[
    {
        "id": 204786,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1964",
        "page_number": 89,
        "title": "RAS-1964",
        "content_text": "PENG CHAU\n\n77\n\nsettlement is given below and it is sufficient to say that at first they owned little beyond their houses22 and seem to have been closely involved in fishing, at any rate in the second half of the century. When their senior elder Mr. CHUNG Fat ## (born 1876) was a boy of fifteen years old, his grandfather owned nine fishing boats of the Hoklo type. These rowing boats were manned with the help of other Hakkas, their friends and clansmen from the Tsuen Wan-Shing Mun-Pat Heung area of the present New Territories. They fished by day or night according to the season, using thread nets made in the shape of a basket and sold to them by Hoklo people. The boats were often out overnight, depending on the distance to which they went to fish and the nature of the catch. They often fished all round the Lantau coast and into Deep Bay, which is a long way for a rowing boat, though anyone who has seen the speed with which the rowers propel these craft off Cheung Chau will not be surprised at this. In 1896 Mr. CHUNG's uncle returned from Sandakan in Borneo, and took him there to work for three years, after which he came back, was married, and together with his uncles and cousins again made the sea his business. This time he did not do the fishing, but with two small sailing boats operated as a fish collector. On behalf of a shop, which was owned by a Punti of San Wui †† extraction then resident on Peng Chau, he went out to the Tanka boats fishing the neighbouring waters and bought their catch, for which he received a commission. At a later stage (1916-46) he worked two boats with which, in the summer months, he collected grass bought from the Lantau villagers opposite Peng Chau. He dried the grass and sold it the following year to fishermen for caulking their boats on a piece of land which he had bought for the purpose. By 1899 the CHUNGs had taken a lot of mortgaged land from the LUI family,23 and all this activity connected with the sea was in addition to farming paddy and vegetable fields, which was mainly carried on by the womenfolk.\n\nThese paragraphs illustrate the diversity of activities in a small coastal settlement like Peng Chau and the danger of assigning one group to its traditional role and no other. It exemplifies what, in 1840, the famous Commissioner LIN of Opium War fame reported as being a local Kwangtung saying, “Seven go to fishing, three go to the plough”, and again “Three parts mountain,",
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    {
        "id": 211820,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 235,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "210\n\nBagshaw and Bradshaw, the critic had to admit that \"what it was all about we were utterly unable to discover\" (NCH 4.6.1859).\n\n15.2.1860 (Wedn)\n\nL.S. BUCKINGHAM: \"Take that Girl Away\" (1855)\n\nT: Comedy (2 acts)\n\nC. SELBY: \"A Fearful Tragedy in the Seven Dials\" (1857)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: N.N. (F)\n\nN: First performance of the season\n\nR: The new theatre was only a small one and therefore it was announced in the Herald of February 11 that \"admission will only be given to ticket holders. Tickets will be distributed with the Bills to the various Hongs and any Gentleman who may be accidentally omitted will be supplied on written application to the Manager\". From time to time politics continued to turn up in the playhouse. It was the time of the English and French wars in China; the United States was not taking part in them, only sharing in the spoils, yet the following remark closed the review: \"We beg permission to observe that we should have been glad to have seen the 'Star Spangled Banner' floating over the proscenium along with the colours of France and England. All honour to the Anglo-French Alliance! But our American cousins form, in every respect, so important a section of this community that the absence of their flag on an occasion like Wednesday evening would seem to be a discourtesy of which we feel very sure that the worthy management never was intentionally guilty\". Tonight, and on March 15, the faces of Messrs. PICKWICK, BRUSHWOOD, and TINTINNABULUM as well as that of Mrs. NESBIT were absent from the stage; others like Miss WALTERS and Mr. PETREL had remained. Making their debut were Mr. ADOLPHE, \"gifted with both self-possession and a good voice\"; Mr. WITHAM who, as Cuttle (in Take that Girl Away) \"displayed a steadiness and a clearness of enunciation calculated to make him a valuable actor in 'utility' parts\"; and Mr. NATIVE whom the reviewer thought \"better fitted to shine as a sentimental than as a grotesque lover\". Miss WALTERS was \"dressed to perfection, played as well as ever (can we say more!) and was charmingly feminine\". In A Fearful Tragedy in the Seven Dials, there was the first night of Mr. C. AITCH as Slumpington for whom **a great future success in 'character parts' was predicted. These hopes were not realised, however, for I have not found his name again. For the umpteenth time, the Herald judged the pieces that were represented weak - to put it mildly. (NCH 18.2.1860).\n\n15.3.1860 (Thur)\n\nT. TAYLOR: \"Still Waters Run Deep\" (1856)\n\nT: Comedy (3 acts)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Poor Pillicoddy\" (1848)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music by the band of H.M.S. Imperieuse\n\nTh: N.N. (F)\n\nN: Second performance of the season\n\nR: This second night took place in a house that was \"crowded in every part\" and proved \"in every respect highly successful\". The \"Man on the Bund\" had no longer a say in the theatrical reports, and the piece about which he had been so dissatisfied (see 23.4.1857), Still Waters Run Deep got a far better critique now: \"in that scene in the second act in which the villain Hawksley is unmasked, the interest was raised to an exciting pitch and sterling dramatic ability displayed by the performers\". No actors were mentioned, but in Poor Pillicoddy, a \"young gentleman made his first appearance",
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    {
        "id": 211822,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 237,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "212\n\n26.12.1861 (Thur)\n\nConcert by Signor Robbio, violin, and some local amateurs, Programme:\n\n4\n\nL. VAN BEETHOVEN; Trio for strings in E-flat opus 3, V. BELLINI: “Norma”, the aria 'Casta Diva' arranged for violin, C.A. DE BERIOT: Tremolo\", C. GOUNOD: **Meditation upon J.S. Bach's first prelude\", i.e., the famous Ave Maria, C.M. von WEBER: \"Der Freischütz”, cavatine (presumably \"Und ob die Wolke sie verhülle”, act III), arranged for cello and piano. Sir Henry BISHOP: \"Home sweet home\" (from the opera \"Clari, the maid of Milan'), Sr ROBBIO: \"Grande Valse Diabolique“, In addition: some quartet and solo singing by amateurs.\n\nTh: N.N.\n\nR: Today the second concert by the violinist Signor ROBBIO came off \"for a very large audience\". In November he had made his debut in Shanghai but because of a gap of three November issues in the file of the Herald I have been using no details can be given. Once more, however, the paper seems to have been discontented with the selection of the pieces. Not so tonight, with the exception of one composition by Sr Robbio himself, **a work of the Paganini school” of which the critic was evidently not a lover. About the interpretations by the violinist, though, there was but praise; e.g. \"he greatly charmed his audience by the power and feeling with which he executed the beautiful air from Norma, 'Casta Diva'\". So all was enjoyable, the more so as \"for the moribund piano used at the last concert a fine 'Broadwood' was substituted, which displayed to great advantage the admirable playing of the gentleman to whom St Robbio was so much indebted for his accompaniment\". One letter writer went even so far as to exclaim that such delights in Shanghai are indeed 'like angels' visits few and far between' \"' (NCH 28.12.1861).\n\nFebruary and March 1861\n\nPerformances by \"Lewis' Australian Hippodrome” Loc: Commercial House in Hongkew\n\n-\n\n―\n\nוי\n\nN: During the months of February and March \"Lewis' Equestrian Australian Troupe\" gave a large number of performances, of which the first one was announced for February 15 and the last for March 17. The public was entertained with horses and artists, among whom Mr. and Mrs. COUSINS, Mr. BARLOW, Senior RAPHAEL, Jessi GARDONI, **Austin Shanghai**, and “Little Ella\". For all, benefits were held in March. It was not the first time that the troupe had operated on the China Coast. In December 1859 they had visited Hong Kong (CM 15.12.1859, 22.12.1859).\n\n13.2.1863 (Fri)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Our Wife, or the Rose of Amiens\" (1856)\n\nT: Comic drama (1 act)\n\nH\n\nA. MAYHEW & H. SUTHERLAND EDWARDS: The Goose with the Golden Eggs T: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs (Local and British officers)\n\n13.2.1863 (Fri)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Our Wife, or the Rose of Amiens\" (1856)\n\nT: Comic drama (1 act)\n\nA. MAYHEW & H. SUTHERLAND EDWARDS: \"The Goose with the Golden Eggs' T: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs (Local and British officers)\n\nF: Music by the band of the 67th regiment\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (G)\n\nN: First performance of the season\n\nR: Casts:",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
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    {
        "id": 212884,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 193,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "178\n\nNOTES\n\n1\n\nSaid by one of the Tangs of Ha Pa. The father had won a Jockey Club lottery ticket\n\nMrs Wong Chau Yuk-bing, 10 July 1991\n\nI once became concerned with a grave on a hill above Tsuen Wan. There had been a mistake and confusion when exhuming illegal graves and removing the remains to an authorized cemetery. My subsequent enquiry showed that this slope contained a number of graves of Chans of Sam Tung Uk, repaired in 1919, and another old grave belonging to their cousins from Kwan Mun Hau, a recent reburial of another of their graves whose old site had been required for development; the earth grave with stone tablet dated 1954 belonging to another local lineage recently taken up and remains placed in an urn (whose removal caused all the trouble); and a Tsang grave dated 1909 but removed at some time previously. The enquiry showed that the hill was a favoured burial site, that it was mostly monopolized by the Chans of Sam Tung Uk; that they had received objections from Kwan Mun Hau to a new grave and had not used it but found another site.\n\n4\n\nThe exercise was prompted by what I personally felt was the misguided notion that all the owners of old graves could, and should, one fine day be asked to exhume them.\n\n4 This was still felt to be the case, even though some leading members of the clan were Christians, with forebears who had also been members of the local protestant Chuen Yuen Church, established in Tsuen Wan about 1905.\n\n+\n\nAddressed to DOTW but sent to NTA HQ. See Secretary for the NT's NT L/M No.(172) in E/948/78 to TM&DO TW dated 11 December 1980, enclosing Chinese letter dated November 1980.\n\n+ Chinese letter from Mr. Wong Kit-hung, Village Representative of Shui Pin Village, Yuen Long, dated 14 January 1980.\n\n\"Wong Cho-yip and 22 other villagers of this place are the owners of the grave of Ancestor Shui-tai at Tsing Lung Tau. Ancestor Shui-tai was buried there in the tenth month of the first year of Tung Chih [1862], so that the grave has a history of 120 years. The villagers have recently learned that the government will resume the land there for development. They fear that great damage will be done to the fung-shui [of the clan] if the grave is destroyed. We entreat you to remedy the situation quickly [by cancelling the notice] or by compensating for this loss, so that they may choose a lucky day for the removal of their ancestral grave (and another auspicious burial ground for).\n\nM\n\nChopped DOTW Inward. Serial No. 1861 of 17 August 1963. The District Commissioner gave an account of a ceremonial visit following damage to a grave. See Annual Departmental Report, District Commissioner, New Territories, 1955-56.\n\n4\n\nADR, DCNT 1955-56, para. 87.\n\nMr Wong Kwai-chi, Land Inspector, Class 1. He and I had been colleagues and friends since we first served together in the District Office South, twenty years before.\n\n|| DOTW file TW6/WL/71, Chinese letter dated 4 May 1971.\n\n1:\n\nSee JHKBRAS, Vol. 17 (1977), p.189 for background.\n\nFile TW130/983/77, for China Light and Power Company's electricity supply sub-station on NE Lantau.\n\n14\n\nThis was partly their own fault, as owing to a particularly intense intra-lineage feud, all through the late 1970s and most of the 1980s they could not agree on removal terms,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
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    {
        "id": 213037,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 105,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "85\n\nenquiring what funds were in hand and when building would commence, was attached a letter from Mr Chau Siu K1. That letter indicated that as a result of the previous day's chat with Ho Kat, his friends were very pleased with the idea and willing to subscribe. By 27 March, he had collected close to $2,000. A Mr. Fung had promised to raise a further $2,000, and by 5 April, Mr. A. Ramjahn's $500 and the $1,500 promised by his friends gave the proposal, with money already collected, $8,500, enough to begin building.\" Having raised the money, Dr. Ho Kai pressured Dr. Gibson, in letters of 16 April and 16 May, to indicate when building would commence.\n\nFrom Dr. Gibson's account,\" the impetus for Chinese subscriptions was that 'they are appalled at the great loss of mothers and children' and Dr. Ho was anxious to take the opportunity of cheap building material prices in 1902 to begin building. 12. Building was delayed for many months, however, by the discussions of the LMS local committee on its ability to meet the conditions on which the Chinese subscribers made their donation. On the one hand, Dr. Gibson noted that, with Dr. Ho Kai as prime mover, his wishes should be acceded to as far as possible,\" and on the other hand, resistance of the committee to a change in policy was evident. The issue was over the appointment of a lady doctor to take charge of the maternity hospital and who was to pay for her.\n\nBy this time, the LMS had lady doctors in several cities in China, including Amoy, Peking and Hankow. These doctors were either self-supporting or privately funded, although not, it appears, as a result of any discriminatory policy. Goodall notes that there had always been some men and women who offered their services without stipend, sometimes subsidising others. However, women missionaries were not appointed in their own right as the equal partners of men until late in the nineteenth century. Lovett indicates that from 1875 the LMS was in the vanguard in using women missionaries to reach the women of India and China who were inaccessible to male missionaries, with LMS lady doctors being introduced to China before other places, the first being Dr Tribe of Amoy, in 1895.\n\nIt appears, from the correspondence between Hong Kong and Mr. Cousins, the Joint Foreign Secretary of the LMS, that the payment of a salary split 50:50 between LMS and locally raised funds, as suggested by Dr. Gibson, was not acceptable to the LMS.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213039,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 107,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "87\n\nProfession and Gender; controlling the lady doctor.\n\nIn March, 1903, Dr. Alice Sibree was appointed the Lady Doctor in charge of the new AMMH. Dr. Sibree was a licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians and the Royal College of Surgeons, Edinburgh. 19 She had studied at the London School of Medicine for Women and had received special training in obstetrics and gynecology, particularly at the Rotunda Lying-in Hospital. 2 At the time of her appointment, she was 27 years old and engaged to be married to a Mr. Wright, who was working in Rangoon. Her father was an LMS missionary, stationed in Madagascar, and she appears to have been well connected with the LMS hierarchy in London, regularly, in her correspondence with the LMS Joint Foreign Secretary, Mr. Cousins, including regards to his wife. With her appointment, the Chinese subscribers handed over their money and building proceeded.\n\nThe appointment desired by the LMS Hong Kong District Committee was quite specific. The Lady Doctor must.\n\n1 have had a thorough training, specially in Midwifery and Diseases of Women\n\n2 have a good knowledge of Children's Diseases\n\n3 be a Lady willing to do visiting to attend cases in their own homes\n\n4 be a lady willing to teach and train native women in western methods of midwifery\n\n5 be a Lady Doctor to work exclusively among women and children\n\n6 be a Lady who is willing to act under the medical Superintendent 21\n\nThese terms clearly limited her sphere of practice and defined her subordinate relationship to Dr. Gibson. They were apparently unacceptable to London. In response to a query from Mr. Cousins, Dr. Gibson declared that he 'did not think of the Lady Doctor either as a subordinate or an assistant and had no other thought than that she should be a member of the DC. & have the full status of a missionary' 22. On exactly what terms Dr. Sibree agreed to the appointment is not indicated, nor is what she knew of Hong Kong and its cultural nuances. In the event, her relationship to Dr. Gibson and her sphere of practice became and remained sources of conflict during her five years' contract.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
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    {
        "id": 213041,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 109,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "89 \n\n+ \n\nThe reason given was the LMS financial position. Yet the fares, salary and expenses of the lady doctor had been guaranteed by the Chinese subscribers at a rate of $2,000 per annum on a five or six year contract basis. \"If there is the slightest prospect of a Lady who would be either self-supporting or supported privately I would prefer to wait a year even\" Dr. wrote to Mr. Cousins and, in a postscript added: 'Mr. Pearce has suggested a code of answer by telegram and I strongly recommend the Society's answer to be \"wait\". While saying that he saw a lady doctor as important for the credibility of the maternity hospital and claiming that she would be equal, his resistance to the type of appointment which was eventually made is clear. Dr. Gibson's position is consistent with his medical training and the social mores of his day. Edinburgh had been the site of strong resistance to female medical students, and the admission of women doctors to the British Medical Association was recent. As well as the 'nature' perception of women, the organisation of medical work itself was modelled on patriarchal family roles and relationships, wherein male doctors were dominant.\n\n10 \n\n申 \n\nDr. Sibree was warmly welcomed, however, began her language classes and was introduced to the Chinese subscribers and visited their wives. Dr. Gibson noted that she seemed ‘eminently fitted for the task which lies before her.'\" In June, 1904, the new six-bed hospital was opened.\n\nAlthough, as Paterson notes, Dr. Sibree's Annual Reports show the growth of the maternity work and midwifery training, her correspondence with the Joint Foreign Secretary of the LMS paints a different picture. Dr. Sibree, within six months of the hospital's opening, complained of lack of work and the LMS District Committee General Meeting of 1904 recorded support for her opening of a dispensary for women and children at Sham Shui Po to provide more work.\n\nThe problem appears to have been two-pronged. With respect to Chinese people, their knowledge of and therefore use of the maternity facilities was low, at an average of 1.5 patients per week in the early years. The wives of the Chinese subscribers also did not use her services, either because they were not in Hong Kong, were ignorant of the service, or were already patients of private doctors.\n\nThose we did see were in perfect ignorance of the whole scheme. Mr. Wells took a great deal of time and trouble in trying to explain",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213043,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "91\n\nmen who would accept such a position.\n\nIn like manner the students, who have certain duties assigned to them in the clinical ward of the hospitals, would object to taking orders from a lady doctor.\n\nDr. Mitchell continued that Dr. Ho Kai volunteered the information that the Chinese subscribers would not sanction any disturbance of the present superintendency of the wards, making it very clear that he had not consulted Dr. Ho Kai on ‘our little internal difficulty’. General medicine was thereby closed to the lady doctor, but a concession was made: she was allowed two clinic sessions per week for women and children at the Nethersole Hospital. With this, Dr. Mitchell trusted that Mr. Cousins would ‘not be troubled with any further complaints from this quarter’.\n\nAlthough in Britain women doctors had won the battle to train in general medicine, the restriction in role in Hong Kong was defined in terms culturally appropriate to Chinese patients and was exacerbated by the persistent patriarchal attitudes of Dr. Sibree's male colleagues. In 1908, Dr. Gibson suggested that if Dr. Sibree wanted to expand her work, then she could set up a ‘sanitarium for consumptives, convalescent home, home for incurables,’ and noted that he had ‘no desire to give up work which has been my sphere for the past ten years’. This statement powerfully differentiates the female doctor's role as caring for the chronically ill, and the male's as intervention by surgery, consistent with Broom's view of ‘masculine medicine’.\n\nMr. Cousins continued to be troubled by Dr. Sibree's dissatisfaction with her role in Hong Kong, even when Mr. Pearce asserted the support of the District Committee for their lady doctor: ‘Dr. Sibree must at all costs be protected in her rights and privileges as a co-worker with us all’. One suspects that open communication with Dr. Gibson was difficult, leading Dr. Sibree to ask for intercession from London through private correspondence, both personally and by way of her father. Mr. Pearce in October, 1906, commented that\n\nI shall fully and fearlessly act up to my own sense of duty as respects Dr. Gibson. The state of his health and the extraordinary excitement and agitation to which he seemed prone when his will was crossed by colleagues in the mission are the only excuses I",
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    },
    {
        "id": 213044,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 112,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "92\n\never had for excessive caution to become reprehensible weakness in dealing with Dr. Gibson. He being now I presume in health will be held responsible in the same sense and degree that his colleagues are in the entire committee for his treatment of Dr. Sibree and for all his acts as a missionary.\" JB\n\nIf Dr. Gibson was 'difficult' with a senior male mission colleague, it is likely that his style led the young Dr. Sibree to avoid confrontation and try other measures to gain her objectives, complaining privately to Mr. Cousins, her pastoral support, and to friends in England, who then required answers from LMS on why she was so treated. In late 1904, she indicated that if, and only if, a replacement could be found, she would leave to be married.” In 1906, Mr. Cousins invited her to explore whether she could be released from her contract to take up a larger post in Hankow. Her engagement broken off in 1905, Dr. Sibree was free to move, but the appointment was virtually vetoed by the Chinese subscribers. Dr. Ts'o, whom she found ‘a most kindly little man, indicated that her leaving would be a personal affront, a loss of 'face', and damaging to the hospital, as the subscribers would feel that they had made donations for nothing. Dr. Ho Kai's 'sweetener' was to suggest that she should take over the female side of the Tung Wah Hospital. So Alice Sibree remained, continued her complaints to London, even though the work increased and she denied to her Hong Kong audience that a problem existed. The Minutes of the 1906 Annual Meeting of the District Committee record that 'Dr. Sibree was asked if she is now satisfied and was understood to answer that the opportunities of her special work have much improved'. This reply was elicited in response to a letter from the LMS Board. In 1908, she indicated that she would resign in February, 1909.\n\nIn early\n\nTo this point, the development of the AMMH and its outreach service was constrained by race and gender, as they affected the definition of the lady doctor's role, and exacerbated by the tensions in the relationship of Dr. Gibson and the LMS Hongkong District Committee. The influence of gender perceptions was far-reaching. Mission doctors were both medical people and missionaries, yet Dr. Gibson's role was restricted to hospital and clinic work, his inability to speak more than a little Cantonese precluding an evangelistic role with patients. However, Dr. Sibree was seen as more 'missionary' than ‘medical'. She was required to learn Cantonese and in her letters to England, she referred to her mission work, every afternoon visiting and teaching, and twice a week teaching hymns.",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 116,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "96\n\nThe relations of our medical missionaries Dr. Gibson and Dr. Sibree with each other have been almost from the time of the latter's arrival a cause of grievous distress here, now our relations with them both occasion constant searchings of heart.\n\nDisagreement amongst missionaries was not uncommon, shown in their correspondence with the Foreign Secretaries, who gave pastoral support to each missionary. As Goodall notes, the criticisms missionaries made of colleagues just indicates their human characteristics.68 However, the relationship between Drs. Gibson and Sibree reached its lowest point at an important time for the District Committee. The change to District Committee responsibilities introduced in 1895 was under discussion in Hong Kong in 1909, with a view to devolving its powers to the locally established church of Chinese Christians. As well, the growth of the LMS was making funding of mission work very difficult. Thus, controversy within the District Committee would put at risk the credibility of the LMS and the continuity of local funding.\n\n69\n\nMiss Davies, Principal of an LMS school, and a long-time member of the District Committee, reported that Dr. Sibree, contrary to her claims, had been overworked through 1907-08, and expressed the view that Chinese women would not support her in private practice. Rather, they would support the new lady doctor, presumably because the latter would have the sponsorship of the subscribers and the hospital.70 In correspondence with Mr. Cousins, she wrote:\n\nI wish the Lady Doctor were on her way out. There is no doubt that the right kind of woman will find abundance of work. We all have to make our own work. We all of us have had, in a large measure, to make our own work: certainly the best part of it.71\n\nDr. Mitchell, who felt that she had not made an effort to adapt to the conditions of Hong Kong, continued to support Dr. Gibson in his claim on the Nethersole and the existing male dominance of clinical medicine at the hospital.72\n\nThis contradiction between Dr. Sibree's claims and the perceptions of others, female and male, is puzzling. One explanation is that it was politically motivated, in that to overcome gender perceptions relegating her to midwifery, she needed to win a medical argument about the small",
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        "id": 213049,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 117,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "97\n\npatient numbers. That she was unsuccessful indicates the ability of Dr. Gibson to control a discourse in which both medical and patriarchal interpretations converged.\n\nEarly in 1909, Dr. Sibree indicated that she would be prepared to return for at least a year. Her offer was acceptable to the Chinese subscribers, even though they had expressed a preference for an older woman. However, while the District Committee Annual Meeting Minutes record that Dr. Sibree had offered to stay for at least a year, she denied that. In September, 1909, she announced her decision not to return to the hospital at all. Poor Mr. Pearce! He had sided with Dr. Sibree against Dr. Gibson; he obviously felt that she had let him down, and now, as an independent lady doctor in Hong Kong, she was a threat to the mission hospital's work with women and children. He urged the LMS to make sure that their replacement was sent before Dr. Sibree returned to Hong Kong.\n\nDr. Sibree had previously indicated that she was likely to continue as supervisor of government midwives, as she had the support of the Medical Officer of Health, even though that position was seen as the province of the Alice. Subsequently, Dr. Gibson proposed a new hospital in Kowloon, with a women's ward which was to be the charge of the lady doctor. In January, 1910, the outpost was visited by a 'Deputation' of the LMS Directors from England, including Mr. Curne Martin, the Joint Foreign Secretary, their interest presumably in this matter as well as the other sources of tension, including the change in the role of the District Committee, discernible from correspondence.\n\nBy September, 1910, Dr. Sibree had returned to Hong Kong and in correspondence with Mr. Cousins referred again to the superintendency role which Dr. Gibson had taken in relation to her work, and complained of the lack of interest shown in her problem by the LMS, although this was denied by Mr. Pearce. She had begun a private practice with Chinese women and was again the supervisor of government midwives, despite the objections of Dr. Gibson, who could not take the position because of his lack of Cantonese. It is clear from her letter that she was confident that she had defeated Dr. Gibson in the competition for that position.\n\nHer replacement at the Alice, Dr. Eleanor Perkins, arrived in December 1910, nearly two years after Dr. Sibree's resignation. Dr. Gibson noted that 'she is interested in obstetrics and gynaecology' and promptly introduced her to Dr. Ho Kai and Mr. Brewin, Registrar-General, who\n\n78",
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    {
        "id": 213054,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 122,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "102\n\ngovernment midwives. The Civil Hospital improved its standards as it was required to provide the clinical training facilities for the University. The Chinese subscribers, who had so generously supported the development of the LMS hospitals, gained and strengthened their power on its committees, but were involved also in these secular developments. The death of Dr. Ho Kai in 1914 coincided with staff shortages and restricted finance for the hospital, as war clouds gathered, making it harder to regain the lead. On the resignation of Dr. Sibree, the impetus for leadership and innovation was lost by the AMMH, although demand grew. It was not restored until the arrival in 1925 of Dr. Annie Sydenham, who, as a long term incumbent, was in a position to introduce preventive and outreach programmes. By this time, the initiative and future form of the service had passed into secular hands, those of the Chinese Public Dispensaries and the Hong Kong Government.\n\nNOTES\n\n1LMS Eastern, South China Box 15, 1903, No 274 Mrs Stevens, (Matron of the Alice Memorial Hospital) to Mr Cousins, 24 April 1903\n\n2Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1884 29/84, Par 39-42 Dr Ayres' opinion could be seen as either to support the policy of separation of medical services for the Chinese, or, by suggesting the attendance of Western doctors, to be promoting increased influence over the Tung Wah Hospital. At the same time, the Civil Hospital was a general hospital, with no separate maternity area, and its role was to provide primarily for the non-Chinese community. The relationship between the Tung Wah Hospital and the Hong Kong Government is analysed in Elizabeth Sinn, Power and Charity: The Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital, Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989)\n\n3Daily Press, 27 April, 1897\n\n4Mrs Steven's Report 1891-99\n\n5LMS South China Box 15, 1901 No 263 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 1 February, 1901\n\n6Mrs Steven's Report 1901 Alice Hospital Archives Copy\n\n7May to Lyttelton, 21 July, 1904, #291 CO129/323\n\n8LMS Box 12, 1892 No 212 Report of the Annual Meeting of the Finance Committee, enclosed with a letter from Dr. Burton, 19 April, 1893\n\n9LMS 1908 Box 17, 1908 Memorandum from Dr Gibson to LMS Directors, 26 March, 1908",
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    {
        "id": 213055,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 123,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "103\n\n10\n\nLMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n\"LMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n12 LMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Ho Kai to Dr Gibson, 18 March, 1902\n\nLMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n14 Norman Goodall, A History of the London Missionary Society 1895-1914 (London: Oxford University Press, 1954), pp 12, 170, 516\n\nRichard Lovett, The History of the London Missionary Society 1795-1895 Vol II (London: Henry Frowde, 1899), pp 714-22, pp 744-46 and Appendix\n\n16 LMS Box 15, 1902 No 267 Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins, 20 May, 1902\n\n17 Goodall, op cit, pp 97, 516\n\nLMS Box 15, 1901 No 263 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 1 February, 1901\n\n19 China Mail, 22 September, 1928\n\n20 EH Paterson, A Hospital for Hong Kong. The Centenary History of the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital (np: nd [1987]). See also Susanna Hoe, The Private Life of Old Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1990), p 166\n\n21\n\nLMS Box 15, 1902 No 268-269 Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 12 September, 1902\n\n22 LMS Box 15, 1903 No 273 Dr. Gibson to Mr Cousins, 9 February, 1903\n\n23 LMS 1908 17, 1908 Memorandum from Dr. Gibson to the Directors, 26 March, 1908\n\n24 LMS Box 18, 1910 Dr Mitchell to Rev G Currie Martin, 1 September, 1910\n\n25 LMS Box 16, 1906 No 295 Mr Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 9 October, 1906\n\n26 LMS Box 15, 1903 No 274 Dr. Gibson to Mr Cousins, 11 May, 1903\n\n27 LMS Box 15, 1903 No. 277 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 8 December, 1903\n\n28 LMS Box 15, 1902 No 268-9 Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 12 September, 1902.\n\n29 Felicity Allen, \"The expulsion of women from the BMA: the impact on women's professional aspirations\", in Heather Gardner (ed.), The Politics of Health (London: Churchill Livingstone, 1989)\n\nAnn Game and Rosemary Pringle, Gender at Work (Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 1983)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
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    {
        "id": 213056,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 124,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "104\n\n\"LMS Box 15, 1903. No 277 Dr Gibson to Mr Thompson, 8 December 1903\n\n32 Paterson, op. cit.\n\n17 LMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 20 December, 1904 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 286 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 3 January, 1905\n\n14 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 286 Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins, 28 January, 1905\n\nLMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284. Dr Sibree to Mr Cousins, 20 December, 1904\n\n16 LMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 20 December, 1904\n\n17 The Hongkong Government Gazette, 5th May, 1900, p 639.\n\n38 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 286 Dr. Sibree to Mr Cousins, 3 January, 1905\n\n39 LMS Box 16, 1905, No 286 Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins, 28 January, 1905 Minutes of the Hongkong District Committee Annual Meeting 1904\n\n40 The letter of 13 March, 1903, from Mr. Cousins notifying the appointment of Dr Sibree was replied to by Mr Pearce on 16 April. On 15 May, Dr Gibson penned his request for a male medical locum See LMS Box 15, 1903, No 274, TW Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 16 April, 1903 and ibid, Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 15 May, 1903\n\nLMS Box 16, 1905 No 288 Dr Mitchell to Rev. Geo Cousins 20 April, 1906\n\n42 ibid\n\nIt is interesting that this situation obtained in Hong Kong, even though Chinese women doctors were being trained in China Without evidence, it is probable that their work was restricted to women and children, given the still strong cultural separation in matters of 'privacy' See G H. Choa, \"Heal the Sick\" was Then Motto The Protestant Medical Missionaries in China (Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 1990)\n\n44 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 288. Dr Mitchell to Rev. Geo Cousins, 20 April, 1906\n\n45 LMS Box 17, 1908 Memorandum to the Directors re communication, Chinese Gentlemen per Hon. A W Brewin, 26 March, 1908,\n\n40\n\nDorothy Broom, ‘Masculine Medicine, Feminine Illness Gender and Health', in Gillian M. Lupton and Jake M. Najman (eds). Sociology of Health and Illness Australian Readings (Melbourne Macmillan, 1989)\n\n47 LMS Box 16, 1906 No 295. Mr. Pearce to Rev. G. Cousins, 9 October, 1906\n\n48\n\nLMS Box 16, 1906-07 No 295, Mr Pearce to Rev. G. Cousins, 9 October, 1906.",
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    {
        "id": 213057,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 125,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "49\n\n50\n\nLMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284 Dr. Sibree to Mr Cousins, 20 December, 1904\n\nLMS Box 16, 1906-07 No 295 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 9 October, 1906\n\n105\n\n51\n\nLMS Box 17, 1907 No 297 Minutes of the HKDC Annual Meeting 1906, 24-25 January, 1907\n\n52 LMS Box 16, 1906 No 294 Dr Sibree to Mr Cousins, 27 July, 1906\n\nLMS Box 16, 1905-06 No 290 Dr Mitchell to Mr Cousins, 30 December, 1905, noting that he had not had time for language study, and requesting that the Directors forgo the deduction of 10 per cent from his salary\n\n54 LMS Box 16, 1906 No 294 Mr. Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 12 July, 1906\n\n55 Miss Rayner noted that midwifery trainees preferred to extend their practice to general nursing, resulting in changes to the proportions of each in the curriculum, reflecting their perception also of midwifery as a narrow field LMS Annual Reports. South China, Box 5, 1917-18 No 539 Miss Rayner's Report, 1917\n\n50\n\nIndeed, it was Dr. Gibson who insisted that the probationary period of Dr Annie Sydenham be extended by one year, in view of her episodes of illness in her first year in Hong Kong See LMS Box 25, 1928 No 423, Minutes of the South China District Committee, January, 1928, S 8054, LMS Box 25, 1928-29 No 428 Dr Gibson to Rev Phillips, 16 January, 1928\n\n57\n\nPamela Leung, ‘A History of the Obstetrics & Gynaecology Department, Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital', in Alice Ho Miu Ling Hospital Annual Report 1988-89 (n.d. np). P 80\n\n58 LMS Box 16, 1906-07 No 295 Dr. Sibree to Mr Cousins, 9 October, 1906\n\n59 HJ Lethbridge, “The Evolution of a Chinese Voluntary Association: the Po Leung Kuk', in lus Hong Kong. Stability and Change (Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1978), Pp 71-103\n\n60\n\nThe Chinese guarantors suggested a lady doctor in middle life - 'about forty\" - as culturally appropriate to attend Chinese women Dr Sibree, born in 1876, was now 32 years old There is no evidence to suggest that the subscribers were dissatisfied with Dr Sibree's work On the contrary, Mr Pearce thanked them for their 'generous and steadfast support' of her in the obstetric service See LMS Box 17, 1908 Mr Pearce to Dr Ho Kar, 19 September, 1908, Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, 9 October, 1908\n\n61 Dr Ho Kat was Chairman of the Finance Committee 1887-1912 See Paterson, op.cit, Appendix 5, p1\n\n62 LMS Box 17, 1908 Mr Brewin to Mr Pearce, 14 January, 1908. It is assumed that this correspondence reflects the views at the Chinese subscribers on learning that Dr. Sibree",
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    {
        "id": 213058,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 126,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "106\n\nwas to resign, rather than a submission by which her services would not be renewed The first record of her intention to resign comes from the Minutes of the DC Annual Meeting of 1907, held 19-20 March, 1908, at which, after clarifying Dr Sibree's plans for departing Hong Kong, Mr. Brewin's correspondence was discussed. See LMS Box 17, 1908 Minutes enclosed in Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins 23 March, 1908\n\nLMS Box 17, 1908 Memorandum to the Directors re communication, Chinese Gentlemen per Hon A.W Brewin, Dr Gibson to Mr. Cousins, 26 March, 1908\n\n64 LMS Box 17, 1908 Mr. Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 9 October, 1908\n\n6 See LMS Box 18, 1909 No 311 Dr Gibson to Mr. Sousins, 6 February, 1909, LMS Box 18, 1910 No 319 Dr Mitchell to Rev G Currie Martin, I September, 1910\n\n66 Dr Ethel Tribe was a medical missionary in China, in Amoy from 1895-1909 and at the Lester Hospital, Shanghai, from 1909-1914 She is recorded as having enlarged the scope of work with women and children at the Lester Hospital. See Goodall, op cit, p 193\n\n67\n\nLMS Box 17, 1908 Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, 28 April, 1908 Personal and confidential\n\n68 Goodall, op cit, p 11\n\n69 Goodall, op cit., pp 215, 550\n\n70\n\nLMS Box 17, 1908 Attachment to Minutes included with letter from Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, 16 October, 1908\n\n7 LMS Box 18, 1909 No 310 Miss H. Davies to Mr Cousins, 30 January, 1909\n\n72 LMS Box 17, 1908 16 October, 1908, Mr Pearce to Rev Cousins, Minutes of Hong Kong District Committee Dr Mitchell was appointed acting medical superintendent of the Alice during Dr. Gibson's furlough in 1905-6. With his marriage to a Canadian lady doctor, he was sent to Poklo, to establish the medical mission there, during which time his wife died Given the marginality of the Poklo post, and the need for support in Hong Kong after Dr Sibree's resignation, Dr Mitchell returned to Hong Kong at the end of 1909 During his furlough in 1913, he married Dr Perkins, and, delayed by the war, they returned to Hong Kong in 1919, when he took up the post of medical superintendent until his resignation because of ill-health in 1924. Given his dissatisfaction with the LMS about finding him a medical mission post, it is possible that he saw his interests as in Hong Kong, thus influencing his support for Dr Gibson While Dr Sibree saw him as powerless to act in her interests during Dr Gibson's furlough in 1905-6, it is more probable that he did not wish to jeopardise his own position\n\n73 Goodall (op cit., p.12) refers to the prejudice held by some missionary men against women missionaries, who they claimed were there only for the one hundred pounds per annum stipend See also N Eraser, Unruly Practices Power, Discourse and Gender in Contemporary Social Theory (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1989), pp 164-5",
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    {
        "id": 213059,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 127,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "107\n\n74 See LMS Box 18, 1909 No 311 Minutes of the HKDC Annual Meeting, 2-3 February, 1909, Box 18, 1909 No 314 Minutes of the HKDC Meeting, 22 June, 1909, and LMS Box 18, 1909 No 315 Mi Pearce to Rev G Currie Martin, Joint Foreign Secretary It is not clear why Dr Sibree did not resume her position. An amount of $1600 paid to her as Supervisor of Government Midwives was in dispute as to whether it should be deducted from the guarantors' payment at $10,000 (LMS Box 18, 1909 No 313 Mi Wells to Mr Cousins, 27 May, 1909), as well, the guarantors had declined to pay Dr. Sibree's rent (LMS Box 18, 1909 No 312. Mi Wells to Mr Cousins, 17 March, 1909) Thus, paradoxically, material matters may have been the last straw'\n\n75 LMS Box 18, 1909 No 315 Personal letter from Mr Pearce to Mi Currie Martin, 13 September, 1909\n\n76 The final evidence produced by Dr Sibree was the wording of Clause 4 of the 1910 Midwives Ordinance, which legislated his position that is, the Midwives Board was to comprise the Medical Superintendent of the Alice Memorial Hospital and the Lady Doctor attached to it, (plus three others). This indicates that the lady doctor was not the medical superintendent of the hospital of which she had charge See endnote 79\n\n77 LMS Box 18, 1910 No. 319. Dr Sibree to Dr. Thompson, 26 September, 1910\n\n78 LMS Box 18A, 1911 No 320 Dr Gibson to Mr. Martin, 17 December, 1910\n\n79 ibid, Dr. Gibson to Mr Martin. 7 December, 1910\n\n80 The agreement between the Hong Kong Government and the Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital, 31 December, 1904, stated that, on graduation, the midwives trained at the AMMH would be at the disposal of Government for three years, salaried and providing free services to Chinese women in labour under the supervision of the Lady Doctor The Lady Doctor, at that time the only one, was later taken to refer to the AMMH lady doctor Quoted in LMS Box 17, 1908 'Memorandum to Hongkong DC' from Dr. Gibson, attached to Mr. Pearce to Mr Cousins, 17 August, 1908\n\nWith the introduction of the 'Midwives Ordinance' in 1910, the composition of the Midwives Board was specified as 'The Principal Civil Medical Officer, the Superintendent of the Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital and the Lady Doctor attached to the same', plus three persons appointed by the Governor for a three-year term See An Ordinance to secure the better training of Midwives and to regulate their practice' No 22 of 1910, clause 4. Hongkong Government Gazette, September 2, 1910, p 395\n\n81 LMS Box 18A, 1911 No 323 Mr Clayson to Rev Currie Martin, 25 February, 1911\n\n82 The Hong Kong Daily Press, 24 September, 1928\n\n83 Blue Books 1918, 1926 Her title was in 1928 changed to 'Assistant Visiting Medical Officer to Chinese Hospitals and Dispensaries See Blue Book, 1928\n\n84. The China Mail, 22 September, 1928, The Hong Kong Daily Press, 24 September, 1928",
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        "page_number": 128,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "108\n\n85 An observation which lends some support to this view is that of Hill, that the American women missionaries came from a conservative Protestant tradition, and did not share the egalitarian view of the 'women's movement'. See Patricia R Hill, The World Their Household: The American Woman's Foreign Mission Movement and Cultural Transformation, 1870-1920 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1985), pp. 33-5.\n\n86 Dr Mitchell was married to Dr. Isabella Little, of the Canadian Presbyterian Mission in Macao, in January, 1906. His wife died of typhoid at their posting, Poklo, in May, 1909. Dr Mitchell was transferred to Hong Kong at the end of 1909, initially for six months, to help Dr Gibson, 'to prevent the risk of a breakdown'. See LMS Box 16, 1905-06 No. 290, Dr. Mitchell to Mr Cousins, 11 August, 1905; LMS Box 18, 1909 No. 313, Dr. Gibson to Mr Cousins, 13 May, 1909; LMS Box 18, 1909-10 No. 316, Mr Clayson to Mr Wardlaw Thompson, enclosure: Urgency Resolutions of DC, 28 January, 1910.\n\n*7 See, for example, the biography of Lady Clara Ho Tung, whose identification, though Eurasian born, was Chinese. Irene Cheng, Clara Ho Tung: A Hong Kong Lady, Her Family and Her Times (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1989, paperback), p. 133.\n\n88 By 1890, in all schools under the Education Department, girls made up 32 per cent of enrolments. See G.B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, 2nd edn (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1973), p. 240.\n\n89 LMS Box 18, 1910 No. 319, Dr Sibree to Dr. Thompson, 26 September, 1910.\n\n90 LMS Box 22, 1922 No. 385, Mr Pearce to F.H. Hawkins Esq., 2 May, 1922. To what extent Dr Sibree's views were coloured by her father-in-law is unknown. Rev. C.H. Hickling was a critic of the LMS work in Hong Kong, particularly of the medical mission work, which he considered redundant. See LMS Box 19, 1913 No. 340, C.H. Hickling to Mr Lenwood, 8 July, 1913. He stated:\n\nmedical mission work is argued 1) as a pioneering agency to break down prejudice & 2) to introduce modern & humane Medicine & surgery. The Hongkong medical work is superfluous now for either purpose. The direct evangelistic work is of the most puny order. Dr. Gibson knows comparatively little of the language - so transfer would not be hard.\n\nand concluded:\n\nIf LMS work in HK & Canton were dropped & Poklo handed over to the German Mission which is working all round it, I believe that Christian enterprise would suffer to an infinitesimal extent for a year or so & after that not at all. The HK Hospitals would be locally supported as now & worked with Western trained medicals.\n\n91 LMS Box 19, 1913 No. 340, Dr. Gibson to Mr. Lenwood, 18 June, 1913.\n\n92 Paterson, op. cit., p. 111.\n\n93 LMS Box 18, 1920 No. 319. Dr. Mitchell to Rev. G. Currie Martin, 1 September, 1910.",
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