[
    {
        "id": 212968,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 36,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "A high official has the power to exercise important political and administrative actions, and as a result the face to influence others, to solicit compliance from others who treat him with awe, with the face due to him so that he may grant favour from the other end. For example, he may grant policies advantageous to those who give him face. If there are some policies beyond his control and he fails to trade in the favour of those in control of those policies, then he will lose face before those in control and before those who look upon him for the grant.\n\nFace does not stand alone. It forms a coercive force on participating members. It forms the rules for favourable behaviour. It restricts actions of those who want power, who do not want to lose face, nor that control over what they are originally entitled to.\n\nIt has been cited by many scholars that loss of face may result in embarrassment (Brown, 1968; 1970; Brown and Garland, 1971; Garland and Brown, 1972; Modigliani, 1971; Aitkenhead, 1984; Saraydar, 1984; Schlenker, 1980). But the loss of face, as Stover has stated, not just results in embarrassment or humiliation of an individual at one time, it disturbs the original status hierarchy and role relationships (Stover, 1962: 360).\n\nFeelings of embarrassment or humiliation are agents which could reinforce face as a means of social control. It is reasonable to believe that people would protect themselves against these negative feelings. They would therefore act within social expectations in order to avoid negative opinions or treatment.\n\nConversely, there are people who do not act accordingly, who do not give others face. They may not want further interactions. They may try to disturb the role relationships, or moral standards etc., in the hope of producing a new environment favourable to them and to the judgment of their face.\n\nSome people, because of their below-average role performance, may have little face, relative to those who are above average. They have to be content with less social/positional face. Also, there are people who care for social/positional face but not moral face.\n\nWarlords of the early Republican era, for example, might enjoy a lot of social/positional face, but not moral face. They might have influence in their region of rule and they might have deference in that their presence",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212974,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 42,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "21\n\nThe third level of actions concerning face could be termed as face strategies. This is a set of actions at the technical level to produce effects accordant with the principles of facework. They have already been explored by some scholars. For example, Modigliani's (1971:20) facework index includes the following:\n\n(a) defensively changing the subject;\n\n(b) introducing information excusing the performance;\n\n(c) introducing redeeming or self-enhancing information; (d) minimizing failure by derogating the task;\n\n(e) denying failure;\n\n(f) fishing for reassurance.\n\nAnother example can be found in a study on participants' face-saving behaviour in a singles dance. Eleven strategies have been listed;\n\n1. Denial;\n\n2. Re-definition;\n\n3. Enhancing presentations;\n\n4. Limiting involvement;\n\n5. One-downing others;\n\n6. Controlling visibility;\n\n7. Withdrawal;\n\n8. Avoidance;\n\n9. Internalization;\n\n10. Repair damaged self-esteem;\n\n11. Change the self (Beik, 1977).\n\nThese strategies focus on just one grid of the table of face behaviour (Table 1) In view of this inadequacy, Bond and Lee (1978) have found that people (Chinese students) not only try to save face for themselves, but also for those with whom they interact. Still, the other grids in the table are rarely explored.\n\nAll the studies cited above use experiments to collect the data. They encounter the shortcoming of experimental designs. They cannot generalize their results to other settings because the results are obtained in a controlled condition instead of a total life condition. They cannot easily come to generalized terms for the strategies applied in facework from these experiment data. Despite this, they shed light upon research on face.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212979,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1993",
        "page_number": 47,
        "title": "RAS-1993",
        "content_text": "26\n\nFace Behaviour And Verbal Mass Media Contents\n\nIt can also be seen that many of the strategies mentioned in the previous section can be verbal ones (the entire list of Modigliani's facework index and Strategy Nos. One to Five, and Eight in Berk's case). This point seems specially pertinent in the case of China. The view that Chinese people are particularly concerned with face may be attributed to the Chinese language. There are numerous expressions that apply the figurative meanings of the characters \"mian\" and \"lian\" (see Note 5). As such, it may be 'a rich source of verbal data for the study of face behaviour' (Ho, 1980: 30), and there is also high hope in spotting some face strategies being in use. This unique feature of the Chinese language and the nature of contemporary Chinese Communist mass media suggest that the concept of face may be examined as well by delving into the verbal content of mass communication.\" And this is precisely the reasoning behind the present study.\n\nIn the events reported in the mass media, we may analyse face behaviour, if any, of the incumbents through the depicted actions they undertake and through the words and reasoning they apply as quoted by media workers. More so, media workers, as a class in themselves, may have face behaviour in their own right. This may be shown in their treatment of news. If the homogeneity among media workers is high, there is strong ground to treat them as a collectivity, and as a collective mouthpiece or scribe for their boss(es). This seems to be the case in the Peoples' Republic of China (PRC).\n\nIn Communist China, the mass media can be regarded as the verbal instruments of the ruling regime. The media as \"mouthpieces\" of the Party, the country and the people have been reiterated time and again but the concern of this pronouncement is still centre upon the Party or the Party Government. In order for the media to serve as mouthpieces of the Party and the Government, structurally, the Party Government has devised a comprehensive and encompassing system of communications strictly under its control.\n\nNationwide media are under the supervision of the Department of Propaganda which is directly controlled by the Party's Central Committee. Provincial media, on the other hand, are monitored through the Party's provincial committees. The newspaper industry, for example, is said to have developed into a multi-layer, multifarious and multi-lingual socialist",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302",
        "rank": 0
    }
]