the largest village settlement, Mang Kung Uk, reported \"only a few tea bushes not many.\" However, the little island settlement of Fu Tau Chau in Junk Bay gave me hill tea to drink, from its own trees.\n\nFurther towards Sai Kung Market, I was given hill tea to drink at Nam Wai, and also at Pak Kong Au, though the village reported \"only 8 to 10 trees\". East of Sai Kung, people in the hamlet of Shan Liu said that “tea was formerly grown (i.e. cultivated) but only wild bushes are now harvested”. But it was at Nam A, east of Sha Kok Mei, that I learned most. \"A really nice, almost English village\", I wrote enthusiastically. \"We drank hill tea (excellent) from trees planted twenty years ago in the hills behind the village, but not many. It is best brewed in porcelain, they said. Their supply lasts six months in all, but is harvested four times a year - once in the winter months, once at Easter and twice in the summer. The best is the Easter crop.” Nothing was said, or asked, about preparation but each crop was kept in a drawer for two months. My note ends \"The cows like to eat it!”.\n\nOn Lantau, the villagers of Pa Mei, otherwise known as Shan Ha, said they collected hill tea from Tai Tung Shan Keuk (大東山腳), that is the north western slopes of Sunset Peak. On South Lantau the people of the Pui villages also went up to Tai Tung Shan to collect leaves from wild bushes there in the second to fourth moons. Previously there had been many trees, but hill fires had reduced their number. It was used as leung cha (涼茶) for cooling the system. At Tong Fuk my notes state, \"they gather tea leaves from bushes on the hill and use it a lot. The tea comes from the Fung Wong Shan peak behind the village, and the leaves used are plucked in the second and third moons.” Rather surprisingly, the villagers of Upper and Lower Keung Shan, though located on the mountain slopes of a sheltered valley with good tree cover, had never cultivated tea bushes, or at least not within living memory.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210336,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 307,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "286\n\nCHOI CHI CHEUNG\n\nThe Cheung lineage was not prosperous until the Tao Kuang (*) period. Ancestor Yao-chih (2) of the 2nd sub-lineage became a successful merchant, and through his generous donation, an Ancestral Hall for the whole lineage was built. The Ancestral Hall of the Ya-kang segment was built in the middle of the Chia Ching period by the effort of ancestor I-pi ( ), brother of Ah-lum's grandfather (see clan record, Tz'u yu pu (3) section, Tz'u T'ang Chi (2) sub-section pp. 1-4). Though the lineage had several National School students (B), no one succeeded in the official examinations until the end of the Ch'ing dynasty when they had three chüren (A). Two of them were Ah-lum's sons. Ah-lum's father was also a National School Student who earned his living by teaching in the villages nearby (see the biography of Ah-lum's father in the Clan record, Chi-ching pu (it) section, Hang Chuang ((HA) sub-section p. 5).\n\nThis man is not otherwise mentioned in the Clan record.\n\nAccording to Ah-lum's statement as given in court, \"he first came to the colony at only 18 years of age. He was first employed by Mr. Bigham, who went to California; after that by Mr. Franklyn; then by Murrow, Stephenson & Co.; then by Mr. De Silver, for whom he made biscuits, as well as did other business see: British Parliamentary Papers, China, no. 24: Hong Kong, P. 183. (= BPP 24:183).\n\nThe Russell was owned by Russell & Co., and the Shamrock by Mr. Xavier, c.f. BPP 24:170 and 173.\n\nSee BPP 24:164–184. The bakery had three machines making bread to supply most of the foreigners in Hong Kong.\n\nSee BPP 24:155-184, and Eitel op.cit. p. 311-313.\n\n10 The Arrow War. The anti-foreigner movement was supported by Yeh Ming-shen (), the Imperial Commissioner for Kwangtung, in Canton. See Wakeman, F. Jr. Strangers at the Gate. 1966, pp. 109ff. Also Eitel op.cit. p. 305.\n\n11 Eitel: op.cit. p. 312-313.\n\n12 According to Chen Kuan-ying (###), Ah-lum was chief of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Co. (TERA) in Vietnam. He owned a shop Hung Tai Ch'ang() in Saigon, and his son Ti-fu (#) was chief manager (*) of the Cambodia Opium Co. (12). Chen Kuan-ying (E), Nan-yu Jih-chi (12), (Diary of a Journey to the South), reprinted 1967, Taiwan, p. 19ff, 81-89. According to the Clan Record Tsa Chi-pu() section, Pa-yu (if) sub-section, p. 1, Ah-lum had businesses in Saigon, Haiphong, Comuponton, and in Nha Trang in Kwangnam (ÂM NHIỀU).\n\n13 According to the clan record, we know that one of Ah-lum's sons was buried in the free cemetery of Haiphong (), and another was buried in the free cemetery of the Canton City Association in Vung Tau, Vietnam (#).\n\n14 In 1884, when Chen passed through Vietnam, Ah-lum was chief manager (*) of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Co. in Vietnam. See Chen: p. 19.\n\n15 Chen: ibid.\n\n16 Clan record, Chi-ching pu (###) section, Ch'i-shou (##) sub-section, pp. 1-4; has two essays presented on this occasion by the gentry of Heung Shan, and by the merchants of the Canton City Association in Vung Tau, Saigon (F#城會館).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211008,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 70,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "45\n\ndencies (Hong Kong: Kelly & Walsh, 1920) p. 130; S.H. Peplow and M. Barker, Around and About Hong Kong (2nd revised and enlarged edition, 1931), p. 10.\n\n59\n\nFor example, Chao Chun-hao, Yueh-Kang-Ao tao-yu #5 (A guide to Canton, Hong Kong and Macao) (Shanghai: China Travel Agency, 1938) p. 58; Wen Te-chang. ii) Kuang-Chiu t'ieh-lu lu-hsing chih-nan\n\nRířili (A guide to travel on the Canton-Kowloon Railway) (1922) p. 139; T'u yun-fuzli Hsiang-kang tao-yu fi (A guide to Hong Kong) (Shanghai: China Travel Agency, 1940) p. 15.\n\n60\n\nChiang-shan ku-jen, “Feng-kuang”, part 163. This was a Mr. Liu T'ao §‡ who had descended from one of the original inhabitants of the City. In 1931, he was living in the K'uei-hsing ke. He had copied every inscription there was in the City for sale to visitors.\n\n61\n\nJarrett, vol. 3, p. 611; \"Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912”, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1912, pp. 43-63, p. 47.\n\n62\n\nHsing-che 1, \"Lung-chin shih-ch'iao” ¡¡¡\n\n(The Lung-chin bridge [jetty]) in Li Chin-wei $ (ed) Hsiang-kang pai-nien shih dred years of Hong Kong history) (Hong Kong, 1948) p. 93.\n\n#2(One hun-\n\n63\n\nJohn Stuart Thomson, The Chinese (London: T. Werner Laurie, Clifford's Inn, n.d.) p. 62; Jarrett, vol. 3, p. 611.\n\nSiu, Chiu-lung ch'eng, p. 38.\n\nQuoted by Wesley-Smith, Unequal Treaty, p. 127; an interesting account of the City in the 1930s-50s is provided in Chapter 7. The Colonial Office file dealing with the removal problem in 1933-4 is CO129/546; for the Chinese side of the story, see Wu Pa-ning \"Chiu-lung ch'eng chu-min san-t'u pei pi-ch’ien ching-kuo\" JuffDWIDE-LOK MESA (An account of the three occasions on which residents of the Kowloon City were forcibly evicted) in Li Chin-wei, p. 89 and Chih-che IL “Chiu-lung ch'eng shih-chien ti chiao-she\" ** (Negotiation over the Kowloon City incident) in ibid., pp. 98–101.\n\nז' 1\n\nOther secondary works on the subject include N.J. Miners, \"A Tale of Two Walled Cities\", Hong Kong Law Journal vol, 12; no. 2 (1982); Peter Wesley-Smith, \"Forlorn, Forbidden and Forgotten: Kowloon's Walled City\" Kaleidoscope vol. I: no. 3 (February, 1973) 26-33; Mike Davis, “Inside the Walled City” ibid., vol. IV; no. 6 (August, 1976) 5-11; Michael Chiang, \"The Development of the Kowloon Walled City\" (Student's thesis, School of Architecture, University of Hong Kong. 1979-80).",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211077,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1987",
        "page_number": 138,
        "title": "RAS-1987",
        "content_text": "113\n\non the right side were stitched six $1000 notes. On either side of the characters were strips of red paper with gold inscriptions wishing the young couple health and good fortune, from the various family members who had contributed the money.\n\nOutside in the street female relatives and friends of the groom were busily cleaning cooking utensils and preparing for a feast. Other women were practising banging the gong and dancing in step, in readiness for the 'Dragon Boat' dance they would perform. Although the Hoklo people in Yim Liu Ha have been settled on land for more than four decades they still retain many of their customs originally performed on water. Instead of the bridegroom being transported by boat to worship and to fetch his bride, on land he is carried along in a procession called pa lung sung (扛龍船) by pairs of women pretending to row a dragon boat.\n\nThese women are gaily dressed in matching pairs with straw hats decorated with plastic flowers and paper tassels. Round their necks they wear collars embroidered and sequinned with nine Chinese characters symbolizing good fortune: up, down, in, out, double happiness, then the same ones repeated around the other side. At their waists they wear aprons in the same colour as the collar, and each woman carries a yellow painted stick to resemble an oar. Often the family will possess its own set of wedding attire, made by a clever seamstress within the family, but in this case the whole set had been borrowed from another family.\n\nAt 10 am the procession was ready to leave the groom's home. The women formed themselves into four pairs, with one at the front to bang the gong, and another older woman at the back carrying a fan, with her left trouser leg rolled up above the knee, who was said to represent the tail of the dragon. Then, at a given signal, the women set off at a steady pace, moving in a rhythmic rocking motion to suggest the rowing of a boat.\n\nThey were followed by two men who formed the head and back part of the Chilin, while behind them walked the band banging a large gong and clashing cymbals. Then came the bridegroom and his best man, both wearing Western suits of the latest fashion, with the groom in white shirt, maroon cummerbund and matching bow",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211380,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 96,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "to be the official collectors of pearls. They were paid by the Government, and in the fourth year of Yin Yau (#) A.D. 1317, three government officers were put in charge of them, who were very highly paid, and ranked among the highest officials.\n\nThe collecting was thus carried on, the same primitive methods being used, until the first year of T`aai Ting (4) A.D. 1324 when a local elder Cheung Wai Yan (30) protested with such force against the loss of life and suffering involved that in the seventh month of the same year an order was sent out abolishing all the pearl fishing.\n\nDuring the following fifty years the industry was resumed and discontinued several times, but the pearls were gradually getting less and less in number. Eventually in the seventh year of Hung Mo (PA) A.D. 1374 of Ming (]) dynasty, it was found that half a catty was all the result of five months labour. It was then finally stopped, and pearls for imperial use were collected from the sea near Lui Chau (HM) and Lim Chau (EH) instead.\n\nThe present Tai Po market is not the original one, which was situated to the east of the present one, and is now called Old Tai Po market by the country people and can be found on the map under the name of Yin Pun Ha. Old Tai Po market was built in the time of Maan Lik (46) A.D. 1573-1619 of Ming dynasty, to commemorate the devotion shown by the son of an inhabitant of Lung Kwat T'au ( ), a village near Fanling. (See Note 2). This young man, named Tang Sz Maang (BE) lived during the period of Lung Hing (M) 1567-1572 of Ming dynasty. Maang's father was captured by a noted pirate Lam Fung (#) who held him up for ransom. (See Note 3). Maang went to his father-in-law and said, \"We are too poor to pay the ransom and redeem my father, so I shall beg the pirates to take me in his stead“. His father-in-law would not agree and tried to stop him, but Maang slipped away secretly and found his way to the pirate ship. With much eloquence he pleaded for his father, saying, “If you keep my father it will mean that I and my brother will have no father, and my father will have no son, but if you free my father then my younger brother will still have a father, and my father will still have a son. Moreover my father is old, he cannot work as well as I, because I am young and strong”. Then he knelt to the pirate and kept on begging with many tears, until his request was at last granted.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211520,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1988",
        "page_number": 237,
        "title": "RAS-1988",
        "content_text": "213\n\nThe bracelet itself is made of three silver wires, each about 2 mm. diameter, braided together. One of the ends is welded to a small cylindrical silver box while the other is free. Part of the free end has been cut off and what remains is 17.50 cm. long. The box is flat, about 2 cm. across by 8 mm. thick. On the upper surface is framed a silver coin with, in relief, a Greek head or bust, the Greek letters T A PA (Tara) and a zoomorphic figure representing a dolphin. On the opposite side of the box, the disc is plain except for the letters G.A.S. in a central cavity. Three scars are visible on the surface, caused by three pins welded to the coin below. Opposite to the joint of the wire, the box has a small opening obviously allowing the free end of the bracelet to be inserted into the box and locked. The box and bracelet are of recent, probably Indian manufacture, and the letters G.A.S. appearing in the box probably appeared in the scrap silver from which the box was made.\n\nA circular frame closes the box and keeps the coin in position. This ring can be removed, setting the coin free. On the back of the coin is, in relief, the figure of a riding horseman. In front of the figure is a sign like a thunderbolt with, below, the Greek letters AПOA. The coin, relatively well preserved, has been damaged by several incisions made with a sharp steel point and the welding of three pins at three equidistant points from the perimeter of the coin to keep it level with the surface of the box. There is also welded on the side of the coin, corresponding to the opening on the box, a small flat piece of silver with a little notch at the middle for the purpose of locking the free end of the bracelet. The clear centre of the disc inside the box may indicate that it contained some relics. At the centre of the disc the letter θ (th) seems to appear but it may simply be the ghost of the impression on the other side.\n\nThe Coin\n\nAccording to Mr. John P. Sharpley, Curator of Numismatics at the Museum of Victoria, \"The coin appears to be a very good silver copy of the gold stater* of Tarentum, Italy. It is believed that the original coins were struck between 344 and 334 B.C\".\n\n1\n\n* Stater or Sesterce, Sestertius: Contraction of semi-tertius i.e. 21⁄2 asses; a Roman silver coin equal to 1⁄4 of a denarius. Also Persian coin (stater), From ETATHP (ETA = base, to stand). See Plates 9 and 10.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211929,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 344,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "Long\n\nOld Marker\n\nKam Pin Wai\n\nNg Ling\n\nYuen Long\n\nNew\n\nKam Tin and its vicinity\n\nGwai Gok Shaan\n\nBay\n\nTin Hau Temple\n\nShu Mei\n\nChing Lok\n\nAncestral Halls\n\nMau Ging Tong Ancestral Hall\n\nHung Sing Temple\n\nJau & Wong Temple\n\nAround Sire\n\nSwamp\n\nKam Hing/Wa Sa Bui Tai Hong Leng Wai\n\nNg Ling\n\nGwong\n\nSan Wai\n\nTsuen\n\nMarket\n\nKo\n\nSHAP\n\nPAT\n\nHEUNG\n\nShop Per Heung Tin Hau Temple\n\nKat Hing Wai\n\nTong Ancestral Hall\n\nPAT HEUNG\n\nPa Heung Temple\n\nYuen Kong Temple\n\nLing Wan Monastery\n\nApproximate boundaries of Kam Tin\n\n(Map taken from Tanaka 1989)\n\n319",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212101,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 43,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "20\n\nenough, it was to be remembered and duly acknowledged long after. A contemporary example from the Tsuen Wan villages may be used to exemplify these continuing obligations.\n\nThe endeavours of one of my Tsuen Wan village friends to recognize and continue to honour help given to his family in the distant past is a striking example of the kind. The founding ancestor of his clan had settled in a small village outside Tsuen Wan in 1724; but as sometimes happened in the local settlements the family did not prosper, and for three or four generations just managed to produce enough adult males to survive. A crisis ensued when the only adult male in one of the later generations died when still a young man, leaving behind a pregnant wife. By great good fortune, a family from another of the clans living in the village took pity on her; and after she gave birth to a boy who was reared to adulthood the future of my friend's family was again secured. This happened around 150 years ago. The descendants of this other family died out or went away pre-war never to return. When part of the village burial area was needed for development in the 1970s, my friend approached the District Office for a resiting of one of the old graves of the other clan. He was not applying for cash compensation as he was willing to pay all the expenses, but he did want another site in order to express, in tangible form, his family's continuing gratitude for the kindness done to the young widow so long ago. This was provided.\n\nAnother instance of a similar kind involved the old grave of a husband and wife, dated to 1813, which had to be removed for development at Sam Pak Tsin, Texaco Road, Tsuen Wan about 1975. Elders from another lineage belonging to Hoi Pa Village had responded to our notices posted on site, stating their obligation to arrange for removal and reburial of the remains. They said that the link with the persons buried in the grave was through the female side of their family but was no longer known clearly to even its oldest living members.40\n\nIn another, even older expression of gratitude for past assistance, the Ho clan of Muk Min Ha Old Village (settled in 1712) had built a special hall next to their main ancestral temple to honour a man of another surname who had helped their founding ancestor. One of this man's daughters had married the newcomer, and land had been given which enabled him to make a good start in a new place. The donor's clan still lives in one of the hill villages of the District. When Muk",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212105,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 47,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "24\n\n30\n\nSir George Thomas Staunton, a member of the 1793-94 Macartney Embassy, whose translation of Ch'ing Law was the first published in Britain, had been at pains to emphasize this: Ta Tsing Leu Lee, Being the Fundamental Laws... of the Penal Code of China (London, Cadell and Davies, 1801), p. 185. For its application in practice see the cases translated with commentary in Derk Bodde and Clarence Morris, Law in Imperial China, Exemplified by 190 Ch'ing Dynasty Cases (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1967).21 Cited in Corinne K. Hoexter, From Canton to California, The Epic of Chinese Immigration (New York, Four Winds Press, 1976), p. 136.\n\n11 Dr. William Lockhart of the London Missionary Society, writing in 1861, cites the case of the old scholar who so greatly assisted Dr. W.H. Medhurst with his translations and researches. See his The Medical Missionary in China (London, Hurst and Blackett. 2nd edition, 1861), pp. 21-22. \"He was a living concordance of the entire range of Chinese literature. He could find any passage without hesitation, repeat page after page of most of the works, and could easily take up any citation which had been begun in his hearing, and finish it without hesitation. This is not an uncommon thing amongst the educated Chinese, but this man possessed the faculty in a remarkable degree\".\n\n23 Arthur Evans Moule, The Chinese People, A Handbook on China (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1941), p. 262. See also his New China and Old, Personal Recollections and Observations of Thirty Years (London, Seeley and Co., 1891), p. 271.24 Some of the literary material to be found in villages of the Hong Kong region is described in Dr. Patrick Hase's most useful paper. \"Research Materials for Village Studies\", Chapter 4 of Alan Birch, Y.C. Jao and Elizabeth Sinn (eds.) Research Materials for Hong Kong Studies (Hong Kong. Centre of Asian Studies. University of Hong Kong, 1984), pp. 31-46, especially between pp. 32-37.\n\n25\n\n—\n\nBy great good fortune, some of their libraries have survived and are in safe keeping. One of them came from Hoi Pa Village, Tsuen Wan, and had belonged to the builder of the traditional village house there which is now a listed monument. He lived between 1865 and 1937, and after his return from Jamaica engaged in educational pursuits in a literary club and at the Luen Fong School in Hoi Pa Kwan Mun Hau. When what had survived of his library was presented to the Urban Services Department in 1982, it consisted of some 200 books of various kinds, as well as manuscript essays and poems, including some of the famed \"eight-legged essays\" written in preparation for the imperial examination; all providing valuable documentation for the educational, social and intellectual activities of their period. South China Morning Post, 26 May 1982. See also the Chinese press of that date.\n\n16 What Francis C.M. Wei calls the operation of the principle of retributive justice\" featured prominently in Chinese stories. See his The Spirit of Chinese Culture (Charles Scribner's Sons, 1947), p. 151. See also Yao Chin-nung, \"The Theme and Structure of the Yuan Drama\", in Tien Hsia Monthly, Vol. 1, No. 4 (November 1935), p. 392.27 The Tsuen Wan experience is echoed in the fine description of what it meant to be a village boy in late 19th century Kwangtung, contained in the memoirs of a successful Hawaiian Chinese, born in a village near Macau in 1865. In them, he describes what one might call the \"extra-curricular\" part of education. This included the telling of traditional stories by the family elders and by itinerant minstrels and story-tellers, and through the plays performed by visiting opera troupes, as well as in literary pastimes: Chung Kun Ai, My Seventy Nine Years in Hawaii (1879-1958) (Hong Kong, Cosmorama Pictorial Publisher, 1960), pp. 6, 26-29.\n\n28 Francis C.M. Wei, The Spirit of Chinese Culture (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1947) p. 149.\n\n24\n\nFor the former, see the chapter \"Symbol and Tradition\" between pp. 50-75 of Ronald",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212160,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 102,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "79\n\nHe repeated that his shrine catered for believers from all religions and added that his spirit medium is a Roman Catholic religious novice. Wu T'ien-chu, whose festival is celebrated annually on the 13th day of the ninth lunar month, is portrayed by an image of a seated mandarin with a red and a blue demon, one under each of his feet.\n\nExamination of the legends surrounding local deities who lived or died in the vicinity of present-day cult temples, or who are worshipped in one of their branch temples, reveals that they can be either distinguished citizens or ordinary people, often nonentities, but all now characterised as shen (spirits).\n\nA great many heroes and worthies, and tens of millions of ordinary people, live and die and are never deified, and those who are have been identified as such by their possession of ‘ling' (supernatural power) which can increase or wane depending upon a number of circumstances. 'Ling' can fade until the deity is deemed powerless by devotees and ignored or deposed, or the 'ling' can be renewed by ritual means.\n\nIt is readily understandable that major heroes of antiquity, revered nationwide for many centuries, are now worshipped for their accumulated power. They were powerful in life and since death their ability to protect and guide devotees has been well authenticated to the satisfaction of devotees. However, lesser deities, local heroes and worthies and especially the spirits of ordinary people, have to ‘earn' their deified status by result, and cults grow, wither and disappear entirely depending upon their ability to provide an adequate response to devotees' pleas and requirements. Some have become major deities within comparatively large communities; in Taiwan, for example, several have become the patron deities of immigrant groups from an individual county back on the mainland.\n\nWhereas it is reasonably clear why charismatic local heroes and worthies came to be deified, usually by public acclaim (though some have achieved sanctification by wealthy families pushing their ancestor's case) it is less simple to understand why some ordinary people and not others have been deified. It is even more perplexing why a few local thugs who originally had nothing going for them have also been deified. An excellent example of this is the cult of Liao Tien-ting in Pa Li, across the Tanshui River from Tanshui town in northern Taiwan. Liao, who was killed in about 1920, is now honoured with",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212379,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 321,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "298\n\nHeaven's Authority', T'ien Ling, and has his left hand at waist height making a mystical sign, the middle three fingers pointing vertically with the thumb and little finger bent over to touch each other.\n\nIn some places the scholar's robes are gilded and decorated with pa kua signs, in others the robe is plain. Other very minor variations, mostly in the carving of the creature, have also been noted. Also, in several instances, the scholar has a small sword or dagger tied suspended from his left hand.\n\nThere would appear to be no particular pattern to the donations which have spread far and wide throughout Taiwan during the years since '84; the temples include Buddhist and Taoist major and minor temples, and folk religion temples in small towns and cities.\n\nSo far none of the staff in the temples in which these images have been seen has been able to identify the deity. Without exception they have explained that the image has appeared on one of their altars without explanation and without seeing from where and how it arrived. One or two have had the courage to throw out the image only to find that another has replaced it within weeks. In most temples they have been accepted as just another deity and have been moved by the temple staff elsewhere within the temple, often to a rear position on a major side altar or to the small altar table before the main altar.\n\nThe questions are: Who is the scholar and what does he represent? Who donates these images and why? And is there an individual or cult behind the carving, donation and worship of this image?\n\nCan any Member or reader help enlighten me and, for that matter, this Journal, please?\n\nKEITH G STEVENS\n\nALTAR IMAGES FROM HUNAN\n\nIn my article on Altar Images from Hunan and Kiangsi (This Journal Volume 18, 1978 [pp 41-48]) I explained that Hunanese spirit images (rather than tablets) appeared to be unique in Chinese",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212707,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 16,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "A JERSEY ADVENTURER IN CHINA GUN RUNNER, CUSTOMS OFFICER, AND BUSINESS ENTREPRENEUR \n\nAND GENERAL IN THE CHINESE IMPERIAL ARMY \n\n1842-1919* \n\nKEITH STEVENS \n\nPART ONE \n\nThis is the story of General William Mesny, Knight Ying of the Order of the Pa-t'u-lu, a man who lived an exciting life from the day he left home on the island of Jersey at the time of the Crimean War to sail the oceans until finally he settled in a turbulent China having served with two of the provincial armies of the Chinese Imperial forces as a mercenary or, in modern parlance, a foreign adviser. He became a general in the Imperial army before he was 30, suggesting that his services were greatly valued by the Chinese though at the price of being viewed by the western community in central China, and Shanghai in particular, as too pro-Chinese and probably very eccentric having ‘gone native'. The remaining 47 years of his life were spent, first travelling around China, after which he tried to make a fortune in Shanghai but, sadly, having failed, eked out his latter years in virtual obscurity. He put a brave face on his troubles during the last 25 or so years with the occasional glimpse of disappointment and despair showing through in his writings. Considering his lack of formal education his publications deserve respect even if he displayed the undoubted large chip on his shoulder due to 'them', both Chinese and westerners, not affording him the respect and esteem he felt his due, in view of what he considered to be his radical ideas for modernising China. We only know details of Mesny's life, especially his time with the Chinese army, from his own writing, and his serialised autobiographical essays in the journals he published in Shanghai, Mesny's Chinese Miscellany. \n\nThese journals contained not only short autobiographical essays but also a wealth of interesting but unconnected snippets about Chinese customs, Chinese military organisations, mineralogy, Chinese food, commercial notes, etc, though concealed within these essays are a number \n\n* This article is somewhat long for the Journal, but in view of the level of scholarship it has been left at more or less its original length & [Editor]",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212731,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 40,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "25\n\nallowances of food, accommodation and bearers, twenty horses and eighty men to be supplied by the county magistrate through whose territory the recipient travelled. He described the order of the Pa-Tu-La (to give it its Chinese title) as 'similar to the Legion of Honour or the Victoria Cross, awarded on the strength of a recommendation of the highest provincial official for distinguished services.' He also claimed that although he had been recommended for it several times between 1868 to 1873 he had only received it in 1873 together with the rank of Brigadier-General.\n\nAccording to Mayers in his book 'The Chinese Government':\n\nPa-l'u-lu The Batʼuru distinction. The Military distinction called in Chinese Pa-t'u-lu (a representation of the Manchu word bat'uru, signifying ‘brave') is an institution dating from the early years of the present dynasty, and is conferred solely for active service in the field. It constitutes an order of merit partaking of some of the characteristics of the French Legion d'honneur, but its special feature of difference from European order consists of the fact that it has no outward mark of decoration to be worn by its possessor, in the place of which there can only be reckoned the distinguishing word (or title) which is assigned to each recipient on the bestowal of the order. These specific titles may be either Manchu, Mongolian or Chinese, the Manchu being considered the most honourable. Under this system an officer upon whom the distinction is conferred, might receive the designation Ti Yung Pa-t'u-lu, or 'Bat'uru with the title Magnanimous Brave', and so forth. The title carries with it the right to wear the peacock feather, although it seldom happens at the present day that the peacock feather, lavishly awarded as this decoration has been of late years, is not obtained previously to the bestowal of the batʼuru; and the allowances of the bearer, when employed on active service, are considerably enhanced in virtue of his possession of the title. The Bat'uru has been conferred upon at least one European, Mr W Mesny, a native of Jersey, for services rendered in the province of Kueichou.\n\nMesny commented in his Miscellany in 1896 that on several occasions during the early years of the Kueichou campaign he had been recommended to the Emperor for the bestowal of military rank and his",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212732,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 41,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "26\n\nname had eventually appeared in the Peking Gazette. In 1871, he added, he was recommended for special honours on account of distinguished services on the field of battle and received the order of merit called Yung Hao with the title of Ying Yung Pa-t'u-lu [i.e. ‘Brigadier-General, the title of Knight Ying of the Order of Pa-t'u-lu, Mesny\"]. Mesny was awarded the Ying-yung for having penetrated a Miao stronghold with a few Chinese riflemen and turned the tide of battle from defeat into victory. In April 1896 Mesny wrote: 'Having lived in Hankow for some years and acquired some notoriety amongst the Chinese there, if not actual fame, the characters Wen-kao 'Eminent', were chosen and given me as a Hao or familiar by my friends.' His Chinese name is Mai Wen-kao or using a transliteration 'Mai-shih-ni [i.e. mai-knee) and his rank, Tsung-ping **General**]. In another autobiographical 'obituary' printed after his death in the Celestial Empire, a Shanghai paper, he described himself as 'I, Wen-kao William Mesny, F.R.G.S., Brevet Lieutenant-General of the Chinese Army; Knight, Ying Yung of the Order of the Pa-t'u-lu..................\n\nMesny noted on one occasion long after he had completed his military service that he had come across a battalion of Kueichou field troops with the men wearing the cuirass-shaped uniform or Pa-t'u-lu vesture, invented by Mesny in 1868 for the An-ting and Ko-i Rifle Brigades. [\"The ancient Manchu Knights of the order of the Pa-t'u-lu wore such vests as uniform when not wearing the metal cuirass, hence its significant name Pa-t'u-lu.']\n\n[NOTE: Liu Ming-ch'uan, Governor of Taiwan 1884-1891, referred to in the text as having met Mesny, initially was a freebooter who, during the Taiping Rebellion supported Li Hung-chang and the Imperial forces, and opposed the Taipings. He was at that stage a fairly lowly officer and is recorded as having received 'the honorary title of military merit, baturu': Later, when more senior he was awarded the much greater award of the Yellow Riding Jacket.]\n\nMesny was awarded the 'flowery plume' [hua-ling ##4] in 1869 together with the brevet rank of colonel after battles with the Miao tribesmen. He was also presented with the Pao-hsing in 1869. He refers to the Pao-hsing #, the Precious Planet [or decoration of the Star of China] implying that it was the same decoration as the Double Dragon Jewelled Star which he also later referred to. It was, he said, instituted after the Taiping Rebellion as a form of reward for foreigners who",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212733,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 42,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "27\n\nrendered eminent service to the Imperial cause. The Double Dragon Jewelled Star (Shuang-lung Pao-hsing) was, he repeated, conferred on him in Kueichou during his first campaign in that province (1867-1869). He described it in his second note as consisting of a pure heavy gold [2oz or more] medal rather than a star, about one and a half inches in diameter, with a hole in the centre about half an inch in diameter, filled by a light sapphire globe revolving on a gold pin inserted through it. On one side were two dragons in high relief, on the other, four characters, also in high relief, viz. Ta-Ch'ing Feng-tseng meaning 'a title of honour bestowed by the Ch'ing dynasty'. The jewelled globe in the centre was intended to represent the light blue button and rank of colonel which Mesny then held. Had the medal been conferred by the Emperor, Mesny added, he would have worn it in Europe in 1878 but as it was the gift of a provincial viceroy he did not. Mesny also wrote that he preferred his ordinary Chinese rank and decorations, the Flowery Plume or single-eyed Peacock's Feather and, later, the ordinary order of Pa-t'u-lu with special designation of Ying yung, the Penetrating Knight, awarded to him by the Emperor.\n\nMayers, again, in The Chinese Government wrote about this minor award;\n\n'Isolated distinctions have indeed been conferred in China on foreigners of various nationalities, principally for services rendered in the command of drilled troops during the Taiping rebellion, and subsequently in the collection of the Customs revenue, which are known, with reference to the European term 'star', by the designation pao-hsing; but as these are bestowed, for the most part, by provincial authorities, and without the sanction of any established rule or recognised statutes, such as are required to constitute what is commonly known as an 'Order', the badges thus conferred can scarcely be regarded as having any real value as authentic marks of distinction.'\n\nMesny was recommended for 4th Degree civil rank in 1866 which, if it had been awarded, would have entitled him to wear a mandarin square 'wild goose' breast badge. He recorded that the fourth degree civil rank had the right to wear and were distinguished by a dark blue button on their official cap. The embroidered robe, mang pao, had but eight dragons with five claws on each foot. The dress badge worn by civil officers and all ladies of their class and degree bore the semblance of a swan",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212734,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 43,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "28\n\n[yun-yen].\n\nIn October 1874, at the age of 32, Mesny returned to Hankow from Kueichou with the rank of Major-General and, he claimed, an excellent letter of recommendation from the Governor of Kueichou, addressed to Prince Kung and the Ministers of the Tsung-li Yamen in Peking. In 1886 he was promoted to the brevet rank of Lieutenant-General.\n\nIn his autobiographical ‘obituary' in the North China Herald, Mesny wrote \"The confirmation of my rank as a Major-General in the Chinese Army with the decoration of the Kualing [hua-ling] Plume, the order of the Pa-t'u-lu and promotion to be Brevet Lieutenant-General, with ancestors ennobled for three generations, was published in the Peking gazette, and the documents handed to me by the British Legation officials at Peking, and by the British Consul at Canton\": His decoration, the San-tai Erh-pin Kao-feng, an honorary title and patent of retrospective rank conferred upon meritorious officials, their wives and their immediate ancestors for three generations, was recommended to the Throne by the Governor of Kueichou, Ts’en Yü-ying, in 1879. [Grandfather Guillaume Mesny, who had died many, many years earlier and who was now presumably in the Afterworld, must have been most surprised, to say the least!]\n\nMesny also handed out awards and decorations: During his first campaign in Kueichou, Mesny had a supply of Meritorious Warrants (kung-p'ai [which confers the right of the recipient to wear a button on his hat, normally the fifth or sixth degree with blue feathers]). His supply was already sealed with the commander-in-chief's seal, and Mesny bestowed them on meritorious men after each battle, adding the name of the recipient, the date, etc., and Mesny's own seal. He also had hundreds of the Military Silver Medal [Chung-kung Yin-pai] made during the war in Kueichou from 1867-1874, at his own expense, and bestowed them as rewards to deserving soldiers. It consisted of a thin piece of silver about three and a half inches at its longest diameter, with a slit in it for a ribbon, and the character Shang \"Bestowed\" in repoussé work stamped upon it.\n\nHis ranks and grades during his service with the Chinese Imperial forces are a more complex subject and one that is far from clear from Mesny's own writings. He portrayed himself as having 'senior' mandarin rank, and this has been reflected in one of the postage stamps produced by the Jersey Post Office in 1992, on which he is depicted as a 'Mandarin'.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212735,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 44,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "29\n\n1st Class in a sedan carried by four bearers.' This was probably no more than hyperbole. He stated in his Miscellanies that he had once possessed a very fine sedan-chair presented to him in Szechuan, with a magnetic compass let into the hand rest or bar which is placed across the chair in front of the rider to rest his hands on.\n\nImperial officials, and their principal wives, wore large embroidered square badges tacked across their surcoat's chest and back, which in addition to their hat buttons, denoted their rank. These were worn by all nine grades of civil officials and, according to Garret, by military officers of the Manchu army stationed in provincial garrisons and in Manchu quarters in large cities. This might explain why Mesny failed to mention squares, apart from five paragraphs describing them and their use, and a remark in passing that a Major-General, 2nd Class of the 2nd Degree would have a 'lion' breast badge. When he visited Amoy in 1879 he was reported in the local foreign press having worn western clothes but with the red button of mandarin rank on top of his foreign cap. As he never spelled out that he ever wore the badge and button commensurate with his military rank we shall probably never know whether he ever did wear such a badge.\n\nHe possessed a Chinese passport consisting of a large single sheet of printed white paper, usually endorsed with certain conditions but in Mesny's case it entitled him to protection in all provinces and beyond the Great Wall, unlimited as to a period of time. He was, he added, never asked for it. It called on all county officials to afford the traveller due protection, safe guidance and reasonable information. He also had at various times official Circular Dispatches [ch'uan-p'ai]. These, he explained, were issued to officials travelling on government service entitling them to named supplies of food, fodder, carts, chairs, pack mules, saddle horses, coolies and accommodation in official inns along the whole line of march.\n\nHe had an official seal when he was the General Superintendent of Foreign Ordnance for the whole of Kueichou province, an appointment he obtained during the Winter of 1875 and held until March of 1877. He explained that he observed all the due formalities of putting away his seal during the New Year annual rites and ceremonies. The seal, he claimed, bore his rank as Lieutenant-General, and Knight Ying of the Order of Pa-t'u-lu. We have no idea of the rank and grade of the Superintendent and as he does not refer to himself as Lieutenant-General",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212751,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 60,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "45 \n\nworks recommended by Pioneer [i.e. Mesny] through Governor Chang Chih-tung of Shansi, are now, or soon will be, in full operation in various parts of China, though with no other advantage to the conceiver of those useful nineteen undertakings than that of having done just so much good, gratis, for the benefit of China and her millions of industrious people, to whom we wish long continued peace, happiness and prosperity.\" However, whenever China attempted anything which would lead to modernisation, Mesny leapt into print to congratulate whoever was putting the modernisation in train stressing that it was in line with his suggestions of so many years ago. \n\nIn his early days he displayed extraordinary qualities - audacity, determination, adventurousness and a depth of interest in everything he came across; later, however, when in his declining years he had reverted into a petty entrepreneur, he displayed his achievements on his sleeve and at times waved them above his head just in case they might be overlooked. His rank as a brevet Lieutenant General1 in the Chinese Imperial army with the award of the Pa-r'u-lu and the peacock's feather is stressed right to the end of his life. He is an FRGS and a FR Hist S; and in the very last years of his life he even records in his curriculum vitae as one of his qualifications his membership of the Royal Asiatic Society, North China Branch, into which he was elected as late as 1914 when he was 72. This despite having written for the Journal back in 1891 and his son having been elected in 1911. An outstanding question regrettably remains unanswered. Well we might ask why Mesny was promoted brevet Lieutenant General in 1886, so many years after he had completed his active military service in 1874? Balleine may have the answer. He wrote that Mesny volunteered for active service in 1883: whereupon he was sent to Yunnan, and in 1884 to Foochou. In 1885 he was in charge of two arsenals in Canton and the following year was promoted i.e. whilst still working at the arsenals. \n\nMesny explained that officers as junior as Lieutenant Colonel, when in command of troops, were referred to by the honorific title of General. Mesny began his service in 1868 as a company commander rising to brevet Colonel in 1869 and technically in command of troops, though as he himself does not make this point, we can assume that he was never referred to as 'general'. In 1873 he was promoted to Major-General during the latter days of the second Kueichou campaign when, though he again does not say so, he would have been referred to as 'general'. \n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212755,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 64,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "49\n\nDespite the feeling we have acquired simply from his own writings that he had many acquaintances and few friends, that he was neither a European nor a Chinese and was held at arms length by both, that he was God's gift to the girls, that he offered guidance and good advice with great foresight to the Chinese, and was either ignored or his ideas purloined by others, the obituaries, possibly following a policy of avoiding speaking ill of the dead, described him as ‘a great traveller, a great scholar, a soldier, an author and publisher. A cheery man who most people knew, who at 77 walked briskly to and from his office, beloved by many, although not rich in the world's goods he was always ready to help others, and was of a very cheerful disposition. He endured many shrewd blows of fortune but always came up smiling.'\n\nHe must have been regarded both in Shanghai and in Hankow as an eccentric and colourful old man. Everyone would know of him but to what extent he was accepted socially we shall probably never know unless, that is, someone's private correspondence in which he is mentioned comes to light.\n\nNOTES\n\nMason was a young British official in the Chinese Customs on the Yangtze who organised the shipment of arms to and became involved with Nien rebels. Mesny, who knew nothing of Mason's schemes and plot, found himself officially ostracised after being accused by Li Hung-chang of being a rebel leader.\n\nIt is strange that there appears to be no reference to the typhoon in the available Shanghai papers of the day. Also, in view of his complaints about people's refusal to face up to disaster by taking out insurance, why did he not have the Rink insured? Probably, considering his circumstances, he was unable to afford the premium.\n\nThe Tsar-li Hui has been variously described as a minor religious cult, in Shantung province in particular, or as survivors of the White Lotus Society, an anti-dynastic body since its foundation in the fourteenth century through to its final defeat in Shansi in 1815. A number of members then joined the Nien revolt, and here we have a link perhaps between Li Hung-chang's accusation that Mesny was a leader of a Nien rebels during the Mason case.\n\n$\n\nMesny's Chinese Miscellany: Volume 2 item 1431 page 362\n\nBat'uru: 'A kind of Manchu Distinguished Service Order [DSO]' Johnston RF Lion and Dragon in Northern China. Murray: London 1910\n\nWilliam Mesny always referred to himself as 'Knight Ying of the Pa-t'u-lu' BA\n\nThis decoration was intended to correspond to European Orders [sic].\n\nGarrett, Valery M Mandarin Squares. Oxford University Press. Hong Kong. 1990",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212767,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 76,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "61\n\nNovember 1862\n\n1863 March\n\n1863 May 1864 April\n\n1864\n\n1864-1865\n\n1867 Winter\n\n1867\n\nhis junk and three others\n\nCaptured at Fu-shan-chan by Taiping rebels. Mesny held first in Soochow and Chang-shu, then at Pao-ying the Taiping camp, and finally in Nanking\n\nRescued by Adkins, the British Consul at Chin-kiang aboard HMS Slaney and taken back to Chin-kiang\n\nJoined Chinese Imperial Customs Service, Hankow\n\nResigned from Customs Service after fourteen months Involved in cotton broking\n\nEstablished the Hankow Horse Bazaar, a private hotel in Hankow, and set up Hupei Iron and Brassworks, Han-yang Romantic interlude with a Chinese widow in Hankow Mesny called on Tso Tsung-tang during the latter's visit to Hankow and was appointed his French and English Secretary, and was further offered the opportunity to accompany Tso on his campaign to the Northwest. Mesny also claimed that he had made recommendations to Marquis Tso Tsung-tang for a number of undertakings to help modernise China\n\nSold the Huper Iron and Brassworks to officials of the Viceroy of Szechuan province\n\nMesny's trek to war\n\n1868 June\n\nLate July or early August Late August\n\nSeptember\n\nLeft Hankow, after five year's residence, for Szechuan to become a drill instructor with the Szechuan Force\n\nArrived Chungking\n\nDeparted Chungking for Kueichou to join the Szechuan Force suppressing the Miao rebellion: he accepted employment as a military instructor (wu-chiao hsi)\n\nArrived Niu-ch'ang, the headquarters of the Szechuan Force in Kueichou\n\nSeptember 1868-May 1874 Involved in the military campaigns to suppress the Miao\n\nThe Advance: Late Summer 1868-March 1869\n\n1869\n\nPromoted Colonel, awarded the Star of China and the Flowery Plume The Retreat: Summer 1869-Summer 1870 1870/1871\n\n1871\n\n1872\n\nHelped form a joint stock company in Kuei-yang to \"recover mercury\"\n\nThe Withdrawal: mid-August 1870-Lunar New Year 1871\n\nca 1873\n\n1873\n\n1874 Spring\n\nEstablished a small day school for poor boys and girls in the Jade Emperor temple in Kuei-yang, importing suitable books and paying a Chinese teacher, a struggling student painter, Chin Yü-t'ang Siege of Hsin-ch'eng in upper Kueichou (Mesny involved in preparations for the siege during 1871)\n\nWent to Szechuan with General Chou Ta-wu\n\nPromoted Major-General and awarded the Ying-yung Pa-t'u-lu Left Kueichou for Szechuan: Margary expected to meet Mesny in",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212795,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 104,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "89\n\nChang was the first scholar in the land. Sir Everard Fraser, the Consul-General in Hankow for ten years [1901-1911], was an excellent scholar. He once told Green that he had taken a despatch in Chinese to Viceroy Chang, of Wuchang, who had become a friend of his when he was in Hankow, for his opinion on it. The Viceroy read a few lines, and then taking up his brush-pen began to edit. ‘And then,' said Sir Everard, ‘I had the finest lesson in Chinese that I ever got.' Chang was that rara avis, the official who scorned to enrich himself.\n\nChiang Chao-ling #*# @ Chiang Pa-hsia (1846-1891)\n\nA native of Szechuan, Chiang met Mesny when he, Chiang, was travelling to Yunnan to take up an appointment as County Magistrate of Hsi-o Hsien. He and Mesny were thrown out of the province at the behest of the French in Tongkin. They met again in Canton and Shanghai where Chiang's pursuit of reform was not appreciated by other officials. He died in Peking. Mesny and Chiang were to have started a monthly magazine in Shanghai in 1887 to be called the Yueh Pao ♬ which was to have been the organ of the reform party. Chiang was to have been the chief editor and Mesny the registered owner and business manager. Mesny intended to use his nom-de-plume of Meng-hua # but in the event the magazine appears not to have been published.\n\nCooper T.T.\n\nVisited Hankow and asked Mesny to accompany him on a trek to India. Mesny refused as the fees offered were too low. He later expressed regret at having refused as he 'had missed an opportunity to travel.'\n\nDamström\n\nCaptain Damström was referred to by Mesny three times during his times in Hankow in the mid 1860s. Once as a gunnery officer on one of the first steam boats ever owned by the Chinese, at Ningpo, and later as Captain of the S.S. Pao-hua [nfd]. Mesny took him along together with a Captain Dix to offer their services to General Tso of the Imperial Force in the Northwest of China. Tso offered all three of them positions as instructors but we never hear the outcome as far as Damström and Dix were concerned.\n\nThe second occasion was when Damström went off with the other",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212809,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 118,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "316\n\nMESNY'S CHINESE MISCELLANY\n\n1420. HSIANG SHAN HSIEH ш:-\n\nThe Hsiang Shan Brigade, composed of two regiments. Each regiment is commanded by a Tu-stu, Major, who has a Shou-pei, or Second Major, for his Adjutant. At the same time the Major commanding the Left Wing Regiment performs the duties of Brigade-Major and Adjutant to the Brigadier-General. Each regiment is divided into two Shao or companies, called in both cases the Tso Yu Shao, or Left and Right (Wing) companies. Each company is commanded by a Ch'ien-tsung, Captain, who is assisted by a Tou Ssu Pa-tsung, First-Lieutenant, and a Er-ssu Pa-tsung, Second-Lieutenant, thus giving a total of seventeen officers for the whole brigade, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\n1421. TA PENG HSIEH :-The Ta Peng Hsich Brigade stationed at Chinese Kowloong, opposite the British Colony of Hong-kong.\n\nThe brigade as usual is commanded by a Brigadier-General, Fu Chiang, or Isich Tai, called Hip Toi in Cantonese.\n\nThe brigade has a Tu-ssu, Major, as Adjutant to the General, but it is composed of two battalions, only each commanded by a Shou-pei or Second-Major. Each battalion is divided into the usual Left and Right (Wing) Companies or Shao, having a Ch'ien-tsung for Captain to each Company, with Tou and a Er-ssu Pa-tsung, First and Second-Lieutenant, besides the usual number of non-commissioned officers and men, thus giving a total of sixteen officers.\n\n1422. CHIEH SHIH CHEN # #- The Chieh Shih Chen division, composed of a staff corps or Chên Piao of three regiments and a territorial regiment called the Ping Hai Ying.\n\nJan. 9th, 1896.\n\nmanded by a Ts'an Chiang, or Colonel. Each regiment has a Shou-pei, or Second-Major as adjutant.\n\nThe Lieutenant-Colonel commanding the central regiment acts as the General's Adjutant. Each regiment is divided into the usual left and right wing companies, and is commanded by a Chien tsung, Captain, assisted by a Tou-ssá Pa-tsung, First-Lieutenant, and a Er-ssu Pa-tsung, Second-Lieutenant, in each case, thus giving a total of twenty-four officers for the staff corps, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men to each regiment, besides the General.\n\n1423. PING HAI YING\n\nThe division is commanded by a Tsung Ping, or Chen Tai, Lieutenant-General. The central and left wing regiments of the staff corps are each commanded by a Yu-chi, Lieutenant-Colonel; the Right Wing Regiment is commanded by a Tu-ssu, or Major, the Territorial Regiment is commanded by a Ts'an Chiang, Colonel.\n\n-The Ping Hai Regiment. This territorial regiment, as I have said, forms part of the Chieh Shih division, and is commanded by a Ts'an Chiang, Colonel, who has a Shou-pei, or Second-Major, for his Adjutant. The regiment is also divided into two companies, each having a Chien-tsung, Captain, a Tou-ssŭ Pa-tsung, First-Lieutenant, and a Er-ssŭ Pa-tsung, Second-Lieutenant, that gives eight officers, besides non-commissioned officers and men.\n\n1424. NAN AO CHÊN YU YING ★ UЯ6\n\n-The Nan Ao (or Namao as it is pronounced locally) division has but two staff regiments, Tso Yu Liang Ying, and one of them, the left wing regiment, is paid and equipped by the government of Fu-kien province, as the station is partly in Fu-kien territory and partly only in Kuang-tung territory. The Right Wing Regiment, belonging to this province, is commanded by a Yu-chi, Lieutenant-Colonel, who has a Shou-pei, Second-Major, for his Adjutant.\n\nThe regiment is divided into two Shao or companies, each commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain, assisted by a First and Second-Lieutenant, thus giving nine officers, including the General, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men. Beside its staff regiments the Nan Ao division has two territorial regiments and one territorial battalion in the Kuang-tung province.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212810,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 119,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "Jan. 9th, 1896.\n\nMESNY'S CHINESE MISCELLANY.\n\n1425. CHENG HAI YING-This territorial regiment is commanded by a Tsan Chiang, Colonel, who has a Shou-pei, or Second-Major, for his Adjutant. The regiment is divided into two battalions, each of which is commanded by a Shou-pei, Second-Major; each battalion is also divided into two Shao or wing companies. Each company being commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain, assisted by a First and Second-Lieutenant, thus giving a total of sixteen officers, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\n1426. HAI MEN YING-The Hai Men Regiment. This Territorial Regiment also forms part of the Nan Ao Division in this province, and is commanded by a Tsan Chiang, Colonel, who has a Shou-pei, or Second-Major, for his Adjutant. The regiment is divided into the usual two (left and right wing) companies, each of which is commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain. The left company having a First and Second-Lieutenant, the right company having a First, Second and Third-Lieutenant, which gives a total of nine officers, besides the usual number of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\nThe Ta\n\n1427. TA HAO YING Hao Ying is a Territorial Battalion also forming part of the Nan Ao Division.\n\nIt is commanded by a Shou-pei, or Second-Major, under the orders of the Colonel of the Hai men Regiment.\n\nBesides the Commandant of the Battalion there is a Chien-tsung, Captain, a Tou-ssu Pa-tsung, First-Lieutenant, and a Er-ssu Pa-tsung, Second-Lieutenant, with the usual number of non-commissioned officers and men under them.\n\n1428. YANG CHIANG CHEN The Yang-chiang Division. The division was lately transferred to Pakhoi, or the neighbourhood, with the name of Pei-hai Chên derived from the port of Pakhoi, but I have not yet learnt whether the staff officers and men remain as before whilst at Yang-chiang. The Yang-chiang division was composed of two staff regiments.\n\nThe first called the Tso ying, or left (wing) regiment, was commanded by a Yu-chi, or Lieutenant-Colonel, who was also the General's Adjutant; the Regimental Adjutant as usual being a Shou-pei, Major. The regiment is divided into two or Shao companies; the one being a territorial company its captain is called the Chun Cheng Chien-tsung, and he has the assistance of a Tou-ssu Pa-tsung, First-Lieutenant, and a Er-ssu Pa-tsung, Second-Lieutenant, in the ordinary manner, but the Yu Shao, or right (wing) company has, besides its Chien-tsung, or Captain, no less than four Lieutenants, styled respectively Tou-ssu, Er-ssu, San-ssu and Ssu-ssu Pa-tsung with a corresponding number of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\nThe Right Wing Regiment of the Yang Chiang staff corps is commanded by a Major, who has a Shou-pei, or Second-Major, as his Adjutant. The regiment is also divided into two wing companies or Shao in the usual way, each with a Captain and two Lieutenants to a company, besides the usual number of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\n1429. CHIN CH'I HSIEH Chi Chi Brigade. This is composed of its own two battalions, besides one Territorial Regiment and two Territorial Battalions, all of which also form part of the Yang Chiang Division.\n\nThe head-quarters of the Chi Chi Brigade are quite near Macao. Its two Wing Battalions are each commanded by a Tu-ssu, Major, the left (wing) Commandant being also the General's Adjutant. Each battalion is divided into two Shao or companies, each of which is commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain, who is assisted by First and Second-Lieutenant, thus giving a total of fifteen officers, including the General, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\n1430. WU CH'UAN YING: The Wu Chuan Regiment. This Territorial Regiment is commanded by a Tu-ssu, Major, subject to the orders of the Chi Chi, Brigadier-General,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212811,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 120,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "918 \n\nMESNY'S CHINESE MISCELLANY.\n\nand he has a Shou-pei, or Second-Major for his Adjutant.\n\nThe regiment is divided into the usual Left and Right (Wing) Companies, or Shao, each of which is commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain, who is assisted by a First and Second-Lieutenant, thus giving a total of eight officers to this regiment, besides the usual number of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\n1431. CHIEH-CHOU YING - The Chieh Chou Battalion. This Territorial Battalion is commanded by a Tu-ssu, Major, subject to the orders of the Chih Ch'i, Brigadier-General,\n\nand as such also under the orders of the Yang-chiang, Lieutenant-General. The battalion consists of a single company commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain, who is assisted by a First, Second and Third-Lieutenant, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\n1432. TUNG SHAN YING - The Tung Shan Battalion. This Territorial Battalion is commanded by a Shou-pei, Second-Major, also subject to the orders of the Chih Ch'i, Brigadier-General, and thus also forming part of the Yang-chiang Division.\n\nIn one copy of the Red Book that I have this very battalion is placed as under the orders of the Colonel of the Lei chou, Territorial Regiment, but the Provincial List has it placed as above.\n\nIt has a Chien-tsung, Captain, described as a Shui Shih and a Lieutenant, described as a Shui Shih Pa-tsung, besides one Lieutenant, simply described as Pa-tsung (I suppose the Shui Shih officers are afloat), thus giving a total of four officers, besides non-commissioned officers and men.\n\nJan. 9th, 1896.\n\nSecond-Lieutenant in both companies, thus giving a total of eight officers, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men. This regiment ought to form part of the Chiung-chou, or Hainan Division.\n\n1433. HAI KOU YING - The Hai-kou Regiment. This Territorial Regiment is stationed at the Treaty Port of Hoihow (Hainan Island), and is commanded by a Ts'an-chiang, Colonel, who has a Shou-pei, Second-Major, for his Adjutant. It also forms part of the Yang chiang Division, and is divided into two Shao or companies, each of which is commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain, assisted by a First and Second-Lieutenant.\n\n1434. LUNG MÊN HSIEH - The Lung Min Brigade. This is an important brigade. Its head-quarters are near the frontiers of Tung-king, as well as on the coast. At the present moment the French are in possession of some town in the neighbourhood, which the Chinese commissioners claim as Chinese territory. The brigade is composed of two wing regiments, Tso Yu liang Ying. Each regiment is commanded by a Tu-ssu, Major, who has a Shou-pei, or Second-Major for his Adjutant. The commandant of the left (wing) regiment is also Brigade-Major and Adjutant to the Brigadier-General. Each regiment is divided into two left and right (wing) Shao or companies. Each company is commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain, who is assisted by a First, and Second-Lieutenant, thus giving a total of seventeen officers, including the General, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\nA number of war junks and a few steamers are also attached to this brigade, I am told, but I suspect the steamers are not worth much.\n\n1435. HAI AN YING - The Hai-an Regiment. This Territorial Regiment is commanded by a Yu-chi, Lieutenant-Colonel, who has a Shou-pei, Second-Major, for his Adjutant, and the commandant is to a certain extent under the orders of the Lung men Brigadier-General.\n\nThe regiment is divided into the usual left and right wings, Shao or companies, each of which is commanded by a Ch'ien-tsung, Captain, who is assisted by a First and Second-Lieutenant, thus giving a total of eight officers, besides the usual complement of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\n1436. AI CHOU HSIEH - The Ai Chou Brigade. This brigade is composed of\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212812,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 121,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "Jan. 9th, 1896.\n\nMESNY'S Chinese MISCELLANY.\n\nland and sea forces, and its head-quarters are on the coast of Hai-nan Island. It furnishes a marine battalion to the sea-coast naval force. The marine battalion is called Ai Chou Hsieh Shui Shih Yu Ying, or the Right Wing Marine Battalion of the Ai Chou Brigade. It is commanded by a Shou-pei, Second-Major, who is assisted by a Shui Shih Chien-tsung, Naval Captain, two Shui Shih Pa-tsung, First and Second Naval Lieutenants, besides the usual number of non-commissioned officers and men.\n\nThe remainder of the brigade forms part of the land forces of the Hai-nan division Ch'ing Chou.\n\n1437. KUANG-TUNG SHUI SHIH KE CHUN LUN CH'UAN 廣東水師各軍輪船\n\n:-The Steam Naval Forces of Kuang-tung province, or the Canton Provincial Steam Fleet. In the year 1884 there were altogether fifty-six steam vessels of various sorts and sizes belonging to the provincial authorities of Kuang-tung.\n\nThe best of the steamers, the Fei Chao Hai, Chên-jui and An Lan, are neither new, powerful nor fast, though serviceable craft for sea-going gun-boats. Some of the others are of the alphabetical class, but they have been so badly kept that they are far from reliable as to steam power. Some of the vessels are hardly fit to go to sea; though not old in point of age they are not sound, and never were very swift or powerful, even for their class. The rest are nothing better than pleasure boats or steam launches for riverine purposes.\n\nCANTON GUN-BOAT SQUADRON,\n\n  \n    Name\n    Flug and Rig.\n    Guns.\n    Tons.\n    H.P.\n  \n  \n    Chee-hing\n    cruiser\n    7\n    450\n    265\n  \n  \n    An-lan\n    gun-boat\n    2\n    80\n    20\n  \n  \n    Chên-jui\n    cruiser\n    -\n    -\n    -\n  \n  \n    Chên-to\n    gun-boat\n    7\n    450\n    265\n  \n  \n    Chop-chung\n    gun-boat\n    5\n    500\n    300\n  \n  \n    Chop-sai\n    gun-boat\n    3\n    80\n    17\n  \n  \n    Hai-chong-ching\n    gun-boat\n    -\n    320\n    200\n  \n  \n    Hai-king-ching\n    gun-boat\n    4\n    320\n    200\n  \n  \n    Hoi-tung-hung\n    -\n    3\n    350\n    -\n  \n  \n    Lien-chi\n    gun-boat\n    3\n    200\n    -\n  \n  \n    Peng-chao-hai\n    cruiser\n    3\n    450\n    310\n  \n  \n    Quang-on\n    gun-boat\n    3\n    155\n    100\n  \n  \n    San-hing\n    gun-boat\n    3\n    150\n    100\n  \n  \n    Tching-on\n    gun-boat\n    3\n    150\n    100\n  \n  \n    Tching-po\n    gun-boat\n    3\n    150\n    100\n  \n  \n    Tchun-tung\n    gun-boat\n    3\n    170\n    100\n  \n\nN.B. Some of these vessels have now been condemned.\n\nBy order of the Viceroy of the Two Kuang Provinces (Chang Chih-tung) seventeen of the most serviceable war steamers have been formed into a fleet, called Shui Shih Chin Kor Naval Corps. Each of these ships is called a Shao or company. Four ships, Shao or companies, form a Ying, battalion, or squadron, and four Ying, or squadrons form the Chun, or Corps (may be fleet.) The odd ship is the Peng Chao Hai, and serves as flag ship for the commandant of the fleet, who is styled Tung-ling, and is also commander of his own flag-ship. His titular rank is Tu-ssü, or Major (just now), was, when appointed, Shou-pei, Second Major only.\n\n1438. CHAO CH'ING SHUI SHIH YING -The Chao-ch'ing Naval or Marine Regiment.\n\nThis regiment, although forming part of the Riverine Naval Force, is actually a part of the Governor-General's Staff Corps, and is usually styled the Tu Piao Shui Shih Ying on that account.\n\nThe Governor-General of the Two Kuang Provinces was formerly stationed at Chao-ch'ing Fu, a prefectural city some hundred miles or so from Canton on the north bank of the West River, hence the reason why five of the six regiments forming his Staff Corps are stationed there to this day.\n\nThe Chao-ch'ing Naval Regiment is commanded by a Tu Chiang, Colonel, whose Adjutant is a Shou-pei, Second-Major. The regiment is divided into two Shao or companies, each of which is commanded by a Chien-tsung, Captain, assisted by two Pa-tsung, Lieutenants, and the usual complement of Wai Wei, Sub-Lieutenants and non-commissioned officers.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212880,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 189,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "174\n\nto indigenous status, though now living in multi-storey apartment blocks following an earlier removal from their village. The grave was in thick bushes and clearly had not been visited at the two grave-worshipping festivals for a very long time. The elder confirmed this, but added that the fung-shui had turned bad.2\n\nWhere adverse influences were detected by experts, stones were placed at the grave, so as to block off the tablet. An instance of blocking-off is given in one of the files. It comes from Northeast Lantau. The grave belonged to a family from Tai Lam Chung on the mainland. A branch had also been settled for a hundred years at Tai Pang Po, Lantau, where this particular grave was located, on account of the good stake-net fishing there. The land officer provided a photograph of the grave. He reported that it was some 60-70 years old, but added, \"The inscription cannot be seen as the tombstone is covered by small rocks, because of poor fung-shui.\" The claimant told him there were four burial urns inside the grave, and gave the names of the persons whose remains were interred there.\" In another case, also seen on Northeast Lantau, the names of the deceased had been deliberately chipped off the tablet.\n\nObligations Outside The Family\n\nWhen it came to securing the removal of old graves, we found that the obligations to take up and rebury could sometimes ramify beyond the clan concerned. I had several cases of this kind when serving in Tsuen Wan. In another instance, the link was not so direct or as clear, but it was just as well-established as an obligation in the minds of those involved. The case involved an old grave, required to be removed for further development at Sam Pak Tsin, Texaco Road, Tsuen Wan. Since it had been repaired in 1813, it assuredly dated from the 18th century. Moreover, the grave tablet referred to the earlier burial of the remains of the husband and wife at other places, one of them at Kwai Chung. A lineage of a different surname, belonging to Hoi Pa Village, had responded to our notices posted on site, and came forward to state its obligation to arrange for removal and reburial of the remains. This was not simply a matter of taking compensation (if we were satisfied with the claim) as the reburial would involve the family in much trouble and expense. Such cases were not encountered frequently. Elders of this lineage (and the village representative who also belonged to it) said that the link with the persons buried in the grave was through the female side of their family but was no longer known clearly to even its oldest living members. Whatever it was,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212884,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 193,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "178\n\nNOTES\n\n1\n\nSaid by one of the Tangs of Ha Pa. The father had won a Jockey Club lottery ticket\n\nMrs Wong Chau Yuk-bing, 10 July 1991\n\nI once became concerned with a grave on a hill above Tsuen Wan. There had been a mistake and confusion when exhuming illegal graves and removing the remains to an authorized cemetery. My subsequent enquiry showed that this slope contained a number of graves of Chans of Sam Tung Uk, repaired in 1919, and another old grave belonging to their cousins from Kwan Mun Hau, a recent reburial of another of their graves whose old site had been required for development; the earth grave with stone tablet dated 1954 belonging to another local lineage recently taken up and remains placed in an urn (whose removal caused all the trouble); and a Tsang grave dated 1909 but removed at some time previously. The enquiry showed that the hill was a favoured burial site, that it was mostly monopolized by the Chans of Sam Tung Uk; that they had received objections from Kwan Mun Hau to a new grave and had not used it but found another site.\n\n4\n\nThe exercise was prompted by what I personally felt was the misguided notion that all the owners of old graves could, and should, one fine day be asked to exhume them.\n\n4 This was still felt to be the case, even though some leading members of the clan were Christians, with forebears who had also been members of the local protestant Chuen Yuen Church, established in Tsuen Wan about 1905.\n\n+\n\nAddressed to DOTW but sent to NTA HQ. See Secretary for the NT's NT L/M No.(172) in E/948/78 to TM&DO TW dated 11 December 1980, enclosing Chinese letter dated November 1980.\n\n+ Chinese letter from Mr. Wong Kit-hung, Village Representative of Shui Pin Village, Yuen Long, dated 14 January 1980.\n\n\"Wong Cho-yip and 22 other villagers of this place are the owners of the grave of Ancestor Shui-tai at Tsing Lung Tau. Ancestor Shui-tai was buried there in the tenth month of the first year of Tung Chih [1862], so that the grave has a history of 120 years. The villagers have recently learned that the government will resume the land there for development. They fear that great damage will be done to the fung-shui [of the clan] if the grave is destroyed. We entreat you to remedy the situation quickly [by cancelling the notice] or by compensating for this loss, so that they may choose a lucky day for the removal of their ancestral grave (and another auspicious burial ground for).\n\nM\n\nChopped DOTW Inward. Serial No. 1861 of 17 August 1963. The District Commissioner gave an account of a ceremonial visit following damage to a grave. See Annual Departmental Report, District Commissioner, New Territories, 1955-56.\n\n4\n\nADR, DCNT 1955-56, para. 87.\n\nMr Wong Kwai-chi, Land Inspector, Class 1. He and I had been colleagues and friends since we first served together in the District Office South, twenty years before.\n\n|| DOTW file TW6/WL/71, Chinese letter dated 4 May 1971.\n\n1:\n\nSee JHKBRAS, Vol. 17 (1977), p.189 for background.\n\nFile TW130/983/77, for China Light and Power Company's electricity supply sub-station on NE Lantau.\n\n14\n\nThis was partly their own fault, as owing to a particularly intense intra-lineage feud, all through the late 1970s and most of the 1980s they could not agree on removal terms,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213140,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 208,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "190\n\nNo. Name of Shop Address Village Source Comments\n\nNo.\nName of Shop\nAddress\nName of Owner\nVillage of Owner\nSource\nComments\n\n30*\n剛\nWTS\nLK\nABCD\n\n31\nM\nSLH\nLK\nC\n\nRestaurants\n\n32\n奇香\nWTS\nHL\n\n33\nLS\n\n34\nWTS\n\nن نار\n\n35*\n+\n\nSilversmiths Tailor etc\n\n#\nL$\nTMK\nCD\n\n36*\n析\nA\n\n37%\n狗\nLS\n53\nWTS\nYT\nLH\n\n00\nC\n\ndealt in opium as well dealt in opium as well\n\nLeashop and noodles coffee shop, cold drinks dogmeat and other noodles Bavel\n\nmissionaries, 1882\n\n*C20\na ring\"\n\nfine cloth, jewellery\n\ntarlor, cloth, largest shop in the market\n\n38\n新盛\n\n39\n\n40\n\nCobbler\n\nPa\n\n43\nUS\nC\n\n*\n歴\nLS\nTL\nC\n\nRattan\n\nFU\n\n4|\n明\nFI\nWTS\nAH\n\nCarpenters\n\n42*\nA\nWTS\nLH\n\n43*\nlal\n#I\nUS->TYK\nLH\n\n도도로\n\nDO\nC\n\nC basket\n\nbaskets and sieves ABC C\n\n44*\n四\nSLH\nSTK\nرا\nC\nBoatbuilder\n\n45-50\n-\nLS\nChina\nC\n\nBlacksmiths\n\n$1*\n\nWTS\nWH\nBC\n\nGambling House\n\n52\nTH\n腑\nWTS\nYT\nC\nPaper Offerings\n\n53\n114\n三 記\nWTS\nני\nC\n\n**\n\n54\n\n55\n..t\n外\n*\nIt\nC\nSNT\n\nC\n\n00 Leller Writer\n\n56\n* # 1\n\nMan Mo\nWH\nC\n\nTemple\n\n57\n\nBarber\n\n58*\n50\n\n60\n\n61\n\n62\n\n63\n\n64\n\n65\nRH\n보\nWTS\nC\n\nDoctor\n\n66\n|廣限颅上吞际\n$\nHAJDING\nUS\nΥΤ\nABC\n\nWTS\nYSO\nBC\n\nWTS\nBC\n\nLS\nNC\nBC\n\nWTS\nSC\nBC\n\nYT\nC\n\nACD\n17\n\nAC\nYT\nC\n\n· also ropemaker and allied trades Lockhart's report, 899.DO, 1937\n\n\"5 or 6\" blacksmiths in\n\nA row\n\n2 Storey Gambling house, Po Tau, Tsz Fa and Pai Kau\n\nOwner executed about 1935\n\n) Probably one of these\n\n) shops was the one\n\n) operated by the Market\n\n) Headman,\n\n1\n\n) of the Luk Heung\n\nleader of teain of Nam Mo Lo (Taoist Priests)\n\nBasel missionaries, 1853",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213144,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 212,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "194\n\n14 The oldest surviving dated object is the bell, of 1922 (D Faure, A Ng B Luk, F. M. Xianggang Beiming Huabian, Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, Urban Council, Hong Kong, Vol 3, p 733) The temple, however, appears in the Block Crown Lease (1905), and the local villagers believe it is old\n\n15 The Sam Heung villagers have recently elected a tablet at the resited replacement temple, stating that the temple was first built in the Chia Ch'ing reign (1796-1820), and that the Ta Tsiu was instituted as soon as the temple was built While the grounds for these statements are not given, they are reasonable, and probably correct, although a date late in the reign is likely\n\n16 D Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op cit. p 107\n\n17\n\nA copy of this genealogy is in the collection of New Territories historical documents at United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong I am indebted to Dr D Faure for drawing my attention to this reference\n\nOur information on mid-nineteenth century Sha Tau Kok comes primarily from documents of the Basel Mission, which had a Mission Station in the town 1849-1854, and whose missionaries regularly visited it in the late nineteenth century The missionaries rented four houses from a local village elder, near the western end of Upper Street, backing onto the wall The missionaries drew a map of the town in 1853, plans of typical shop units in 1849 and 1853, and wrote a long description of the town and district in 1853 – Map 2 is a re-drawing of the missionaries' map of 1853, corrected by measurements taken from the 1924 aerial photograph of the town (13 November 1924 original in the Department of Geography, University of Hong Kong) The written description of 1853 is Basel Mission archive, doc Al-2, Nr 44, “Half-Yearly Report of the missionary Rev P Winnes, from 1st January to 1st July 1853\", printed in translation in P H. Hase. \"Sha Tau Kok in 1853”, in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 30, 1990, pp 281-297 See PH Hase, \"The Alliance of Ten\", op cit, for redrawings of the plans of mid-nineteenth century shop units, and also for a drawing of a cross-section of such a shop unit I am indebted to Rev Carl Smith for drawing my attention to the importance of the Basel Mission documents to the history of Sha Tau Kok, and for allowing me to use his transcripts and notes I would also like to thank Mrs W Haas, and the staff of the Basel Mission archive in the preparation of this article\n\n19 The Tung Wo Kuk was so named in direct emulation of the older Punti Council in Sham Chun, which was also known as \"The Council for Peace in the East\", PA, Tung Ping Kuk - the choice of the name Tung Wo Kuk must be seen, in these circumstances, as a marked sign of local pride and self-confidence\n\n20 See n 11\n\n21\n\nThe villagers believe that the name Sha Tau Kok is taken from a poem by a Ch'ing official who passed by and was so impressed by the beauty of the sun rising above the sand-dunes that he wrote a poem on it ADV AEAA. \"The sun rises from the sand-dunes the moon hangs where land and ocean meet\" I have heard this story from a Sheung Wo Hang elder, and see also Shatoulaode quwer xuanguanbu (Sha...",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213561,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 157,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "126\n\nHong Kong newspapers, stories and reports mentioning or quoting Pidgin (or Anglo-Chinese, as it came to be called) gradually disappear in the 1960s. The most recent book we have been able to obtain which teaches English in Pidgin pronunciation is \"English and Chinese Dialogues\" or \"Ying Yue Chi Nam\" by Wong Lui Hing, first published in 1927, and re-published continually until the 17th edition in 1974. The character set used to spell English in this publication are the same as those in Tong.\n\nWhat was China Coast Pidgin of the last century like?\n\nFirst, it was not pronounced in a consistent way by Chinese and English speakers, nor was it pronounced consistently among the Chinese themselves. When first learned by Chinese, words would be pronounced as their individual Chinese characters. As the speaker got more experience of speaking to foreigners, he would mould his pronunciation closer to the English, as far as he was able.\n\nTong's materials show that there was no contrast in Pidgin (as he spoke it) between aspirated and unaspirated consonants, even though such contrasts exist in both Chinese and English. Thus in the word for “price”, pou-laai-si and bou-laai-si were in free variation, “Proper” is rendered ba-lap-bu, pou-lap-ba or pa-lap-ba. The stock of consonants used in Tong are b/p, d/t, g/k, h, j/ch, l, m, n, r/l, s, v/f, and w. One of the innovations claimed for Tong's book was that he was the first to draw attention to the full range of proper English pronunciation, in contrast to the conventions of Pidgin.\n\nThe vowels are those of standard Cantonese. However, long and short vowels and diphthongs are not generally contrastive (although Tong points out on one occasion that the English word \"die\" should be pronounced daai in English but dai in Pidgin).\n\nWe believe this reflects quite accurately the perception by the average Cantonese speaker not frequently exposed to English: the timbre and energy used in distinguishing aspirated and unaspirated sounds in normal English is much less than that in Chinese. Lacking the reinforcement of the printed word, the distinction must have been largely lost on the learner. Likewise, long and short diphthongs are not contrastive in English, and it would have occurred correctly to Cantonese",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213569,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 165,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "134\n\n8 \"These servants were unequalled, at the same time, they never considered themselves menials, but as makee learn; that is to say, serving in order to become familiar with pigeon English, that in due time they could become pursers or clerks in Chinese hongs or shops trading with people of the Western Ocean. While in service with their foreign masters, they were considered and known by the appellation \"Se-tsai”, or business youths. They were usually relatives of the compradors who provided them with places and secured them.\"\n\n11 My tinkee more better come by boat.\n\n12 Have bilum no. I first chop.\n\nFly goosoo, sit down goosoo (wild/domestic goose)\n\nAll man chow-chow he.\n\n25 All same sing-song (hei)\n\nCamphor trunk wantchee? Chess board hav got. No 1 first chop too muchee handsom. No. I cheap.\n\n26 Man-ta-le talkee you ship what time walkee, what cargo got inside, go what placee Tum junter my shop. My show you Ka-pan ta Squeea No 9, He name Chang Ho. Too muchee cap-tan, too much chief mate come my shop.\n\n27 Mus come my shop. No. 9. Sam Shoo hav got No. 1 good, No.1 cheap. Two dollar one bottlee, No. 1 cheap.\n\n29 You tinkee my so cunning before?\n\n30 The Hong Merchant, King-Qua, remarks triumphantly at the same moment, as he passes out in his sedan chair, \"My tinkee you country no got so fashion pa-lo-pa\"\n\n32 As Pan-Kei-Qua said, “No good chance\" - adding in a tone of surprise, “Too muchee curio! Kok-See No. 1 handsom man!\"\n\n34 Moorman, Sallie Mahommed Boo-Bull: \"I not pay it rent. I makee try Factory, not make it up mind if keep.\"\n\n45 Ming-Qua: numer one \"curio pigeon”, “Oh yes, my savee alla.\" \"Then\", said I, “suppose you should insult a person and be called out,\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213586,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 182,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "152\n\nCountry Parks, currently plant around 300,000 trees a year for amenity, erosion control and the repair of fire damage. Usually only introduced trees such as Acacia will grow under the harsh conditions of bare and eroded slopes, but under more favourable conditions native tree species are also being planted for the benefit of wildlife. DAF organizes forestry camps where each summer around 2000 young people learn to care for trees. Each spring in the Country Parks DAF also organises community tree planting days in which 20,000 trees are planted by the public each year.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nChan, Ka-yan (1989). Joss Stick Manufacturing A Study of a Traditional Industry in Hong Kong Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 29 94-120\n\nChang, YN (1963) Hong Kong Ts'un (Hong Kong Village) and the Cultivation and Exportation of Incense from Kowloon and the New Territory in Lo, H. L. (ed) Hong Kong and its External Communications Before 1842 Hong Kong Institute of Chinese Culture P114\n\nCoates, A Myself a Mandarin (1968) Oxford University Press\n\nDaley, PA (1975). Man's Influence on the Vegetation of Hong Kong In Thrower, B (ed) The Vegetation of Hong Kong Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 44-56\n\nDunn, S T (1907). Report on the Botanical and Forestry Department for 1907 Hong Kong Govt\n\nHase, P, Hayes, J W and Iu, K. C. Traditional Tea Growing in the New Territories (1984). Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 24 264-281\n\nHayes, J. (1977), Notes for the Royal Asiatic Society Visit to Tai Mo Shan, 3rd April 1976. Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 17 157-178\n\nHayes, J (1983) The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, Studies and Themes Oxford University Press\n\nHong Kong Daily Press 1873 February 5\n\nIu, Kwok-choy (1983) The Cultivation of the \"Incense Tree\" (Aquilaria sinensis), Hong Kong Quarterly Journal of Forestry July\n\nNichols, D (1978) Some Aspects of Vegetation in Hong Kong with Special Reference to Fung Shui Woods University of Leicester Dept of Geography Quoted in Thrower, S",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213623,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 219,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "192\n\nAnother claim suggests that Ch'iu was the adviser to the Yuan emperor Shih Tsu [better known as the Great Kublai Khan] though as Ch'iu is said to have died in AD 1227 this would be impossible; yet another claim which is again fanciful, Ch'iu is said to have been the author of the dramatic version of the \"Journey to the West\" the well-known story in which Monkey [Ch'i-t'ien Ta-sheng] aids a famous monk to carry Buddhist scriptures to China from India.\n\nHis mausoleum was in the influential Taoist White Cloud Monastery, the Sect centre, in Peking. Temple records in the Pai-t'a Dagoba in the Pei Hai in Peking noted that he died at the age of 80 in AD 1227.\n\nHis image is to be seen on two altars in Hong Kong, both in Taoist monasteries where he is portrayed as a seated Taoist figure dressed in robes, blue in one monastery and golden in the other, with a black beard. He is wearing the tiny Taoist crown and holds a fly switch in his right hand. He has no unique identifying characteristics, though in private images he is often depicted with his blue robes decorated with pa-kua signs. His image, in both monasteries, is on a secondary altar in a main hall dedicated to Wang Ch'ung-yang, with Lu Tung-pin being the sole deity in the other secondary altar. These three Immortals are known collectively as the Three Generations, with Lü the eldest, Wang the second generation and Ch'iu the third generation and the junior.\n\nHis great weakness, which he had to overcome, was his impatience. He was renowned for his propensity to butt in and offer his opinion, often after reaching conclusions prematurely.\n\nIn Peking, his image in the Tan-chi Kung depicted him as a young man without eyebrows or whiskers and with a whey-coloured face. In Singapore, his old gilded image stands on an altar in an old temple in Telok Blangah where he shares a shrine on an altar with Lu Tung-pin, one of the Eight Immortals, with the other shrine occupied by images of Ho Hsien-ku, another of the Eight Immortals, and Sun Fu-jen, an unidentified matron.\n\nCh'iu was deified by the Yuan dynasty emperor Shih Tsu [Kublai Khan, ca AD 1260] as: Ch'ang-ch'un Yen-tao Chu-chiao Chen-jen (MIÈ3⁄4Ç^). Later, at the time of Yuan Wu Tsung [ca. AD 1308],",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213757,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 109,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "Tai Hang Tsz Tong Tsuen \n\nTP \n\n29 \n\n77 \n\n37.7** \n\nTai Hang Chung San Wai \n\nTP \n\n52 \n\n112 \n\n46.4 \n\nTai Hang Fui Sha Wai \n\nTP \n\n47 \n\n117 \n\n40.2* \n\nSha Lo Tung \n\nTP \n\n120 \n\n307 \n\n39.1* \n\nFung Yuen \n\nTP \n\n60 \n\n133 \n\n45.1 \n\nHa Hang \n\nTP \n\n40 \n\n97 \n\n41.2* \n\nShuen Wan Tseng Tau \n\nTP \n\n21 \n\n48 \n\n43.8 \n\nShuen Wan Tung Tsai \n\nTP \n\n14 \n\n43 \n\n32.6** \n\nShuen Wan Po Sam Pai \n\nTP \n\n70 \n\n156 \n\n44.9 \n\nTing Kok \n\nTP \n\n301 \n\n669 \n\n45.0 \n\nShek Tau Pai \n\nTP \n\n25 \n\n56 \n\n44.6 \n\nKo Tong \n\nTP \n\n34 \n\n80 \n\n42.5* \n\nTai Tai \n\nTP \n\n12 \n\n35 \n\n34.3** \n\nPak Sha Au \n\nTP \n\n52 \n\n117 \n\n44.4 \n\nNai Tong Kok \n\nTP \n\n19 \n\n48 \n\n38.8** \n\nKam Chuk Pai \n\nTP \n\n39 \n\n93 \n\n41.9* \n\nYeung Shu Long \n\nI \n\n5 \n\n13 \n\n38.5** \n\nKau Lung \n\nI \n\n2 \n\n6 \n\n33.3** \n\nMau Tat \n\nI \n\n23 \n\n69 \n\n33.3** \n\nUpper Tung Oi \n\nI \n\n18 \n\n44 \n\n40.9* \n\nLo So Shing \n\n \n\n30 \n\n75 \n\n40.0* \n\nLuk Chau \n\n \n\n16 \n\n54 \n\n29.6** \n\nTai Ping \n\nI \n\n49 \n\n113 \n\n43.4 \n\nPak Kok \n\n \n\n15 \n\n52 \n\n28.8** \n\nTai Wan \n\n \n\n52 \n\n113 \n\n39[+] \n\nWang Lung \n\n[?] \n\n17 \n\n50 \n\n34.0** \n\nSan Tsuen \n\nI \n\n61 \n\n133 \n\n46.2 \n\nLuk Tei Tong \n\nI \n\n23 \n\n76 \n\n43.4 \n\nLeung Uk \n\nI \n\n46 \n\n104 \n\n44.2 \n\nKau Pa Kong \n\nSSP \n\n73 \n\n165 \n\n44.2 \n\nPak Shue Long \n\nSSP \n\n61 \n\n151 \n\n40.4* \n\nAberdeen Old Village \n\nHKI \n\n74 \n\n164 \n\n45.1 \n\nAberdeen New Village \n\nHKI \n\n45 \n\n98 \n\n45.9 \n\nHok Tsui Wan \n\nHKI \n\n15 \n\n39 \n\n38.5** \n\nVillages with severe shortage of males (43% or less) * \n\nVillage with extreme shortage of males (39% or less) **",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213759,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "82\n\n– Sai Kung Market\n\n  \n    SK\n    320\n    512\n    62.5*\n  \n  \n    Kon Hang\n    SK\n    32\n    56\n    57.1\n  \n  \n    Kau Sai\n    SK\n    29\n    39\n    74.4**\n  \n  \n    Tsing Shan\n    TM\n    17\n    26\n    65.4**\n  \n  \n    San Hui\n    TM\n    72\n    107\n    67.3**\n  \n  \n    Shiu Hang\n    TM\n    40\n    68\n    58.8\n  \n  \n    Tsing Shan Po\n    TM\n    37\n    43\n    86.04+\n  \n  \n    Sheung Nam Long\n    TM\n    112\n    194\n    57.7\n  \n  \n    Ha Nam Long\n    TM\n    56\n    97\n    57.7\n  \n  \n    Lung Kwu Tan Quarry\n    TM\n    215\n    215\n    100**\n  \n  \n    Tai Shui Hang\n    TM\n    27\n    41\n    65.9**\n  \n  \n    Nam Hang San Wai\n    TP\n    14\n    21\n    66.7+*\n  \n  \n    Tin Liu\n    TP\n    5\n    7\n    71.4**\n  \n  \n    Tai Hang Tai Wo\n    TP\n    11\n    17\n    64.7*\n  \n  \n    Long Ha\n    TP\n    14\n    18\n    77.8**\n  \n  \n    Tai Wo Shi\n    TP\n    377\n    472\n    79.9**\n  \n  \n    Wong Ka Uk\n    TP\n    7\n    7\n    100**\n  \n  \n    Pun Chung Heung Chan\n    TP\n    2\n    2\n    100**\n  \n  \n    Yuen Tong\n    TP\n    26\n    46\n    56.5\n  \n  \n    Fu Yung Shan\n    TP\n    24\n    38\n    63.2*\n  \n  \n    Tai Tong\n    TP\n    148\n    258\n    57.4\n  \n  \n    Chau Tau\n    TP\n    155\n    325\n    56.9\n  \n  \n    Tap Mun\n    TP\n    168\n    253\n    66.4*1\n  \n  \n    Pak Shek Wo\n    TW\n    11\n    16\n    77.8**\n  \n  \n    Tung Kwu Shek\n    TW\n    2\n    3\n    66.8**\n  \n  \n    Nam Fong To\n    TW\n    16\n    25\n    66.7**\n  \n  \n    Tso Kung Tam\n    TW\n    20\n    20\n    100**\n  \n  \n    Pak Shek Kiu\n    TW\n    16\n    25\n    64.0**\n  \n  \n    Ha Mei\n    I\n    4\n    4\n    100**\n  \n  \n    Chek Lap Kok\n    I\n    55\n    77\n    71.4**\n  \n  \n    Sai Wan\n    \n    33\n    49\n    67.3+1\n  \n  \n    Shek Tsai Po\n    I\n    71\n    118\n    60.2*\n  \n  \n    San Keung Shan\n    \n    37\n    66\n    56.1\n  \n  \n    Fan Pu\n    \n    l\n    34\n    59\n    57.6\n  \n  \n    Sha Tsui\n    \n    62\n    107\n    57.9\n  \n  \n    Pa Mei\n    I\n    27\n    46\n    58.7\n  \n  \n    Cheung Chau (Land\n    \n    4519\n    7686\n    58.8\n  \n  \n    and Boat Population)\n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Tai O (Land and Population)\n    \n    4318\n    7661\n    56.4\n  \n  \n    Ping Chau\n    \n    434\n    642\n    67.6**\n  \n  \n    Ngau Tau Kok\n    KT\n    314\n    440\n    71.4*\n  \n  \n    Sai Cho Wan\n    KT\n    35\n    58\n    60.3*\n  \n  \n    Cha Kwo Ling\n    KT\n    134\n    211\n    63.5+*\n  \n  \n    Pokfulam\n    HKI\n    580\n    833\n    69.6**\n  \n  \n    Aberdeen Town\n    HKI\n    951\n    1314\n    72.4**\n  \n  \n    Aberdeen Garden\n    HKI\n    22\n    28\n    78.6*\n  \n  \n    Aberdeen Brick Works\n    HKI\n    64\n    64\n    100**\n  \n  \n    Wong Chuk Hang\n    HKI\n    44\n    57\n    77.2**",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213802,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 154,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "125\n\nHH\n\nThe volume entitled the Genealogy of the Chens of She Shan contains two or three separate genealogies of Chen surname from which I cannot trace common descent. It seems that some pages were missing in the copy in the Hong Kong University collection. The name pujao, if indeed an ordination name, does not follow the usual long or fa format. It is probably an ordination name from another, more well-known \"folk\" religion, Luozu Jiao, which have ordination names in a format of Pa followed by another character, according to an account in a Qing work of anecdotal literature quoted by Fu Yilin's article \"Qing Qrankong kupan Cilaoguançaizong Qislu Kao\" – first published in 1942 and included in his Fu Yin Zash wusht man Wengao Xiamen Daxue Chubanshe, 1989. The pantheon and practice of Laiozu Jio is not related to the tradition that is the subject of this article.\n\n* According to Lo, op cit, p. 216 n 21. So Lo Pun was a member of an alliance including Lai Chi Wo, a multi-surname village. With one exception, which is not So Lo Pun, all member villages were lineage extensions related to Lai Chi Wo. I know of some Huang people in Lai Chi Wo, but do not know their genealogical relationship with So Lo Pun or whether they celebrated the Fengchao in the past. The genealogy contains a spirit tablet related to Lu Shan and the Three Ladies, a passage of invocation, and two talismans. It is unlikely that the genealogy belonged to a wang specialist, whose repertoire will take up many volumes, not just a few pages in a genealogy as in this case.\n\n*I fail to date any of the generations. Some dates are given in the genealogy using Dynastic year names which cannot be found in reference books for year names. I have not checked as thoroughly some of the year names and title of emperors in the prefaces.\n\nCopied during an interview with the ritual specialist by Lee Lar-mu, then of the Oral History Project of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. For part of the memorial, I have a tape recording of the priest's recitation demonstration during the same meeting for comparison.\n\n12. The Xu's genealogy of Shek Pik, Lantau Island in the British Library collection of genealogies from the New Territories contains a list of offerings for grave worship which begins with one raw pig and one cow. Rubie S. Watson, in her Inequality Among Brothers, Cambridge University Press 1985, p. 43 mentioned the division of raw pork after the ancestral hall ritual at Ha Tsuen but does not say if the four pigs purchased for the occasion were first offered to the ancestors as offerings.\n\n41\n\nHuhur Xinwen Yi hun Xu Zhi, Beijing Zhonghua 1986, p. 181.\n\n\"For the note see Luo, op cit, p. 230. For his picture of the Hakka as \"farmer-scholars\" see ibid, pp. 16-18.\n\n**Luo Op Cit, p. 255-263.\n\n* The description is in vol. 2. In the table of contents, the author has inserted xiang (\"incense\") between Ahuan and Huo. The rite has some interesting features. It uses a long piece of red cloth stretched from the \"lower\" end near the entrance of the hall to the \"upper\" end of the ancestral incense burner, and the ashes were carried over the \"bridge\" thus formed to the incense burner. That additional ancestors are incorporated into the ancestral hall in the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213830,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1996",
        "page_number": 182,
        "title": "RAS-1996",
        "content_text": "155\n\nDuring the pre-War period, traditional rituals of worship in the spring and autumn seasons were observed at ancestral halls. All lineage members assembled there for the rituals of offering of animal sacrifice and setting off of firecrackers. Lineage members then followed the elders to their ancestral graves, usually located on foothills bordering the village. Upon returning to the ancestral hall, the elders monitored the formal collective worship ceremony in which lineage members, in the order of seniority, kowtowed and presented incense to their ancestors. Some lineages at multi-surname villages, such as the related Los at Shek Lau Po and Shek Mun Kap, held reunions twice a year for ancestral grave visiting before the War. Fruit and three to four roasted pigs were offered as oblations and pork meat was divided immediately after the performance of the ceremonies of worship.\n\nRituals performed at ancestral halls and visits to ancestral graves were both collective activities of worships at the lineage level. However, without strong lineage organizations supported by economic power, these ancestor worship ceremonies were rather simple and small in scale. There were no communal properties to support big feasts or entertainments. Only pork meat was divided among males. Sheer numbers might explain Tung Chung's weak lineage organization and small-scale ancestor worship. As indicated by the 1911 census, the community had a population of only about one thousand. Single-surname villages there were sparsely populated with 77 people at Mok Ka, 47 at Wong Ka Wai, and 46 at Pa Mei.\n\nBanditry and Japanese occupation during the Second World War struck a serious blow at the already weak lineage organization in Tung Chung. Japanese soldiers wrecked or burnt some ancestral halls and genealogies, and in effect, disrupted the tradition of ancestor worship for some lineages. Pa Mei, for example, caught fire during a Japanese campaign against bandits, and a new village had to be built later. Although a part of the Teng's ancestral hall remains at the old site, according to one of the lineage members, no collective worship has been carried out there since the War. The Japanese also seized the genealogy of the Tengs. The Huangs of Tai Po saw their family register burnt by the Japanese. For fear of Japanese looting, some villages destroyed their genealogies themselves. Throughout our field investigation in Tung Chung, no genealogy was ever found.\n\n157\n\n \n17",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213970,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 39,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "4\n\naloof on his return. The present writer can vouch for his active approval of an African-inspired experiment whereby departmental administrative officers in the urban areas would collect and transmit upwards a monthly 'intelligence digest' of local opinion, morale and responses to government action or inaction, and of attitudes to prominent local figures and to Chinese or foreign affairs: this was meant to supplement what was collected in their own specialist manners by the HK Police Special Branch (SB), the New Territories Administration (NTA), the Foreign & Commonwealth Office (FCO)'s Political Adviser (PA) and the Security Liaison Officer (SLO). Some of what was collected may have been too near the knuckle, some was rather too easily discounted as mere \"gossip,\" important though that might be as a reflection of influential belief at the grass roots, and some may have hurt the dignity of those who had the existing duty of intelligence-gathering. The governor was persuaded to drop the experiment as proving trivial.\n\nBut Trench also showed interest in another interloping proposal that, in the absence of any generalist government institutions to supplement the Secretary for Chinese Affairs (SCA)'s advisory staff (who liaised with the various kai fong (Neighbourhood) Welfare Associations, Clansmens' Associations and Residents' Associations, which were often self-perpetuating), District Officers (DOs) should be appointed in the urban areas; these should have certain executive functions, fewer than those of their colleagues in the New Territories so as not to encroach on the licensing prerogatives of the Urban Council, but sufficient to ensure that all should know of their existence and, above all, of where their offices were. Primarily they should oversee and co-ordinate the activities of the various professional and technical departments in their bailiwicks, but also, like paternalistic mandarins, inquire into, report upon and seek answers to the needs and concerns of the inhabitants. This suggestion was effectively smothered by a DCS who was unable to understand what such DOs might achieve in a city that existing institutions did not already adequately do: the concept of such junior, peripheral, government officers being responsive to people, as opposed to being mere executive agents responsible for essential infrastructural public services, was alien. Apart from the SCA's and District Commissioner New Territories (DCNT)'s contacts with often self-appointed élites, there was little by way of direct exchange with the man in the street: the same DCS once said, \"Government must, of",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214016,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 84,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "50\n\nin pairs on Min [Fukienese] community altars as offerings to the Jade Emperor, whose birthday is celebrated the following day and who had persuaded Yang to call off the pursuit.\n\nAn image categorically identified as the Seventh Son, Yang Yen-ssu has only been observed in one temple, in Medan in Sumatra, where it stands alone on a separate side altar simply marked, Yang Ch'i Yeh. He is portrayed as a black-bearded general, standing dressed in long yellow robes and holding a long staff but without any unique features. In a temple near Taichung where he is depicted together with the rest of his brothers he is inexplicably portrayed with a ferocious, decorated face and a bird's beak mouth. His black skin is decorated with a white [opera-style] face pattern, whilst the beak with a red edging is under a human nose. His eyes are staring, round and bulging, and he is holding an unsheathed sword at the ready. All in all, an extraordinary image which, whilst accepted and labelled as the Seventh Son by the temple staff, is completely out of character.\n\nFinally, in Seremban in central Malaysia, the temple keeper of a small rural temple pointed out a small standing figure of a soldier in armour at the rear of a crowded secondary altar. The image has no unique characteristic and could be any soldier/deity. The temple keeper identified him as Yang Sung-pao, a T'ang general who had been the protector of a Sung emperor. In Seremban he was also known as the Venerable Golden Lion, Chin-shih Ta-jen, as well as the Great General, Ta Chiang-chün.\n\nThe Eighth Son, Yang Pa Yeh, has only been noted on two altars in northern China despite the two Yang Family Daughters being numbered Eight and Nine, Yang Pa Chie and Yang Chiu Mei. These two daughters were involved in several battles fighting alongside the Sixth Son.\n\nPost Script\n\nChinese characters carved into a roadside rock beside the modern main road from the Fen River plain in northern Shansi to Inner Mongolia proclaimed that the nearby old temple had been dedicated to Wu Lang, the Fifth Son of the Yang. This was confirmed by a local peasant. The temple was in a col between two mountains, itself several thousand",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214252,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 110,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "73\n\nlarge, wide, gaping mouth has but four small teeth showing, these being normal human-size incisors top and bottom. Finally, he has three small white skulls across his forehead held in place by a pink band.\n\n19] Gandharva known in Chinese as Kan-t'a-p'o\n\nThe Gandharva are one of the eight classes of supernatural beings referred to in the Lotus Sutra. They are Indra's musicians and also in the retinue of Dhrtarastra [they are the same as or similar to the Kinnaras]. They do not eat meat nor drink wine but feed on incense and fragrance.\n\nAn image of the Gandharva is in the Ta Pei Ssu but not in the Pi-yun Ssu. His image portrays him standing, dressed in multi-coloured robes over armour, a helmet over black spiky hair, and is clean shaven. His face is semi-demonic, with large protruding eyes. He has no unique characteristics.\n\n20] Nanda Upananda known in Chinese as Nan-t'o Pa-nan-t'o 跋難陀\n\nLittle seems to be known about Nanda Upananda apart from being a protector of Magadha [near Bihar]. His image has only been seen in the Ta Pei Ssu and not in the Pi-yun Ssu. It depicts him as an elderly man but with a semi-demonic face. He has round eyes, small ugly protrusions on his cheeks, a gaping mouth and fang-like eye-teeth, no moustache but a short pointed beard, and is wearing decorated robes and cap. His hands are held together as if holding a tablet [which may well be missing].\n\n21] Skanda, Viharapala or Veda' known in Chinese as Wei T'o #BE\n\nWei T'o, a Hindu deity, the Deva Protector of the Dharma, guards the sanctuary of virtually all Chinese Buddhist temples. He stands with his back to the main entrance in the inner temple hall facing the main altar and back-to-back with the Laughing Buddha of the Future, Mi-lo Fo, who greets visitors with his smiling welcome. Wei T'o is also to be seen guarding many a folk religion temple, though only very rarely does he appear on a household altar. Because of the prayers offered to",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214701,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 116,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "08\n\nMAP 1\n\nThe Kowloon City Area about 1905\n\nTai Wai\n\nChok Yoen\n\nSiu Lek Yuen\n\nTai Po\n\nDiamond Hill\n\nHau Wong\n\nTa Kwa Leng\n\n(Nga Yau Tau)\n\nHau Wong Temple\n\nKowloon City\n\nSai Tau Tsuen\n\nNga Trin Long\n\nKai\n\nKwy Lung\n\nPa Kong\n\nKak Hang\n\nNga Trin Wai\n\nKowloon Market\n\nKan Pui Shek\n\nTung Tau Tsuen\n\nSheung Hok Lo Tsuen\n\nPier\n\nWaste Land\n\nTai Hom Yuen\n\nLing Wai\n\nPing Yi Tsai Tau\n\nSha Tei Yuen\n\nKowloon Bay\n\nCustoms Pier\n\nSai Kung\n\nNgee Chi Wan\n\nPak Uk Tsuen\n\n(Ping Shek)\n\nLei Yue Mun\n\nShau Kei Wan\n\nTau\n\nNgan Kok Hill\n\nSham Shui Po\n\nTsuen Wan\n\nYau Ma Tei\n\nMa Tau Wai\n\nHau Pui Long\n\nYi Wong Tin\n\nTsim Sha Tsui\n\nSacred Hill (Sung Wong Toi)\n\nKilometres\n\nMa Tau Kok\n\nCoastline in 1905\n\nBuildings 1905\n\nFootpaths\n\nEdge of Hill\n\nMarshes\n\nKowloon Market",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214758,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1999",
        "page_number": 173,
        "title": "RAS-1999",
        "content_text": "TRANSLATION OF \n\n\"RUSSELS MATHEMATICAL TABLES” \n\nP.J. ASTON \n\n137 \n\nIntroduction \n\nThe Japanese attacked Hong Kong on 8 December 1941. Seven-teen days later, on Christmas day, the brave but outnumbered defending forces surrendered and were put into prisoner of war camps in which many died. A young squadron leader in the RAF, Donald Hill, kept a diary of events during the battle for Hong Kong and for a while during his captivity. In order to keep it secret, he wrote it in a numerical code which, according to the cover of the book in which he wrote, was supposedly \"Russels Mathematical Tables”. Donald survived the camp and brought the diary out with him, However, his experiences were so traumatic that he did not like to talk about them. The diary was never translated before his death in 1985. I decoded the diary in 1996 revealing, for the first time in nearly 55 years, this first hand account of the battle for Hong Kong and life as a prisoner of war.\n\nSHARJOITAH 18 304714 10 d4d3 Ida7a731644 2779 \n\nYou 7016/049 1760BR277] (630323223 (63 70 31 24 120 273-75728314 1/2003 2338 74/75 242123OSH THIN CHAVAKSA 17/03/\n\n5972/BLYV7221707031 790 EJIZZA VE MAM 787 7670 2729/0/4 BAR) 2377 7030 JATT 1808 SAB777238:14 H135-83310742277607 \n\n7383747075337273/21/20-014131176/A \n\n7634225781788 17249150BRAD5-9120/61/0N73 \n\nANGRIA. \n\n770773 1976 SAUNANGAKA127 1273 321 1772 5635 ELDR: 170 KEADILANJA \n\n** \n\n36 KTA JADI 01270765 2301#2777/03077 \n\nMAA VENA DELECTABlanco FIO O PAÍ \n\nA sample of \"Russels Mathematical Tables\". \n\n香港仔店收容所",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215254,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 31,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "Appendix\n\nDate Visits 2001\n\nSat April 28th: Sam Tung Uk Museum and Hoi Pa led by Valery Garrett\n\nSat 26th May: Mount Davis and Pinewood Batteries led by Tim Ko.\n\nSat 18th Aug: Preview of Hong Kong Museum of History led by Dr Joseph Ting.\n\nSat 15th Sept: Tour of the new Central Library in Causeway Bay led by Julia Chan and Dr Pat Hase (two visits)\n\nSat Sept 22nd: Private View - Chinese Textiles given by Valery Garrett and Chris Hall.\n\nFri Sept 28th to Wed Oct 3rd: Korean Palaces in Seoul led by Dr Pat Hase.\n\n2002\n\nSat 10th Nov: Visit to Dolphins led by Lindsay Porter.\n\n8-19th Feb 2002: Bhutan, led by Dr Brian Shaw.\n\nSat Feb 23rd: Guided tour of the Cultural Relics of the Great Wall Exhibition at the HKMH led by Dr Joseph Ting\n\nxxviii",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215580,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 357,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "307\n\nand Monuments Office and the Government Marine Department and to everyone mentioned in the text. Without their help this paper would not have been written. Special thanks are also due to Yip Kin-sang Superintendent of Aids to Navigation of the Marine Department. Thanks are also due to many other helpful people including Master Mariners Roger Parry and Alan Lack, Dr James Hayes, Simon Lord, Paul Brown, Phillip Bruce, Louis Thomas and S J Chan. This paper would not be complete without photographs and those published here are indeed rather special. For these, a very sincere thank you to Charles Slater.\n\nNOTES\n\nPart One\n\n1. T. Roger Banister (1932). The Coastwise Lights of China, Shanghai: Inspectorate General of Customs, Statistical Department.\n\n2. Lee Krystek - http://unmuseum.mus.pa.us/pharos.htm\n\n3. Trinity House - http://www.trinityhouse.co.uk/\n\n4. A day in history - http://www.sis.gov.eg/calendar/html/cl171196.htm\n\n5. It was named after James Horsburgh (1762-1836), an eminent hydrographer for the East India Company, author of the book Sailing Directions, which became the most widely used nautical directory of Eastern waters during the first half of the 19th century. He was also a Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The lighthouse has a cone-shape tower painted with black and white horizontal bands. http://www.lighthouseclothing.com/database/searchdatabase.cfm.\n\n6. It was rebuilt in 1875 in the form of a white conical cast-iron tower with black trim. The 30-foot high tower with lantern constructed of oyster shells had a light visible for 20.5 nautical miles.\n\n7. T.R. Banister concedes that the claim is good only in its literal sense. '...if we except such primitive lights as the old open beacon at north-east promontory, or the ancient native light on Fisher Island in the Pescadores. The Tungsha Lightship, in the Yangtze Estuary, was established in 1855, and the Taitan Light was apparently first shown by the Chinese priests in 1863. But neither of these were exactly light [houses].'",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    }
]