[ { "id": 204798, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "PENG CHAU\n\n89\n\ncoastal and riverine areas of Kwangtung were always receiving the unwelcome attention of pirates and robber gangs, right up to the end of the nineteenth century and well into the present one. The Taiping rebellion occupied the middle years of the century and, though it does not seem to have caused much bloodshed in the San On district, the large-scale struggle between Hakkas and Puntis in the parts of the province west of the Delta must have increased mutual antipathy between the two groups elsewhere. The Opium War and the War of 1857-60 saw increased foreign activity in Hong Kong waters. There were therefore both internal and external dangers to be expected on a small island settlement like Peng Chau at this time.\n\nInternally there was probably less trouble than there was potential. There are no recollections of fighting between the various groups of settlers on the island, though the Hoklos, who are generally credited with a more turbulent disposition than the Cantonese and Hakkas, perhaps in most cases having fewer possessions to make them cautious, sometimes fought among themselves.51 The Cantonese shops in the main street were ever fearful of robbery and violence and until ten years ago one could see the last of the protective gates known as ... There were three of them, barred every night, one at each end of Wing On Street and a third at the entrance to a large lane which left the main street at right angles and led to the Hakka settlement. Within living memory one or more watchmen were employed at night by the Kaifong and collected contributions from shops according to their size. These night defences were erected as much to keep out bandits and robbers coming from the sea as thieves or dissatisfied elements from within the island. There was, as Mr. CHUNG recalls, a small military post on the island in the late nineteenth century, but this would scarcely deter would-be assailants, especially if they were numerous and well-armed, and there can be little doubt that the first farmers and shopkeepers lived in genuine fear of such assaults. There are sufficient instances of violence from neighbouring places at various times to show that such fears were fully justified3½ and an isolated town like Peng Chau would have offered better prospects for pillage than a lonely village of farmers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204998, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "GOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE IN HONG KONG 1841 1962 97\n\npublic eye the cases of those who might otherwise have no idea how to put their case before the Government. But it remains true, as Mr. Endacott implicitly concedes, that Government has only a general idea of the currents of opinion at the lower end of the social scale.\n\nIt is generally assumed that the vast majority of Chinese are more concerned with making a regular living than with politics, and the negative evidence (for there is little positive) confirms it; but it could be that people are simply unaware of how to make their demands and needs felt and in general prefer not to tangle with officialdom. In the New Territories the representation system, the District Offices, and the relative smallness of the population means that Government and people are reasonably in touch; in town there is scarcely any way for the man in the street to make his needs and aspirations felt.\n\nAnd yet, the fact is that it does seem to work. Policy-makers in the Administration do seem by and large to be aware that colonialism is an anachronism, and their attitudes are modified accordingly. Expatriate civil servants are not immune to the currents of thought prevalent in the nineteen sixties, and for the most part are young enough to take for granted in their own country the universal franchise, compulsory free education for all, extensive social services and very considerable personal freedom. And these are generally regarded as the ideal, if unlikely ever to be possible in the context of Hong Kong. Post-war trends of thought have produced a rather different type of colonial bureaucrat from those who, for instance, reserved The Peak exclusively for European habitation.\n\nConstitutional advance in Hong Kong was originally scheduled to keep pace, more or less, with what the British Government intended in other colonies. The war would have hastened on the process, had there been no change of government in China. The U.S. Government would have preferred Hong Kong to be restored to Chiang Kai-shek, and the Chinese themselves hoped that this might be the case. In the event, the surrender was accepted by both Chinese and British, but Britain, under the Charter of the United Nations, was committed to leading colonial territories towards self-government. It is rather a pity that no", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205683, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "-I-\n\n7. GATEWAY\n\nMA CHUNG\n\nSCALE 1/1000.\n\nCONTOURS\n\nLINE OF EARTHWORK\n\nCHIEF INSCRIPTION X\n\nMODERN PATHS\n\nTO BOULDER\n\n30 M CUTTING\n\n20 M TO M SBLING\n\nLATER POTTERY:\n\nLOW WATER MARK\n\nPlate 3. Sketch plan of the Sung Wong T'oi hill, Kowloon, and its earthworks. The numbers 1-11 refer to pp. 68-69 in the text,\n\n(Plates 3-6 by courtesy of Mr. Walter Schofield)\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "113\n\nTHE CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM AND THE OCCUPANCY LEVEL OF VILLAGE HOUSES\n\nH. G. H. NELSON*\n\nDr. Göran Aijmer, in an article in the last issue of this Journal, touches on the problem of the occupancy level of Chinese village houses at the time when the British took over the New Territories. Discussing the relative wealth of two neighbouring communities in 1905, he assumes (footnote 10) that \"at one time all house-units were inhabited by one household each ....”, and expresses surprise that his calculations reveal an average of only 1.7 and 2.2 persons per house instead of the five or so that he would have expected (footnote 7). He suggests that there must have been a drastic reduction in the population to produce such a low level of occupancy. I believe, however, that his figures reveal a perfectly normal situation, which does not need to be explained in terms of large-scale out-migration. The purpose of this article is to point out certain features of Chinese social structure, and of the physical nature of New Territories villages, which make inevitable such low ratios of people to houses.\n\nAt the same time, Aijmer has indirectly raised the much more fundamental issue of the relation between the kinship structure of the Chinese and their domestic architecture. I shall touch briefly on the problem of understanding what is meant by the term 'village house' in the context of Hong Kong, and hope to give further consideration elsewhere to the light thrown on the Chinese understanding of family development by the way they build and distribute their house-property. It should be pointed out here, however, that the local pattern of building single domestic units in terraced rows finds few, if any, parallels in other parts of China. In Taiwan, for example, the dominant pattern in rural domestic architecture is that of the L or U shaped homestead.\n\nVillage Houses: The Problem of Definition\n\nWhat, then, is a village house? I myself recently came up against the problem of deciding just what is meant by the term\n\n* Mr. Howard Nelson of the London School of Economics was engaged on social research in the New Territories in 1967-68. His review article of Jack Potter's recent book Capitalism and the Chinese Peasant; Social and Economic Change in a Chinese Village (University of California Press, 1968) appeared at pp. 119-127 of last year's Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205831, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "131\n\nTHE MAPPING OF HONG KONG\n\nLARGE-SCALE PLANS\n\nJ. T. COOPER*\n\nRapid and intense development requires accurate and up-to-date large-scale plans. This is equally true of large housing or engineering projects. Where such plans are not available, all detailed planning and design must await their completion. This is particularly true of Hong Kong, where the steep terrain usually requires extensive earthworks before construction of buildings or roads can commence.\n\nAnother factor adding to the necessity for accurate large-scale plans in the Colony is the high value of land, especially in the built-up areas, where a square foot of land can be worth $300 or more.\n\nThe Survey Branch of the Crown Lands & Survey Office (a sub-department of the Public Works Department) is responsible, not only for all land surveying and mapping in the Colony, but for the demarcation of all lot boundaries in the urban areas, and the implementation of town-planning layouts. Hong Kong is one of the few Commonwealth territories where there are no licensed land surveyors in private practice.\n\nWith the intense development which began in the nineteen-fifties, the staff of the Survey Branch became fully occupied with title surveys, the setting-out of lot boundaries, Government sites, roads, etc., and was unable either to produce large-scale plans of all the areas planned for new development or to keep up to date the plans in the older areas where re-development caused many changes.\n\nThe city areas of Victoria, and the northern part of Hong Kong Island, together with most of the Kowloon peninsula (south of Boundary Street) had been mapped at 1/600 scale (50 ft. to one inch) before the war, but the plans had been plotted onto linen-backed paper, and in the climatic conditions of Hong Kong, they had become distorted and inaccurate. None of these plans\n\n* Mr. Cooper is Assistant Superintendent (Survey), Crown Lands and Survey Office, Public Works Department, Hong Kong. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The District Watch Committee\n\n137\n\nto be the richest man in Hong Kong. When Ho Tung retired as chief compradore to Jardine, Matheson's in 1900, Ho Fook succeeded him. Ho Fook's assistant was Ho Kom Tong, another of Ho Tung's brothers. The members of the District Watch Committee were members of a small circle of businessmen, often related through ties of blood or marriage. When the Tai Yau Bank was established in 1914 with a paid-up capital of $6,000,000, the proprietors were named as Lau Chu Pak, Ho Fook, Ho Kom Tong, Lo Chung Shiu and Chan Kai Ming. Lau Chu Pak was compradore to A. S. Watson and Co., chairman of the Po On Commercial Association and chairman of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce; Chan Kai Ming was manager of the Opium Farm; and Lo Chung Shiu, assistant compradore to Jardine, Matheson and Co., was Ho Fook's brother-in-law. All were or became members of the District Watch Committee.\n\n22 T. C. Cheng writes that Wei Yuk 'was very much concerned about law and order among the Chinese masses because in those early days riff-raff and political refugees from South China continued to come into Hong Kong. Thus it was at his suggestion that the District Watch Force was founded in 1888. Mr. Cheng appears to be mistaken about the date and is no doubt referring to the ordinance of that year, no. 13 of 1888 rather than to its proper date of origin. Wright and Cartright, Feldwick, and Professor Woo all state that the Committee was formed on Wei Yuk's suggestion. See: T. C. Cheng, 'Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils of Hong Kong up to 1941', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 9, 1969, pp. 17-18; Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and other Treaty Ports, London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Co., 1908, p. 109; W. Feldwick, ed., Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent Chinese at Home and Abroad, London Globe Encyclopedia Co., 1917, p. 576; Professor Woo Sing Lim, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Five Continents Book Company, 1939, p. 4.\n\n23 Unfortunately all the records in the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs were destroyed or lost during the Japanese occupation and hence anyone trying to reconstruct the history of the District Watch must work mostly from scraps of information found in government publications, newspapers, books.\n\n24 My guess is that a large number were traditional Chinese merchants from the Five Districts operating on a relatively small scale. The Committee after 1891 represented the views of a more westernised and modernised elite with a knowledge of modern business techniques and modern financial manipulations. Dr. Ho Kai, for example, played the stock exchange with great success and speculated in many fields, particularly land development. He was, properly speaking, a financier although his occupation is often given tout court as lawyer. He had also qualified in medicine at Edinburgh but gave up the practice of medicine soon after his return to Hong Kong in 1882 because of Chinese resistance to western medicine.\n\n25 In 1903, for example, the Committee opposed the re-introduction of the night-pass system but suggested other remedial measures (see Index to Correspondence (General Register) 1894-1904, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1909, p. 100). In 1909 'at the request of the District Watchmen Committee, children who are hawking without a licence are on their first offence sent to the Registrar General who cautions their guardians. This procedure seems to have proved effective in each case' wrote the Registrar General in 1909. It is worth noting that both Registrar General and Committee wanted to end the night-pass system and were opposed by the Captain Superintendent of Police, who was unsuccessful. As for hawkers, very few Chinese regarded them as a serious menace although colonial administrators", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "178\n\nREV. JAMES LEGGE\n\nI once witnessed from my house in D'Aguilar Street an engagement between nearly a hundred Chinese coolies on each side, on the ground now occupied by the Club-house. Bamboo on bamboo, and bamboo on skull, resounded pretty equally, until the parties were obliged to give up from exhaustion. I thought that nothing wilder or better-sustained had ever been seen at Donnybrook Fair.\n\nTaking occasion to speak here on the subject of violent crime in the Colony, and affecting it, I would distinguish two eras;— that of violent burglary, and that of piracy. Not that there were not piracies in the earlier time, and burglaries in the later; but the one and the other preponderated in the two eras, and may be considered to characterize them. The former may be said to have continued down to the beginning of 1856, when a daring attack was made on several native shops at East Point. For several years, however, before that, it had been declining, owing mainly to the increasing numbers and greater vigour of the police force.\n\nThese robberies were at first conducted with an astonishing audacity. In January, 1844, to give only one instance, what is now Mr. De Souza's printing office was occupied by Mrs. White, the wife of one of the present members for Brighton, who was himself in Shanghai at the time. He was one of the early notabilities of the Colony, and founded the Friend of China, which was published here and in Shanghai for many years by very different hands. Well on the night of the 23rd January, the bungalow was attacked by an armed band of about 30 individuals. Their object was plunder; and without attempting any violence to Mrs. White or a young lady who was staying with her, they proceeded systematically to accomplish their purpose.\n\nA little down the hill were the head-quarters of a Madras regiment of which I have spoken. The young lady tripped down, and gave the alarm there, and soon a party of sepoys was led up to the scene by an officer; but the brigands stood one discharge of their muskets, and, it was said, did not flee till the ramrods were ringing in the barrels for a second, one of their number being left bleeding to death on the floor.\n\nWhen burglary on this scale could no longer be attempted with success or safety, bands of robbers attempted to carry out their attempts by tunneling from the large drains under the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n189\n\ngood effects. It would have been more fruitful, however, if it had been better carried out, first by Sir Hercules Robinson, and then by Sir Richard MacDonnell. The materials supplied to them from home, in one relay of students and another, were excellent; but there should have been no diverting them away from their proper business of study, until they had given proof of their proficiency by actual interpretation in the Supreme Court; after which, every other office in the Colony, under that of the Governor himself, should have been open to them according to their aptitudes.\n\nTo Sir Hercules also we are indebted for the beginning of our Water Works; and if they were not constructed at first on a sufficiently large scale, where are we still, after so many years, and so continued an expenditure? With all their deficiency, they are a great boon; and when I have read the lucubrations of grumbling complainers, I have laughed in recollecting the scenes of early years, when, every night in the dry season, hundreds, of a small population comparatively, might be seen streaming on the hills with pitchers and buckets, searching for the precious element.\n\nIn Sir Hercules' time also it was that the present Gaol was built, to take charge of which there came out in November 1863, its model governor, Mr. Douglas. Then came gas to illuminate our streets and houses, and a commencement of the Public Gardens was made. The conception of the Mint always appeared to me admirable, and I thought there would be in it an institution that would greatly contribute to the prosperity and influence of the Colony. It has not turned out so. The refining of sugar is a good thing, but I had much rather that the buildings had continued to be employed for coining money.\n\nIn two only of his undertakings did Sir Hercules fail,--the building the prison on Stonecutters' Island, and his management of the newly-acquired territory on the Kowloon side of the harbour. I have heard that he could not get his way with that through the clashing of his views and those of the naval and military Authorities. However that was, the delay in offering the ground for sale to the public, which was done at last at upset prices absurdly high, allowed the ebbing of the tide of factitious prosperity to set in. Perhaps it was well. The impulse from abroad once removed, there was nothing in the Colony itself to sustain", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206689, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n231\n\nGore's acquaintance with Western sources, I suspect that little of relevance has been missed. But as an example of space wasted where it was at a premium, I quote in full the status given for the Pied Kingfisher; \"Rare winter visitor. There are a number of old records between November-February, but none since February 1917. It seems that it has decreased in numbers in recent years”. I would need the pen of A. E. Housman to do justice to that last sentence.\n\nBooks of this type stand or fall on the quality and comprehensiveness of the coloured plates, provided the author has been fortunate enough to be able to raise the funds for these. In this book these are generally disappointing, partly because the colouring is inaccurate, as it is in every species on Plate XXV (this could be the fault of the printer rather than the artist), and partly because the pictures just do not look like the birds they are supposed to represent. Plate XXXIII, of admittedly difficult species, would have helped as much if it had been omitted altogether, and the plates of hawks, besides being inaccurate in colouring, are of little use for identification because they do not show the birds in flight, when they are far more likely to be seen, and far easier to identify. Captions are not always correct; on Plate XXXIV, a picture of the Grey-spotted Flycatcher is captioned \"Broad-billed Flycatcher\", a particularly sad error as the species are similar, and the inclusion of this particular species on the plate was presumably intended to point out the distinctions between them. Some care has been taken to maintain the correct scale, although it is a little disturbing on Plate XIV to find the Hazel Grouse looking larger than a female Ring-necked Pheasant.\n\nIn spite of these faults, this book compares favourably with almost all other books available on the birds of Eastern Asia, though Kobayashi's Birds of Japan has better plates (but an inadequate text in Japanese only), and Smythies' Birds of Borneo is better on both counts. However, the fact that two individual books can be mentioned in this way, as the only books at all adequate for any part of this vast region, is an indication of the magnitude of the task which the authors set themselves, and in general the satisfactory way in which they have fulfilled it. I know that Professor Won would like to improve his Korean text, and would like to get better pictures done, and it is to be hoped that this book will be sufficiently successful to enable him and Mr. Gore to produce a revised and improved edition.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206774, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "EARLY STEAMSHIPS IN CHINA\n\nA. D. BLUE*\n\nIn East Asia: The Modern Transformation, Professor J. K. Fairbank writes, \"This carrying trade on China's waterways was to prove the Westerners' main point of entry into the Chinese economy, for here the introduction of the steamship could alter the inherited technology\" As late as 1880 there was still not a single mile of railway in China, nor a single machine-driven loom or spindle. At that date, however, the three leading steamship companies owned forty-two steamships operating on the various routes on the Canton River, the Lower Yangtse, and between the various treaty ports on the coast. As K. C. Liu points out in his Anglo-American Steamship Rivalry in China, 1862-74, the steamship was not only a technological innovation. It was also a business innovation, because it brought with it new methods of capital organisation and management on a scale hitherto unknown in China. Many Chinese of the scholar-official class also recognised the importance of steamships, and of guns, and—by inference—the political system which made these things possible. From the mid 19th century onwards, memorial after memorial to the Throne emphasised this. Sir Charles Snow was not exaggerating so very much when he wrote that the steam engine helped to shape the modern world as much as Adam Smith or Napoleon. Unfortunately for China, officials closer to the Throne discouraged its occupants from pursuing modernisation.\n\nSteam navigation in China began in the south, on the Canton River, and—like so many other aspects of the Western invasion—came by way of India. The first steamship in Asia seems to have been the Nawab of Oude's steam yacht, about which little information has survived. According to Prinsep, this was built at Lucknow in 1819, and equipped with an eight horse-power engine sent out from England, so she must have been very small. She is said to have been capable of seven to eight knots, but when the Nawab tired of her was allowed to go to ruin. Apart from this, the first\n\n* Mr. Blue is well-known to readers of the Journal. An engineer officer of the British Merchant Marine since 1928, he has now contributed five articles on Eastern marine subjects.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n53\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Sir William Des Voeux, My Colonial Service, 2 vols., London 1903. Sir Frederick Lugard, Governor of Hong Kong 1907-1912, also found that 'entertaining was an essential part of governing. Hong Kong Government House was used as a high-class hotel, restaurant and sports club by many of the hundreds of passengers who left their ships to write their names in the Governor's book...socially more exacting were the many distinguished foreigners and Eastern potentates-Chinese and Japanese princes, Indian Rajahs, the Governor of the neighbouring Portuguese Macao, foreign admirals who had to be visited in their warships and later entertained in turn at Government House; ambassadors en route to or from Tokyo or Peking, and many lesser functionaries.' See Margery Perham, Lugard, vol. 2, London, 1960, p. 289.\n\n2 My Colonial Service, vol. 2, p. 234. Sir William Des Voeux (1834-1909) was Governor of Hong Kong from 1887 to 1891, in which year he retired from the colonial service.\n\n3 14 November, 1888.\n\n4 15 November, 1888.\n\n5 16 November, 1888.\n\n6 22 November, 1888.\n\n7 William Van Driesche was the third generation of his family to serve the Morèses. The children used to call him Mr. Willie.\n\n8 There are several photographs of Morès in Donald Dresden, The Marquis de Morès: Emperor of the Bad Lands, Norman, Oklahoma, 1970, and in Charles Droulers, Le Marquis de Morès 1858-1896, Paris, 1932. Morès was six-feet tall, lithe, ramrod-straight, muscular, with a needle-pointed waxed black moustache. He looked every inch a d'Artagnan.\n\n9 Richard Manca, Duke of Vallombrosa, born 1834, married the daughter of the Duke Des Cars, conqueror of Algeria. He had three children, of whom Morès was the eldest.\n\n10 Op. cit., vol. 2, p. 234.\n\n11 Ibid., p. 235.\n\n12 Ibid., p. 235.\n\n13 The Hong Kong Daily Press, 24 November, 1888. The Governor was accompanied on his trip by his wife, young daughter, and James Russell, the Chief Justice. The Colonial Secretary, Frederick Stewart, administered the government in Des Voeux's absence.\n\n14 The China Mail (1845-1911) was edited by George Murray Bain from 1879 until 1908(?).\n\n15 It is not surprising that Des Voeux took a great interest in his betters since promotion in the colonial service in the nineteenth century depended to a large degree on knowing people in high places.\n\n16 No full-scale study of Mayréna has been published as yet; the best book is probably Jean Marquet, Un Aventurier du XIXe siècle: Marie Jer, roi des Sedangs, 1888-1890. Hanoi, 1927; but Maurice Soulié, Marie Jer, roi des Sédangs, 1888-1890, Paris 1927, is amusing though really une vie romancée. The most penetrating essay on Mayréna is that by Marcel Ner, 'Marie Ier, roi des Sedangs: essai sur la psychologie de l'aventure”, Extrême-Asie, Revue Indochinoise (Hanoi), no. 21, March 1928, pp. 397-407 and no. 22, April 1928, pp. 491-498. There are many references to Mayréna", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\nTwo Garden Cities; Kowloon Tong and Kadoorie Avenue \n\n223 \n\nIn 1920 a plan was proposed for the redevelopment of a large area east of the Kowloon-Canton Railway between Boundary Street and the Kowloon foothills with Waterloo Road to form its eastern boundary. The Kowloon Tong and New Territories Development Company was registered in 1922 to put into execution a plan for a 'garden city'. The promoters of the Company had a large vision. They proposed a planned community with houses and bungalows surrounded by gardens. There were to be no commercial establishments. Subscribers to the scheme could choose from a variety of plans drawn up by the Company's architect, Mr. E. D. Shank. The houses were to provide pleasant housing for middle-class families. They could be paid for in instalments. Some 250 houses were to be built on a mass scale. Costs were to be kept low as materials were bought in bulk. The Company established its own brick, tile, and cement block factory and a sawing mill on an adjacent site.\n\nThe Company, under the management of C. Montague Ede, entered into an agreement with Government in 1922. Government, for its part, undertook to prepare the sites, levelling them to an agreed height and provide sewers, water, streets, etc. In return, the Company was to pay a premium on the land at stipulated periods as the project was executed.\n\nTo many, the project seemed a bargain, and a boon in the light of the housing shortage which prevailed at the time the Company was formed. There was little difficulty in attracting sufficient subscribers to the scheme. All went well until the middle of 1925, when at least one-fourth of the area had been handed over by Government to the developers according to the agreed time schedule. Soon, however, the preparation of sites lagged more and more. Government claimed it was due to typhoons, strikes, and unexpected difficulties in site formation. The delay in handing over sites put the Company in an increasingly difficult financial position. It was finally forced into bankruptcy, and Government re-entered those portions of the tract not yet held by individual purchasers under Crown Leases. The whole affair became most complicated and put Government in a difficult position. The project was finally completed in 1930, some five years behind schedule.\n\nFrom the standpoint of the original subscribers, the scheme was a success. They acquired pleasant properties at a reasonable price.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 259, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n251\n\n1056 packets of cigarettes costing 1.50 yen each and we sold them at a 10 sen profit on each packet. This allowed six packets per head for 176 patients and staff and all were taken up. We lost a clock from the kitchen on 19 May and concluded that trading was still going on. On 22 May we admitted an acutely ill officer from Sham Shui Po and on 24 May a Canadian soldier died and was buried at once. At this time we were very short of both Japanese and Red Cross food stores and though the compradore came on 26 May and took money he was not allowed to bring goods to us or to the other camps.\n\nOn 28 May the Japanese warrant officer in charge of rations gave Mr. Campbell a new scale to be effective from 1 June.\n\n \n \n Staff and Employed\n Patients and Non-employed\n \n \n Rice\n G.510 + 30\n 32 + 32\n \n \n Meat\n G.660 = + 60\n \n \n \n Vegetable\n 540 = + 140\n 360 = + 70\n \n \n Salt\n 10 =\n 8\n \n \n \n No change\n ** + 3\n \n \n Sugar\n 10\n 5\n \n \n Tea\n 8\n 2\n \n \n \n \n 1\n \n \n \n Nil =\n \n \n \n \n \n + 3\n \n \n Oil\n 3\n 3\n \n \n \n 9\n 9\n \n \n \n 31\n I\n \n \n Curry\n 20 + 20\n 15\n \n \n \n \n +15\n \n \n Beans\n Nil\n Nil\n \n \n \n 60\n -\n \n \n \n \n 31\n \n\nI imagine that these figures were target or even show figures for the Japanese, for the issues we could afford to make were always lower in practice.\n\nOn 29 May I was passing the R.E. shop with Saito when he went in and Q.M.S. Tyas told him how badly we needed diesel oil and cement. I remarked that I was being pressed every day for these stores, to which Saito very fairly responded that I was troubling him every day too on the same subject. We were very short of cooking oil and I reported that our present stock allowed only 0.85 litre for the whole hospital daily. Saito also promised to look into the supply of beans which I told him had vanished from our rations. I pressed him about canteen goods and said we were exceedingly short of salt, and of wood for fuel and that we fed our cooking fires only on wood which we had stripped from buildings in Bowen Road.\n\nThe same day Saito produced the old undertaking not to escape which all the staff and patients had signed in Bowen Road on 26", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207663, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "36\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nThe 1961 Census and 1966 By-Census include \"place of origin\" and \"usual language\" as variables and cross-tabulate them with a number of other variables, including age, education, number of children, place of residence in Hong Kong, length of residence, etc.1 The two variables are not cross-tabulated, however, with occupation and income. The only sources of information concerning Teochiu occupational structure are unpublished data from the 1971 Census, provided by Mr. M.C. Leong of the Census and Statistics Department, and data from Teochiu publications.\n\nTables III and IV provide occupational information from the 1971 Census. The first category in Table III includes unemployed women and children. Many of these women, who may have been represented as unemployed housewives to the census interviewers, are in fact doing piece work in their homes. The largest category is \"craftsmen production workers and laborers\" which reflects the large number of Teochiu semi-skilled factory workers and coolies, and represents 20% of all employed Teochiu. The next largest category is \"clerical and sales workers\" which represents over 29,000 workers, followed by \"service, sport and recreation workers\" (17,581), transport and communication workers (9,460), and then the smallest significant category — administrative, executive and managerial workers (8,826). The large number of transport workers recorded in the census reflects the fact that probably a majority of mini-bus drivers in Hong Kong are Teochiu.\n\nTable IV classifies economically active ever married men by occupation. The same ordering of categories is found in this table as in Table III. It should be noted that many unmarried, young men and women are employed as unskilled and semi-skilled workers in large factories. These tables suggest a preponderance of Teochiu in relatively low paid and unskilled jobs. Unfortunately, the occupational classification presented in these tables do not include ownership of businesses, particularly ownership of small shops, small workshops or flatted factories, and large-scale factories. There are numerous Teochiu owned light industrial firms, including plastic factories, machine tooling factories, garment factories, aluminum factories, as well as many import/export trading firms, banks and financial companies, stock companies, insurance companies and restaurants (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1961; Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971).\n\n1 A more extensive analysis of the census statistics appears in my dissertation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207886, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 274, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 259\n\n*\n\n+\n\ntinues to break up and industrialisation increases, marriage will move more and more into a 'modern' form.\n\nThere is little need to multiply points. A general study of family and marriage ought to be made; it should try to encompass as many different social settings as possible and trace out the changes which are to be expected in the control of children, the support of the aged, polygamy, accumulation of capital within the family, household budgeting, and so on. The study will call for both intensive enquiries and observations and extensive surveys (especially in respect of such matters as family structure and domestic economics).\n\n99. I write as an anthropologist. This fact broadly limits the kinds of problem I have chosen to discuss as well as the methods of research I have so far taken into account. I should like partly to redress the balance by making it clear that I think that other kinds of social scientists ought also to be at work in the New Territories: sociologists, economists, and social geographers, at the very least. (I should have included demographers in this list had it not been that since his completion of the work on the 1961 Census Mr. Barnett has continued to interest himself in statistical questions and that further official studies of population seem likely). Some large-scale enquiries, involving careful sampling and the construction of complex questionnaires—for example, in the fields of education, social mobility, and housing—are necessary; these are matters which must rely on the techniques with which the sociologist is equipped. The field economist (as distinct from the man whose raw data are somebody else's statistics and facts) would be desirable in the study of those economic questions which, because they call for skill in handling technical matters (as in the investigation of business and complex financial affairs) may be too difficult for the all-round social scientist—which is what most anthropologists aim to be. The case for the social geographer is very easy to make: whether in agriculture or industry, the use of land and the relations of society to it are crucial subjects.\n\nBut these are my (summary) views, and sociologists, economists, and geographers must of course be left to speak for themselves.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n100. I come now to what I may call a plea rather than a recommendation. It involves taking a point of view which may be quite at variance with the spirit of the times in the New Territories. They and their inhabitants are so busy moving into a new era that the monuments of their past have little meaning for them. Documents", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207951, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 339, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "APPENDIX B\n\nMIGRATION OFFICER'S CERTIFICATE.\n\nI hereby authorize the Chinese Passenger Ship \"Alberta\" to proceed to Sea for the Port of Honolulu and I certify that the said Ship can legally carry Emigrants.\n\nMale Children, and Female Children being between the Ages of One and Twelve Years; that the Space set apart and to be kept clear for the Use of such Emigrants is as follows:-On the Upper Deck, 212-04 Superficial Feet, being for exercise and in the Between Decks 265-2 Superficial Feet, being for berths; that the Ship is properly manned and fitted, and that the Means of Ventilating the part of the Between Decks appropriated to Passengers are as follows, Windsaills Kreuzhatchs; that the Ship is furnished with a proper Quantity of good Provisions, Fuel, and Water for 5 Days' Rations to the Passengers according to the annexed Dietary Scale, and with a proper Quantity of Medicines, Instruments, and Medical Comforts according to the annexed Scale of Medical Necessaries; that I have inspected the Contracts between the Emigrants and their intended Employers (the Terms of which are annexed to this Certificate), and consider them reasonable; that no Fraud appears to have been practised in collecting the Emigrants; and that there are on board a Surgeon and Interpreter approved by me, and designated respectively.\n\nThere are on board 246 Passengers, making in all 246 Adults, viz., 197 Men, 43 Women, and 6 Children.\n\nThe Master of the Ship is to put into Vegemite(?) for Water and fresh Vegetables.\n\nEmigration Officer.\n\nPassed at Thangkung this 22nd Day of July, 1865.\n\nAttached to Plate 17. Emigration Officer's certificate issued to the \"Alberta\". July 22, 1865. Hawaiian State Archives copy. Reproduced in the Hawaiian Journal of History, Vol. VI, 1972, p. 15. This Plate is Appendix B to Mr. Char's article \"A Hawaiian King visits Hong Kong, 1881\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208551, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "197 \n\nwere killed by the guerrillas. The occasion highlighted the importance of the Chamber of Commerce in Sai Kung Market. Local people could not come out to fetch water, and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam and Mr. Lok Kau Kei of the Chamber of Commerce were given permission to distribute water to the shops and the households.97 \n\n\"Smuggling\" \n\nThe fundamental cause that gave rise to smuggling on a massive scale in Sai Kung in the years of the occupation was the rice shortage in Hong Kong. Before the War, Hong Kong imported much of its rice from South-east Asia. The outbreak of the War disrupted supply from this source, hence a shortage developed. Rice was abundant across the border in China, in Sha Yue Ch'ung on Mirs Bay and in Wai Chau. But trade was forbidden between these guerrilla-held places in China and Japanese occupied Hong Kong. The trade that developed had to be regarded as \"smuggling\".98 \n\nThere were three kinds of people involved, and the first was the \"travelling merchant\" (shui haak). Not all \"travelling merchants\" were engaged in smuggling rice. Mr. Shing of Mang Kung Uk, who was a \"travelling merchant\" with little capital, bought secondhand clothes from the pawnshops in the city, and carried them on foot to Sha Tau Kok. From Sha Tau Kok, he went into China. Then he would buy fish from Yim T'in, in China, which he sold in Lung Kong, also in China. He did not travel by boat because, as he put it, “Only rich people could take the boat.\"99 \n\nMr. Chan T'in Po of Yim Tin Tsai was also a \"travelling merchant\". He bought secondhand clothes in Sai Kung Market. He said this had to be done carefully without the notice of the Japanese. He would carry the old clothes himself to To Kwa Ping, where he would take the boat to Sha Yue Ch'ung. The boat was operated by someone from a nearby village. He would sell his goods at Sha Yue Ch'ung or Kw'ai Ch'ung, and return to Yim Tin Tsai with oil, rice, or sugar. Mr. Lau Lui Faat of Pak Kong Au was also a \"travelling merchant\" on this route. He said he usually boarded the boat at night, and sometimes he came back with cash.100 \n\nHe", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208663, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46 \n\n93 \n\narticles is opened. The display was most interesting, and American skill and ingenuity were much in evidence. Articles included various forms of clothing, shoes, slippers, clogs, chairs, stools, baby cribs, thermos bottles, a fireless cooker, clothes pins, knitting needles, scales, a vise, etc., etc. A small wood turning lathe was also shown, and hats woven of grass. The repatriates' departure has been postponed until the end of the month. \n\n11—It is reported that the recent escapees have been captured, they not having succeeded in getting out of the Colony. A large scale having been found somewhere, the Americans weigh in, with Dr. Hackett and the Maryknoll Sisters, nurses, Sisters Camillus and Dominic, assisting, the latter, by the way, having long since returned to Camp from the Civil Hospital. The following statistics will give a graphic idea of our present status: Father Toomey lost 18 lbs; Troesch, 28; Meyer, 38; Downs, 13; Keelan,?; Bauer, 50; Allie, 18; Reardon, 27; Callan, 11; O'Connor, 16; Hessler, 0; Walter, 12; Knotek, 12; Quinn, 23; Walsh, 22; Madison 36; Moore, 9; Tackney, 23; Norris, 15; Brother Anthony, 50; Brother Cornelius, 6; Father O'Connell, 0; Siebert, ?; Gaiero, 19; McKeirnan, 14; Brother William, 23. A Mr. Hill, in the Camp, lost 65 lbs. \n\n12—Masses now at 8:30 and 9:30 a.m. Today, Confirmation at the Mass, when Bishop O'Gara confirmed four children and two adults. Today, the Britishers follow suit and are weighed in. Perhaps this presages better food. Report has it that two Britishers were caught stealing sweet potatoes in Stanley village, which is out of bounds. When warned that they were in danger of being shot, they said they were so hungry that they took the chance. Then they were assured of better rations, so says the rumor. Let's hope it is more than a rumor. Speaking of rumors, they still flood the Camp, and they range from the abdication of Mussolini, to the landing of the Allies in Europe, and to the proximity of the Chinese troops ready to retake Hong Kong. According to the Japanese paper, the American Navy has been sunk several times, and they are going to crush the United States. \n\n13—Bungalow No. 7 vacated by its British occupants to give way to the segregated American repatriates, who move in after the British got out, only to find that the British had pretty well despoiled the whole building, thinking that the Japanese were moving in. It is also reported today that the American Consular officials' bag—\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209029, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n159\n\nNational Biography, but with the library mentioned by Angus Hamilton. What became of it?\n\nHong Kong, May 1982\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nA MISSING CHINESE LIBRARY\n\nOur Hon. Librarian, Mr. Rydings, has been following up the question posed in my Note on this subject that appeared in the Journal in the 1976 issue (Vol. 16: 284). The papers reproduced below will be of interest, and may also result in the still missing library being restored to wider public knowledge and use.\n\nHon. Editor\n\n30 July 1980\n\n(I) Letter to The Librarian, David Bishop Skillman Library,\n\nLafayette College, Easton, Pa. 18042\n\nDear Librarian,\n\nWilliam Edgar Geil\n\nPlease see the enclosed extract* from Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 16, 1976, p. 284. As Dr. Geil was one of your distinguished alumni, I am interested to know whether you can throw any light on the mystery of the missing books. It seems extraordinary if they have disappeared without trace, yet I can find no mention of them other than in the source quoted.\n\nAny help which you can provide would be much appreciated.\n\nYours sincerely,\n\nH. A. RYDINGS Librarian\n\nc.c.: Dr. J. W. Hayes\n\n* In order to compile his book Eighteen Capitals of China (Philadelphia and London; J.B. Lippincott Company, 1911) Dr. William Edgar Geil, the celebrated American traveller and author stated in his preface: (p.x) \"With the aid of viceroys, governors, Hanlin scholars, librarians, booksellers, we have gathered a large collection, out of which selections by leading scholars have been translated, and a few specimens are given, to let the readers see the old style of book. Local proverbs in themselves have never been brought together on our scale; and to choose from a mass of new material which would fill three volumes has been a difficult task.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209225, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "RESIDENTIAL MOBILITY AND \n\nKINSHIP TIES AMONG \n\nURBAN CHINESE FAMILIES IN HONG KONG \n\nM. K. LEE \n\nSome years ago Robert Mitchell concluded from his survey in Hong Kong that kin relationships had declined in importance compared to other types of relationships. As he stated it, \"Hong Kong married couples have more social contacts with co-workers than with many of their own kinsmen. They get out together even more often with their neighbours.\" F.M. Wong endorsed this position, and argued that sociability among urban Chinese families in Hong Kong is mainly organized around work associates, friends, and neighbours, and that “contacts with kin are least frequent.\"2 \n\nFew noticed that Mitchell's statistics on this issue were faulty. He did not use the same scale to measure frequencies of contact with relatives, with co-workers, and with neighbours. Moreover, even with Mitchell's scales, 45 percent of the men (and 42 percent of the women) in his sample reported that they \"never\" contacted their neighbours, while only 31 percent of the men (and 41 percent of the women) gave the same reply when asked about contact with co-workers. Indeed, 41 percent of his respondents \"never\" contacted spouses' aunts and uncles, but only 31 percent \"never\" contacted their own aunts, and 22 percent their spouses' siblings. On the basis of other research, Podmore and Chaney argued that \"relations with close kin are strengthened as the traditional support rendered by the clan has diminished in the urban-industrial society of Hong Kong, where welfare support from government institutions is negligible.\" And there are good grounds for this opposing point of view,3 \n\nFollowing from Mitchell's study, in 1977, I conducted a survey of a sample of 420 families in Oi Man Estate to find out how closely they related to their kin, in comparison with co-workers and neighbours.* Oi Man, located in East Kowloon, was completed in 1974, and by the \n\n*The research project on which this paper is based was supported by a grant from the Research Committee, the Hong Kong Polytechnic, where Mr. Lee is a Senior Lecturer.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209583, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "218\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nSim-ple Assemblies for young he's and shees, Races, Regattas, Croquet, Sunday Teas. But, hark, the Prompters warning whistle blows, And bids me bring my prologue to a close.\n\nSome of the local references are lost to us today, but then they brought smiles, if not laughter. A history of the Amateurs picks up some of the lighter side of life in Hong Kong in the past.\n\nTHE CURTAIN RISES\n\nSoon after Hong Kong was established as a British military base in China officialdom encouraged amateur theatricals as a wholesome diversion from the tedium of military life.\n\nThe first attempt to bring drama to Hong Kong was to have been a combination of professionals and amateurs, but the project came to an abrupt end before it was well under way. A flamboyant Frenchman from Singapore named Gaston Dutronquoy announced in November 1842 that he had obtained the permission of the authorities to erect a theatre \"on a grand and imposing scale\" behind his tavern, the London Hotel, which was located on Queen's Road.\n\nHe informed an interested public that though the Theatre was not yet built, the actresses had already arrived. Backed by a claim of official sanction and available talent, Mr. Dutronquoy with his own flair for the theatrical announced \"to the nobility, gentry and clergy of this flourishing and opulent Colony that their Theatre is advancing rapidly towards completion. It is on a most splendid scale, and what with the pieces that will be performed, the scenery that will be produced, and the splendid assemblage of rank, beauty and fashion which they hope to be honoured with, there is no doubt but that the blaze of splendour will dazzle the eyes of all beholders\". He assured his public that the actresses' \"beauties and talents are only to be surpassed\n\n† As I wrote this paper more for entertainment than scholarship, I have not included documentation. The notices and reviews of the plays have been found in the local press: The Friend of China, The China Mail, The Hong Kong Register, The Daily Press, The Hong Kong Telegraph and The South China Morning Post. The appended list of performances and dates has been compiled from the same sources.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209912, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "149\n\nBut they were in the minority. Most spinners entertained what appeared to me to be an impossible dream: government support without concomitant control. They criticised the Hong Kong Government on three policy areas which threatened their operations, namely the rise in land value, the 'hurried' introduction of labour legislation, and the administration's refusal to impose import control on foreign textile products. The Korean and Taiwanese governments were often mentioned as examples of political systems supportive of industry. But simultaneously, the spinners were aware of the twin evils of red-tape and corruption which often accompanied government subsidies. Their real desire appeared to be for the government to provide the ‘infra-structure' and leave them a free hand to run their business. As A12 said:\n\n'The more government assistance the better. But this is difficult to realize. When I say help, it is not necessarily with money. To control inflation is a form of assistance. To regulate finance and prices... Now the government does not know what changes will be introduced tomorrow. If there was a definite policy, then we would know what to expect.'\n\nThe tone and omissions were as important as the actual contents of their answers. Their opinions were strongly seasoned with resignation and cynicism. For example, B32 said to me:\n\n'Mr. Wong, all these [statements] are against the government. No comment. You see, there is no use participating. It is only superficial democracy. All are yes men. The more \"yes\" you say, the more honours you get. So all these are theoretical, cannot be done in practice. For example, the setting up of the Cotton Commodity Exchange. We are all in opposition, but the government wants to have it. Just another gambling house!'\n\nOf course, the flavour of powerlessness was not quite real. The spinners had strong political muscles as they provided employment on a large scale. When conflicts of interests did occur, they could force the government to yield. In the early 1970s, for instance, there was a dispute over the re-evaluation of the value of industrial land on 'Crown lease'. Immediately after the Second World War,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210185, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "135\n\nJulian Arnold et al, Commercial Handbook of China, US Department of Commerce, Miscellaneous Series No. 84 (Washington, Government Printing Office, 1919) Vol. 1, p. 181.\n\nIbid. It is, however, only fair to record that E.J. Eitel Europe in China: the History of Hong Kong from the Beginning to the Year 1882 (Hong Kong 1898) pp. 130-134 gives a more balanced picture of Hong Kong before 1841.\n\n9 The Chinese characters for most of these places can be found in the Hong Kong Government's Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Government Printer, n.d. 1960) but variously at pp. 90-98, 103-106 and 114-117. See also “Original Gazetteer and Census, May 15th 1841\" at Appendix II of Geoffrey Robley Sayer, Hong Kong 1841-1862 Birth, Adolescence and Coming of Age (Oxford, University Press, 1937), p. 203.\n\n10 The extracts from the Collinson letters reproduced here are taken from transcripts in preparation kindly made available by Mr. Ian Diamond who advises that they should be checked against the originals. For the owners of the letters, and their whereabouts, see file MSS23 at the Public Records Office of Hong Kong.\n\nA reference to Collinson's military mapping of Hong Kong, described by Mr. Diamond in an unpublished memoir as follows:\n\n\"Collinson completed his survey at the end of October, 1845. The work had taken him almost exactly two years. The survey was principally of Hong Kong Island but the resulting map took in also the islands immediately adjacent to Hong Kong, Kowloon Peninsula and the coastline of the mainland as far as Tsuen Wan in the West and Fat Tong Point in the east,\n\nDrawn to a scale of 4\" to one statute mile (1/15840) the finished map was on four joinable sheets covering north-west, north-east, south-west and south-east Hong Kong respectively. The map is meticulously detailed and very finely drawn.\n\nOne of the most interesting features of Collinson's map is that it employs contour lines instead of shading, or hatching, to show land heights and is said to have been the first such map ever to be published. Collinson did not invent the technique. Contour-line mapping was first employed by military engineers in France, but it seems to have been used there largely in the siting and planning of fortifications. By the early 1830s the concept had been taken up by the Royal Engineers who, especially after about 1834, began to give it a more general application, largely in connection with the great surveys of England and Ireland,\n\nHis map was published by the Ordnance Map Office, Southampton in 1846, prior to any contoured map of the United Kingdom, the first not being printed until December, 1847.\n\nCollinson submitted, together with his map, a portfolio of \"Ten Outline Sketches of the Island of Hong Kong\". These were pen and ink drawings of the Island landscape viewed from ten locations and were designed to illustrate its salient topographical features and the nature and location of important buildings and settlements.\"\n\n12 Ibid. A few years earlier, Dr. Edward H. Cree, Surgeon R.N., also recorded a visit to a village school, under date 7 April 1841. \"Went into the village school where we saw a lot of moon-faced urchins were acquiring the rudiments of the celestial learning and put one in mind of some of the village schools at home.\" (ed) Michael Levin, The Cree Journals, The Voyages of Edward H. Cree. Surgeon R.N., as related in his private Journals 1837-1856 (Exeter, England, Webb and Bower, 1981)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210728, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "62\n\nD.A. GRIFFITHS AND S.P. LAU\n\nThe site referred to is the area of rising ground to the south of the site occupied by the present Government House and on a site formerly occupied by the Record Office on \"Government Hill\" which had served as a temporary Government House from 1841 to 1842.\n\nOn Oct 7th in 1861 Mr. Th. Donaldson was appointed Curator of the Public Gardens and the gardens were thrown open to the public under certain regulations on August 6th 1864. In October of that year the military band began giving promenade concerts in the gardens at stated intervals. The establishment of the public gardens had obviously done much to instill among the European community a sense of both pride and achievement and this sense of well-being was reflected in the wide-scale level of planting in the colony and confirmed by Eitel (1895) who stated that:\n\n\"The increased attention, given to the cultivation of trees along the public roads and around European dwellings on the hill side, had already done very much to displace the pristine barrenness of the site on which the city was built by patches of shrubbery.\"\n\nIn the copious correspondence between Hongkong and London, the gardens were referred to either as a Botanical Garden (as when the Surveyor General ordered seeds for it from a Mr. Veitch of Chelsea in 1861) or as a Public Garden and was under the auspices of the Surveyor General and a Garden Committee.\n\nIn 1871 Charles Ford was appointed as the first Superintendent of Gardens and in his first letter back to Dr. Hooker of Kew after his arrival, he reported:\n\n\"The Public Gardens are in a very fair order and well stocked with plants as regards quantity, but we require greater variety.\n\n\"Very few of the plants are labelled and I believe, no catalogue of them has been drawn up. We have not any Orchids nor Ferns except those indigenous to the Island. The plants which have been introduced are chief-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210739, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "73\n\nassistant, Mr. S.T. Dunn, who was in turn succeeded by his assistant, Mr. W.T. Tutcher in 1910. Both Dunn and Tutcher carried out extensive botanical work and were co-authors of \"The Flora of Kwangtung and Hong Kong\". Tutcher wrote \"Gardening for Hong Kong\" which served as a useful manual for horticulturists unfamiliar with the peculiar seasonal conditions of Hong Kong. They also organized repair and maintenance work to the buildings of the Botanic Gardens and Tutcher introduced electric lighting into the Gardens in 1913 for evening functions.\n\nMr. H. Green succeeded Mr. Tutcher in 1919. He arranged the layout of some of the flower-beds and relaid the old paths and channels with cement granite. A granite memorial in the shape of a 'Pai Lau' was erected in 1928 at the top of the main entrance steps on the old Garden in memory of the Chinese in the service of the British Government who died during the Great War 1914-1918. Then in 1931 the lower portion of the Gardens was taken over by the Public Works Department for the construction of a service reservoir. Work was completed in 1933 and the area was recovered with black soil, turfed and reopened to the public.\n\nMr. Green retired in 1937 and the vacant post was taken up by Mr. F. Flippance after a series of quick changes of appointments. By this time the activities of the Department had expanded so much that forestry in fact accounted for 65 to 70% of its work, the rest being botanical, gardening, and agricultural. In fact, afforestation work on the hills was carried out by the Gardens Department as early as 1876 but it was not until 1880 that planting on any large scale was undertaken and the Department had since been renamed the Botanic and Afforestation Department. The Botanic Gardens remained in good condition until the Second World War broke out.\n\nDuring the Second World War the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong resulted in extensive structural damage to the Botanic Gardens the site of which was badly cut up to provide earthworks for gun emplacements and defensive trenches. Much of the shrubbery was destroyed as were a number of the larger trees; additionally the surrounding railings and gates were removed to provide ease of access to military personnel and equipment. There are no\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210740, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "74\n\nD.A. GRIFFITHS AND S.P. LAU\n\nrecords to indicate that the Botanic Gardens were preserved as had been the case at Singapore where a senior Japanese officer took over the role of Director and where botanical research continued throughout the occupation.\n\nFollowing the surrender of the Japanese military administration a rapid rehabilitation scheme was established whereby rubbish was removed from the garden site and serious attempts were made to re-establish the garden to its former appearance. In 1946 the internal restructuring of various Hong Kong Government departments resulted in the division of the original Botanical and Forestry departments into a Forestry Department and a separate Gardens Department.\n\nAt this stage there was no superintendent with overall supervision of the gardens but in 1947 Fr. T.F. Ryan, S.J. was appointed Acting Superintendent. He reported to Government in that year that:\n\n\"Returfing had to be done on a large scale, so as the replanting of flowering shrubs and trees. The gradual return of the Gardens to something approaching its pre-war appearance won favourable comments on many occasions.”\n\nMr. R.E. Dean assumed the post of Superintendent of Gardens in January 1948 and work continued on the restoration of the Gardens. The entrance gates and railings around the grounds were re-erected. Forty granite garden seats were replaced. The extensive earth mounds formed by the Japanese were cleared and the formal layout of garden beds enhanced the appearance of the Gardens. In 1949 the superstructure of the Plant and Fern House was completed, the Aviary restored in 1951 and the Mammal House restored in 1953.\n\nThe Herbarium collection, which had been shipped to Penang prior to the Japanese Occupation in 1940, was sent to the Singapore Botanical Garden by the Japanese for safe keeping. The collection was recalled to Hong Kong from Singapore in 1948 and the 40,000 specimens were first housed in the Supper Room of Gov-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "205\n\nThere could be no question about local loyalty to the Crown. Chater reminded the council that, “the loyal feelings of this community are well known to every resident here, and most of us have already seen the hearty and eager manner in which, not only the foreign community, but also the native population, have come forward on previous occasions to celebrate the arrival of some member of the Royal Family upon these shores.”\n\nIf Hongkong was loyal, it was also generous. Mr. Chater was sure Hongkong residents would not enter into the celebration with a niggardly spirit.\n\nHe was convinced that \"there is no doubt this occasion will again cause a display of eagerness to loosen the purse strings for which I think this community, though but a small one, is second to none in the world.\"\n\nSomething more was wanting, however, than private celebrations. The Government should be involved, for \"whatever the loyalty of private individuals may prompt them to do whether they choose to give a ball on a grand scale or a banquet, whether to illuminate their houses or have a display of fireworks — I do not think the Government should spend the public funds in conventional cracker firing; this may be left to the enthusiasm of private individuals. But I think, Sir, the Government ought to do something of a more permanent character, something more lasting, something that should be a great deal more commemorative in its nature, and which will hereafter be of substantial benefit to the whole Colony.\"\n\nThe precise form this lasting memorial should take was a difficult question as future events painfully proved. Chater and others had been pondering the possibilities.\n\nHe noted that a number of the communities' needs had recently been provided for: the Civil Hospital had been enlarged, the new Alice Memorial Hospital was almost ready for occupation, and, in addition, \"we have the principal school in Hongkong rapidly blossoming into Victoria College (later renamed Queen's College).”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211525, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "218\n\nTai Sheung Lo Kwan, the notes add, is none other than Taoist Patriarch Lao Tzu.\n\nTHE HONGKONG MILLING COMPANY'S FAILURE*\n\nE. W. WRIGHT\n\nThe suicide of A. H. Rennie, manager of the Hongkong Milling Co., and the subsequent closing down of the big milling plant which Mr. Rennie founded, is still causing much discussion in Pacific coast milling circles. Late particulars of the tragedy and the causes which led up to it, seem to indicate quite clearly that the death of Rennie and the failure of the institution which he established have combined to postpone indefinitely the attempt to build up the milling business in China on anything more than a very moderate scale.\n\nWhether or not it is possible to manufacture flour at a profit at Hongkong, is still a matter of doubt with some Pacific coast millers. They do not regard the failure of Rennie as proof conclusive that the business cannot be conducted with a profit, for Rennie, while a remarkably good flour salesman, knew nothing about the details of manufacturing flour. His failure, however, has made Pacific coast millers sceptical about the future success of milling in China in competition with the product that is shipped across the Pacific.\n\nThe rise and fall of the milling project at Hongkong is so much a part of the remarkable career of Mr. Rennie, who promoted it, that its history can best be told by relating his.\n\nA. H. Rennie was a native of Canada, where he was born in 1857. He became the confidential adviser and secretary of Hon. John Norquay,\n\n* This very interesting account is reprinted from the Northwestern Miller of 24 June, 1908, published at Minneapolis. Rennie left his name in Rennie's Mill, Junk Bay, near Kowloon. The editor is grateful to Mr. W. J. Howard, a long-time member of the Society, for contributing this item to the Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211526, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "219\n\npremier and treasurer of Manitoba in 1885, and while there was quite prominent in the political affairs of the province, being sent to England to negotiate a large loan. On his return from England, he was ordered to Hongkong, to take a position in the diplomatic service. Before leaving this country, he came to Portland with a letter of introduction from Sir William Van Horne of the Canadian Pacific Railroad to Theodore B. Wilcox of the Portland Flouring Mills Co.\n\nRennie at that time knew nothing about the flour business, but he made such a good impression on Mr. Wilcox that he was engaged by the Portland miller to put in the time he could spare from his diplomatic duties, in selling flour. He was successful from the beginning, and in 1895 his business had grown to such proportions that he resigned from the government service and devoted all of his attention to the flour trade. He was a tireless worker, and as he had very liberal contracts with Mr. Wilcox, he was soon enjoying a very large business. On this business he always endeavored to stamp his own personality.\n\nWhile the Wilcox brands were soon famous from Vladivostok to the Malabar coast, and far into the interior of China, it was Rennie alone, of whom the Chinamen knew, and with whom they dealt. This great success and the attendant profits it brought, was probably responsible for Rennie's belief that he could make a grand success out of the milling business.\n\nHis studied effort to keep his own name and personality in the foreground, had given him great prestige in Hongkong and other trade centres across the Pacific, and to him it seemed easy to transfer this prestige from the Americans to a mill of his own.\n\nApparently confusing flour making with flour selling, Mr. Rennie plunged into the business on a big scale. Had he been content to feel his way with a small mill, where the capacity could be increased as the demand for the product developed, he might have made a success, or at least the failure would not have been serious. But Rennie, the greatest flour salesman in all the Orient, had aspirations to be a great miller, and with the money he had saved during his successful career as a salesman, and several hundred thousand dollars subscribed by English capitalists at Hongkong, he built a two thousand barrel mill. The capital", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211703, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "93\n\nas a whole was bitterly critical of the Hongkong Government, and it strongly opposed any suggestion that Government officials should dominate the camp. Mr. Gimson, however, took the view that the Hongkong Government had not ceased to exist, that its authority continued in so far as circumstances permitted, and that, as a matter of practical politics, it was essential that this position be maintained for disciplinary and other purposes unless Japanese intervention was to be constantly invoked. He realised, however, that it was neither possible nor desirable to take a high hand in the matter, and decided to work in with the Communal Councils and trust to time to calm feelings and produce a modus vivendi. He was so far successful that a day or two before we left the camp a resolution asking him to accept the Chairmanship of a reconstituted Council was signed by 1,300 British internees, and the existing British Council tendered its resignation to enable the change to take place. It was clear from this that there was no hostility to Mr. Gimson personally, but the stubborn determination to prevent the \"old gang\" from getting in and \"bossing\" things remained undiminished, and it was tacitly agreed that Mr. Gimson's assumption of the Chairmanship would not involve the placing in executive positions in the camp of the senior Cadet officers.\n\nOne of the rather curious consequences of the \"continuing jurisdiction\" theory is that the Police Courts continued to function, though of course on a very limited scale. Persons were tried and sentenced by the Magistrate for theft. The Chief Justice even declared his readiness to hear certain classes of civil actions, and he did in fact make a decree nisi in divorce proceedings begun before the Japanese occupation,\n\nIt will be noticed that the Japanese interfered actively very little in the internal affairs of the camp. However, they interfered negatively to a great extent, by insisting that nothing was to be changed without their consent, and by refusing to give their consent even in quite trivial matters. They themselves kept aloof. I made repeated written representations about the status of myself and the rest of our Embassy and Consular party and asked for interviews, but received no replies, and it was not until July 20th, when I was about to leave the camp, that I was able to exchange a few words with Mr. Nakazawa, the camp superintendent. Mr. Ohda, the Chief of the Foreign Affairs Section of the Hongkong Military Government, remained quite unapproachable.\n\ns.s. \"Narkunda\"\n\nSeptember 19th, 1942.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211810, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "200\n\nrash decision to marry the first that came\". Another actor who was to become a local Roscius. Mr. Phunago BRUSHWOOD, \"gave the somewhat unusual stage character of a double-faced farmer (Wurzel) all the selfish cunning and irritable tone which it needed\". Other parts were taken by Miss Polly DEXTER, Mr. HEAVISWELL, Mr. Jehoshaphat SNAKES and Mr. PLEADWELL (as the lawyer!).\n\nIn Box and Cox Messrs PROTEUS, BRUSHWOOD and Mrs. CLAY \"kept the audience in a roar\" (NCH 22.2.1857).\n\n3.3.1857 (Tue)\n\nDramatic readings from Charles Dickens by Mr. Benjamin SEARE. Th: C\n\n―\n\nR: In the Herald of February 28 it was announced that \"we are apprized by 'Circular' that an entertainment of a novel character in Shanghai, but one which has greatly attracted the fashionable and literary world elsewhere, will be given by Mr. Scare in the Hall of the Shanghai Theatre on Tuesday Evening next the 3rd prox. The subject - The Early Writings of Charles Dickens is a theme affording scope for great versatility of talent. (...) The Community are much indebted to Mr. Scare for his gratuitous offer of an evening's intellectual amusement to diversify and enliven the monotony of Shanghai life. The Circular notifies that the divertissement will commence at half past 8 & precisely, that no personal invitations will be issued and that a syllabus of the Lecture will be placed in each seat for the use and acceptance of its occupant”. Then, in the issue of March 7, a report was published: \"A large and select circle of residents had met in the New Theatre\". It became a kind of one man show by Mr. Seare, as the \"requirements of versatility and mimic power were most successfully supplied. (...) The lecturer was perfectly at home in each and all of the various characters as they turned up, passed from one to another with an ease that was admirable and portrayed each with a force of comic power which elicited much applause, and, to select the most appropriate compliment we can bestow, did justice to the author. All in all the audience was \"kept in a roar”. Mr. Seare concluded with some general remarks on the necessity of some recreation of this kind in a community so distant from home and so isolated and comprising at the same time so much intelligence and ability\" (NCH 7.3.1857). One wonders how Mr. Seare was able to give these lectures free of charge; had he been a touring artist that would of course have been impossible. But as it turns out he was a mercantile assistant in the employment of Gilman & Co (this according to the Shanghai Almanac for 1858). In May 1865 he gave another performance (see 27.5.1865). No further details are available about the programme, but no doubt the characters from The Pickwick Papers figured largely in it. Who, after all, can resist Mr. Pickwick, Mr. Jingle and Sam Weller? Dickens himself began readings from his own works one year later, in April 1858, in Britain and the United States.\n\n26.3.1857 (Thur)\n\nJ.B. BUCKSTONE: \"A Kiss in the Dark\" (1840)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nM.B.W. JERROLD: \"Cool as a Cucumber\" (1851)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nH. DANVERS: \"A Conjugal Lesson\" (1856)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: N.N. (CH\n\nR: In a witty mind \"The Man on the Bund\" informed us that \"by way of introduction there was a kiss — and in the dark too! — perhaps the sweetest kiss of all, administered with enviable gusto by Mr. SNAKES as Fathom. Mrs. Pettibone submitted to it with less indignation than the fact of her being so much respected led us to suppose. But then, it was to punish the odiously jealous Mr. Pettibone who would insist on making\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212305, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "224\n\ntwelve o'clock gun firing is due to the liberality of Mr Magniac (a partner) of Messrs. Jardine Matheson and Company, who, when the Home Government ceased to provide this small return for the heavy Military Contribution forwarded annually from this Colony, purchased a gun, etc. and had it fixed up at Messrs. Jardine's, where it is fired daily.\n\nAlthough their gun is still at East Point, not far from where Jardine's started trading in 1841, their head office moved to Central District as long ago as 1864. It has been said there is not one field of commerce in which it does not hold a prominent position and its 'tentacles' extend to interests in many other firms.\n\nHong Kong Land\n\nThe Colony's leading businessmen have usually had considerable interests in land, and it was thus fitting that two of them, Paul Chater (later Sir Paul) and James Johnstone Keswick, should be prime movers in the Hong Kong Land Investment and Agency Company which was incorporated in 1889. The latter, as Taipan of Jardine's, following in the footsteps of his great-uncle William Jardine, was also founding chairman of Hong Kong Land. James was the first of six Keswicks, spanning five generations, to hold the position.\n\nThe company soon began buying sites and erecting office buildings. Between June 1904 and December 1905 it erected Hong Kong's first 'skyscrapers', five major buildings each of five or six storeys, which dwarfed the two and three-storey structures surrounding them.\n\nHong Kong Land acquired Humphrey's Estate and Finance Company, which owns residential property in Mid-Levels, in 1972, and for 14 years 'Land' had a controlling interest in the Dairy Farm, Ice and Cold Storage Company. Today, the latter is once again an independent public company. In its centenary year Hong Kong Land owned some six-million square feet of commercial space of which five-million is in the so-called 'Core Central' area. The firm has been described as \"... perhaps the most valuable property company in the world and certainly in the region ....\" Whether this is true is not known. Certainly, today, some Japanese companies hold considerable interests in real estate on a global scale.\n\nL", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "169\n\nhowever, donations from ordinary villagers (about HK$0.3-0.5 per person) always fell short of the demand. It was almost inevitable that the head leader of the festival would be called upon to contribute a large amount. For instance, he would donate HK$500, whereas each of the other members of the Neighbourhood Association would contribute only HK$100. In addition, the head leader would pay HK$600-700 in advance, for matshed construction and opera troupe hiring. He was also responsible for miscellaneous expenses of the temple “To assume this heavy responsibility required substantial wealth.\n\nStores on Tung Chung Street, such as the Yao-ho, Te-ho, Ching-ho, and Kuang-hsing, etc., were among the chief members of the Neighbourhood Association in charge of festival preparations. In this sense, Tung Chung Street, the local business centre, also became the centre of social power in the territory. The most influential power holders were, of course, the storeowners who became chief directors of the Neighbourhood Association. As they had to shoulder the heavy financial burden of sponsoring the festival, only the richest could afford the positions. In the 1920s, it is remembered, first Mr. Kuan from lower Ling Pei, owner of the Te-ho Store, and then Mr. Hsiao from Ngau Au, owner of the Yao-ho Store, served as head leaders of the Festival 70\n\nMr. Kuan, who had a little knowledge of traditional Chinese medicine, sold medicinal herbs and sundry goods at his store.\" Mr. Hsiao, as the largest landowner in Tung Chung, was especially qualified for the post. The Hsiaos derived their wealth from landholding, mostly at Ngau Au and some at Ling Pi, and from business. On the one hand, they rented out land to tenants, who were easy to find as not many non-farm jobs were available then. On the other hand, the Hsiaos' grocery store on Tung Chung Street also engaged in moneylending on security.\" With their business diversified into rent collecting, shopkeeping and moneylending, the Hsiaos managed to establish their social power, based on wealth, and played a significant role in patronizing local religious activities. Under his leadership, both the Houwang's feast day celebration and the chiao ceremony in the 1920s were conducted.\n\nSince the War, the Houwang's Birthday Festival has been extended in scale and its rituals have become more elaborate and ceremonious.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214106, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "143\n\ndevelopments and economic viability of Macau,\n\nSubsequently, the plans have changed, the pools of salt water are now fresh water in order to preserve acceptable water quality and odours. The Barrier walls and causeways are in place but the development on hold as the investments and attractions have failed to materialise.\n\nSummary\n\nIn common with cities that share its Mediterranean heritage, Macau was well provided with public spaces that constituted important defining nodes for the action and activities of its citizens. Since it was founded in 1557, however, Macau has doubled the area of the city through reclamation. Over this period, public spaces have been gained and lost. A significant reclamation project was initiated in 1982 in an attempt to re-establish major public spaces as the defining elements of the city and the results are salutary for those considering the creation of land as an effective strategy. Macau has lost its importance as a hub for commerce and transportation, although efforts are made periodically to regain some of that role.\n\nThe future holds a possible promise for the city as a centre of trade and finance on a regional level and, as such, it will have to prove itself as a desirable place to live. Recent developments of the waterfront are attempts to recreate such a desirable environment in the context of natural (such as silting) and manmade problems (such as congestion). Macau has a unique urban heritage with which to work. Being a small place, even slight changes to the waterfront can profoundly affect the sense of the city overall. Inappropriate reclamation can easily destroy the distinct urban sense of Macau. Proposed infill between Taipa and Coloane will significantly change the balance of the city. Being reclamation on a large scale creating a substantial flat area between the two islands, it will result in a new city without the particular characteristics of Macau.\n\nAcknowledgements\n\nThe authors wish to acknowledge the patience of Mr. Manuel Vicente in explaining his scheme for Macau and for access to his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "213\n\nWatchmen and six Assistant Head District Watchmen. In 1900 the Force became even more entwined with the Government when the latter, after several years of deliberation, finally granted a site for a Central Watch-house on the Taipingshan Resumption Area and promised a contribution of $1,000 towards the cost of its construction. Whilst this house was intended to accommodate the Watchmen of Districts 3, 4, 5 and 6, the premises were to include quarters for two European sergeants. When the building was completed in August 1902, far from being merely a house to accommodate the Watchmen, the quarters on the top floor were described as being 'sufficient for the accommodation of one married European Police Sergeant or for two unmarried Sergeants, who will be placed there by the Captain Superintendent of Police.' In 1903, two years earlier than anticipated by Mr A. M. Thomson, the allocation of an annual Government Grant of $2,000 was resumed and remained in force until 1936 when it was reduced to $100 p.a. because this was 'considered sufficient.'\n\nIn 1904 a further thirteen District Watchmen's posts were added and the reasons behind this increase illustrate, once again, the influence which the Hong Kong Government exerted over this force of supposedly private security men. According to the section of the Registrar General's Report of 1904 dealing with the performance of the District Watch Force, 'During the year 1904 the Force had been increased by thirteen men consequent on an understanding come to with the Government by which a piece of land in the Eastern part of the town was given as a site for a District Watchmen's House on condition that the number of the Force was increased.' Stripped of the convoluted language, this meant that the District Watch Committee had to agree to the employment of more Watchmen if they wanted the extra space. The cost of building the quarters in Stone Nullah Lane near Wanchai Market was to be $4,000 and a contract to that effect was drawn up. In the same annual report the Registrar General noted rather critically that the condition of the Force during the year was not quite satisfactory. Because of the difficulties in attracting and retaining good men, a pay rise was introduced in August 1904 which brought the pay scale into line with that of the Chinese Police. Problems concerning remuneration were nothing new. In April 1897 an allowance of $2 per month was awarded to each Watchman because of the high price of rice but even this was insufficient to entice good quality men into the Force during 1901. By 1908 the total number of personnel in the Force ex-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214847, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "229\n\nHong Kong, 1842-1843,\" in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society Vol. 14 (1974), pp.78 and 82.\n\n37\n\nHolt, p.142.\n\n38 Milne, p. 125.\n\n41\n\n43\n\nOuchterlony, p.225.\n\nAccording to Bingham (Vol.I, pp. 184-9), the provincial authorities issued a notification on 27 June 1840 with a carefully spelled out scale of rewards and inducements. A later proclamation by the three imperial commissioners, with greatly increased rewards, is translated in his Vol. II, at pp.404-7. Deceits and kidnapping were apparently the norm in oriental wars. In describing and condemning them, the writers were but echoing the similar complaints made by their brother officers during the First Burmese War in 1824-26, when such actions were also encountered there. See Bruce, op.cit pp.54.\n\nBingham, Vol.I, pp.286-291, adding an account of Captain P. Anstruther's imprisonment with the survivors at Ningpo (pp.292-7).\n\nBingham, Vol.II, pp. 181-3: \"When Ning-po was subsequently captured, it appeared that poor Mr. Stead had been conveyed there alive, when the brutal Chinese general had him secured to a stake, and then practised his bowmen by firing at him as a target; his body being subjected to the same brutality after life was extinct\". Davis, likely to be more authoritative, has a different but equally horrendous version. Upon Yukien's direction, \"the prisoner was tied to a stake in the middle of the public place [at Ningpo], deliberately flayed alive, and then cut in pieces\": China, During the War and Since the Peace (London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 2 vols., 1852), Vol I, p.170.\n\n4 Beeching, pp.121-2 and 136-7.\n\n44\n\nBingham, Vol.I, pp.212-217.\n\n45\n\nBingham, Vol.I, pp. 194-5.\n\nJ.D. Vaughan, The Manners and Customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements (Oxford in Asia Paperbacks, 1970, reprint of the original edition by the Mission Press, Singapore, 1879), pp.90-1 and see also p.36.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "257\n\nAs I reported to Mr. (later Sir Ronald) Holmes, the villagers had changed their minds about letting the work proceed \"a further three times\" in the four days that had elapsed since my first visit to the village to deal with the difficulty. Enquiring into the reason for the renewed stoppage of work, I was told by the village representative and elders that the deities in the two local temples had had to be consulted, and that the propitious day for resuming work would be a day or two later.\n\nFrustration and annoyance are writ large in my report on these events:\n\nI replied that I certainly hoped that this would be the case since I was not possessed of second sight sufficient to enable me to know what they had not said to me on my first visit [about the need to consult the deities].\n\nNor could I be expected to understand their frequent changes of mind during the past two weeks when they would say one thing to Mr. Abbas [the land bailiff], quite another to the contractor and the Roads Engineers when they wished to resume work, and yet another to myself; not once but several times all round.\n\nMasters indeed in the art of creating confusion and uncertainty!\n\nOn this visit, it had soon appeared that the villagers had thought up extra reasons for causing us delays. On our way to Tong Fuk, passing by the South Lantau Rural Committee office at Pui O, we had been given letters from the Village Representatives of Tong Fuk and the adjoining village of Shui Hau, making some additional points in the ongoing dialogue with the District Office. These concerned what I described as \"an entirely new series of complaints\" about the crop compensation to be paid in connection with the engineering works, the villagers professing themselves worried about the compensation schedules and about rates of compensation:\n\n... \"All this, mark you,\" [as I told the Commissioner], “though in their large-scale airing of perplexities on the Monday not one word of these matters had been breathed, saving only their concern about [the date of] payment.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215159, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "215 \n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong \n\ndepartments were added. The building was demolished in 1988, seven years after \n\nit had become an annexe of the Morrison Hill Technical Institute. There are \n\nantiquarians in Hong Kong today who feel the building should have been \n\npreserved. \n\nBut, retracing our steps, when the Pacific War broke out in 1941, technical education was being provided in Hong Kong at secondary, trade school and post-secondary levels, but on a limited scale. There were about 200 full-time \n\nstudents attending post-secondary courses at the Trade School, in Wood Road, although the School did not receive a great deal of support from employers, except from the dockyards and members of the then named Building Contractors' Association (now the Hong Kong Construction Association). The latter even erected the Trade School at cost price under the supervision of Mr. Tam Shui Hong, an affable, elderly gentleman I recall. In addition, generous building contractors would sometimes donate a load of bricks or sand for use in practical classes. \n\nPost-Second World War \n\nIn 1947, after World War Two was over, the Trade School (in that year \n\nrenamed Technical College), the Junior Technical School, the Aberdeen Trade \n\nSchool and a number of centres running evening classes in technical subjects reopened. They were soon operating at pre-war capacity. To this group were added, in 1953, the Ho Tung Technical School for Girls in Causeway Bay, and Tang King Po Secondary School in Kowloon. For many years the latter also had a trade school section which ran classes in printing, shoemaking and tailoring. \n\nThis Section was closed in the late 1970s after more Government \n\ntechnical institutes and pre-vocational schools were up and running. \n\nMy early memories of the old Technical College, in Wood Road Wan Chai in the mid 1950s, are crystal clear: like the views at that time from Hong Kong Island during the winter months over to Kowloon and above and beyond \n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215998, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 297, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "231\n\nHenan province to Legge in Hong Kong. It is very unclear who that might be, since the London Missionary Society did not have regular workers in inland China, or even more north along the eastern coast of China, until after the settlement of the second Opium War in 1860. Nevertheless, the writer speaks about \"old Chow\" (lǎo Zhōu, accepted as an intimate expression between friends and not merely descriptive of age), an elder Chinese Christian in their church, who became so interested in the Poklo movement that he visited Ch'ëa independently in 1858 and found what had been said to be the case.\n\n54. For further comments on Hannah Mary Legge's life as a missionary wife and spouse of an Oxford University professor, see Lauren Pfister, Striving for the \"Whole Duty of Man\": James Legge and the Scottish Protestant Encounter with China (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, forthcoming 2003), vol. 2, chapters 5 and 6 in passim, and Norman J. Girardot, The Victorian Translation of China: James Legge's Oriental Pilgrimage (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002), pp. 55-56, 62, 84-87, 150-151, 194-196, 455-456, 506-509.\n\n55. Legge wrote, “Since his baptism in 1856, Ch'ëa has spent a large portion of his time in travelling, and making known the things which he believes, entirely without fee or reward. Our Church came to the conclusion that we ought, in accordance with the principle that the labourer is worthy of his hire, to do something for him; and he has gone back home the Agent or Missionary of our Chinese brethren here, for a period of three months. At the end of that time we are to see him again, when it may be advisable to take measures to prosecute the work in Pok-lo on a larger scale than the small means of my people can attain to.\" EMMC/MM 24 (February 1860), p. 39.\n\n56. These statistics are summarized from the annual report of Legge and Chalmers written on January 14, 1861 (CWM/South China/Box 6/Jacket B/Folder 3) and Legge's \"Journey of a Missionary Tour\".\n\n57. The subtleties of translation here are also important. Did Ch'ea actually use a word for \"Papists,\" or was this derogatory term the European translators' replacement for a more neutral phrase for \"Catholics\" like Tiānzhǔjiào tú?\n\n58. See EMMC/MM (September 1857), p. 207 for details. It should be mentioned, though it may be obvious to some, that the previously described persecutions of 1856 when Ch'ea self-consciously remained silent before his \"persecutors\" in the government was also an imitation of Christ's silence before the Sanhedrin.\n\n59. Selected from EMMC/MM (September 1857), p. 208.\n\n60. This scene and the subsequent information from Mr. Kot appear in the translation of the dictated account of his conversion published in EMMC/MM (September 1857), pp. 208-209.\n\n61. There are later examples of sermons dealing with the topic of providence, for example, which probably reflect earlier teachings at Union Chapel. For Legge's sermons touching themes of divine providence see \"The Review and Meaning of the Past\" (on Deuteronomy 8:2, dated January 1, 1871, found in CWM/South China/Personal/Legge/Box 4), \"The Rationale of the Divine Judgments\" (on Psalm 119:75, dated September 17, 1871), and \"The Doctrine of a Particular Providence\" (on Psalm 37:38-40, dated January 28, 1872, both this and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 } ]