[ { "id": 204452, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "CHINA'S 35 MILLION NON-CHINESE\n\nTABLE 1\n\n73\n\nCHINA'S MINORITY POPULATIONS IN ORDER OF SIZE,\n\n1. Chuang\n\n2. Wei-wu-erh (Uighur)\n\n3. Hui (Dungan)\n\n4. Yi (Lolo, etc.)\n\n1953\n\n5. Tsang (Tibetan)\n\n6. Miao\n\n7. Man (Manchu)\n\n8. Meng-ku (Mongol)\n\n9. Pu-yi\n\n10. Ch'ao-hsien (Korean)\n\n11. Tung\n\n12. Yao\n\n13. Pai (Pai-man)\n\n14. Ha-sa-k'e (Kazakh)\n\n15. Ha-ni\n\n16. T'ai\n\n17. Li\n\n18. Li-su\n\n19. Tu-chia\n\n20. She\n\n21. K'a-wa (Wa)\n\n22. Kao-shan (Malay-Polynesian)\n\n23. Tung-hsiang\n\n24. Na-hsi (Na-khi)\n\n25. La-hu\n\n26. Shui\n\n27. Ching-p'o (Singpho, Kachin)\n\n28. Ko-erh-k'e-tzu (Kirghiz)\n\n29. T'u (Mongor)\n\n30. Ta-kuan-erh (Daghor)\n\n31. Mo-lao\n\n32. Ch'iang\n\n33. Pu-lang (Palaung)\n\n34. Sa-la (Salar)\n\n35. Ngo-lo-ssu (Russian)\n\n36. K'e-lao\n\n37. Hsi-po (Sipo)\n\n38. Mao-nan\n\n39. A-chang\n\n40. T'a-chi-k'e (Tadjik)\n\n41. Wu-tzu-pieh-k'e (Uzbek)\n\n42. Nu\n\n43. T'a-t'a-erh (Tatar)\n\n44. O-wen-k'e (Evenki)\n\n45. Pao-an\n\n46. Yü-ku (Sara Uighur)\n\n47. Peng-lung\n\n48. Tu-lung\n\n...\n\n7,000,000\n\n3,640,000\n\n3,559,000\n\n3,250,000\n\n2,775,000\n\n2,511,000\n\n2,418,000\n\n1,463,000\n\n1,247,000\n\n1,120,000\n\n712,000\n\n665,000\n\n567,000\n\n509,000\n\n481,000\n\n478,000\n\n360,000\n\n317,000\n\n300,000 *\n\n286,000\n\n210,000\n\n200,000\n\n155,000\n\n143,000\n\n139,000\n\n133,000\n\n101,000\n\n70,000\n\n53,200\n\n44,100\n\n43,100\n\n35,600\n\n35,000\n\n30,600\n\n22,600\n\n20,800\n\n19,000\n\n18,400\n\n17,700\n\n14,400\n\n13,600\n\n12,700\n\n6,900\n\n6,200\n\n4,900\n\n3,800\n\n2,900\n\n2,400\n\n2,200\n\n450\n\nO-lun-ch'un (Orochun)\n\n50. Ho-che (Nanai)\n\n* Found by Fang Jen in 1955 to be 300,000, but Bruk listed 49,000.\n\n† From April 19, 1957 issue of Kuang-ming Daily News.\n\n† An estimate.\n\n§ Collectively including the So-lun (4,900), T'ung-ku-ssu (Tungus: 1,205), and Ya-k'u-te (Yakut; 137).\n\nHere is the revised response in HTML format using Markdown table syntax for the table:\n\n \n Order\n Minority Population\n Population (1953)\n \n \n 1\n Chuang\n 7,000,000\n \n \n 2\n Wei-wu-erh (Uighur)\n 3,640,000\n \n \n 3\n Hui (Dungan)\n 3,559,000\n \n \n 4\n Yi (Lolo, etc.)\n 3,250,000\n \n \n 5\n Tsang (Tibetan)\n 2,775,000\n \n \n 6\n Miao\n 2,511,000\n \n \n 7\n Man (Manchu)\n 2,418,000\n \n \n 8\n Meng-ku (Mongol)\n 1,463,000\n \n \n 9\n Pu-yi\n 1,247,000\n \n \n 10\n Ch'ao-hsien (Korean)\n 1,120,000\n \n \n 11\n Tung\n 712,000\n \n \n 12\n Yao\n 665,000\n \n \n 13\n Pai (Pai-man)\n 567,000\n \n \n 14\n Ha-sa-k'e (Kazakh)\n 509,000\n \n \n 15\n Ha-ni\n 481,000\n \n \n 16\n T'ai\n 478,000\n \n \n 17\n Li\n 360,000\n \n \n 18\n Li-su\n 317,000\n \n \n 19\n Tu-chia\n 300,000 *\n \n \n 20\n She\n 286,000\n \n \n 21\n K'a-wa (Wa)\n 210,000\n \n \n 22\n Kao-shan (Malay-Polynesian)\n 200,000\n \n \n 23\n Tung-hsiang\n 155,000\n \n \n 24\n Na-hsi (Na-khi)\n 143,000\n \n \n 25\n La-hu\n 139,000\n \n \n 26\n Shui\n 133,000\n \n \n 27\n Ching-p'o (Singpho, Kachin)\n 101,000\n \n \n 28\n Ko-erh-k'e-tzu (Kirghiz)\n 70,000\n \n \n 29\n T'u (Mongor)\n 53,200\n \n \n 30\n Ta-kuan-erh (Daghor)\n 44,100\n \n \n 31\n Mo-lao\n 43,100\n \n \n 32\n Ch'iang\n 35,600\n \n \n 33\n Pu-lang (Palaung)\n 35,000\n \n \n 34\n Sa-la (Salar)\n 30,600\n \n \n 35\n Ngo-lo-ssu (Russian)\n 22,600\n \n \n 36\n K'e-lao\n 20,800\n \n \n 37\n Hsi-po (Sipo)\n 19,000\n \n \n 38\n Mao-nan\n 18,400\n \n \n 39\n A-chang\n 17,700\n \n \n 40\n T'a-chi-k'e (Tadjik)\n 14,400\n \n \n 41\n Wu-tzu-pieh-k'e (Uzbek)\n 13,600\n \n \n 42\n Nu\n 12,700\n \n \n 43\n T'a-t'a-erh (Tatar)\n 6,900\n \n \n 44\n O-wen-k'e (Evenki)\n 6,200\n \n \n 45\n Pao-an\n 4,900\n \n \n 46\n Yü-ku (Sara Uighur)\n 3,800\n \n \n 47\n Peng-lung\n 2,900\n \n \n 48\n Tu-lung\n 2,400\n \n \n 49\n O-lun-ch'un (Orochun)\n 2,200\n \n \n 50\n Ho-che (Nanai)\n 450\n \n\n* Found by Fang Jen in 1955 to be 300,000, but Bruk listed 49,000.\n\n† From April 19, 1957 issue of Kuang-ming Daily News.\n\n† An estimate.\n\n§ Collectively including the So-lun (4,900), T'ung-ku-ssu (Tungus: 1,205), and Ya-k'u-te (Yakut; 137).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204453, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "74\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nTABLE II\n\n(Population in 000's) Provincial distribution of South China peoples\n\n \n \n Szechwan\n Kwangsi\n Kweichow\n Yunnan\n Hupei\n Chekiang\n Fukien\n Kiangsi\n Kwangtung\n Hunan\n \n \n Chuang\n \n 6,445\n 43\n 1\n \n \n \n \n 18\n \n \n \n Molao\n \n 116\n 14\n \n \n \n \n \n 1\n \n \n \n Maonan\n \n 14\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pu-yi\n \n 1,233\n 479\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n T'ai\n \n \n 439\n 1,333\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n T'ung\n \n 360\n 1,425\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Shui\n \n 84\n 204\n \n \n \n \n \n \n 378\n \n \n Li\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 469\n \n \n \n Miao\n 453\n 150\n 1,233\n 70\n \n \n \n \n 21\n 72\n \n \n K'e-lao\n \n \n 41\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Yao\n \n 358\n 14\n 1\n \n \n \n 14\n 28\n 14\n \n \n She\n \n \n \n \n \n 25\n 96\n 52\n \n 2\n \n \n Tibetan*\n \n \n \n 713\n 67\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ch'iang\n 36\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Nu\n \n \n \n 13\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tu-lung\n \n \n \n 2\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ching-p'o\n \n \n \n 102\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Yi\n \n \n 275\n 1,852\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ha-ni\n \n \n \n 481\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Li-su\n \n \n \n 317\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Nakhi\n \n \n \n 143\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n La-hu\n \n \n \n 139\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Achang\n \n \n \n 18\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pai\n \n \n \n 567\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n T'u-chia\n 549\n \n \n \n 1,123\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n K'a-wa or Wa\n \n \n \n 286\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Peng-lung\n \n \n \n 3\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pa-lang\n \n \n \n 35\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Kao-shan\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n (found only in Taiwan 200,000)\n \n \n \n Ching\n \n 4\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n (Vietnamese)\n \n \n \n 2\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n\n* In Tibet proper and in the Chamdo region there is an additional Tibetan population of about 1,274,000.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204470, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES \n\n91 \n\nwhich it had supplanted eighteen years before. Great hardship was encountered which is hardly surprising, and the people were eternally grateful to their benevolent officials and commemorated them in several temples dedicated in their honour. One of these was burned down in 1955 during the fire which destroyed Shek Wu Hui near Fanling, and others are to be found at Sha Tau Kok and Kam Tin, and Sai Heung in Chinese Territory. In addition a school was named in their honour at Kam Tin, and when it was repaired in 1744 the San On magistrate of the time composed a Confucian discourse which was inscribed on the wall of the restored building, to instruct the pupils and their parents. An interesting survival which still existed in 1898 was the appearance of an old beggar in the Yuen Long villages every Chinese New Year who brought statues of WONG and CHOW for the people to worship, and incidentally to supply him with food and money.'' To these men-become-gods for whom the construction of a temple was necessary to ensure their better worship and resulting favours, there must be added an equal and possibly much older faith in sacred tree spirits and the multitude of earth spirits known as pak kung ih, tai wong ★, and ordinary she taan 4, who look after villages and localities such as passes, bridges, and fords over streams.\n\nThis insurance with the spirits who ruled this world and would assuredly be encountered in the next was expressed in the continual reconstruction of temples. A great many of the temples in the New Territory to-day owe their present fabric, or a great part of it, to repairs made during the last fifty years of the Ching dynasty. It was evidently a highly necessary part of the proceedings that the god should be informed of the names of the contributors so that his benefits should not pass anyone by, since their names, and often the amounts they gave, were scrupulously inscribed on the commemorative tablet which was always let into the wall to mark the occasion. Sometimes over a thousand names had to be recorded in this way, most of them in respect of trifling amounts, even for a small and out of the way temple, as in the reconstruction of the Tin Hau temple at Cheung Chau in the second year of the last Ch'ing Emperor (1909).\n\nThe magistrate, too, was expected to play his part in warding off disaster. The District History mentions that CHAN Kuk", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "FENG CHAU \n\n83 \n\ncontributed a joss-stand table to the temple in the first year of the Tao Kwang period (1821) and a ferry from Shek Lung was one of the donors in 1878. Three local ferries are also listed on the tablet. According to local information36 two of them, each capable of taking a load of 40-50,000 catties (approximately 24-30 tons), sailed between Peng Chau and Chan Tsuen #in \n\nLANTAU \n\nYee Pak. \n\nTai \n\nTei Wan \n\nNim Shue Wan \n\nCheung Sha Lan \n\nPENG CHÂU \n\nHung Shui \n\nKau Shat Wan \n\nSILVER MINE \n\nBAY \n\n(Man Kok \n\nMILAL \n\n'NEI KWU CHAU \n\nPeng Chau and Surrounding Area \n\nthe Delta, whilst the third, which was smaller with a load capacity of 10,000 catties (about 6 tons), plied at need between Peng Chau and the local ports of Hong Kong, Kowloon, Cheung Chau and Tsuen Wan. The goods carried from the Delta towns were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "84 \n\nJ. W. HAYES \n\nprobably building materials and general goods, including clothing, luxury items and foodstuffs, since Peng Chau produced little more than sufficed for the Hakka farmers who had settled there. In the other direction the boats may have taken salt fish and shrimp paste, and lime for the building trade from Peng Chau's kilns. \n\nPeng Chau's development in the nineteenth century and before was assisted by its proximity to the south-east coast of Lantau. The waters in this area, except in the south-west monsoon, are generally calm and are easily crossed by rowing sampans or wind-driven craft. In 1898 there were some half a dozen small villages and hamlets situated along this coast37 which, together with a large settlement on Nei Kwu Chau, used Peng Chau as a market centre, selling their produce and livestock there and purchasing goods of all kinds from the island's shopkeepers. The area east of Tai Pak appears to have been well settled in 1899 by Hakka farmers whose descendants still live there today, but from Tai Pak west to Man Kok the land must at one time have supported a larger population than it did in 1899. The land registers show that many fields were abandoned, and no owners came forward to claim them at the Land Settlement after the lease of the New Territories. Even the claimed land, which in this area was in the minority, was in the course of changing hands, largely by way of mortgage to persons from Peng Chau. A WONG Keng of Peng Chau had recently become the registered owner of sixteen acres situated there and east to Yee Pak and was giving mortgages to other owners. The LAMs of Peng Chau were in possession of many fields at Man Kok and Kau Sat Wan, of which they were the mortgagees. They also held the mortgages of other fields there which belonged to the unfortunate LUI clan of Peng Chau. The large amount of empty fields, unclaimed at the lease, is interesting and the conclusion must therefore be that there were more settlers in this part of Lantau fifty or a hundred years before, and that these persons helped in a small but steady way to increase Peng Chau's prosperity,38 These families had either died or gone away by 1899. \n\nIn an island community like Peng Chau where different groups found themselves in the course of time committed to joint settlement, and hence to the need to establish a modus vivendi, one of the more interesting relationships is that which subsisted", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "FENG CHAU\n\n93\n\n26 Dated the thirteenth day of the sixth Moon of the 8th year of Kuang Hsü (27th July 1882).\n\n27 Other examples of local tax-lords are quoted in note 12 of my Cheung Chau article. For an interesting instance from another part of the New Territories see Appendix II to the Report on the New Territory for the year 1900, Hong Kong Government Gazette, vol. XLVII (1901), pp. 1403-4, where a claim by members of a branch of the TANG family of Kam Tin to ownership of the whole island of Ts'ing I was investigated by a member of the Land Court. He wrote \"I have taken special pains to go thoroughly into this case because it seems a very typical example of the curious and unwarrantable pretensions to the ownership of very large tracts of country which are perhaps the most striking feature in the economy of what we call the New Territory.\" Like the TANGS, the CHANS may have owned part but claimed, or aimed to control, the whole.\n\n28 It is interesting that the earliest grave known on the island has a tablet dated Chien Lung fifteenth year (1749) and that the person buried there is a CHAN Yiu Hong & and the person responsible for erecting the tablet (no relationship is given) CHAN Hing Sin. These men may conceivably have had something to do with the CHAN Yan Hop and Yee Ka Tongs. The grave is unlikely to be that of a fisherman and most likely to be that of someone who was living on Peng Chau at the time of his death. Not everyone is provided with a formal grave, and therefore he was probably a person of some consequence. Also, at the time of the land settlement, various persons named CHAN who were not local villagers but belonged to Peng Chau and Nam Tau (BCL) owned land on the Lantau coast opposite Peng Chau. One of them was the CHAN Yan Hop Tong of Nam Tau. This land may represent the remains of larger holdings left over from an earlier period but mostly sold or mortgaged by 1899, or else not recognised by the Land Court during the re-registration of titles, as being \"not compatible with the principles of British administration\" as happened with some other tax-lord land in the New Territories—see note 12 to my Cheung Chau article.\n\n29 Peng Chau M.S.\n\n30 BCL.\n\n31 BCL, Lantau coast.\n\n32 A lucky day of the first winter month of the year of Tao Kuang (1834),\n\n33 BCL.\n\n34 BCL.\n\n35 BCL.\n\n36 Peng Chau M.S.\n\n37 At the 1911 census (see note 7 above) the population of these villages was Nei Kwu Chau 78, Tai Pak 52, and Yee Pak 59. There were also families living in hamlets at Nim Shue Wan, Cheung Sha Lan, Hai Tei Wan, Hung Shui, Kau Shat Wan and Man Kok, but they are not listed in the Census.\n\n38 There is conflicting evidence about the prosperity of the area in the second half of the century. The decline of population on the Lantau coast opposite Peng Chau has been noted. This is more noticeable elsewhere on Lantau, where some of the more important villages can be shown to have\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204804, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "FENG CHAU\n\n95\n\nfrom his own or adjoining villages worked with him. The Shek Pik people were therefore closely connected with the sea despite the fact that their fields were extensive and well-watered. Elsewhere on Lantau, an old account book of the Hakka CHEUNG Kung Tak Tong at Pui O, which is dated 1897-99 (Kuang Hsu 23rd-24th years), shows that the Tong had a regular income from a fishing sampan.\n\n41 It has been shown that the Peng Chau shopkeepers always contributed to the temple repairs. A more illuminating instance of merchants' concern for the safety of local waters is to be found in the Tin Hau temple at Fan Lau on the south-west tip of Lantau, facing Macau and the mouth of the Delta, a remote area two hours' walk from Tai O Market. Here tablets survive from the Chia Ching and Hsien Feng periods (1796-1820 and 1851-61) and contain the names of many Tai O shops. One imagines that few of the donors would ever visit the temple, but they were obviously intent to ensure Tin Hau's benevolent care.\n\n42 Information received from CHEUNG Kai Chun of Ham Tin, Pui O, Lantau (born 1886). But this was not true everywhere. At Shek Pik several families of Tanka used the anchorage for at least fifty years. There was no remembered animosity during this time and these fishermen were allowed to cut grass and firewood without charge. However, they rarely strayed far from the beach and the two groups did not intermarry or have much to do with each other, except in casual contact at the main festivals and when villagers bought fish from them at the jetty, which was over a mile from the village. The fishermen would not go to the village to sell their catch.\n\n43 Information received from the present leaders of the WONG Wai Chak Tong ✯ of Cheung Chau.\n\n44 This statement is based on close knowledge of the Southern District of the New Territories and of the District land registers.\n\n45 Barbara E. Ward \"A Hong Kong Fishing Village”, Journal of Oriental Studies (University of Hong Kong) volume 1, no. 1 (January 1954) pp. 195-214, especially p. 211. See also note 42.\n\n46 See my Cheung Chau article for the Cheung Chau district associations before the British lease. At Tai O in the same period there appear to have been associations of Tung Kwun and San On origin, each with a club-house.\n\n47 The number is wrongly given as 28 in note 14 to the Cheung Chau article.\n\n48 A tablet in the Pak Tai temple at Cheung Chau dated January, February 1906 (a lucky day of the first month of spring of the thirty-second year of Kuang Hsü) shows that Peng Chau people also contributed to its repair.\n\n49 See the Cheung Chau article for this institution.\n\n50 The Kaifong of the Hong Kong region, and their like, are local institutions with a fairly long history. The Peng Chau Kaifong is quite likely to have an early date in relation to the age of the present settlement.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204956, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "THE DIALECTS OF HONG KONG BOAT PEOPLE\n\n57\n\nfor the modern KS vocalisms. These lists are selective and deliberately ignore a few exceptions, but without being exhaustive they do provide enough information to outline the origins of KS syllable types. The tones are not designated in these lists except in cases where the KS forms differ from or cannot be traced to their traditional categories. Normally these categories will be the same as for the identical word in SC.\n\n✔ a 'tooth', ma 'horse', ma ‘horse', 'melon, fa 'flower', -aithai 'too, extreme', ka ‘household'. A ka ua 'speech'. kai ‘intermediary', mai 'to buy', kai 'strange', fai ‘lungs', kai 'drawer', uai 'to oppose'. lai ‘mud', ai 'dangerous', -au pau 'satiated', au 'to bite', cau ‘to run', □ hau 'mouth', cau ‘wine', kau ‘nine', iau ‘young'. lat 'pungent', sat ‘to kill', at ‘a duck', cat 'mixed', chat ‘a brush'. cak ‘pluck', than 'watery', kan ‘to dare', can 'to cut off', 斬 kan 'barrier', -ak pak 'one hundred', hak ‘guest', -an lan 'south', -ang ang 'hard', san 'to disperse', san 'mountain', fan 'to turn back'. sang 'to give birth', cang 'to struggle', uang 'crosswise'. ie 'night', sie 'snake', ce 'word, character', 蛇 sie‘snake’, chei “dignified', (a surname), hei 'to go', 墟 'market, lei 'you', ei 'ear', fei 'to fly'. -ei hei 'to go', -et fet 'needy', set 'wet', ket 'quick, anxious', het 'blind', ŋ iet 'day', pet 'writing brush', phei 'skin', tei ‘earth', sei ‘to die', -en chet 'to go out', ffet 'Buddha', het 'black'. sen 'deep', len 'forest', then 'to hate', sen 'new', ien 'man', khen (and ken) 'near', & uen", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205036, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "135\n\nKUMMER, Dr. M.\n\nKURATA, Mrs. L. C. -\n\nKVAN, Rev. E.*\n\n-\n\n-\n\nKWAN, The Hon. C. Y.*\n\nKWOK, Chan*\n\nKWOK, Walter\n\nLAI, T. C.\n\nLAM, Yung-fai\n\nLANDOLT, M. A.\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A.\n\nLAU, Wai-mai\n\nLAW, Chung-kam\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. I. -\n\nLAWRY, Mrs. B. C.\n\nLAWRY, R. E.\n\nL\n\nLECKIE, J. B. H. -\n\nLEE, Din-yi\n\nLEE, Harold W.\n\nLEE, J. S.\n\nLEE, The Hon. R. C.*.\n\nLEUNG, Kai-cheong\n\nLEUNG, Pak-kui\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming -\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nLI, T. K.\n\nГ\n\n+\n\nGoethe-Institut, German Cultural Centre, 6th floor, Caxton House, H.K.\n\n27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada.\n\nSt. John's College, The University, H.K.\n\nRoom 736, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nHang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K.\n\n39-B, Estoril Court, H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddel St., H.K.\n\n20 Coombe Road, Flat B-4, H.K.\n\nBrentwood College, Cobble Hill P.O., Vancouver Island, B.C., Canada.\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\nVictoria Heights, 43-A Stubbs Rd., Flat 1-A, H.K.\n\n4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nA9, Bowen Hill, 10 Peak Road, H.K.\n\nBritish Council, 1st floor, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Union Insurance Society of Canton, Ltd., Union House, H.K.\n\nUnited College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K.\n\n74, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K.\n\n44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K.\n\n+\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon.\n\n49, Village Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205081, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "32\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\nable foodstuffs. On a more speculative level, however, it is worthy of note that relics of an old market called Kak Chun Hui7% are still turned up by the plough near Hang Tau Tsuen.\" Apparently this market disappeared some 300 years ago, possibly with the original rise of Shek Wu Hui. It is close to the Hau villages of Ho Sheung Heung and Yin Kong, and may have been controlled by them, in which case its demise may have been the result of rivalry between the Haus and the Lius. Obviously, with high rents coming in from markets, the two clans would have had reason to try to monopolise local buying and selling.\n\nIn general, land-holdings may be equated with wealth. The possession of wealth meant changes in the life of a lineage. The leadership based on the age-hierarchy tended to lose its importance when there were wealthy men in the village, and this seems to have been the case in the five clans. With unequal wealth in a lineage, one or two men must be thrown up who are clearly richer than the rest, and it was these men who assumed unofficial leadership in the group. This situation has been dealt with at some length before and need not be gone into here:78 but it is worth stating that at the present time the leadership in lineage villages is of exactly the same kind. The age-hierarchy leadership still exists formally, but the actual leadership rests with men who are educated, and wealthy and powerful in their own right—though now they are dignified with an official title, 'Village Representative',79 by the British Government.\n\nA wealthy lineage could afford to educate its sons, and in nearly all of the villages of the five clans tutorial schools were run. Frequently these would be held in the ancestral halls, but some villages had special school-rooms-cum-libraries built, and these survive to the present day in Fan Ling, Kam Tin, Tai Po Tau, Lung Kwat Tau and several other places. Education was a means to consolidate wealth, for it was through education that men could enter official life up the steep path of the examination system. A scholar-official was in a position not only to make money, but also to advance the interests of his kin through his contacts with other officials. All the five clans have produced scholars, some of whom became officials, the Tangs being particularly noteworthy in this respect—a fact which accords well with their having superior wealth. During recent years the clans have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205230, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "180\n\nKURATA, Mrs. L. C. -\n\nKVAN, Rev. Erik*\n\nKWAN, The Hon. C. Y.*\n\nKWOK, Chan*\n\nKWOK, Walter\n\nLAI, T. C.\n\n+\n\nLAM, Jahn Cho Han\n\nLAM, Yung-fai\n\n27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada.\n\nDept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nRoom 736, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nHang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K.\n\n39-B, Estoril Court, H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nL\n\n-\n\nThe Library, United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 9A Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K.\n\nLANCHESTER, Mrs. B. T. J. c/o Mrs. G. W. Lanchester, 4 Fung Shui,\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A.\n\nLAU, Wai-mai\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. I. -\n\n+\n\nLAWRY, Mrs. B. C.\n\nLAWRY, R. E.\n\nLECKIE, J. B. H.\n\nLEE, Din-yi\n\nLEE, J. S.*\n\nLEE, The Hon. R. C.* -\n\nLEUNG, Kai-Cheong\n\nLEUNG, Pak-kui\n\nLEVIN, Burton\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nJ\n\n50 Plantation Road, H.K.\n\nCrichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland,\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\n4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nA9, Bowen Hill, 10 Peak Road, H.K.\n\nBritish Council, 1st floor, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium,\n\nUnited College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K.\n\n74, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K.\n\n19-B, Caine Road, 6th Floor, H.K.\n\n44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205351, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "106\n\nREV. MR. KRONE\n\nTo the North of Deep Bay is Chik-wan Bay, on the shore of which is situated the renowned temple of Tien-hau. To the South is the Bay of Toon-mun-wan, near Castle-peak. The open sea forms the Southern and Eastern boundary of the district.\n\nMirs Bay, the most remarkable of those which indent the Eastern shore of Sanon, is called by the Chinese \"Ti-po Hoi\" 大步海.\n\nIt is worthy of notice, that when the question of ceding Hong-kong to the British crown was brought before the Emperor Tau-kwang, it was asserted that the island had never really belonged to China; and it appears remarkable that, in an official geographical and statistical account of Sanon, in 8 volumes, published about 40 years ago, no mention of Hongkong is made, although islands much more insignificant are accurately included. However, in the list of villages of the Sanon District, the names of Shek-pai-wan (Aberdeen) and Check-chu (Stanley), are found. Among the numerous Straits between the different islands the most worthy of notice are:--\n\n1. The Cap-sui-mûn between Lantao and the two small Islands of Tsing-yeu and Ma-wan; Kai-check-mûn, between the two last mentioned islands and the mainland itself, and Ly-yue-mûn and East-tong-mûn, which constitute the Eastern passage from Hongkong harbour. According to Chinese authorities, the greater diameter of the district, from North to South, measures 380 le, and the lesser, from East to West, 270 le. But it must be remembered that the measurement from North to South extends to the southermost of the small islands which are reckoned as belonging to the district. The district is generally mountainous, and the mountain ridges extend nearly to the shore, leaving only small plains at their feet, which are occupied by villages and hamlets. These mountains have usually a dreary and barren aspect, and resemble those of Hong-kong and the opposite mainland. The granite rocks are scantily covered with soil, and are overgrown with grass. A luxuriant underwood is found in the ravines, but trees are seldom met with, though groves of them, evidently planted, are generally found in the neighbourhood of villages, Buddhist monasteries, and temples. The Chinese are accustomed to burn down the grass on the tops.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205380, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n135\n\nthree rows of houses, one behind the other. The centre one contains the principal tablets of the ancestors. Separate tablets commemorate the names and titles of the graduates and officers, which the clan has at different times produced.\n\nThe second class are the Tangs, which belong to families who set up in them their private tablets of their ancestors. They are much smaller, consisting of only one edifice, with two small out-houses, but they are neatly decorated according to the Chinese taste.\n\nThe Temples\n\nare in general inferior in size and beauty to the ancestral halls. The largest, most elegant, and most renowned is that of Chick-wan, which is dedicated to \"Teen-hau\" — the Queen of Heaven. The building may be seen from the entrance of Deep Bay. Imperial officers sent on a mission to Siam or Cochin-china, were in the habit of worshipping at this temple before starting, and if they returned safely from their perilous voyage, endowed the temple with rich offerings. By these means spacious buildings were gradually erected, and about six Taouist priests are supported on the income derived from the possessions of the temple. No Chinese vessel passes this way, without making some offering to \"the Queen of Heaven.\"\n\nSecond to this temple is the one in Man-chau, near San-keaou, which is also dedicated to the same goddess.\n\nThe most popular idols to which temples are erected in Sanon, are \"Teen-hao\" — the Queen of Heaven; \"Quan-yin\" — the Goddess of Mercy; \"Kwan-tai\" — the God of War; and \"Pak-tai\" — the God of the North.\n\nIn Sai-heong there is a considerable temple dedicated to a man who was once a high official at Canton. The following is the history of his apotheosis: The Emperor Kanghi once gave orders that the people should retire from the sea-shore, and settle some miles further in the interior, so that the pirates would be unable to carry on their depredations. This man interceded with the Emperor, and succeeded in getting the decree repealed. Out of gratitude to him, numerous temples were erected along the coast, in which he is worshipped.\n\nAltars are erected before the villages, in the fields, under green trees, and upon the hills, and are dedicated to the worship of the tutelary deities. They are the Gods of Land and Grain,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205382, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n137\n\nlishment in the district, was made in the year 1848, by the Rev. Thomas Hambley, who established a station among the Hak-kas at Toong-foo, at the head of Mirs Bay. In 1849, a station was established at Sai-heong; and in 1852, besides these two principal stations, other small dependent stations have been formed, where preaching and education have been carried on.\n\nBefore the outbreak of the war, the missionaries were able to live in the country, even with their families, and suffered comparatively little disturbance; they travelled in safety freely over the whole country. Their intercourse with the people was quite unrestrained, and the mission houses were visited by the literati, and by the higher classes of people. The mandarin of Fuk-wing was a guest in the mission house at Sai-heong for a whole week; and the first Seu-tsai at Sai-heong, who has since graduated as a Keu-jin, readily accepted an engagement as teacher in the missionary college.\n\nIt is sincerely to be hoped that the present deplorable war, which has for the time put a stop to the mission work, may in the end cause the country to be opened, and thus enable us to have free access to these people, who are as yet imperfectly known, and who perhaps wait only to have the truth fairly represented to them, that they may receive it and believe.\n\nFootnote. Since writing the preface I have come across the following account of Mr Krone given at pp. 206-207 of Memorials of the Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese..............[by Alexander Wylie, whose name does not appear on the title page], Shanghae, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1867.\n\n\"CXLI. # # Kaou Hwać-ć. RUDOLPH KRÖNE, a native of Germany, ordained to the ministry of the gospel, was appointed a missionary to China by the Rhenish Missionary Society. He arrived at Hongkong in 1850, and early in the following year took up his residence on the mainland, having charge of the Society's stations at Fuh-yung and San-kiu, while located with Mr. Genähr at Se-heang. At the same time he itinerated a good deal among the people, adopting the native costume and conforming to many of their habits. In 1855 he was married at Hongkong, and resided successively at Puh-yung and Ho-au. Being obliged to retire to Hongkong for a time, during hostilities between the English and Chinese, he returned to the mainland in 1858, and made his residence at Pu-kak. In 1860 he left China on a visit to Europe, where he spent a good deal of time travelling through Germany and Russia. In 1864 he embarked on his return to China by the Egypt route, but died at Aden on the way.\n\nThere is a long article by Mr. Kröne, descriptive of the district of Sin-gan in the province of Kwang-tung, published in Part 6 of the \"Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society\". Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205405, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "160\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nof Hong Kong, when the latter was studying Chinese in Canton, and in later years, so the villagers say, the two used to claim to be fellow students (同窗) (F). Although in his youth he did not take any of the Imperial examinations, he had some reputation as a literary man and wrote fine characters.\n\nHe was married to a CHENG (鄭) from the nearby Cantonese village of Pak Kong (白崗), and also had a concubine from a fishing family. His ancestral tablet perversely records the wife as KAN (簡) and the concubine as CHENG (鄭). Both wives apparently lived amicably in Tseung Kwan O, where Chan spent much of his time.\n\nAt the New Territories survey of 1905 he was recorded as the owner of 2.3 acres of agricultural land and 6 building lots in Tseung Kwan O, and was the manager of the CHAN Hok-yin Tso (陳學賢祖) with 2.7 acres of agricultural land and 2 houses. He also owned 4 shops and a house in Hang Hau market. It was during this period that Hang Hau was at the peak of its prosperity as a porterage town for produce to and from Sai Kung and Hong Kong.\n\nAccording to local gossip he did not pay much attention to business, but smoked opium and lived on the wealth he had inherited from his father. The Yi Hing shop in Kowloon City lost money and had to be sold in about 1930. In spite of this he apparently continued to play a part in the affairs of Kowloon City and of the Lok Sin Tong.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Most of this information was supplied by Messrs. Chan Shui (陳瑞) the village representative and Chan Kin Ming (陳健明) the supervisor of the village school.\n\n2 See S. F. Balfour, \"Hong Kong Before the British\" in Tien Hsia Monthly, 1936.\n\n3 See Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842 (Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963), Chapter IX for the Tang clan.\n\n4 The three large Cantonese villages of Ho Chung, Pak Kong and Sha Kok Mei, which dominate the three main valleys of the Sai Kung area, also give foundation dates of late Ming or early Ching. For brief notes on Ho Chung and Pak Kong, see my note \"Visit to Ho Chung pp. 46-47 of M. Topley (ed), Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories (Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1965), and James Hayes, \"Visit to Villages in the Sai Kung District\", ibid., pp. 41-42. Hong Kong. 1967.\n\nBERNARD WILLIAMS", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205408, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n163 \n\nter. \"The inhabitants, from our knowledge of their character”, wrote another, \"appeared to be industrious and obliging.. They seemed in general to have been very peaceably disposed, nor did they exhibit any marked approbation, or disapprobation, on their transfer to the British sway\".8 \n\nThe Villages To-day. There are two villages, Kau Wai and San Wai—the Old Walled Village and the New Walled Village (though only the first has traces of an enclosing wall). Both have seen better days. The inhabitants no longer own the fields (they were resumed in connection with anti-malarial schemes in 1934–36) and the villages are now places where people live and go out to work. Most of the present vegetable growers live in huts beside their plots and not in the old settlements. In the Old Village most of the old houses have gone and many of to-day's dwellings are temporary structures put up on the site of old houses that have fallen into a ruinous state and thereafter have been cleared away. There used to be a temple to Pak Tai, the God of the North, but this became ruined and fell down about 50 years ago.10 The New Village, on the other hand, still retains some of its old houses which, in their present form and decoration are upwards of 60 years old. Their tiled roofs, ornamented ends, moulded plaster friezes, decorated eave-boards and granite lintels are worth a glance, as being some of the few surviving examples of this type of village architecture left on Hong Kong Island. They are typical of the better class of village dwellings of South China, many other examples of which can be found in the New Territories. Also in the New Village is the former house of Sir Shou-son CHOW's family (see below), but this was rebuilt about 1930 and it is of interest only for the photographs and paintings it contains of the CHOW family. \n\nThe Villages Yesterday. The date of settlement is not certain, though Lobscheid, the German missionary who was also an Inspector of Schools for the Colonial Government, was told by the village head in the 1850s that the first ancestor had taken a lease from \"Tang the acknowledged owner of the soil\" in 1668.1 \n\nIn 1893 a group of villagers had to appear before the Squatter Board to help determine and register legitimate holdings. From the information then recorded, and happily preserved, the following facts emerge:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205413, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "168\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nble for financing and managing these arrangements, and its leaders were not allowed to canvas outside their own Fong to obtain funds. The Hung Shing Temple, being the larger and older of the island's two temples, was the hub of these activities.26\n\nIV. ABERDEEN DOCKS\n\nWhilst passing through Aberdeen you should note the old Dry Docks a little to the west of the Post Office. One was built in 1863 but two years later (to quote from the Centenary Brochure of the Hong Kong and Whampoa Dock Co., Ltd.):\n\n\"In 1865, the Company concluded negotiations with Mr. John Lamont for the purchase of his property at Aberdeen, comprising the Lamont Dock then in working order, and the Hope Dock then in course of construction, together with the Workshops, Machines, etc.\n\nThe Hope Dock was opened in June, 1867, by the then Governor of Hong Kong, Sir R. G. MacDonnell, and for a number of years was largely used for docking ships of Her Majesty's Navy and other large vessels.\n\nV. SHEK WAN POTTERY FIGURES AT THE TIN HAU TEMPLE, ABERDEEN.\n\nOn your way from the Ap Lei Chau ferry pier to the Resettlement Department Office in the Shek Pai Wan Estate (for tea), you should note the Tin Hau Temple on the left at the foot of Aberdeen Reservoir Road. This is an old temple which was given its last major repair in 1873. Any members who attended Professor Skinsnes' recent illustrated talk on Shek Wan Pottery should have a look at the roof decoration on the way. It gives the name of the firm who made it and is dated the equivalent of 1873.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205550, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n87\n\nUsing the Ching dynasty maps from the District Gazetteers and the Provincial Gazetteer, I identify the places on the Chu Kong estuary section on the Mo Pei Chi charts as follows: (see map 4)— Po Toi Shan 蒲胎山 an island south of Hongkong. Now written 蒲台\n\nTung Keung Shan 東姜山\n\nYung Hai Shan 翁鞋山\n\nFat Tong Mun 佛堂門\n\nPak Tsim 北尖\n\nLang Tin Shan 小溪山\n\n+\n\n++\n\nTam Kon islands 檐桿\n\nYung Hai 湧鞋 or Hai Chau 鞋洲 retains the same name, Fat Tong Mun 佛堂門 retains the same name, Pak Tsim 北尖 as the \"outer Lintin\", Ngoi Ling Tin 外伶仃\n\nas the \"inner Lintin”, Ting Lin 伶仃\n\n\"Lantau\", Tai Yu Shan 大嶼山\n\n\"Fan Lau\", Kai Yik Kok 雞翼角\n\nNam Tin Shan 南停山\n\nTai Kai Shan 大溪山\n\nSiu Kai Shan 小溪山\n\nKwun Fu Chai 宮富寨\n\n+ present day \"Kowloon City\", Kau Lung Shing 九龍城\n\nTung Kwun Sor 東莞所 District of Tung Kwun, Tung Kwun Yuen 東莞縣\n\nHeung Shan Sor 香山所 District of Heung Shan, Heung Shan Yuen 香山縣\n\nThe absence of any mention of the San On district (新安縣) on the charts is significant. It is highly improbable that the compilers of the charts would have deliberately omitted or accidentally overlooked that district. Now, we know that the San On district was detached in 157310 from the Tung Kwun district to form two separate districts, the Tung Kwun and the San On districts, a circumstance which confirms the suggestion that the Mo Pei Chi charts were drawn at least before the creation of the San On district. If this were the case, the Kai Yik Kok fort must also be dated before 1573, which would make it a Ming dynasty fort.\n\nBetween 1805 and 1810 control of the Chu Kong estuary slipped from the forces of the government. A new pirate leader, Cheung Po-tsai 張保仔 became master of the seas around Tai Yu Shan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205562, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "PLOVER COVE VILLAGE TO TAIPO MARKET\n\n99\n\nGenerally speaking the interviewees were cooperative, although suspicious of the interviewers. There were refusals, of course, but we fulfilled our scheduled interviews in all but one old village group where we were completely unsuccessful except for being able to interview (in lieu of his ill father) a twenty year old son.4 That our failure rate should be so high in the one village is worthy of considerable note but thus far no satisfactory reason has been ascertained. Among the other villagers the male respondents were more reluctant than the females, whom we interviewed when no male was available. Due to the suspicion which we encountered in our first interviews, we modified our research plan and decided to shift temporarily away from interviewing housewives, and begin instead with the interviewing of children at the school (and at other schools where children of these families studied),5 We interviewed the children on the school grounds during recess periods in one day, and hoped that the children would tell their mothers of this unusual event, thus making access to the mothers easier during the next interview wave. The strategy worked very well and the cooperativeness of the women whom we interviewed during the following week was very good.\" Table I summarizes the number of interviews accomplished in each village during this early phase of the research. It does not include the numbers of children, and other status group members not discussed in this paper as most of this interviewing is still going on.\n\nTABLE I\n\nWhere Living:\nHouseholds Sampled\nInterviews with:\n\nVillage*\nOut\nIn\nTwo Respondents\nWife Only\nHusband Only\n\nSiu Kau\n41\n73\n\n2\n3\n\nTai Kau\n48\n97\n\n3\nIN\n2\n\nKam Chuk Pai and Tai Lung\n161\n107\n\n2\n4\n\nI\n\nWang Leng Tau and Nai Tong Kok\n98\n125\n\nChung Mei\n\n·\n\nChung Pui\nNN\n22\n62\n\n73\n134\n\nTOTALS\n443\n598\n\nNUN\n2\n0\n3\n\n2\n\n* These place names are in Cantonese romanisation and, together with their Chinese characters, can be found in the Hong Kong Government's publication A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong n.d, but 1960) at pp. 193-194.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205566, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "PLOVER COVE VILLAGE TO TAIPO MARKET\n\n103\n\nnity. They have not become, in any meaningful sense, urban residents. They are now basically urban villagers living in a ghetto rather far removed from contact with their new physical neighbors in Taipo market, no less in any other part of the urban world of Hong Kong.\n\nThis is an interesting finding insofar as these villagers, although physically isolated while residing in Plover Cove, were never psychologically isolated. The usual family travelled to Taipo once a week to buy necessary supplies and to cash the never-ending string of checks and postal money orders which sons and husbands have been sending and still do send from Britain. For about 11 percent of the villagers resided in Britain at the time of resettlement, according to the District Office census.\n\nThe basic isolation of the villagers is further revealed in their responses to a series of questions about their present social contacts. In almost all cases, they indicate that their friends come from the resettlement area or from small villages in the Sha Tau Kok area, most of which are related through marriage to these villagers. Indeed, some of the villages (Tai Kau, Kam Chuk Pai, Wang Ling Tau, and Chung Mei) appear to have had their origin in the migration from a multi-surname village in the Sha Tau Kok area, Wu Kau Tang*. Returning to these villages in the New Territories essentially represents returning to visit relatives and seems to confirm the general impression that it is relatives who are counted as friends for the majority of the villagers. Few of the villagers put it as cogently as one woman: \"my friends are my relatives.\" One interviewer noted in another case, “She told me that she had no good friends. She didn't know how to discriminate between relatives and friends; she thought that they are the same.\" In response to the question as to whether they had made any new friends or not, 21 respondents indicated no, and only 8 said that they had made new friends who were not neighbors in the same building. Three indicated they had made friends among their new neighbors.\n\nThis should not be interpreted as meaning that the villagers have little social contact of any kind; there is lively social activity of an informal kind in the resettlement area. Only one person indicated that she never chatted with her former villagers,\n\n*See Gazetteer p. 193.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "14\n\nT. C. CHENG\n\nAnother advance was made in 1904 when several prominent Chinese, led by Dr. Ho Kai and Mr. Chau Siu-ki (the late father of Sir Tsun-nin Chau), collected the necessary funds, and, also with a land grant from the London Missionary Society, started the Alice Memorial Maternity Hospital, the first maternity hospital in Hong Kong.\n\nIn 1907 when the Chinese started another hospital, along the lines of the Tung Wah Hospital, in Kowloon the Kwong Wah Hospital Dr. Ho Kai was the motivating force and he became the Chairman of the first Board of Directors of the new hospital. In this important venture, he had the staunch support of the Honourable Wei Yuk, his Chinese colleague in the Legislative Council, and Lau Chu-pak, both of whom served as directors of the first Board.\n\nHaving received a western education himself, Dr. Ho Kai was very keen to spread such education among the Chinese youth. Apart from being an active member of the governing body of Queen's College, he and other Chinese leaders, including Tso Seen-wan, founded St. Stephen's Boys College in 1902. In 1901 a number of leading Chinese, including Dr. Ho Kai and Mr. Tso Seen-wan, had submitted a petition to the Governor setting forth their view that a need had arisen for a Chinese High School run on western lines. The fees were to be sufficient to keep the school without cost to the Colony. In such a school the sons of influential Chinese parents could be trained for public service and be instructed in all that was best in both British and Chinese cultures. The scheme was approved in principle and the Church Missionary Society stepped in to help and established St. Stephen's Boys College on Bonham Road. In 1928 it moved to its present site in Stanley with extensive playing fields. It has catered to Chinese children from wealthy homes and has tried to establish something of the tradition of the English public school. It has since occupied a unique and important place in Hong Kong as an exempted and independent school.\n\nIn addition, Dr. Ho Kai was a very far-sighted land developer. Just before he died, he and Au Tak,13 a prominent merchant who was a director of the Tung Wah Hospital in 1908, formed the Kai Tak Land Development Company to plan the development of the area in the neighbourhood of the present Kai Tak Airport,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205719, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n19\n\nan outstanding job in these difficult times in enlightening the Chinese masses and in explaining to them the purpose of the Government measures. For these invaluable services he was later presented with a gold medal and a letter of thanks from the general public of Hong Kong.\n\nWei Yuk was also a far-sighted person, for it was he who first seriously pursued the idea of constructing a railway from Kowloon to Canton and thence to Peking. He spent large sums in furtherance of the scheme which failed, however, owing to the obstacles placed in its way by officials in China.21\n\nWei Yuk served on many Government and public committees. While not being noted for long speeches, he was always clear and precise in expressing his views and advice. He retired from public service in 1917 at the age of 68. For his invaluable services to the Colony, he was awarded the C.M.G. in 1908 and knighted in 1919. He died in 1922.\n\nWhen Sir Kai Ho Kai retired in February 1914, his place in the Legislative Council was filled by Lau Chu-pak, who was born in Hong Kong in 1866. He was a brilliant scholar at the Central School and in 1885 was the first boy to be awarded the Stewart Scholarship.22 After leaving the Central School, he was for a time chief clerk at the Hong Kong Observatory. Later he became a tea merchant and amassed a fortune. He was a generous benefactor of education and helped financially many poor children to complete their schooling. With Ho Fook, he was co-founder, in 1900, of the Chinese Merchants Bureau which was renamed in 1913 the Chinese Chamber of Commerce. Before he was appointed to the Legislative Council, he was for many years an active member of the District Watch Force Committee, the Sanitary Board, the Board of Education and the Council of the University of Hong Kong. He was Chairman of the Po Leung Kuk in 1903, a founder-director of the Kwong Wah Hospital in 1907 and Chairman of Tung Wah Hospital in 1909/1910. In January 1909 when a powerful committee was nominated, with the Governor Sir Frederick Lugard as Chairman, to raise funds to start the University of Hong Kong, Lau, Dr. Ho Kai and Wei Yuk were all members of the Committee.\n\nLau Chu-pak's concern in education was demonstrated in 1916 when he suggested, in a Legislative Council meeting, that the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205730, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "30\n\nT. C. CHENG\n\nAPPENDIX\n\nCHINESE UNOFFICIALS WHO HELD SUBSTANTIVE APPOINTMENTS IN THE LEGISLATIVE AND EXECUTIVE COUNCILS OF HONG KONG\n\n \n Name\n Legislative Council\n Executive Council\n \n \n NG Choy\n(Dr. Wu Ting-fang)\n \n \n \n \n WONG Shing\n 1880-1882\n 1884-1889\n \n \n Dr. Ho Kai\n(Sir Kai Ho Kai, Kt., C.M.G.)\n 1890-1914\n \n \n \n WEI A. Yuk\n(Sir Boshan Wei Yuk, Kt., C.M.G.)\n 1896-1917\n \n \n \n LAU Chu-pak\n 1914-1922\n \n \n \n HO Fook\n 1917-1921\n \n \n \n CHOW Shou-son\n(Sir Shouson Chow, Kt.)\n 1921 - 1931\n 1926 - 1936\n \n \n NG Hon-tsz\n 1922 - 1923\n \n \n \n Robert H. Kotewall\n(Sir Robert Kotewall, Kt., C.M.G.)\n 1923 - 1936\n 1936 - 1941\n \n \n TSO Seen-wan, C.B.E.\n 1929-1937\n \n \n \n CHAU Tsun-nin\n(Sir Tsun-nin Chau, Kt., C.B.E.)\n 1931 - 1939\n \n \n \n LO Man-kam\n(Sir Man-kam Lo, Kt.)\n 1936 - 1941\n \n \n \n Dr. Li Shu-fan\n 1937-1941\n \n \n \n W. N. Thomas TAM, O.B.E.\n 1939 - 1941\n \n \n\nFoot-note: (1) The following served on the Legislative Council in an acting capacity at various times:\n\n(a) Mr. Chan Kai-ming in 1918.\n\n(b) Mr. Chau Siu-ki, the late father of Sir Tsun-nin Chau in 1921, 1923 and 1924.\n\n(c) Mr. Li Tse-fong in 1939.\n\n(2) Mr. Robert Kotewall served on the Executive Council in an acting capacity in 1932, 1934 and 1935.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205757, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n57\n\nas leaders during the fighting. Ten of the 63 leaders are identi-fiable as members of the gentry, in the sense that they are men-tioned in the documents as having degrees obtained either by purchase or by examination.\n\nexamination. Most of the remainder could be termed 'local notables'. Some were substantial owners of agricul-tural land and village houses. Other owned shops in their local markets. It is probable that they were often --as was Man Cham-tsun managers of corporately-owned lineage property. The available information about these men is summarized below.\n\n—\n\nTable II\n\nLEADERS IN THE RESISTANCE MOVEMENT\n\n(By Marketing area, District & Village, Surname)*\n\n \n Marketing area\n District, or other Association of sharing gradu-ates\n Village, or Surnames\n No.\n No. of leaders\n \n \n Yuen Long\n 5+\n \n \n \n \n \n Ha Tsuen\n \n Tang\n 12\n 2\n \n \n Ping Shan\n \n Tang\n 11\n 1\n \n \n Kam Tin\n \n Tang\n 10\n 2\n \n \n Pat Heung\n \n Tang\n 2\n \n \n \n \n \n Li\n 1\n \n \n \n \n \n Lai\n 1\n \n \n \n \n \n Tse\n 1\n \n \n \n \n 1.\n \n +3\n \n \n \n \n 15\n \n \n \n \n \n Shap Pat Heung\n \n Chu\n 1\n \n \n \n \n \n Ng\n 2\n 2\n \n \n \n 15\n \n \n \n \n \n Tai Po\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tun Mun Ts'at Yeuk\n \n Tang\n 1\n \n \n \n \n \n Lo\n 1\n \n \n \n Tai Hang\n \n Man\n 3\n 1\n \n \n \n 71\n \n \n \n \n \n Pan Chung\n \n Chan\n 1\n \n \n \n \n \n Mak\n 1\n \n \n \n \n -\n \n *\n \n \n \n \n +3\n \n +\n \n \n \n \n ++\n \n 7\n \n \n \n \n \n \n **\n \n \n \n Fan Leng\n \n Pang\n 1\n \n \n \n Sha Lo Tung\n \n Li\n 2\n \n \n \n \n \n \"\n **\n \n \n \n \n \n *\n *\n \n \n \n \n 2\n \n \n \n \n \n Cheung Shue Tan\n \n Chan\n 1\n \n \n \n \n 7:\n \n \n \n \n \n \n *\n \n H\n \n \n \n 3.\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Hang Ha Po\n \n Lam\n 1\n \n \n \n Tai Po Tau\n \n Tang\n *\n \n \n \n Shek Wu Hui\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Lung Yeuk Tau\n \n Tang\n I\n \n \n \n \n ++\n \n +1\n \n \n \n Sheung Shui\n \n Liu\n 1\n \n \n \n Ping Kong\n \n Hau\n 2\n 1\n \n \n \n **\n \n \n \n \n \n Sha Tau Kok\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Sham Chun\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Wo Hang\n \n \n \n \n \n \n San Tin\n \n Li\n 4\n \n \n \n \n \n Man\n 1\n \n \n\n* All romanisations are in Cantonese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "128\n\nARMANDO DA SILVA\n\naccessibility, seasonal demand, and tonic quality. The Chinese names are in colloquial Cantonese:\n\nArtemisia vulgaris (ng yuet ngai AX) is a traditionally sacred medicinal plant. Sprigs of artemisia are hung on doorways on the festival day of tuen yeung (), that day associated with glutinous rice dumplings and dragon-boat races; hence the colloquial name \"fifth moon artemisia\". A powder is made from this and is used in moxa (ngai yung *). For medicinal use the sprigs are ground and sprinkled into warm rice wine to make a fragrant tonic drink, which allegedly relieves upset stomach.\n\nAmaranthus spinosus (lak yuen tsoi ). The roots and leaves of this plant are boiled in water and the infusion used in the treatment of piles. A soup is made by boiling the leaves and the shoots and the decoction is drunk as a yuet hei reliever. It is also considered a diuretic drink. Although this plant is not cultivated, it is often sold as a vegetable in vegetable stalls.\n\nHylocereus undatus (pa wong fa re£) is a seashore plant of the cactus family. The silk tassels from the flowers are dried and used to make a cough medicine. The tassels may also be boiled as a vegetable and cooked with pieces of pork to make soup. See Plate 10.\n\nVitex trifolia (pak fei muk yee ¶). This is another beach plant whose leaves and vines are boiled to make a poultice for bruises. The leaves are ground and drunk with warm rice wine. This is a favourite medicinal plant among the Tanka boat-people.\n\nBreynia fruticosa (hak min shun i) is a hillside plant whose leaves are boiled in water to make an infusion for the cleansing of sores. To complete the treatment a poultice of its leaves is applied to the sores.\n\nMelastoma sanguineum (long kau lei #Ƒ) is a styptic simple. Its leaves are both ground and drunk with warm rice wine, and are also used as a styptic poultice.\n\nPolygonum chinenses (fo tan mo ★★). The leaves are fried with honey and eaten as a treatment for dysentery. The leaves can also be made into a poultice to relieve rheumatic pain and for treating foot sores and arm boils,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206055, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "130\n\nHENRY D. TALBOT\n\nThe lines of soundings indicate the tracks of ships and we are entitled to assume that, although they were probably not hydrographic survey ships, they are likely to have been annotating their charts to improve the depiction of the coast-line at the same time as plotting the position of the soundings.\n\nMost of the names given are romanized versions of Chinese names, presumably written down by a European sailor from the words spoken by a Chinese person on board. This would explain the b/m confusion in the case of “Botae Island\" (both are bilabials) and the n/l confusion in the case of \"Lammon\" (both are alveolar).5\n\nThe misnaming of \"Peng Chau\" as \"Tay Pak\" and \"Siu Kau Yi\" as \"Sui-pak\" can also be explained if the islands were seen from the east; on having them pointed out to him the Chinese person mistook the places indicated and gave the names of the villages on the coast of Lantao directly behind them.\n\nThe most extraordinary feature of the map is the fact that Hong Kong Island is shown as split in two parts with a waterway apparently running from the present Aldrich Bay (Shau Kei Wan) to Tai Tam Bay. A glance at the topographical and geological maps of the island shows that it is quite impossible that such a waterway could have existed at this time. The only feasible explanation is that at the time the ship was passing north of the island the visibility was so bad that the hills were not visible and that there appeared to be a strait at this place.\n\nThe name \"Fan-Chin-Cheou” is surprising as it does not appear in other sources as a name of Hong Kong Island. The last syllable \"Cheou\" presumably represents the well-known word \"chau\" meaning \"island\", as in \"Cheung Chau\" and \"Peng Chau”. No obvious meaning for the first two syllables is apparent, although it is tempting to suppose that \"Fan\" might mean \"Foreigner\". \"He-Ong-Kong\" is probably a mistaken transcription of \"Heong-Kong\", the equivalent of the modern name.\n\nA close examination of the shape of Lantao on the chart shows that this, too, is very badly distorted, especially on the eastern side. The bays such as Silvermine Bay are completely lacking, while the peninsula north of Chang Cheou Is. (Cheung Chau) is shown as a separate island.\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206057, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "132\n\nHENRY D. TALBOT\n\nLo cheou-Lo Chau (Beaufort Island)\n\n=\n\nMers Bay Mirs Bay\n\nMew Is.-Mo Chau\n\nNako chau-Papai (Nei Kwu Chau or Hei Ling Chau)\n\nNine-pin-Ninepin Group\n\nPo-ke-long Point=Lei Yue Mun Point\n\nPsang-chau-Kau Yi Chau\n\nRagged Island Steep Island\n\nRat Island or Ling Ting-Ling Ting\n\nR. Povado or Iron River-Hebe Haven\n\nSin-can-hien-Hsin-an Hsien (San On Yuen) or, rather, the district city of Hsin-an\n\nSingan Islands-Siu Chau and Tai Shan\n\nShu-lap-ko Is.-Chek Lap Kok Island\n\nSui-pak Siu Kau Yi\n\nSoko Cheou Is. the Soko Islands\n\nSong-kco Sung Kong\n\nTa baco=Chung Chau\n\nTat-hong Moon-Tathong Channel\n\n=\n\nTay Pak Peng Chau\n\nTay-pak-hoe Green Island (or perhaps the sea between Hong Kong and Lantao Islands)\n\nTsa-cheou Is. =Sha Chau\n\nTsan-Cheou-Kau Pei Chau (off Cape D'Aguilar) Tysa=Small island 1⁄2 mile south of East Brother\n\nWang Laang-Waglan Island\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Cf. The British Museum General Catalogue of Printed Books (London, 1961) Vol. 100, Col. 222.\n\nThe British Museum Catalogue of Printed Maps. Charts and Plans (London, 1967) Vol. 7, Col. 359,\n\nMorse, H. B. The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China 1635-1834 (Oxford, 1926-29) Lists of Ships.\n\n2 Cf. Bonacker, W. Kartenmacher Aller Lander und Zeiten (Stuttgart, Hiersemann, 1966) p. 200,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206278, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n89\n\nFukienese merchants to settle in Hong Kong. Several other merchants appear on the earliest of the élite lists indicating their presence in the first decade of the Colony's history.\n\nIn 1852 \"Cun-wo A Kwi, merchant\" contributed five dollars to Dr. Hirschberg's Hospital. This is Chow Aki* of the firm Cong-wo, which had been established in the Lower Bazaar in 1842, having a branch at Canton. In 1849 he bought the lease of the Central Market, holding it until 1857. He became a large investor in real estate, but sold out most of his property in 1866 and retired to Macao.\n\nA merchant who survived the pitfalls of commerce in early Hong Kong was Wong Ping1. He is named as a silk merchant on the land-owners' petition of 1848, but he was one of Hong Kong's first industrialists in that he owned a rope walk beyond the western end of the Lower Bazaar. He was one of three trustees to hold Inland Lot 361 in Taipingshan on behalf of the Chinese community. The lot was granted in 1851 and upon it was built a temple \"for the reception of Tablets to the memory of... deceased countrymen\".22 The building was used, however, not only for memorial tablets but also as a depository for those who were about to die, following established Chinese custom. When this use came to the notice of the European community it was shocked. The reaction and public discussion which followed resulted in Government allocating a grant from the revenues of the gambling monopoly to the Chinese community for the erection of a suitable hospital to be known as Tung Wah. Wong Ping was not a member of the Organizing Committee of the Hospital, though he was on the Kai Fong Committee for 1872. He died in 1887. Wong Yue Yee alias Wong Yick Bun, of the Chun Cheong Wing Nam Pak Hong, a Director of the Tung Wah in 1872, may have been a relative as Wong Ping is mentioned in 1881 as a managing partner of the Chun Cheung Hong for some twenty years. He also was associated with the Tsui Shing firm and the Tuck Mee Hong.\n\nIn the 1850s the Taiping Rebellion upset the social and economic structures of China. The changes in China were reflected in changes in Hong Kong. The Taiping threat upon Canton created a refugee group which sought in Hong Kong more stable conditions. Some were wealthy and brought their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\nTiuchau merchant, Ko Mun Wo\n\n93\n\nalias Ko Cho Heung\n\nof the Yuen Fat Hong. He was the founder of the firm which established itself in Hong Kong about 1858 and developed an extensive business in the importation of rice from Siam. It soon became one of the wealthiest Chinese firms. In 1881, Ko Mun Wo was the sixteenth highest rate payer, and when he died the year following, the value of his estate was estimated at $163,000. After his death the business was continued by his four sons.\n\nTang Pak Yeung\n\n16\n\nalias Tang Kam Chi was the youngest member of the first Tung Wah Hospital Committee. He was a merchant in the chartering firm of Kwong Lei Yuen. He had received an English language education. He was not a large property owner, nor does his name appear in other lists of the elite.\n\nTHE COMPRADORES GROUP\n\nThe compradores were an important new class which arose in the nineteenth century in the port cities of China. A recent study by Yen-p'ing Hao entitled The Comprador in Nineteenth Century China, Bridge between East and West (Cambridge, Mass., 1970) shows how influential this group became in providing capital for the introduction of modern forms of communication, industry, mining, banking and journalism in the late Ch'ing Dynasty. The origin of the compradore system is in the Co-Hong organization through which China channelled all trade with foreigners before the opening of the Treaty ports in 1843. The compradores were recruited from the Canton and Macao area. A large majority of the most influential compradore families were from the Heung Shan District near Macao. When the foreign firms came to Hong Kong they brought with them their compradores. As trade increased on the China coast, the compradores were provided with an opportunity to accumulate considerable capital. This they invested in real estate and in Chinese commercial firms.\n\nThe late Ch'ing Dynasty was often in financial difficulties. One method of raising income was through the sale of official degrees. The compradores and merchants of the port cities, who formed a newly-created bourgeois nouveau riche group within", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n95\n\ntwo European partners of the firm, with the intention of building Chinese houses of a better type to accommodate the wives and families of the growing class of well-to-do compradores. Previously the compradores had not brought their families to Hong Kong but they remained in their home village or in Canton. The editor of The China Mail comments that \"Messrs. Dent and Company have shown both wisdom and kindness in disposing of their land for such purposes.\n\nChiu Wing Tsun (†), one of the purchasers, and his elder brother, Yuk Ting (†), had both been compradores in Dent and Company. Their nephew Chiu Yee Chee () was compradore at Shanghai and became one of the organizers of the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company in 1872. Chiu Wing Tsun died at Macao in 1873, leaving property in Hong Kong estimated at $111,000.27 Yeong Lan Ko (☎), the other Chinese purchaser of the Dent property, had succeeded his relative Yeong Atai (*) alias Yeong Chun Kum, to the position of first compradore of Dents at Hong Kong upon the latter's death in 1870. Yeong Lan Ko alias Yeong Sun Yow (), and also known as Asam (), was one of Hong Kong's largest landowners. In 1876 he was the nineteenth largest rate-payer and in 1881 had risen to fifth position. He died in 1884 at Pak Shan, the family village in Heung Shan District.\n\nBefore Dents sold their property, the few substantial Chinese who had family residences in Hong Kong were located at the former Middle Bazaar site. When the inhabitants of the Middle Bazaar had been relocated at Tai Ping Shan, the Government replotted the area and laid off new lots which were meant to be bought principally by Europeans for their residences or business houses.28 Two of the more substantial Chinese bought lots at the sale in 1844: Ying Wing Kee (*) alias Ng Wing Kee (**), a compradore and merchant who died in 1849, and Tong Kam Sing, a contractor who died in 1845. Other Chinese of this class soon bought lots from European owners, that they might establish family houses in a better part of town. These included Wei Akwong, compradore of Bowra and Company and later of the Chartered Mercantile Bank; Ho Sek, compradore of Lyall, Still and Company; Lee Kip Tye, a Fukien broker who began his Hong Kong career as a Government interpreter;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n97\n\nof attorney to Wei Akwong. His estate was held in trust until 1919, when the family property was sold at auction.\n\nWe have mentioned Dent and Company (it failed in 1867) and Jardine, Matheson and Company as the leading firms in Hong Kong in the early years; but if we think of the financial giants today, the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank takes its place beside Jardines. The Bank was organized in 1865, and as we might expect its first compradore, Lo Pak Sheung alias Lo Chung Kong, was on Tung Wah's organizing committee. He died in 1877 and his position as compradore was taken by his son Lo Hok Pung (alias Lo Sau Ko)(44). Unfortunately, the son overcommitted himself in several speculative ventures, and not seeing any legitimate way of extricating himself from his financial difficulties, absconded in 1892 with over a million dollars of the Bank's assets; at least that is the figure reported in the newspaper accounts. An indication of his penchant for unwise investments is the $30,000 he put into the organization of the _Uet Po_ newspaper in 1885. Within a year, this had been spent, and he was forced to sell out to Lo Ping Chi, who was able to operate the paper with an expenditure of only several thousand dollars for a number of years.33\n\nIn the field of shipping, the P. and O. Steamship Company played an important role in the Hong Kong economy. They established a branch here in 1845. Their compradore was Kwok Acheong# alias Kwok Kam Cheung. The newspaper notice of his death states that he \"originally belonged to... the boat people's clan, but afterwards obtained admission to Tam Achoi's clan, Tam Achoi being a Punti....\"34 This substantiates my previous statement that the boat people who settled on land generally wished to lose the peculiarities of their origins. Acheong was one of the first settlers of Hong Kong, having organized a provisioning system for the Army and Navy at the time of the first Sino-British War. However, he did not receive the extensive land privileges granted to Loo Aqui for his services. When the P. and O. Company disposed of their shipwright and engineering department in 1854, it was taken over by Kwok Acheong. He developed a fleet of steamships in the 1860s, which provided keen competition to the European-controlled", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206303, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "114\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\n19 C.O. Series 129-78, No. 113, 24 Aug., 1860.\n\n20 Tam Achoy was survived by five sons: Tam Kung Ping alias Tam Ping Kai, died 1887 at Canton, Tam Mo Seen, Tam Yun Yeen, Tam Kee Chun, and Tam Lin Tai. The latter had been adopted by Achoy's fourth wife in 1865.\n\n21 Tang Aluk was survived by a daughter, the wife of Hu Yu Chan; a son Tang Tung Shang alias Tang Pak Shan, died 1899; and a grandson Tang Yeung Mau, the only son of Tang Shau Shan alias Tang Kau Chun. Some of the court suits revolved around whether the deceased son Tang Shay Shan was a natural or an adopted son of Tang Aluk. The family retained much of its real estate holdings up to the present.\n\n22 C.O. Series 131-2.\n\n23 The China Review, Vol. 1 (1872) p. 171.\n\n24 K. G. Tregonning, Under Chartered Company Rule (Borneo 1881-1946) (Singapore, 1958) Chap. 1.\n\n25 The China Mail, 23 July, 1891.\n\n26 Ibid., 17 Oct., 1861.\n\n27 For details on the Chiu (Hsü) family see: Hsü Jun, (Chronological Autobiography of Hsü Jun), #M. #****†# (1927).\n\n28 See my article \"The Chinese Settlement of British Hong Kong\", Chung Chi Bulletin, No. 48 (May, 1970), pp. 30-31.\n\n29 For notice of Cheung Achew see Chung Chí Bulletin, No. 45 (Dec., 1968) p. 11.\n\n30 The China Mail, 9 Dec., 1858.\n\n31 Ibid., 19 Dec., 1871; 7 Feb., 1872.\n\n32 The Daily Press, 4 Nov., 1868.\n\n33 Li Chin-wei, editor (A History of Hong Kong, 1848-1948) £34. điều (Hong Kong, 1949), p. 271.\n\n34 The Daily Press, 23 April, 1880.\n\n35 Archives of the London Missionary Society, London, South China, Box 8, 23 Sept., 1876.\n\n36 C.O. Series 133-5.\n\n37 The name of Ho Tsin Shin does appear on a list of contributors to the Berlin Missionary Society Chinese Vernacular School Fund in 1868 and 1869,\n\n38 For reference to these various aspects of the career of Ho Shan Chee see The Daily Press 24 July, 1868, 20 Sept., 1878, The China Mail 28 Feb., 1882.\n\n39 For details of the career of Ho Kwan Shan see The Daily Press 4 Oct., 1871.\n\n40 The China Mail, 28 Aug., 1891.\n\n41 A biographical sketch of Ho Kai is found in Wu Hsing-lien, (The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong) AA, SEP^S^ (Hong Kong, 1937).\n\n42 The Hong Kong Telegraph, 3 Sept., 1891.\n\n43 The information on the family of Wu Ting Fang is from the Archives of Presbyterian Missionary Society, New York. The exact relationship is deduced from probable evidence rather than having been directly stated in the sources, At the marriage of Ng Achoy and Ho Amooy, 14 Jan.,\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "The District Watch Committee\n\n137\n\nto be the richest man in Hong Kong. When Ho Tung retired as chief compradore to Jardine, Matheson's in 1900, Ho Fook succeeded him. Ho Fook's assistant was Ho Kom Tong, another of Ho Tung's brothers. The members of the District Watch Committee were members of a small circle of businessmen, often related through ties of blood or marriage. When the Tai Yau Bank was established in 1914 with a paid-up capital of $6,000,000, the proprietors were named as Lau Chu Pak, Ho Fook, Ho Kom Tong, Lo Chung Shiu and Chan Kai Ming. Lau Chu Pak was compradore to A. S. Watson and Co., chairman of the Po On Commercial Association and chairman of the Chinese General Chamber of Commerce; Chan Kai Ming was manager of the Opium Farm; and Lo Chung Shiu, assistant compradore to Jardine, Matheson and Co., was Ho Fook's brother-in-law. All were or became members of the District Watch Committee.\n\n22 T. C. Cheng writes that Wei Yuk 'was very much concerned about law and order among the Chinese masses because in those early days riff-raff and political refugees from South China continued to come into Hong Kong. Thus it was at his suggestion that the District Watch Force was founded in 1888. Mr. Cheng appears to be mistaken about the date and is no doubt referring to the ordinance of that year, no. 13 of 1888 rather than to its proper date of origin. Wright and Cartright, Feldwick, and Professor Woo all state that the Committee was formed on Wei Yuk's suggestion. See: T. C. Cheng, 'Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils of Hong Kong up to 1941', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 9, 1969, pp. 17-18; Arnold Wright and H. A. Cartright, Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai and other Treaty Ports, London, Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Co., 1908, p. 109; W. Feldwick, ed., Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent Chinese at Home and Abroad, London Globe Encyclopedia Co., 1917, p. 576; Professor Woo Sing Lim, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Five Continents Book Company, 1939, p. 4.\n\n23 Unfortunately all the records in the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs were destroyed or lost during the Japanese occupation and hence anyone trying to reconstruct the history of the District Watch must work mostly from scraps of information found in government publications, newspapers, books.\n\n24 My guess is that a large number were traditional Chinese merchants from the Five Districts operating on a relatively small scale. The Committee after 1891 represented the views of a more westernised and modernised elite with a knowledge of modern business techniques and modern financial manipulations. Dr. Ho Kai, for example, played the stock exchange with great success and speculated in many fields, particularly land development. He was, properly speaking, a financier although his occupation is often given tout court as lawyer. He had also qualified in medicine at Edinburgh but gave up the practice of medicine soon after his return to Hong Kong in 1882 because of Chinese resistance to western medicine.\n\n25 In 1903, for example, the Committee opposed the re-introduction of the night-pass system but suggested other remedial measures (see Index to Correspondence (General Register) 1894-1904, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1909, p. 100). In 1909 'at the request of the District Watchmen Committee, children who are hawking without a licence are on their first offence sent to the Registrar General who cautions their guardians. This procedure seems to have proved effective in each case' wrote the Registrar General in 1909. It is worth noting that both Registrar General and Committee wanted to end the night-pass system and were opposed by the Captain Superintendent of Police, who was unsuccessful. As for hawkers, very few Chinese regarded them as a serious menace although colonial administrators", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206328, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n139\n\n36 In 1917 there were 31 guilds for employers only (in trades such as silk, sandalwood, wicker furniture and copper), 35 skilled craftsmen guilds (sandalwood workers, masons, tinsmiths, etc.) and 5 guilds with mixed membership (employers and workers). There were also 17 district societies, such as the Heung Shan (Hsiang-shan) resident merchants association and the General Commercial Association of the Tung Kun (Tung-kuan) merchants resident in Hong Kong. See the list of exempted and registered societies in the Gazette, 27 April 1917.\n\n37 Wei Yuk was appointed in 1891 and served until his death in 1929. He resigned several times in order to allow a newcomer to join the Committee but was soon re-appointed. Lau Chu-pak was appointed in 1902 and served until his death in 1922. Sir Shouson Chow was appointed in 1917 and was still a member in 1949, the year of the demise of the Committee.\n\n38 During the years 1929 to 1931 and in 1936 the Committee met four times a year at Government House. Lennox Mills states that members had the right to a guard of the District Watch Force on the occasion of weddings and other festivities'. The Secretary for Chinese Affairs tells us in his report for 1936 that through the kindness of His Excellency the Committee was able to meet the members of the Mui Tsai Commission on the occasion of their first visit to the Colony, 'All members attended and there was a valuable discussion with frank interchange of views'. When the Governor, Sir Henry Blake, left the Colony in 1903 on the day of his departure he inspected the District Watchmen. Clearly, everything was done by the government to give prestige and éclat to the Committee and the force.\n\n19 T. C. Cheng, op. cit., p. 18.\n\n40 Of the Chinese land population in the 1901 census 227,615 returned themselves as natives of Kwangtung Province, 179,296 of this number belonging to the Kwong Chau Prefecture, 28,844 came from Tung-kuan hsien, 28,587 from P'an-yü hsien, and 27,221 from Nan-hai hsien. The situation was substantially the same in the censuses of 1911, 1921 and 1931. In 1911, for example, 311,992 out of 350,418 Chinese in Hong Kong, exclusive of the New Territories, spoke Cantonese,\n\n41 Op. cit., pp. 399-400.\n\n42 Heung Shan, present-day Chung Shan, is the arid county on the west side of the Pearl River, stretching down to Macau. It was the Heung Ha, the Cantonese term for the province, district or village from which each person derives his ancestry, of many prominent Chinese, including Ng Choy (Wu Ting-fang), Yung Wing (Yung Hung), Wong Shing (Huang Shêng), and Sun Yat-sen. Many Chinese merchants in Hong Kong came from this county; for example, Wei Yuk, Ma Ying-piu (founder of the Sincere Company), M. Y. San (before 1941 the largest biscuit manufacturer in China), Tsang Foo, Look Poong-shan (founder of the Bank of Canton). Su Chao-cheng, organiser and leader of the Seamen' Strike in 1922, came from this county; in 1928 Su was elected to the Central Political Bureau of the Chinese Communist Party. The anarchist, Liu Ssu-fu, was also born there. In 1938 the Chung Shan Commercial Association had a membership of over 4,000 in Hong Kong.\n\n43 In 1905, for example, at least seven members of the Committee were compradores to important western firms; one was manager of a native bank; another of a prosperous pawnshop; a third ran a large export firm. Ho Kai was primarily a financier rather than an entrepreneur. See on this point the Chinese speculator Marie-Claire Bergère, \"The Role of the Bourgeoisie' in M. C. Wright, ed., China in Revolution: The First Phase 1900-1913, New Haven, Yale University Press, 1968, p. 236.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206404, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n195 \n\nin frames hung on the walls. A portrait of Sir Robert Ho Tung's mother and a photograph of his wife appear in the older of these two memorial halls. \n\nThe Tam Kung Temple at Happy Valley \n\nThis temple, which seems to have been removed here about 1900, was formerly located at Wong Nei Chung Village and was the local village temple. The village of Wong Nei Chung was one of the main villages of Hong Kong Island and its existence pre-dated the British occupation of Hong Kong Island in 1841. It was eventually removed in the 1920s to make way for the present development of Wong Nei Chung and Blue Pool Road. The present race course was formerly the paddy fields belonging to this village. \n\nThis temple is in fact dedicated to two gods, Pak Tai, (11) the god of the north and Tam Kung, (342) a Kwangtung worthy. Other gods worshipped in the temple include the Goddess of Mercy (left of the main altar) and Lung Mo, the Dragon Mother (right of the altar). Up some steps and behind the main building is another altar in which there is an image of Tin Hau, the Queen of Heaven. To the right of this altar are some memorial tablets which have been put there by relatives of dead persons for regular worshipping rites to be carried out in return for a small initial sum. You will note that one of these contains bone ashes in a small porcelain jar. \n\nTin Hau Temple, Causeway Bay \n\nThis is by far the oldest of the three temples we shall visit today. The structure, apart from some later repairs, dates mainly from a last major reconstruction in 1868, and the bell is dated 1747. There are various items of temple furniture inside and outside the temple bearing dates in the Tao Kwong (1821-51) and Tung Chi (1862-74) periods, including a very good pair of large stone lions dated 1845. Inside the temple the major items of interest are the carved granite altars which date from the 1860s and are worthy of close inspection. \n\nThe temple is dedicated to Tin Hau, the Queen of Heaven and has long been famous for attracting large numbers of boat people on this goddess' festival in the fourth moon. Unlike most", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206445, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "236\n\nLOBO, Mrs. R. H. -\n\nLOCKING, J. R.\n\nLOFTS, Prof. B. -\n\nLOSEBY, Miss P.\n\nLOTHROP, F. B.*\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. S.\n\nLUK, George Ping-Chuen*\n\nLUM Miss Ada*\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nLUTZ, Hans F.\n\n-\n\nLYNCH, Rev. P. Francis\n\nMA, Prof. Meng -\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\nMACKEITH, J. S. -\n\nMACKENZIE, J.\n\nMACLEAN, Roderick\n\nMAGEE, M. W. P.\n\nMAHLKE, W. J.\n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B. -\n\nRace View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Trade Development Council, Ocean Terminal, Deck 2, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, HK.\n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nB-38, Po Shan Mansions, 10 Po Shan Road, H.K.\n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon,\n\nc/o 54 Ravenscourt Gardens, London, W6, England.\n\nTai Yuen Lau, Flat A, 3rd Floor, Tai Pak Street, Tsuen Wan, N.T.\n\nMaryknoll Center House, 120 San Min Road, 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan.\n\nc/o Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nNo. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England.\n\n7 Bodga Wood Walk, York Y01 5 HN., England.\n\nc/o Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nc/o The Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon.\n\n19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K.\n\nc/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nMAO, Dr. Wen-chee, Philip - 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J...\n\nMcBAIN, E. B.\n\nMcBAIN, G.\n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau,\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "84\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nChang Po-chieh : 'Ch'ao-chü Yüan-Liu Chi Li-shih Yen-ke', in Ch'ao-chü Yin-Yueh, Canton, 1956. MHAKAARST. NOTA 廣象。\n\nHuang Hua-chieh : Chung-Kuo Ku-chin Min-chien Pai-hsi, Taiwan, 1967, Ren Ren Wen-k'u Series, No. 383.\n\nKuan Chün-che : Pei-ching Pi-ying-hsi, Peking, 1959.\n\nLiu Fu-kuang : 'Ch'ao-chou Chih-ying-hsi Chien-chieh', Hong Kong Arts Centre Bulletin, Feb. 1974.\n\nSun Kai-ti : Kwei-lei-hsi K'ao-yüan, Shanghai, 1953.\n\nWu Ting-hung : Zhen-yang-yen mu-ou-hsi, Shanghai, 1954.\n\nWhere no sources are quoted, the statements made in the text are based on first-hand observation and interviews. H.W.\n\nPage 90\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206842, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 113\n\nof Shui Pin Ts'uen, and enlarged to the size of a temple very soon after. It remains almost unaltered since except for the written characters over the door which were put there by Tang P'ooi Ch'oh (**) in the 27th year of Kwong Sui (***) of Ts'ing ( ) dynasty A.D. 1901.\n\nIt is the custom in China for men to count back the generations to their \"first ancestor.\" Thus a man may speak of himself as being the twentieth or fortieth generation meaning that he belongs to the twentieth or fortieth generation after one particular family ancestor who, by being the most ancient known forbear, or the founder of a particular branch or even the first of a particular name to settle in a certain locality, is given the title of \"first ancestor\". In many families there are more than one \"first ancestor\", the Tang family have several whom they venerate equally.\n\nFirst they have Tang Yue ($) their earliest known ancestor. A native of San Ye (†) now Honan province, (i) he was born in the second year of Hon Ping Tai (+) A.D. 2 and died 52 years later in the 1st year of Wing P'ing (†) of Tung Hon (**) dynasty. He was a very famous and high officer, and a personal friend of the first emperor of Tung Hon, Kwong Mo (†). He was only twenty-four years of age when Kwong Mo became emperor, but he was given the high office of \"Tai Sz To,\" (✯a✯) equivalent to Prime Minister (during Tung Hon dynasty), for having helped him to rid the country of the numerous bandits that infested it. After Kwong Mo died his son Ming Tai (8) gave him the honour of “Taai Foo (AM), the second highest honour it was possible to receive from the Emperor, at that time, and he was created \"Ko Mat Hau\" ( 4 ) which means Marquis of Ko Mat, now Kiaochow (*) in Shan Tung (R) province. After the death of Tang Yue his portrait was placed first among those of twenty-eight generals in one of the Emperor's palaces called Wan Toi (雲臺)\n\nTang Hon Fat, forty-seventh generation after Tang Yue, is also venerated by his descendants. It is believed by some, that he was the first of the Tang family to settle in Kam Tin. He was a government officer holding the post of \"Shing Mo Long” (**) and was a native of Paak Sha Ts'uen ( & ††) of Kat Shui ( #7†) district in the province of Kiangsi ( ¿1). According to one old family history he was visiting Kwangtung (*) and coming by chance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAM TIN 115\n\nand is on a hill named Hau Tei (#) king crab ground, near the village of Ch'ai Waan Kok (A) Ts'uen Waan ( ) district. The tablet has a poem engraved on it written by Paak Yuk Shim (1) a poetical genius of the Sung dynasty. He was also famous for his paintings which were highly admired among Chinese Scholars. Legends have attributed to him magical powers, and he is supposed to have appeared and disappeared in all the famous mountains from Tung Koon, San On and to the east of Kwangtung.\n\nHe received the title of \"Tsz T'sing Chan Yan” (**^^) from the emperor Sung Ning Tsung (#). Biographies of him were recorded in Tung Koon Yuen Chi (£) Ch'iu Chau Foo Chi (M) and many other books. The poem on the grave was remarkable for the curious allusions that were made in it to the future. It runs:-\n\n1. 長伸左手接星羅,\n\n2. 走攬青衣濯碧波,\n\n3. 深夜一潭星斗現,\n\n4. 裏頭容萬船過。\n\n5. 有人下得朝陽穴,\n\n6. 十三年內登科,\n\n7. 若是世人尋不得,\n\n8. 囘頭轉問釣魚哥。\n\nThis can be roughly translated as follows:\n\n1. \"Put out the left hand as far as Sing Hill,\n\n2. running as far as to Tsing I island wash it in the green waves.” These two lines refer to the position of the grave.\n\n3. \"In deep night one harbour all the stars appear.”\n\nAlluding to the lights of Hong Kong harbour in the future.\n\n4. \"Inside harbour there will be ten thousand ships passing to and fro.\n\nThe trade that was to come to Hong Kong.\n\n5. \"If any one can find the proper site of the grave\n\n6. in thirteen years' time his descendants will pass the highest degree of Government examinations.\"\n\nThis came true in so far as the Tang family were very successful in passing examinations and some of them became high officers and men of rank.\n\n7. \"If people in the world try to find, and are unable to find it\n\n8. turn your head round and ask the young fisherman.\"\n\nReferring to the grave again. When Tang Foo was finding the place for the grave the local villagers pointed out to him a stone known as the Fishing Stone which helped him to decide on the site.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206845, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "116\n\nSUNG HOK-P'ANG\n\nTang Foo's own grave is well known, as it was mentioned in the \"To Shue Tsap Shing\" (4) a large encyclopaedia of 10,000 volumes written in the 4th year of Yung Ching (£) A.D. 1726 of Tsing dynasty, by order of the Emperor. The volume which refers to the grave is known \"Chik Fong Tin” (*) and it says, \"Tang Foo's grave is in Ab Kai 鄧符墓在横洲丫髻山 Shaan, Wang Chau\".\n\nEven if it is accepted that Tang Foo was the pioneer in settling at Kam Tin, or Kwai Kok Shaan as it was then called, there is very conflicting evidence as to when he actually went there. Although his grave-stone records that he passed the Tsun Sz (±) degree, Government civil examination in the 2nd year of Sung Ning (##) A.D. 1103 of Sung dynasty, there is no record of it in the lists of people who passed the Government examinations (Suen Kui Piu ***), in the annals of Canton, Kwong Chau Foo Chi (✯✯), Tung Kwoon, Tung Koon Yuen Chi (4) or San On, San On Yuen Chi (##) which points to the fact that Tang Foo passed his examinations in Kiangsi before coming to Kwang-tung.\n\nEach of the three books mentioned above has a biography of Tang Foo. On the other hand, it is known that after Tang Foo had held the office of district magistrate of Yueng Ch'un (1★-) district and had been promoted to \"Naam Hung Sui\" ( ) he retired to live in Kwai Kok Shaan, and built a famous school there called Lik Ying Tsai () which was mentioned among “The hundred poems of Po On (Po On Paak Wing (*)\" by Yung Ping(), where it was stated that during Sung Ling time A.D. 1102-1106 Tang Foo lived in Kwai Kok Shaan and founded a school called Lik Ying Tsaai (A) and kept a lot of books in the library.\n\nThis book has unfortunately been lost, and only two poems are still in existence, neither of which deal with the school. Yung Ping was a native of Tung Koon. He was \"Tak Tsau Ming Tsun Sz” (*★21) in the 8th year of K’in To ($) A‚D, 1172 of Sung dynasty.\n\nAnother learned scholar, Fok Wai () of Naam Hoi () district, wrote a long article named Lik Ying Tsaai Kei (4) giving an account of the school. During the reign of Shun Hei ( # ) A.D. 1174-1189 the emperor caused Fok Wai to be admitted to the T'aai Hok (*) (Imperial College) as being a \"man possessing the eight virtues.\" Paat Hang Aff.\n\nOnly one other scholar...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206937, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "2\n\nday, five short papers were read on fish, fauna and flora of the sea-shore; insects; land vertebrates, and birds, and the talks were illustrated by an exhibition of both stuffed and live specimens. The field trips, held on the Sunday, were to Tai Tam Bay which supports fauna communities, some of them unique to Hong Kong Island, on its extensive sand and mud flats; and to the Mai Po Marshes, a wetland habitat dominated by deep ponds producing ducks, mullet and carp, and having a marginal zone of dwarf mangrove. This provides a unique eco-system of considerable scientific interest. Professor Lofts is currently engaged in editing the materials presented by his team for one of our symposia publications. The materials from our previous symposium, held the preceding year, should be ready for publication shortly.\n\nOur first local visit of the year was to the Sikh and Hindu temples in Happy Valley. This took place in April. Of the 10,000 Indians in Hong Kong, some 2,000 are Sikhs and the majority of the remainder, Hindus. The Hong Kong Khalsa Diwan, “Sacred Assembly”, as both the Sikh temple and its congregation are called, was founded in 1935 and the Hindu temple some time later. Led by Mr. Ian Watson of the Department of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, a group of members first attended a Sikh service (Sikhism is a revisionist movement within Hinduism, founded at the close of the seventeenth century) and then visited the Hindu temple and its library.\n\nOur second excursion was to Cape D'Aguilar, named after Major General G. C. D'Aguilar, first general officer commanding the Hong Kong Garrison in the 1840s. A group of members visited Hok Tsui village, founded in the eighteenth century, and providing the older name for the Cape D'Aguilar area. They looked at old houses and the village's granite watch-tower, together with its temple to the god Pak T'ai, probably of the nineteenth century.\n\nIn January, members visited the Lo Pan temple—Lo Pan is the god of carpenters and building constructors. The temple is situated in Kennedy Town, in an interesting old corner of Western District, still largely in its pre-war condition, and first built about 1884. The fourth and last local visit was to Tai Miu, Joss House Bay, one of the most historical sites of Hong Kong and well-known in Chinese historical and geographical works. The Tai Miu, or \"Great Temple\" is dedicated to T'in Hau, “Empress of Heaven”, a very popular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "106\n\nMICHAEL SMITHIES\n\nrepresenting the age of the person who placed the offering in the temple, and also long metal forks offered to priests indicating their age. In the grounds of Vat Vixun is the melon-shaped stupa in memory of a Lao queen, the That Mang Mo and another vihara, unrestored, lies nearby. Vat That Luang is raised on a mound overlooking a sports field and is very sober. The vihara has a two-tiered roof and rises from an ornamental stucco band with medallions on the walls. There is an excellent and large carving of a scene from the Ramayana at the back of the altar, and the temple possesses a number of fine palm-leaf manuscripts which are copied by novices. At each end of the vihara is a chedi; the square one to the south is topped by bronze metal plates and is impressive.\n\nThis is by no means an exhaustive list of the temples of the city; temple building still continues, and Vat Monnorom, which used to consist of nothing except a large torso of an antique Buddha statue, is now being rebuilt around the statue. The energetic may climb to the top of the Phu Si less to visit the shrine, which is without interest, but to admire the magnificent view over the Mekong valley and that of its tributary, the Nam Kam. The Vietnamese temple is in hideous taste but again has fine views over the river. The small modern royal palace may not be visited and the residence of the crown prince is a modest French-style colonial building. A number of side streets are worth strolling down, if only for their tranquility; they are unpaved, the houses are of bamboo matting and atap, the gardens bright with bougainvillias and children look with amazement at westerners.\n\nSome thirty kilometres up the Mekong river are the Pak Ou caves. The scenery becomes ever wilder, the mountains more dramatic and the rapids stronger. Pak Ou consists of a limestone block straddling a bend in the river at the point where the Nam Hu joins it. There are two caves; the first, Tham Tong, contains numerous statues of the Buddha left there by the faithful (and some of which have recently been removed by the unfaithful, which is why it is necessary to report to the police on arrival and to be watched throughout the visit); through the frangipanni trees a path leads upwards to a second cave which goes further into the rock. The entrance to this is of carved wood and it is guarded by a jovial Buddha of Chinese inspiration; remnants of carved and decorated posts are to be found inside, leading one to suppose that there might have been a kind of baldachino.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207045, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "CHAN TSUEN\n\nTƯỞNG CƯ HẢI P\n\nI\n\nSHEK KI\n\nPEARL\n\nRIVER\n\nDELTA\n\nMACAU\n\nНАМ ТАЏ\n\nتي\n\nPAD-AN HSIEN\n\nĮPRESENT. KOWLOON.\n\nAWELSHIN MAVEN\n\nT\n\nTAM SHUI\n\nTAI PANG\n\nx\n\nGHUM CHUN\n\nISHA TAG KOK\n\nAHAS PAY\n\nТаг\n\nYUEN LONG\n\n* KAM TIN\n\nPING SHAN\n\nCASTLE PEAK\n\nTSUẸN WAN SHA TINKUNGA\n\nSAI\n\nL KOWLNOW CITY\n\nTING\n\nCHEUNG x\n\nנל\n\nSHA WAMLINE\n\nLINGAU TAU KOK\n\nSHA LÓ WANTE\n\nTRUNG CHUNG LANTAU ISLAND\n\nPUI 01\n\nPENG CHAJ\n\n„MUT WO\n\nISLAND\n\nITẠI TAM TUK\n\nSHEK PIK\n\nABERDEEN.\n\n(CHEUNG\n\nCHAU LAMMA,\n\nISLAND\n\nAP LET CHAU\n\nBELŞ\n\nBAY\n\nдо\n\n+2\n\n110\n\nLO MAN SHAR\n\nTAM VON SHAN (LEMA ISLANDS)\n\nMAP OF HONG KONG REGION\n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207060, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Region\n\n125\n\nthe inhabitants were less fortunate and had either to flee into the hills or stay to oppose or meet the pirates' demands. Walls were built or repaired, and a defence by desperate men of even these not very imposing defences might help to stave off an attack. Village refuges, into which cattle and livestock, valuables, women and children and old people were put, were also utilised. One of these places existed at Shek Pik, but was already in ruins by about 1900.1 Most villages kept arms and even cannon available for use up to 1899 and some of these remain to this day.2\n\nNonetheless, the villagers' position was pitiful in the event of attack, and their attitude towards pirates was probably too often similar to that recorded by Commander Vansittart of H.M.S. Bittern from the River Min in March, 1855:\n\n+ miserably poor boats followed the Brig begging assistance; one Village sent me a well drawn up petition; another a present of waste paper and Joss-stick; fishermen, and passage boats, small Traders, all telling the same pitiable story; landing on Hootow, I was quickly surrounded by Peasantry; desiring the Interpreter to ask them why so many fine looking fellows permitted strangers to molest them; they declared it was useless to resist Pirates, and so whenever Pirates came the villagers hid themselves and cried.\n\nThis extract, quoted from Miss Fox's book,3 shows how Chinese on land and sea suffered at the hands of their less scrupulous fellow countrymen.\n\nThings were no better on the sea at the end of the century. L. C. Arlington of the Chinese Maritime Customs, who spent six years 1893-1899 in charge of the Customs station at Cheung Chau, says;\n\n'as well as other numerous islands forming the Ladrones, [it] was the rendezvous of pirates, who kept all of us on the qui vive, foreigners and natives alike. Gangs of pirates would get together and attack the villages, even in broad daylight, and after looting and killing, escape either to Macau or Hong Kong, where they disposed of their booty. The Customs Officers had many tussles and narrow escapes from these pests of the sea.\n\n1 The elders told me about it after I had come across a reference to it as a place name in an old deed of sale of fields in the valley.\n\n2 R. L. Ozorio, personal communication on the village armoury of Kak Tin, Shatin Valley, 1973. These arms were, of course, sometimes used against other villages.\n\n3 Fox, p. 130.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207065, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "130\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nHowever, despite the foregoing recital of disturbances over the years, many old persons in the Hong Kong region who were born between 1875 and 1900 have told me that their early years were very peaceful. This serves as a reminder not to telescope time and place too readily; and not to confuse occasional excitements with the regular rhythm of rural life. Nor too readily to deduce from them that there was a deterioration in institutions at the local level, as at the centre, in the later 19th century—a point made by Rhoads Murphey in his study of China's modernization.1\n\nPOSTSCRIPT\n\nThere are two other happenings that must be mentioned in this survey of events. One, the establishment and rise of Hong Kong from 1841 on, and its effect on the surrounding and adjacent territory, I do not intend to treat with here.2 The second, rural depopulation, though it might appear to have some connection with the first, is in fact a separate phenomenon. Linked to over-population, malnutrition and disease, it is important enough to warrant a concluding notice.*\n\nThe problem of depopulation early intruded itself into my village studies through the preoccupation with feng-shui noted in many places, so much of it linked to a reported decline in the numbers of local populations. I have encountered this in many villages on Lantau Island3 and in other parts of the old Southern District, in places as far distant from Lantau as Pak Lap on High Island in the Sai Kung District, and Ho Pui with Muk Min Ha in Tsuen Wan. These have also claimed depopulation in the 19th century and after. In the northern New Territories the well-known Tang clan of Kam Tin records a similar loss of population;4 whilst at Lin Ma Hang, a large village on the present Sino-British frontier,5 a stone tablet dated in 1893 was erected to detail the geomantic\n\n1 Murphey: 27-30.\n\n2 The first is well-documented, the second scarcely at all, though discussed in Potter 1968.\n\n3 See JHKBRAS 3, 1963: 143-144; JHKBRAS 9, 1969: 156-158 and Hayes 1967:22-30.\n\n4 Sung in HKN, VII, Dec. 1936:256.\n\n5 See Gazetteer: 214.\n\nEspecially as, in Hsin-an, it is not to be linked with devastating Taiping campaigns and official retribution, nor with Hakka-Punti wars on the scale that occurred in some parts of the province,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "168\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\nthe heart in his mouth went off with it. The villagers gave chase but after a while there was a terrific gust of wind and the dog disappeared.\n\nThe present Kam T'in is divided into two distinct districts. The South, Naam Wai (南圍) was originally a large common or open space of grassland; the North, Pak Wai (北圍) was hilly country surrounded by mangrove swamp. The principal villages of Naam Wai are Kat Hing Wai (吉慶圍) the first village on the right-hand side as one approaches from the main road, which was built by Tang Paak King (鄧伯經) and two other men during the Shing Fa years 1465-1487 of Ming Dynasty; Wing Lung Wai (永隆圍) the village at the end of the road on the left-hand side, facing the open green where football is now nearly always in progress, which was started by Tang Shiu Kui (鄧紹舉) and seven others; and T'aai Hong Wai (泰康圍) the large walled village on the left just before one reaches the Cottage Hospital, which was founded by Tang Ts'ung (鄧聰) and four other contemporaries. Later on during the civil wars of the Hong Hei years 1662-1722 of Ts'ing dynasty these three villages were walled to protect the inhabitants from marauding bandits and soldiers. Tang Man Wai (鄧文蔚) and Tang Kaai Yuet (鄧啟悅) built the wall of T'aai Hong Wai; Tang Sui Ch'eung (鄧瑞昌) and Tang Kwok Yin (鄧國賢) built that of Wing Lung Wai and Tang Chue Yin (鄧珠彥) and Tang Chik Kin (鄧積堅) walled Kat Hing Wai. About the same time Tang Yuet Man (鄧悅民) of Kat Hing Wai and Tang P'ooi Hing (鄧培慶) of T'aai Hong Village both formed the village of Kam Hing Wai (錦慶圍), which is on the north of Kam T'in market; and Tang Chau Man (鄧秋文) of Kat Hing Wai built the village of Ko Po Ts'uen, on the left-hand side of the main road, on the west of Kam T'in market. These walls in many places are in a wonderful state of preservation to-day. Kat Hing Wai and Taai Hong Wai have very strong iron chain gates, and a tablet fixed in the wall outside the gateway of Kat Hing Wai explains the story of them. It can be roughly translated as follows:\n\n\"The inscription on the tablet of Kat Hing Wai:—\n\nSince Foo Hip, the ancestor of our family Tang who was a Government officer, came from Kiangsi to Kwang Tung in the years of Sung Ning of Sung dynasty, we lived in both waais (villages)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n169\n\nSouth and North of this country; later, when the number of descendants became very many, we lived apart in the two waais T'aai Hong and Kat Hing; round both of these waais were built tall walls and deep ditches were dug round them. We think that the idea of doing this by our ancestors, was to protect our houses and guard them against robbers only. When during the 25th year of Kwong Sui of Ts'ing dynasty, on Kei Hoi year, i.e. A.D. 1899, the Government of Ts'ing leased the South part of Sham Chan to the British Government, in that time, the Ts'ing Government did not inform the people of this beforehand, so when the British army arrived, the ignorant people of the country were inflamed by some persons and arose to resist them, the people of our waais being afraid to be disturbed, in order to avoid them they shut the iron gates firmly. The British army suspecting that bad characters were hiding inside, then assaulted and made the gates open. After they went into the Waai, they understood that the people inside were all good men and women, so did not give them any bad treatment, but just had the iron gates taken away. Now, the 26th descendant, Paak Kau, represented the people of these waais to petition the Hong Kong Government, asking the Government to bring the matter before London, and have the iron gates returned, and re-hung as before. All the expenses were paid by the Hong Kong Government. We also thank H.E. the Governor, Sir Edward Stubbs for his presence at the ceremony; from this can be seen the deep kindness and great virtue of the British Government, and shows that our people are pleased and sincerely submitted, therefore we specially carve the above on the tablet, in order to remember and never forget this kindness.\n\nGreat Britain, May, 26th, 1925\n\nChinese Republic 14th year, on Yuet Hoi year the \"yuen\" 4th month, 5th, the lucky day.\n\nwe carved.'\n\nAnother ancient wall in the South district is Naam T'eng (†4) where the silver came to and where Tang Naam had his house. It is to be found to the South of Kat Hing Wai, but no houses are left inside. The North district, Pak Wai, has two villages, Shui T'au (\"The head of the stream\") and Shui Mei ( ) “the end of the stream,\" Tang K'ei Fong ( ) and Tang K'ei Wah ( ) both from T'aai Hong Tsuen were the first persons who lived in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207120, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n185\n\nLei King T'ong (A) is another ancestral hall, and can be found by the side of the main road through Kam T'in. It was built for Tang Ng Shaang (£) (see H.K.N. VII, p. 36).\n\nI Tai Shue Yuen (**) is the new school building built instead of the Man Ch'eung Kok (M) (see H.K.N. VII, p. 256) and is situated in Shui T'au village.\n\nChau Wong Yee Kung Ts'z (M), (=214) (plate 20) is a hall that was built to record the merit of Viceroy Châu Yau Tak (♬) and Governor Wong Loi Yam (*). After the Ming emperors were expelled from China, an officer of the Ming army named Cheng Shing Kung (4) attacked the coast of South China, using Formosa as his base. All the people in sympathy with the Ming dynasty, along the coast helped him, so as the Manchu government had no navy to send against him, an order was made that all the inhabitants of the coast were to be moved inland for 50 Chinese miles. Later they were moved again for another 30 miles and for seven years, A.D. 1661-1668, the New Territories were deserted. The fields were unattended and allowed to lie fallow, and the buildings fell into disrepair. At the end of that time the people made representations to the Governor and Viceroy, and it was through the mediation of these two men, with the Emperor that the people were allowed to go back to their own land. The full account of this story is very long, but it is hoped to devote an article to it later on.\n\nI have to thank Mr. Tang Paak K'au (1) and Mr. Tang Wai T'ong (**), both elders of Kam T'in, for their co-operation and help in obtaining access to the numerous documents that it has been necessary to consult before this series of articles could be attempted. Also Mr. Tang Ch'ong Yip (##) a teacher in Kam T'in, who gave invaluable assistance in searching out references, copying out paragraphs from books in the possession of various villagers, and deciphering inscriptions from stone tablets. Unfortunately Mr. Tang Wai Man (✯) another elder who showed great interest in these articles and helped considerably, died a few months ago, and is unable to see them completed. Lastly, I am much indebted to Mrs. Herklots for her help in writing these articles in readable English.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "234\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nhouses were built later at the back when they had more descendants. That is the entire village even to this day.\n\nThere are 42 dwelling houses within the village, divided by 5 lanes and ten gates; measuring 162'-3\" in width and 125'9” in depth. The idea of this layout would seem to have been to protect themselves from pirates, when the whole family stayed inside. The Chi Tong is located in the centre with three roofs and two light wells (#). There is a village school 150 feet from the southern corner for primary education of their children, and a Tin Hau Temple within 500 feet to the northeast for worship.\n\nLand Registration took place in 1906 in Tsuen Wan after the Lease of the New Territories. The village was recorded from Lot No. 1528 to 1559 (Lot No. 1546 excluded) in Demarcation District No. 449 in the Block Crown Lease, totalling 0.43 acre of house land and 0.03 acre of waste land, all belonging to the Chan family. It is a pity that 0.135 acre of house land were sold to outsiders since 1937 otherwise the village would still remain solely in the hands of the descendants of the founder.\n\nChan Kin Sheung, the founder of Sam Tung Uk, was awarded a portrait by Chien Lung of Ch'ing Dynasty, worded \"Heung Yam Tai Bun” (means Honourable Guest in Village Parties). To everyone's sorrow and great loss it disappeared during the Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong.\n\nThere have been very many big changes in the area surround-ing the village since re-development of Tsuen Wan. Fung shui trees at the back were felled, village type houses were built around, roads were constructed in front, multi-storeyed buildings were erected with obstruction of the front view. Ngau Kwu Tun, the small hill by the left, was removed to make way for a school building, and the hill at the back was partly cut off for construction of the Rapid Gravity Filter. Even the grave of the village founder was affected as it was in the same line and over-looking the village. The name in fung shui was called \"Lion over-looking the village platform\" (獅子瑩樓台)\n\nIt is to be hoped that the Walled Village can be retained as a historical relic in Tsuen Wan, even if the whole area is to be re-developed. God has blessed it for over two centuries and it is hoped will continue to do so.\n\nText and visits are organized and prepared by Mak Kai Yim, A. H. Mackreth, Brian Liu and Helga Werle.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207193, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "258\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\n LANG, F. G... LANGLEY, John A.\n\nLAYTON, F. A. L.\n\nLECLERCQ, J. M. LEE, Miss Ngah-Ping\n\n+\n\nLEE, Sung-Tai\n\nLERNER, Bernard\n\n-\n\n+\n\nLESLIE, Mrs. Elizabeth\n\nLETCHER, Dr. Roy M.\n\nLEVIN, David A.\n\nLEWIS, Mrs. Helen\n\nLI, Edwin Lao\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nLIM, Miss Laye Tin\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n-\n\n43, Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Toronto Dominion Bank, Rooms 917-920, Hutchison House, 10, Harcourt Road, H.K.\n\nc/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., Queen's Road, C., H.K.\n\nG.P.O. Box 13, H.K.\n\nExtra-Mural Studies Dept., University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n36, Village Road, 3D, The Fine Mansion, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\n601, Regent House, H.K.\n\nB-6, Royden Court, 129, Repulse Bay Rd., H.K.\n\nDepartment of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n14, Conduit Road, Emerald Court 5-B, H.K. Consulate General of Costa Rice, 3, Tin Hau Temple Road, H.K.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, H.K.\n\nThe Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hung Road, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\nLINTHWAITE, Mr. & Mrs, J. 2, The Albany, H.K.\n\nLIU, Miss Alison\n\nLIU, Sydney C. -\n\nLLEWELLYN, John\n\nLLOYD, Mrs. Aileen $. \n\nLO, Hsiang-lin\n\nLOBO, Mrs. R. H.\n\nLOCKING, J. R.\n\nLOFTS, Prof. B.\n\n-\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. $. - LUNDEEN, Mr. & Mrs.\n\nR. W..\n\nLUTZ, Hans F..\n\nMA, Prof. Meng, M.B.E.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n34. Lugard Road, H.K.\n\nApt. B-2, Swiss Towers, 113, Tai Hang Rd., H.K.\n\nDept. of Geography and Geology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nFlat 8A, Hamilton Court, 8, Po Shan Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nRace View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46, Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\nc/o The Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club, Sports Road, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\nDept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\n1101, Tavistock, 10, Tregunter Path, H.K.\n\nTai Yuen Lau, Flat A, 3/F., Tai Pak St., Tsuen Wan, N.T.\n\nDept. of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 332, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n323 \n\nto the government for a lot on which to build a school. In granting the lot for charitable and educational purposes, it was stipulated that \"the school should be built on that portion of the ground furthest away from the front of the native temple which is opposite. The villagers have asked that no houses be erected immediately fronting the temple, but they could not object to a playground. The latter should be fenced around.” (C.S.O. No. 700 of 1885) In 1898, the Roman Catholic Church bought a large piece of land behind the village for a church and a school. The Canossian Sisters, however, already had two lots on Bulkely Street in 1894 where they conducted a school (No. 59 & 60).\n\n(c) The Kwun Yam (††) and Pak Tai (†) temples.\n\nAn old memorial board in the Kwun Yam Temple dated 1873-74 lists eleven individuals or shops who may tentatively be identified as the management committee.* I can only identify one, Li Shing Fat, listed as a rate-payer in 1875 and possibly as Lee A Fat on the 1867 squatter licence list. A Hop Shing shop is listed, and it is possible that the owner was Chan Hop Shing who appears on the 1873 rates list or Chang Hop Shing of the 1867 squatter list. Another possible identification might be the Kwong Lung shop with the Kwong \"Leong\" grocer in the 1884 Rate.\n\nIn 1896 the Temple Committee applied for the grant of a Crown Lease for the lot on which the building stood. It was noted that \"This Temple is a public temple, owned by the committee of Hung Hom. A notice was posted at Hung Hom on the 23rd (March, 1886) saying that anyone who objected to the issue of the proposed lease should report to the Registrar General within ten days. No communication has been made on the subject.... therefore recommend the issue of the lease.\" (C.S.O. No. 704 of 1896). In consequence, a lease was granted to Chung Kam Fuk, Chan Ying Cheung, and Ching Ki, Trustees. Of these, Chan Ying Cheung was a large property owner at Hung Hom who was also a wealthy contractor in Hong Kong. Upon his death, his will left his Hung Hom property to his sons.\n\nThe two named temples date from this early period and have survived: one of them in its original location and another on a new \n\n*The names are listed as follows:\n\n福隆號,兴有容,新順扣,勝扣廠,廣隆號,李富利,陳日新,怡興行,廣勝同,合勝號,李勝發。The board carries the large characters 法雨同沾and is dated 同治甲戌年仲春吉旦", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207616, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "164\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nHong Kong Island that had connections with Hang Hau and the Sai Kung islands. The city also needed fuel and building materials, and villagers in Sai Kung were soon carrying firewood into Kowloon City, sometimes selling it to the shops, but often to passers-by. Charcoal burning was also practised in the second half of the nineteenth century, but the practice died out in the early 1900's. Moreover, along the Sai Kung coastline and in several places in Junk Bay, lime kilns sprang up, producing lime from coral. The lime was used as plastering in city as well as village houses. A considerable brick-making industry also grew up in Pak Tam Chung, which at first produced red bricks for use in the city. Later, when this proved to be unprofitable the area concentrated on producing green bricks for building village houses. Even farming was affected. Towards the early 1900's, pig raising became an important source of cash income for the village household. The pigs were sold to butchers in Sai Kung and Hang Hau. Much of the meat was consumed locally, but a substantial amount must also have found its way into the city.8\n\nAs in other parts of the New Territories, some villagers in Sai Kung were recruited as seamen by foreign shipping companies. Foreign remittance came to be a regular source of income, and not a few returned with savings. There were those that did not go as far, who accepted work in Kowloon or Hong Kong.10 The extreme example of wealth derived from the city must be the business operations of Chan Ue Kwong of Ho Chung, Chan Wai T'ong of Tseung Kwan O, and Cheng Chiu Tsoh of Pak Kong. These three opened the I Hing General Store in Kowloon City, and became the richest men in their own villages. Some of this income was spent on land purchase and buildings, but Chan Ue Kwong became even wealthier as a money-lender in the village. Quite a few Sai Kung villagers who later entered business began as assistants in their shop. Chan Ue Kwong was well connected through his uncle with the officials in Kowloon City, and this must have helped his business.11\n\nSo far as we can tell, from the middle of the nineteenth century, economic development in Sai Kung proceeded unimpeded. After the New Territories was leased, land registration instituted by the Hong Kong Government further benefited the villagers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207617, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "165\n\nOriginally, many Sai Kung villagers owned their land only indirectly. In a system of multiple ownership, the Lius of Sheung Shui and the Tangs of Lung Yeuk Tau, as registered land-owners, collected rent in many places in Sai Kung. Sai Kung villagers who paid rent to them nonetheless held their right to the land in perpetuity, and the registered land-owners merely paid the tax and kept the balance from the rent. When the land was registered by the Hong Kong Government, the Lius and the Tangs lost their tax collection rights, and the Crown Rent that was collected by the Hong Kong Government was usually smaller than the former rent that had been paid. For many villagers, then, this must have meant an increase in income.12\n\nElderly villagers in Sai Kung still remember the \"taxlords\". Eighty-seven year old Mr. Wong of Tam Wat had heard of the \"great red hats\", and Mr. Lam Kaap Shau of Tai Long of the \"Koreans\" who came here to collect the tax. Mr. Cheung Kau of Ping Tun had heard of the Sheung Shui people collecting rent here, and elderly Mr. Cheung of Tai Po Tsai (near Tai Mong Tsai) of the Lius and the Tangs doing so. Mr. Cheng Yung of Uk Tau called them the \"Heung Shui Lo\", and knew that they collected rent in his village in his grandfather's days, while Mr. Yau T'aam Shang of Wong Keng Tei actually saw his father among a group of villagers who drove out the rent-collectors from Sheung Shui after the villagers started to pay Crown Rent directly to the Hong Kong Government.13\n\nYet another influence that affected some villages, although it left no impact on Sai Kung District as a whole (except in the field of education), was the introduction of Christianity. As early as 1861, a Roman Catholic priest had reached Wun Yiu in Tai Po. In 1873, the records of the Roman Catholic Church noted that a priest from Sai Kung visited the San On magistrate. In the 1870's, Sai Kung was noted as one of three centres of the Church in the New Territories, the Sai Kung church being responsible not only for the eastern New Territories but also for Wai Chau and Hoi Fung. By 1934-35, Roman Catholic communities were established in Sai Kung Market, Yim Tin Tsai, Wong Mo Ying, Pak Tam Chung, Long Ke, Leung Shuen Wan, and Kei Ling Ha. There were also converts in the 1930's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "167\n\nit was unsafe to keep so much money on his own boat, he deposited the remainder at the shop. All went well until the owner of San Ue T'aai, one Wong Tai Ying, a San On county military sau-ts'oi, learnt of the robbery, and that the Naval Commander-in-Chief of Kwangtung Province had despatched Second Captain Chau Kwok Ying to investigate into the case. The shop owner knew the captain personally, and he reported the money that was paid to him, emphasizing the point that it was paid in clean silver dollars. The captain offered a bounty of a hundred dollars, and Tanka boatmen in the area had no difficulty tracking down Lai, his brother, and two boatmen employed by him, all of whom were involved in the robbery. The bare facts of this case suggest that Leung Shuen Wan, too, in the nineteenth century, was a moorage inlet.17 For all we know, Leung Shuen Wan could have been the more important moorage inlet in those days.\n\nNonetheless, Sai Kung and Hang Hau were moorage inlets where eventually more shops opened. In the early 1900's, there were fifty shops and four boat-building sheds in Sai Kung, eighteen shops and four boat-building sheds in Hang Hau.18 Ferries connected Sai Kung to Nam Tau Sha, a short walk from Hang Hau, and then from Hang Hau there were ferries to Shaukiwan. To the east, there were daily ferries from Sai Kung to Pak Tam Chung and Lan Nei Wan. From Pak Tam Chung, villagers walked to To Kwa Ping and other villages to the north, and from Lan Nei Wan, to Long Ke, Sai Wan, and Tai Long. As late as the 1920's, nonetheless, there was only one daily ferry on each route (Sai Kung-Pak Tam Chung, Sai Kung-Lan Nei Wan), and this left the village in the morning at approximately 10 o'clock, and Sai Kung Market in the afternoon, at 2. There were also ferries between Sai Kung and Tai Mong Tsai.19\n\nOccasionally, the ferry boat might be delayed in Sai Kung, and it would be dark when it arrived at Pak Tam Chung. Villagers from the villages to the north would then come down to the pier with lanterns to meet their own family members on their return.20\n\nVillagers from the Tai Mong Tsai area also walked to Sai Kung. Other footpaths ran from Sha Kok Mei, past Sai Kung, Pak Kong, Ho Chung, and Tseng Lan Shue, into Kowloon,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207620, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "168\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nand others from Sai Kung over the mountains past Mau Ping and Wong Chuk Shan to Siu Lek Yuen and the Shatin area. To the north, there were ferries from Kei Ling Ha to Tai Po Market.21 Sai Kung was therefore conveniently located in the centre of local trade routes to Tai Po, Kowloon, Shatin and via Hang Hau, also Shaukiwan. It was an ideal location for a market in the region.\n\nMrs. Kong Lei San Kiu, who married into Lung Mei Village, used to farm, raise pigs, and cut firewood. When a pig had been fattened to a hundred catties, she carried it into Sai Kung with some assistance, and sold it to the butchers. Sometimes she carried firewood into Kowloon, and sometimes into Sai Kung. If she carried it to Sai Kung, she sold it to shops which in turn sold it to the boat people. She would buy oil, salt, and sundries to take back to the village.22 Many other villagers, like Mrs. Kong, also sold pigs and firewood in the markets in order to buy daily necessities.\n\nThe fishermen also came to Sai Kung, but many did not have to come personally for there was a wide collecting network working for the shops. Mr. Chan Kei Shang of Yim Tin Tsai, who used to work in the two teams of fishing boats known as the “ku-tsai” in the village, used to salt his fish and send them by the ferries to Sai Kung. These ferries were operated by Hakka people from Sai Kung Market, and they sold the salt fish for the fishermen. For some time, Mr. Chan Shau of Pak Tam Au worked on a Mr. Kong's boat selling rice, oil, salt, and biscuits to the boat people. Fish-mongers with their own boats also came from Tai Po and Kowloon, and collected fish directly from the fishermen.23\n\nVillagers obtained their supplies on credit. Nam Shan villagers, for instance, shopped regularly at Kwong Tak Lung in Sai Kung Market, and they were given credit for such daily necessities as rice and sugar. They paid for their supplies by selling grass to the shop, which was used as fuel. Piglets were also obtained from the shops on credit, and when fattened, the pigs were re-sold back to the shops. Fishermen also relied on credit for their supplies. Mr. Cheung Ming Shing from Leung Shuen Wan purchased his fishing equipment from Saam T'aai, and his food supply from Saam Shing, both of Sai Kung Market.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207662, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "# THE TEOCHIU: ETHNICITY IN URBAN HONG KONG\n\n35\n\na reflection of the general mutual animosity between Teochiu and other Chinese. Any further discussion of general patterns becomes less meaningful given the variation within the Teochiu population. The discussion in one of the following sections of the Teochiu population in one resettlement estate considers this variation and the processes discussed above in a particular social setting.\n\nThe geographical distribution of Teochiu in Hong Kong in 1971 is presented in Table 1. The only area of heavy Teochiu concentration in Hong Kong Island is the West census district, which of course includes Nam Pak Hong, the oldest area of Teochiu concentration. Hung Hom is the only area of substantial Teochiu settlement in the Kowloon census districts. More than one half of the Teochiu recorded in the census reside in the New Kowloon census districts, with one-fourth of all Teochiu in the Kai Tak district and almost one-fourth in Ngau Tau Kok and Lei Yue Mun districts. The Kai Tak census district includes Kowloon City, an area of heavy Teochiu residential concentration. The Ngau Tau Kok and Lei Yue Mun census districts roughly correspond to the industrial town of Kwun Tong. Thousands of Teochiu squatters were resettled into Kwun Tong's resettlement estates, particularly Ngau Tau Kok Resettlement Estate. Another census district in New Kowloon with significant Teochiu concentration is Shek Kip Mei; many Teochiu in this district reside in the Shek Kip Mei Resettlement Estate. The only areas of significant Teochiu concentration in the New Territories are Tsuen Wan and Yuen Long. Again, many Teochiu in Tsuen Wan reside in resettlement estates, mostly in Kwai Chung. Personal experiences in Tsuen Wan suggest that the actual number of Teochiu in Hong Kong is greater than the 1971 census figures.\n\nTable II indicates that more than 39% of Teochiu land domestic households are located in resettlement estates and almost one-half are located in one kind of housing estate or another. I would estimate that at least one half of Teochiu households at one time or another resided in squatter structures. In 1971 over 8,000 Teochiu households resided in \"temporary housing\" and another 4,700 households in \"stone structures\". These two categories refer primarily to illegal squatter structures, which suggests that a fairly large number of Teochiu are still squatters.\n\n1 The information in Table 1 and in the other tables was very kindly provided by Mr. M. C. Leong, Statistician, Census and Statistics Department, Hong Kong Government.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207831, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "204\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nConnected with the union there was an organisation which operated a kind of agricultural insurance scheme, making good losses by theft of crops and beasts. Again, the Luk Yeuk was composed of both Punti and Hakka.\n\n24. There are other 'numerical' yeuk-complexes: the Four (Sz) Yeuk of Tsuen Wan, the Six (Luk) Yeuk of Sai Kung, and the Nine (Kau) Yeuk of Sha Tin. In these three cases, however, we see the influence on rural organisation of an urban and administrative centre. The walled city of Kowloon was the only official seat in that part of San On to be converted into the New Territories. It held the yamen of a deputy magistrate and certain military officials, no doubt acquiring some of its importance as a centre of government in the second half of the nineteenth century from the proximity of the British Colony.\n\nThe Kau Yeuk of Sha Tin appears to have consisted of forty-eight villages, of which the five largest were Punti and the rest Hakka. The Ch'e Kung Temple (now the property of the Secretary for Chinese Affairs in his part as a corporation sole) belonged to the Kau Yeuk, according to one account, but was taken over by the S.C.A. when a dispute was precipitated by a claim put forward by one village to control it.\n\nOn the Sz Yeuk of Tsuen Wan I have discovered little more than that it existed. Sung Hok-p'ang once told a Chinese scholar, who has since committed the statement to writing, that the area now called Tsuen Wan was in late Ming or early Ch'ing times known as Tsuen Wan Yeuk and that formerly all the villages in the area from Ting Kau to Kowloon City belonged to it.\n\nThe Luk Yeuk of Sai Kung, however, has left clearer traces. I cannot define its composition exactly, but I have been told that Ho Chung, Pak Kong, Sha Kok Mei, Tseung Kwan O and two settlements in Shap Sz Heung were the six yeuk. Once again, both Hakka and Punti were involved.\n\nThe three yeuk-complexes of Tsuen Wan, Sha Tin, and Sai Kung were in some fashion tied in with a council, formal or informal, in Kowloon City; and it appears likely that the local deputy magistrate used this organisation to make contact with the villages in his neighbourhood. In 1879 (according to its own records) there came into existence in Kowloon a body known as the Lok Sin Tong; members of the three yeuk-complexes were represented on it. Its primary object seems to have been to promote charity, public works, and education, while in character it would appear to have been an association of local gentry. The Lok Sin Tong still exists; indeed, it has grown", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207924, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 312, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n297 \n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY \n\n1 Chinese Buddhist Monasteries, J. Prip Møller; published G. E. C. Gad of Copenhagen, 1937. \n\n2 'The disposal of the Buddhist dead in China' P. W. Yetts, JRAS, July 1911. \n\n3 New China Review, Vol. II, 1920. \n\n4 Truth and Tradition in Buddhism: K. C. Reichelt, Commercial Press Ltd., Shanghai 1928. \n\n5 Buddhist China, R. F. Johnston, 1910. \n\n6 Récherches sur les Superstitions en Chine. Vol. VII, H. Doré, Shanghai 1931. \n\n7 Temples of Anking: J. Shryock, Paris 1931. \n\n8 From Far Formosa; Rev. G. L. MacKay, 1896. \n\n9 Mythical & Practical in Szechuan, James Hutson, Shanghai, 1915. \n\nHong Kong, 1976. \n\nKEITH STEVENS \n\nPRELIMINARY LIST OF THE BAKER COLLECTION OF NEW TERRITORIES GENEALOGIES IN \n\nTHE BRITISH LIBRARY \n\nVol. No. Village (and Gazetteer* reference) \n\n*. \n\nPing Shan (p. 163) ♬ \n\nTang Clan Association Handbook \n\nSurname \n\nTang \n\n(Hong Kong Branch) 香港鄧氏宗親會特刊 Tang 鄧 \n\nPing Long (p. 199) ** \n\n4. \n\nSha Lo Tung (p. 197) \n\nM \n\n5. \n\nEconomic Survey of Ping Shan (p. 163), \n\n屏山1956. \n\n6. \n\nChung Mei (p. 193) Æ \n\n涌尾 \n\n7. \n\nSiu Kau (p. 194) 4 \n\n小落 \n\nChung đề \n\nCheung # \n\nLei 李 \n\nLei李 \n\n8. \n\nChung Pui (p. 193) M† \n\n9. \n\nKam Chuk Pai (p. 194) \n\n金竹排 \n\n** \n\nLei李 \n\nWong 王 \n\n10. \n\nNai Tong Kok (p. 193) \n\nA \n\nLei \n\n11. \n\nTai Kau (p. 194) ★ \n\n大落 \n\nLei李 \n\n12. \n\nWang Leng Tau (p. 193) ††† \n\nLei李 \n\n13. \n\nUnidentified \n\nTang 鄧 \n\n* A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and The New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer, n.d. but 1960)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207925, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 313, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "298\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n14.\n\nSheung Shui Wa Shan (p. 206) #\n\nLiu 廖\n\n15.\n\nLung Yeuk Tau (p. 209) MEDA\n\nChau Wong Yee Yuen Temple Accounts. 周王二院廟恨\n\n16.\n\nLiu Clan Association Handbook.\n\n(Hong Kong Branch) 香港廖氏宗親會特刊\n\n17\n\n18.\n\nSan Tin (p. 203)\n\nLung Yeuk Tau. 龍躍頭\n\nChau Wong Yee Yuen Temple Accounts. 周王二院廟帳\n\nNga Tsin Wai (p. 123) #E\n\nMan 文\n\n19.\n\nNg 吳\n\n20.\n\nSheung Shui (p. 206) Ek\n\nLiu 廖\n\n21.\n\nLiu Pok (p. 205) #\n\nFung 馮\n\n22.\n\nNga Tsin Wai (p. 123)\n\nB\n\nNg 吳\n\n[N.B. this is another copy of the last 3rd\n\nof No. 19.]\n\n23.\n\nHo Sheung Heung (p. 205) **\n\nHau 侯\n\n24.\n\nChuk Yuen (p. 123)\n\nLam 林\n\n25.\n\nHa Tsuen (p. 164) #\n\nTang 鄧\n\n26.\n\nKam Tin (p. 172)\n\nTang 鄧\n\n27.\n\nLung Yeuk Tau (p. 209) N\n\nTang 鄧\n\n28.\n\nHo Chung (p. 139)\n\nWan 溫\n\n29.\n\nUnidentified\n\nTang 鄧\n\n30.\n\nUnidentified\n\nTang 鄧\n\n31.\n\nTai Hang (p. 200)\n\nMan 文\n\n32.\n\nand\n\nTong Fuk (p. 78)\n\nTang 鄧\n\n34.\n\n33.\n\nFan Pui (p. 73)\n\n#\n\n35.\n\nSan Shek Wan (p. 80) ** ̄*\n\nFung 馮\n\nMo 莫\n\n36.\n\nPak Sha Tsuen (p. 166) ✩**\n\nLau 劉\n\n37.\n\nMa On Kong (p. 172)\n\nWu 吳\n\n38.\n\nKai Kuk Shue Ha (p. 218) SHT\n\nChue 朱\n\n39.\n\nNgau Pei Sha (p. 145)\n\nLiu 廖\n\nWu Kai Sha (p. 182) ***\n\n40.\n\nLuk Keng Chan Uk (p. 218) **A\n\nChan 陳", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207926, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 314, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nVol. No. Village (and Gazetteer reference)\n\n299\n\nSurname\n\n41. Tong To (p. 217)\n\nYau 余\n\n42. Shek Pik (p. 73)\n\nTsui 徐\n\n43. Tap Mun Sheung Wai (p. 244)\n\nLai 黎\n\n44. Ha Yau Tin (p. 167)\n\nTsui 徐\n\n45. Sham Chung (p. 192)\n\nLei 李\n\n46. Sham Chung (p. 192)\n\nLei 李\n\n47. Chung Mei (p. 193)\n\nLei 李\n\n48.\n\n49. Kei Ling Ha San Wai (p.183) 企嶺下新村\n\nHo 何\n\n50. Kei Ling Ha San Wai (p.183) 企嶺下新\n\nHo 何\n\n51. Pak Sha O Ha Yeung (p.189) 白沙澳下洋\n\n52. Lo Uk Tsuen (p. 171) 羅屋村\n\nChuk Hang (p. 170)\n\nYung 翁\n\nLo 羅\n\nTang 鄧\n\n53. Shek Po Tsuen (p. 163) 石壆村 (2 vols.)\n\nLam 林\n\n54.\n\n55.\n\n56.\n\n57. Kan Tay Tsuen (p. 212) 簡堤村\n\nSo Lo Pun (p. 219) 莽魯半\n\nMong Tseng Wai (p. 165) 輞井圍\n\nLo Shue Ling (p. 215) 羅樹嶺\n\nWong 黃\n\nTang 鄧\n\nTo 陶\n\nLau 劉\n\n58. (Tai Po Tau (p. 174)) ✯\n\nTang 鄧\n\n(Tai Po Shui Wai (p. 174)) ***@\n\n[Not a genealogy: listing of ritual forms etc.]\n\n59. Kau Tam Tso (p. 194)\n\nLei 李\n\n60. Heung Sai (not in New Territories)\n\nCheung 張\n\n61. Lung Kwu Tan (p. 160)\n\nHo 何\n\nLau 劉\n\n62. San Tin (p. 203)\n\nMan 文\n\n63. Lau Clan Association Handbook\n\nLau 劉\n\n(Hong Kong Branch) 香港劉氏宗親會特刊\n\n64. Sam A (p. 221)\n\nTsang 曾\n\n(4 vols.)\n\n65. Che Ha (p. 183)\n\nLei 李\n\n66. She Shan (p. 200)\n\nChan 陳\n\n67. Kat O (p. 221)\n\nLau 劉\n\n68. Yung Shue Au (p. 219)\n\nWan 溫\n\n69. Hang Ha Po (p. 200)\n\nLam 林", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207962, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 1, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "170\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nnow be described. In general, villagers from Ho Chung all the way east to Ko Tong, and those from the islands in Rocky Harbour, went to Sai Kung Market. Tung Sam Kei, and Hoi Ha villagers went to Tai Po and Tap Mun, but a boat from Pak Tam Chung came regularly to collect firewood, which was sent to Sai Kung. Pak Sha O villagers went to both Tai Po and Sai Kung. Shap Sz Heung, and Sham Chung, were in the Tai Po marketing area rather than in that of Sai Kung. To the south, villagers from Tseng Lan Shue and Pik Uk obtained their supplies from Kowloon. Villagers from the Tseung Kwan O to Seung Sz Wan area went to Hang Hau. Tin Ha Wan had several shops, but its residents, as well as those from Po Toi O and Tai Wan Tau usually went to Shaukiwan. In general, if the transport linkage between Hang Hau and Sai Kung is taken into account, the Sai Kung marketing area went from Seung Sz Wan to Ko Tong, beyond the present administrative boundary of Sai Kung District,29\n\nSo far as can be discovered, except for several from Tam Shui (Wai Chau), the shop-keepers of Hang Hau came from its own marketing area, i.e. from Mang Kung Uk, Pan Long Wan, Tseung Kwan O, and Ha Yeung. There were several general stores, selling food, including grain, meat, oil, salt fish, and salt. There was a goldsmith, a stationer, a tailor, and there were several ferries.3 By 1916, when the Sai Kung T'in Hau Temple was renovated, Sai Kung had for some time been the bigger town. There were at least eight general stores, two butchers, a teahouse, a tailor, a Taoist priest, a herbalist, a draper's, and two shipyards. Many of the owners came from outside the Sai Kung marketing area, from Shuen Wan and Sham Chung, both in the Tai Po marketing area; Sham Chun, Po Kut, and Sha Tseng, all three in Po On county; Wai Chau; and San Wooi.31 Brief information on some of these shops can be found in Table 1.\n\nThe biggest shop in Sai Kung Market was Saam Shing general store, followed closely by T'aai Shing. Saam Shing was the older, but T'aai Shing caught up quickly. Mr. Lei Yiu T'ing, who worked in T'aai Shing just before World War II, remembered that letters for Sai Kung villagers were brought to the shop with goods from Hong Kong. Mr. Lei Shiu Yam remembered that T'aai Shing used to help villagers collect their overseas remittances.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207964, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "172\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nSixty-five years after the event, it is now quite difficult to capture the community spirit that was demonstrated in the renovation of the T'in Hau Temple that made it the centre of worship for much of this area. Apparently, the merchants of Sai Kung had just had two years of unexpected good fortune. At the outbreak of World War I, all vessels entering or leaving Hong Kong harbour were required by law to report to the Royal Navy's Examination Service. For reasons that can only be surmised, many junks that had previously gone to Hong Kong harbour approached Sai Kung Market for supplies, and as a result, Saam Shing and T'aai Shing especially made a substantial fortune.33 The two shops led in the renovation of the temple, paying a hundred dollars each.\n\nFollowing Saam Shing and T'aai Shing, Tak Shing donated seventy dollars, and San Shun Cheung, Fong T'ung Shing, Kwong Tak Lung, T'ung Hing, and Ts'ui Mau Fung all thirty dollars each. In addition, T'aai Shing and Saam Shing donated the couplets that were hung outside the doors of the temple. These were written by Chan Pak T'o, the much respected Tung Koon scholar who resided in Kowloon City and who was known to the Chans of Ho Chung. Several years later, Ling Shin Chung, owner of San Shun Cheung, also donated a wooden board to be hung in the centre of the main doorway.3\n\n34\n\nThe principal donors for the renovation of the T'in Hau Temple became the local body that was in charge of the affairs of the Market. The term kaifong was soon used for this organization. At one time, Lei Ling of T'aai Shing was the chairman. Ling Shin Chung was also chairman at another time. The chairman was assisted by a committee, the members of which were known as the chik lei. Whenever a meeting had to be called, the chairman asked the temple keeper of the T'in Hau Temple to distribute to the chik lei bamboo chits on which their names had been written. The meetings were held in the T'in Hau Temple.\n\nOne of the most important institutions of any Chinese rural market was the management body that was set up to keep the common scale. Every year, the kaifong committee auctioned the right to manage the scale. Subject to the payment of a fee to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207967, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "Table 2 Villages with Populations Above 100 in 1911\n\n175\n\n \n Males\n Females\n Total\n \n \n Sai Kung Market\n 320\n 192\n 512\n \n \n Mang Kung Uk\n *\n 207\n 227\n 434\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Ho Chung\n Hang Hau\n •\n \n \n \n \n \n Sha Kok Mei\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Nam Wai\n ·\n \n \n \n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tseng Lan Shue\n Tseung Kwan O\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Pak Kong\n ·\n \n \n \n \n \n Ha Yeung\n Pan Long Wan\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tai Po Tsai\n \n 159\n 259\n 418\n \n \n \n \n 262\n 125\n 387\n \n \n \n \n 152\n 194\n 346\n \n \n \n \n 178\n 146\n 324\n \n \n \n \n 124\n 152\n 276\n \n \n ·\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 90\n 103\n 193\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n ·\n \n \n \n \n \n \n •\n \n 75\n 115\n 190\n \n \n \n \n 93\n 91\n 184\n \n \n \n \n 86\n 92\n 178\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 77\n 95\n 172\n \n \n Yim Tin Tsai\n \n 79\n 83\n 162\n \n \n Seung Sz Wan\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Wong Nai Chau\n Lan Nai Wan\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tai Mong Tsai\n Tai Wan Tau\n Yau U Wan\n \n \n \n \n \n ...\n \n 79\n 66\n 145\n \n \n \n Tai Hang Hau\n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tai No\n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 72\n 70\n 142\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n •\n \n 77\n 65\n 142\n \n \n •\n \n 75\n 63\n 138\n \n \n ·\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 53\n 64\n 117\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n .\n \n 355\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 53\n 63\n 116\n \n \n \n \n 51\n 57\n 108\n \n \n \n \n 55\n 53\n 107\n \n \n •\n \n \n \n \n \n \n D\n \n \n \n \n \n\nSource: 1911 Census\n\nHo Chung, and the Tsik Shin T'ong, that owned the land on which the Ch'e Kung Temple was built, the furniture and dinner utensils needed for village feasts that all members of the village could make use of, and the village school. Nonetheless, without any doubt, the Ch'e Kung Temple was an institution not of the Cheung lineage but of the entire village and surrounding villages. Hence, in the decennial ta tsiu, all the surname groups in Ho Chung and related villages participated. Nam Pin came to the ta tsiu, because it was related to the Tses of Ho Chung. Tai Po Tsai (near Deep Water Bay) and Tai Nam Wu came, because they were related to the Wans, and the Lams of Seung Sz Wan came, because they were related to the Lams of Ho Chung. Mok", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207968, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "176\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nTse Che and Man Wo (both single surname villages of the surname Uen) also attended, not because they were related to surname groups in Ho Chung, but because they were located nearby. These last two villages contributed to the repair of the Ch'e Kung Temple in 1934. Besides the decennial ta tsiu, the entire village donated towards the costs of worship at the annual Ch'e Kung Festival.38\n\nThe Cheungs had settled in Ho Chung for several hundred years.\n\nIt is instructive to see how the Chans, a new-comer lineage, were integrated into the village. They came in the middle of the nineteenth century, and built an ancestral hall of their own in the village, decorated with exquisite carvings.* They were accepted firstly because they were invited to Ho Chung by the Lais, who had been among the first to settle in the village. Secondly, they were rich, and when they settled in the village, they set up the Luen Hing T'ong, which functioned as a money-lending trust in which other villagers of Ho Chung could hold shares. At the end of each year, the T'ong slaughtered a pig and divided the meat among the share-holders. Thirdly, as already noted, they were connected with officialdom, and were people of some influence in the county.39\n\nOther villages had institutions similar to Ho Chung's. Pak Kong had a village-wide institution known as the \"tso she\" (\"celebration at the earthgod's shrine\" or \"communal celebration\") which consisted of a religious homage and a feast at the earth-god's shrine on the Festival of the Great King Earthgod on the 15th of the Second Month. A five-year rota was set up whereby villagers took turns to be responsible for the feast. The rota was written on a wooden board that was kept in the Loks' ancestral hall. The group of villagers responsible for the worship in any year would collect the money contributions due from the other villagers, would provide and slaughter the pig that was needed for the worship, and would then mount the feast.40 In Sha Kok Mei, the term \"tso she\" was not used, but a small wooden board was circulated among resident households that took turns in groups of three to be responsible for communal worship at the beginning and the end of the year, and for worship of T'in Hau on her Festival Day at her temple at Leung Shuen Wan. Apparently,\n\n* Plate 3.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207970, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "178\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nTable 3. (Translation)\n\nFront:\n\nAnnual festival 19th First Month, 15th Second Month, 23rd Third Month, 5th Fifth Month, 14th Seventh Month, 24th Twelfth Month, Tung Chi in Eleventh Month, Night of 30th Twelfth Month; she t'au (leaders of the she); ALL THOSE WHO LIVE IN PAK KONG VILLAGE HAVE THE RESPONSIBILITY TO SERVE THE AFFAIRS AND PUBLIC INTEREST OF THIS VILLAGE; work collectively for the achievements of this village, do not follow the Monroe [Doctrine].\n\nBack:\n\nGOLD Cheng Tso On, Cheng Chung, Lok Tso Po, Cheng Woh, Cheng Chan Ip, Lau T'in T'ing; WOOD Lok Shek Kam, Lok T'aai Ts'eung, Lok Shue Kam, Lok Foh Kau, Lok Yau T'aai, Lok Shai Ngau, Lok Tak Kwong; WATER Lok Ting Ngau, Lei Lam, Lei Kau, Lok Kam, Cheng Tso Ning, Lok T'aai Hei; FIRE Lok Tak Lam, Lok Shiu Ch'oh, Lok Lam Kwai, Lok Kam Uen, Lok Chi K'eung, Lok Shang, Lok Uet T'aai; EARTH Lok Fuk Shing, Lei Iu, Lei Kw'ai Cheung, Lok Kau Kei, Lok Tso On, Lei Shek,\n\nIn a slight variation, in Tai Po Tsai (near Tai Mong Tsai) and Wo Mei, instead of collecting money to buy the pig at the time it had to be slaughtered, villagers bought a piglet at the beginning of the year and participating families took turns to feed it during the year. By the end of the year, it would be slaughtered, and the meat divided. In Wo Mei, the five lineages of the village also gathered into the Ng Woh T'ong for matters that affected the entire village.42 Less formal but not less important were the \"marriage clubs\" (lo p'oh wooi) found in many villages, such as Mang Kung Uk and Hang Hau, consisting of the unmarried young men of the village. The young men of the club were obliged to help the bridegroom during wedding ceremonies, and they themselves would be helped when their turn came. In general, village ceremonies, not only weddings but also funerals, required the participation of members of the village, including those outside the immediately affected lineage. It was commonly understood that on these occasions members of the village had the right and duty to participate and to help.\n\n43", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "179\n\nAmong smaller villages, arrangements for co-operation often extended beyond the village itself. Hang Hau and nearby Seung Sz Wan, for instance, were closely involved in each other's celebrations. When there were celebrations in one village, members of the other village could come without invitation.44 Inter-village co-operative arrangements of one sort or another were sufficiently strong for most of the smaller villages to identify themselves as being parts of permanent village alliances. Tai Mong Tsai, Tai Po Tsai, Shek Hang, Tit Kim Hang, Tam Wat, Wong Mo Ying, Ping Tun, and She Tau formed the Paat Heung (Eight Villages); Nam Shan included also Fu Yung Pit, Kak Hang Tun, Keng Pang Ha, and Lung Mei; Pak Tam Chung included Pak Tam, Tsak Yue Wu, Wong Keng Tei, Sheung Yiu, Wong Yi Chau, and Tsam Chuk Wan; and Ngong Wo, Wo Liu, Shan Liu, Tai Wan, Tso Wo Hang, Sha Ha, Nam A, Wong Chuk Yeung, Long Keng, and O Tau formed the Shap Heung (Ten Villages). The Paat Heung had a joint school in Tai Mong Tsai; the Pak Tam Chung villages jointly worshipped the Great King earthgod near Sheung Yiu; the Shap Heung had its joint school in Tai Wan, and used to maintain collectively the T'in Hau Temple at Wong Chuk Yeung (now ruined). The larger villages, e.g. Ho Chung, Mang Kung Uk, Sha Kok Mei, Nam Wai, Tseng Lan Shue, and Pak Kong, were apparently not parties to such alliances, but regarded themselves as forming complete units in themselves.45\n\nInter-village disputes were not common, but there were some long-standing ones. Sha Kok Mei disputed with Nam Shan over tree-cutting rights. Nam Wai and Ho Chung fought over a quarrel that had started when the cows of one village damaged the crops of the other.46\n\nFestivals and customs\n\nThe major festivals in the village were the New Year, and the T'in Kei (birthday of Nui Woh, the Earth Goddess), Ts'ing Ming (spring worship at the ancestral graves), Dragon Boat, Tsat Tse (Seven Sisters), Mid-Autumn, Double-Ninth (autumn worship at the ancestral graves), and Tung Chi (winter solstice) festivals, the temple festivals of the local temples (in this area Ch'e Kung, T'in Hau, Koon Yam, and Hung Shing), the festivals of the local", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208043, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "66\n\nJ. T. KAMM\n\nFinally, a word on economic development. Equilibrium in the tenancy system in no way implied stagnation in the economy. We have already noted the benefits which tenants derived by extending the surface value. The clans, restricted in the amount of rent-value collected, expanded economically into two areas, regulation of trade and monopolization of tax collection. It was at the level of periodic marketing that the landlord clans \"reasserted control” over the tenants' surplus; moreover, the landlords were able to extract increasingly large amounts of revenue, as taxes, while both trade and agricultural production increased. In this way, perpetual tenancy gave impetus to the rise of taxlordism, which we shall consider in the next essay.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Hugh Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, p 8.\n\n2 See, for instance, the Kwang Tung Nung Yeh Kai-K’uang Tiao-ch'a-pao-kao Shu Hsuan-pien (*), Vol. I, p 185.\n\n3 Hung ch'i represented officially recognized ownership of land. Pai ch'i (é) denoted unregistered ownership, mortgage, and the like. Tenants might possess pai ch'i, or they might not.\n\n4 It is very difficult to give a realistic estimate of the amount of land worked by tenants in the early nineteenth century. Existing records (including Government CSO reports, sessional papers and cadastral surveys) suggest a very high degree of tenancy. A survey taken by Potter in 1960 indicates a tenancy rate of 83% in Ping Shan (); this coincides with my observations in Kam Tin.\n\n5 Extension of the Boundaries of the Colony, p 52.\n\n6 In the first tally of cultivated land conducted at the beginning of the Ch'ing Dynasty, 4039.567656 mow of land were liable to the payment of taxes. By 1819, this amount had shrunk to a total of 3815.94836965 mow. (Hsin-An Hsien-chih, ch'uan 8). Lockhart, in the Extension papers, writes of the land registers: \"The land registers of the district, which ought to be a reliable guide, are worse than useless, as they contain not more than half of the land under cultivation.\" (p.48).\n\n7 See Tung-Kuan Hsien-chih (*), ch'uan 39, for an account of the problems raised by this situation. In the early years of British administration, officers were often informed by cultivators that plots of 3rd class land (see below) were exempt from tax in certain areas.\n\n8 Kwang-chow Fu-chih ( ), ch'uan 4:46b-47a.\n\n9 Hsin-An Hsien-chih, ch'uan 2.\n\n10 James Hayes, \"Old British Kowloon\", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol. 6, 1966, gives some data on Kowloon. The Hakka Tangs of Pat Heung apparently arrived in the neighborhood of Kam Tin during the migration years.\n\n11 Wan Lo, “Communal Strife in Mid-19th Century Kwangtung” Papers on China from the Regional Studies Seminar, p 93. See also N.B. Dennys (ed), The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (1867), pp 20-22.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208133, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "156 \n\nW. SCHOFIELD \n\non the ridge.* Further afield, on the Hang Hau peninsula, is the paved road referred to above, which runs as far as Ha Yeung: and on Nam Tong, commanding the strait, is the robbers' stronghold with its gun platform. Porcelain near its gate looked fairly modern, from what I remember. Remains of a similar kind can be found on the other islands of the Southern District. Just above the village of Shek Sun at the west end of Lantau stands a Dutch fort built about 1610, rectangular in plan. A few cannon balls and other relics have been found in it, but it is very overgrown and needs clearing if any research is to be done there, or sightseers enabled to visit it. The old fort and cannon protecting the small yamen were repaired when E. W. Hamilton was D.O., I think between 1927 and 1929: I remember that one room in the yamen was inscribed shu shat (library). Another relic of old coast defences, close to Tai O, is the old Chinese guard station already referred to, outside Po Chu Tam creek, and quite ruined. On the south coast, near Shek Pik, a very ancient rock carving on a cliff was found quite recently. In the outlying islands are three interesting structures: one is on the North Soko island, where in a small valley on its south coast are two converging lines of megaliths. The other two are on Sha Chau, one a stone burial chamber on the south isthmus in the form of a 'kistvaen,' the other a ruined guard station on the flat area northwards of the chamber, with an earthwork protecting the landing place to eastward.\n\nNo doubt there are many other places of interest, especially temples and their contents: one of the finest is the Pak Tai temple in Cheung Chau, with its coloured relief showing the local ferry boat nearing the pier in Hong Kong harbour. Lastly, there is one place of much interest with which I had to deal in 1917 or 1918. The Tang grave at Hau Tei, beside Tsun Wan, made in the Sung dynasty, was naturally affected by the new Castle Peak motor road and a projected reclamation of the shallow sea area beyond it. The Tang elders come to the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, where I was 2nd A.S.C.A.,† and partly I think on my suggestion the hill of the grave was made into a public park, so as to preserve its surroundings and outlook. The grateful elders presented me with a 'fung shui' map of the grave site for my efforts on their behalf; and the good influence of their virtuous ancestor continues to augment the prosperity of their descendants, and of Hong Kong generally, if there is anything in 'fung shui'!\n\n* See Mr. Schofield's note in JHKBRAS 9 (1969): 154-156.\n\n† Assistant Secretary for Chinese Affairs.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208146, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n169 \n\nthe Law Fau Mountains northeast of Hong Kong. In the event that there is not, it must be accepted that this little essay is no more than a start, since the preparation of a satisfactory record would require a lot more time than I possess. However, given perseverance it would be possible to create such a gazetteer for our mountain.\n\n6. A typical Chinese gazetteer usually begins by dealing with boundaries and administration, then proceeding to geography, including streams and hills, local customs, natural products, and so on to settlements, buildings, temples, markets, fords and bridges, etc. There is usually a section on past events and historical relics, including stone inscriptions, another on poems and literature i.e. writings by local persons or on local matters, and so finally to a large section dealing with the lives of famous persons connected with the area. For present purposes, I shall not tie myself rigidly to a gazetteer framework though I shall mention items that \n\nform the subject of any such work.\n\nSettlements \n\n7. For hundreds of years the mountain had its upland villages. Before the war, there were a considerable number of old settlements situated above the 500 feet contour line, and thus located on the mountain-side and on its upper slopes. On the south, east and west - I know little of the north—the largest group of these were the 8 villages of Shing Mun (17) mostly occupied by the ramified offspring of a single clan (Cheng ) settled in the main village, Tai Wai (PIA). A recorded 855 persons from these places were removed in 1928-29 to prepare for the construction of the Shing Mun Reservoir, going to a number of places elsewhere in the New Territories and some beyond into Kwangtung. Besides the Shing Mun group there were in 1899 another six upland villages located on the south, east and west sides of the mountain.* \n\n8. These all gained their main living from agriculture, on padi fields and dry cultivation on small patches of flat land in the hills. The highest rice fields were cultivated at some 1500 feet above sea level. At the present day, save at Chuen Lung, the villagers have mostly left and cultivation has been largely abandoned.\n\nChuen Lung, Pak Shek Kiu, Sheung Fa Shan, Ha Fa Shan, Sheung Tong and Ha Tong Lek.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n181\n\nHe must have come by boat as the record states that \"he left his boat at Tuen Mun - the present-day Castle Peak Bay - and rambled through the woods of the New Territories and visited many mountains. He fell in love with the scenery, and found many excellent grave sites for he was an accomplished geomancer.\"\n\nAfter he finished his official tour of duty in Yeung Chun County, he returned to his native home at Kiangsi and brought down the exhumed remains of his great grandfather TANG Hon-fat (#) and his great grandmother and those of his grandfather TANG Kun () and his grandmother to this area for reburial, presently the New Territories of Hong Kong.\n\nHe buried his great grandfather and great grandmother in a grave at a site called Yuk Nui Pai Tong (#), meaning \"the newly married girl is presented to her in-laws\", at a small hill near Wang Chau (#), Yuen Long. He also buried his grandfather TANG Kun and his grandmother in a grave the site of which is called Kam Chung Fook Fo (4ƒƒX), “the golden bell covers the flame”, on a small hill behind the present Pok Oi Hospital on the main road from Kam Tin to Yuen Long. Both sites were considered auspicious.\n\nWe do not know whether TANG Fu-hip's father TANG Yuk (e) was brought here dead or alive. He and his two wives were buried in a grave on a small hill not far from the Tsuen Wan District Office. The name of the site is called Pun Yuet Chiu Tam (*AR), “a half moon is shining over the water pond”.\n\nOwing to the proximity to the urban area and its easy accessibility, the Tang clan led by their elders come here every year on the 19th day of the Tenth Moon (lunar calendar) to pay homage to this ancestor.\n\nThe record does not tell us how TANG Fu-hip brought the bones of his ancestors from Kiangsi, whether by boat or by the overland route.\n\nWhen TANG Fu-hip died, he was buried in a grave he had chosen himself. The name of the site is called Sin Yan Tai Tso (^) “the grand seat of the fairy\", and it is located not very far from where he buried his great grandfather and great grandmother.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208160, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe five graves may be summed up chronologically as follows:\n\n(1) TANG Hon-fat\n\n(2) TANG Kun\n\n(3) TANG Yuk\n\n(4) TANG Fu-hip\n\n(5) TANG Wai-kap\n\nHong Kong, Nov. 1976\n\n183\n\n(Yuk Nui Pai Tong) near Wang Chau.\n\nYuen Long.\n\n(Kam Chung Fook Fo) on a small hill\n\nbehind Pok Oi Hospital.\n\n(Pun Yuet Chiu Tam) Tsuen Wan on\n\nCastle Peak Road.\n\n(Sin Yan Tai Tso) near Wang Chau,\n\nYuen Long.\n\n(Wu Lei Kuo Shui) near Au Tau cross-\n\nroads.\n\nDAVID LIU\n\nACCOUNT OF THE VISIT\n\nOn Saturday, 11th December, 1976 some thirty members of the Society visited the five main graves of the Tang family of Kam Tin and other old established villages in the New Territories (see the programme notes above).\n\nWe first visited grave No. 3 in Tsuen Wan which is located on a small hill that was bought by the family in 1927 to protect the grave in the face of various encroachments. In addition to the grave, there exist two round granite pillars (similar to those at graves 1 and 4 but without their lion-dog tops). These are situated each at a distance of 132 feet and angles of 125 and 217 degrees from the centre of the grave, as measured standing at the main table with the compass pointing north.* Lower down, a little off the main road there is also part of an entrance, built of inscribed rectangular granite pillars, erected in the 4 year which the Tang elders say is, in this case, 1894.\n\nMr. Peplow was Land Bailiff, Southern District at the time the Tangs purchased the land in 1927, and his account,† quoting from a silk scroll given to him by one of the Tangs, is as follows:\n\n† S. H. Peplow Hong Kong About and Around (Hong Kong Commercial Press 1930) pp. 148-149.\n\n* I have since learned from the Tangs that the two pillars stood further to the front of the grave, nearer the former shore line, and that they were moved to their present location when the first Castle Peak motor road was constructed about 1917-1919.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208168, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n191 \n\nspot in the fields near Kam Tin, beside one of the new villages built by the Shing Mun people with funds provided by the Hong Kong Government. This temple (Plate 40) contains a tablet bearing the names of 17 Shing Mun villagers who died in the struggle.16 (Plate 41).\n\n(b) Tsuen Wan The Tin Hau Temple, which likewise is the community temple for the Tsuen Wan villagers, also contains a tablet to the 17 Tsuen Wan villagers who died in the war. (Plate 42). We shall also see the memorial recording the war according to the Tsuen Wan viewpoint.\n\n(c) One of the local weapons, estimated to be over 100 years old, and likely to have been in use at the time, is preserved in Muk Min Ha Village, one of the Tsuen Wan group, and I have permission to bring it with me on the visit. In the quaint phraseology of the past it is of the type known locally as 'Little Duck-bill', no doubt on account of its shape. (Plate 43),17\n\n7. Comment\n\nThis episode in local history is interesting for several reasons:\n\n(a) It took place between persons of the same language group.\n\n(b) All the contesting villages were small and their inhabitants closely related by intermarriage and other links over the preceding one to two hundred years of local settlement.\n\n(c) The Shing Mun villages were known locally as the Pak Heung18 or 8 Villages. Their one major and several minor lineages banded together to oppose Tsuen Wan. The latter, even more diversely settled than Shing Mun, also closed ranks to deal with the enemy.\n\n(d) It was purely a local struggle: no outside factors or participants were seemingly involved, other than the group from the other Pat Heung.\n\n(e) The district magistrate and local military forces apparently did not interpose themselves between the contestants: at least not on the local memory of these events.\n\n(f) Such incidents throw light on the war-like nature of local villagers, and the obligations of lineage groups to each other in offence and defence: they are typical of the Hong Kong region and other areas of S.E. China at this time.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208170, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n193 \n\nFor the general background the reader is referred to pp. 419-433, 697-700 of Kung-chuan Hsiao's monumental study of late imperial China Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century (University of Washington, Seattle, 1960). Also to Chapter X of Frederic Wakeman Jr.'s Strangers at the Gate, Social Disorder in South China 1839-1861 (University of California Press, 1966): 'Class and Clan' 109-116. It is of interest that as late as 1905 and 1908 villagers of Honam Island, Canton were fighting out their feuds on the campus of the Canton Christian College, the future Lingnan University: see Lingnan University by Charles Hodge Corbett (New York 1963) p. 40. \n\nThe self-government of Chinese villages existing alongside what A. R. Colquhoun styles ‘a long common frontier' with 'centralised autocracy', i.e. the situation which allowed this kind of independent action to subsist, is interestingly handled in his China in Transformation (London, 1898): 238-288. \n\nHong Kong, \n\nDecember 1977. \n\nC. MOVE OF THE SHING MUN VILLAGES* \n\nJAMES HAYES \n\nThe Shing Mun villages of Shing Mun Lo Wai, Pak Shek Wo, Pei Tau To, Shek Tau Kin, Fu Yung Shan, Nam Fong To, Tai Pei Lek and Ho Pui contain about 855 Hakka Chinese, mostly named Cheng but having among them also Cheung's, Ko's, Lo's, Tang's and Tsang's. \n\nIn a hollow in the hills about two miles broad by two and a half long, formed by Tai Mo Shan, Grassy Hill and Needle Hill, and sloping from Lead Mine Pass southwards to Pineapple Pass and Tsun Wan, the inhabitants of these villages own 180 acres of agricultural land, 1180 acres of forestry rights and 42 acres of pine-apples. \n\nThe whole of this area will have to be evacuated, and after careful search in co-operation with the villagers, suitable sites have been found to accommodate them at Kam Tin, Wo Hop Shek, Nam Shui Po, Tsat Sing Kong, Ping Kong, Fung Yuen (Yue Kok), Shek Ku Lung, and Pan Chung, and to these it is proposed to move all the inhabitants of the Shing Mun valley above Pineapple Pass. Details of the transfer are as follows:--- \n\n* Taken from the Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers 1928.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208171, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "194\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nFROM\n\nPERSONNEL.\n\nTO\n\nShing Mun Lo Wai 251\n\nPak Shek Wo\n\nPei Tau To\n\nShek Tau Kin\n\nFu Yung Shan\n\nS | Kann Tie 3H\n\nWo Hop Shek\n\nNam Shui Po\n\nTsat Sing Kong\n\nPing Kong\n\nFung Yuen (Yue Kok)\n\nShek Ku Lung\n\n5 | Pan Chung\n\n25 276\n\n31\n\n13\n\n44\n\n126 126\n\n82\n\n7 27\n\n116\n\n46\n\n51\n\n27\n\n124\n\nNam Fong To\n\n28 28\n\nTai Pei Lek Ho Pui\n\n4\n\n11 15\n\n11 23 46 46\n\n126\n\n540 79 11 23 46 46\n\n7 103 855\n\npersons\n\nThe greater part of the new village sites is on Crown land. It has been necessary to purchase a small area of private land included in the sites, at a total cost of $1,055.51. A further sum of $2,783.80 compensation for fruit trees unavoidably involved brings this figure to $3,839.31.\n\nSite Preparation: The cost of preparing the sites for the new villages is shown in the following table: ---\n\n \n Kam Tin\n $ 5,000.00\n \n \n Tsat Sing Kong\n 1,300.00\n \n \n Pan Chung\n 10,000.00\n \n \n Shek Ku Lung\n 500.00\n \n \n Ping Kong\n 1,000.00\n \n \n Wo Hop Shek\n 1,700.00\n \n \n Nam Shui Po\n 5,000.00\n \n \n Fung Yuen\n 7,000.00\n \n \n \n $31,500.00\n \n\nThis work will be done exclusively by Government, and provision has been made in the 1928 Estimates to cover the expenditure.\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208181, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "204\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nas \"land-holding corporations\" and are treated as such, descent data being regarded essentially as secondary particulars.\n\n6. Although the implications of this statement for the general theory of unilineal descent groups have largely been ignored, the observation is borne out by a study of the ethnographic and historical data concerning the Kam Tin Tangs. The elders classify no fewer than four ancestors as hoi chuk cho, and, according to them, honor all four with essentially the same ritual obligations. These ancestors [1) Tang Hon Fat (**), 2) Tang Foo (##), 3) Tang Yuen Leung (*), 4) Tang Hung Yee (###)] are central pivots around which much of the oral and written history revolve; yet, as an investigation of the genealogy (##) kept by the elders reveals, long spells of \"historical time\" and interrupted residence separate them one from another, a disturbing fact which has, in the past, generated considerable debate on their individual legitimacies.\n\n7. Sung Hok Pang* mentions a debate, recorded in an early Kam Tin genealogy during the Shing Fa () years of the Ming dynasty, concerning whether Tang Hon Fat ever actually visited Kam Tin at all. Elders maintain that this debate is still very much alive.\n\n8. The debate concerning the founding of Sham Tin, i.e., whether Tang Hon Fat or Tang Foo founded the Tang settlement, is perhaps understandable when we realize the striking similarities in the biographies of the two men. Tang Hon Fat settled, it is said, in the vicinity of Sham Tin at a place called Kwai Kok Shan (± A L), some time towards the end of the tenth century A.D. There is speculation that he constructed the Hung Shing Kung (†), a temple still intact in Pak Pin (at) Village. He was a government officer, shing mo long (#4), from Kiangsi (31), Kat Shui Yuen (##), Pak Sha Tsuen village (#). The Nam Yeung Tang genealogy (✯✯✯✯✯), held by the Ping Shan Tangs, credits him with being the first settler. The Kam Tin Tangs disagree, placing most of the credit on his great-grandson, Tang Foo.\n\n9. Tang Foo was also a high official of the Sung Dynasty (holder of the chin shih (+) degree and county magistrate of Yeung Chun (**)). He, too, is supposed to have settled at Kwai...\n\nSee Mr. Kamm's Essay I, f.n. 20 and Essay II, f.n. 21.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208182, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n205 \n\nKok Shan. In general, the significance of Tang Foo is two-fold: 1) by establishing a famous school or study (Lik Ying Tsai #) near Kam Tin, he linked his name with scholarly achievement in San On and Canton, 2) by recognizing the qualities of the area's Fung-shui (風水) and locating his ancestors' graves accordingly, he assured future benefits for his descendents. \n\n10. With reference to the former point, Tang expansion was undoubtedly assisted by the largely fictive \"kinship\" bonds established within the scholarly civil-service tradition. \n\n11. It will be noted that in the two accounts of Fung-shui appended to these notes,* the landmarks recognized by Tang Foo correspond generally to the boundaries of territory claimed by the Kam Tin— Ping Shan- Ha Tsuen Tangs. Also notice the conflicting tales recorded by Sung and O'Dwyer,† particularly concerning whether Tang Foo was an official prior to examining the Fung-shui. An excellent example of how oral \"tales” contradict orthodox doctrine. \n\n12. There is considerable doubt that, after Tang Foo, the Tangs continued to be a force in Sham Tin; but, two generations later, ancestors reappear, and with them mention, for the first time, of the popular territorial division of Kam Tin. Two cousins (grandchildren of Tang Foo), Kwai (#) and Sui (*) settled respectively in Nam Pin (南邊) and Pak Pin (北邊) Villages. \n\n13. The dispersal of their children, known as 'the Five Yuen (五遠)' is the first major migration or fission of the Tangs from Sham Tin. The descendents of the Five Yuen considered together form the highest order grouping of the Tang clan. \n\nKwai (癸) gave birth to Yuen-hei (元喜) who settled in Tung Kwun City (東莞縣城) and Pak Wai (北圍), and Yuen-ying (元英) who settled in Fuk Lung (福隆) of Tung Kwun county. \n\nSui (遂) gave birth to Yuen-ching (元貞) who remained in San On, establishing the branch of the clan at Ping Shan (坪山), Yuen-leung (元亮) who remained in Sham Tin, and Yuen-woh (元禾) who moved to Wai Tak (懷德) of Tung Kwun. \n\nThese together made up the five great branches of the Tung Kwun San On Tangs. In the K'ang Hsi years of Ch'ing, their descendents established the To Hing Tong (蹈興堂), which built\n\n* pp. 214-216. Only one has been printed. \n\n† K. O'Dwyer, \"Kam Tin, Memories and Legends\" The Rock (a Hong Kong Catholic Journal) April 1940.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208192, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 231, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nTHE FUNG-SHUI OF KAM TIN\n\n215\n\n(A short explanatory introduction on the fung-shui of Kam Tin is here attached.\n\nThe ancestral hall of the Tang clan, Ching Lok Tso Tong (#), which is situated at Pak Wai Tsuen of Kam Tin, has its Fung-shui main branch near Tai Mo Shan (*). It curls its way through the valley of Kwun Yam Shan ( ). From Wang Toi Shan (#) rises the \"dragon\". Its uprising, so to speak, is very magnificent. The Dragon then starts to serpent up and down, passing through Chiu Keng (£) with more strength. Forging forward vigorously to the left, there comes the Kei Lun Shan (t) to protect it. On the right, a branch stretches out from Tai Mo Shan to Shek Wu Tong () and Ma On Kong (4), to pave its way forward. A short distance from Au Tau (1ƒƒ) see the circling round of all these ranges.\n\nIt is from this setting that the Dragon threads its way out, with various small and big ranges on all sides. Here, the Dragon once again finds its way via Kai Kung Shan (A) with Kwai Kok Shan (圭角山) on the right and Chat Sing Ngor (七星崗) on the left. The Dragon surges up and then down, turning left and right, like thousands of horses racing together, and when it comes to Tai Kong ( j ), the land slopes down gradually. Ngor Nar Lan (A) on the left leaves space for its soaring down and the Cheung Shan (✯ J.) on the right blocks any obstacles that would harm it. This range then dips into the water, passes through the grasslands and comes up to Gau Gan (i). Here it stretches out its wings to protect the Dragon to settle on the cave. The naturally formed reservoirs on both sides of Gau Gan (4) resemble the Food Store (4) and the Wealth Store (✯).\n\nThe place where the Dragon settles is the ancestral hall of Ching Lok Tso (##). The Dragon dives down into the water and the surface becomes peaceful. So now the Dragon is hiding here. With this setting, the place is bound to be very prosperous. To begin with, the green carpet of grass just in front of the hall means the outcome of a big \"esteemed clan\" (†) Furthermore, with all the water from nearby fields flowing towards the hall, and the streams from Tai Kong Po (which follow the Dragon and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208214, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 253, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nOCCURRENCE OF THE FROGS\n\nRANA PARASPINOSA AND RANA SPINOSA\n\nIN HONG KONG\n\n237\n\nThe herpetological literature for over half a century has recorded the occurrence of Rana spinosa David in Hong Kong. However, Dubois (1975) has shown that a series totalling sixteen preserved specimens in the British Museum (Natural History) and in the Museum of Comparative Zoology at Harvard University, under the name Rana spinosa and having come from Hong Kong, represent a species closely related to, but distinct from, R. spinosa. He has named these frogs Rana (Paa) paraspinosa, having stated the type locality to be 'The Peak, Hong Kong' and recorded a paratype from 'Mount Butler, Hong Kong.' Dubois' discovery that what was previously thought to be R. spinosa is a closely related but distinct species will inevitably cause confusion as regards much of the existing literature recording 'R. spinosa' from Hong Kong.\n\nHaving re-examined all of the specimens which I had identified as R. spinosa in my own collection from The Peak district on Hong Kong Island (four males and five females, all adults) and Tai Po Kau Forest Reserve in the New Territories mainland of Hong Kong (one adult female), I find them all to be R. paraspinosa.\n\nThe main purpose of this note is to record the recent finding of Rana spinosa on the mountain Tai Mo Shan in the New Territories of Hong Kong. A total of seven specimens, comprising three adults and four juveniles, were taken by Dr. Frank F. Reitinger and Mr. Jerry K. S. Lee on 9 and 18 July 1978 at altitudes ranging from about 853 to 870 metres.\n\nAnother point, of ecological interest, is the fact that R. paraspinosa also occurs on Tai Mo Shan. As yet the evidence for this rests on a single fully mature female taken at an altitude of about 808 metres by Dr. Frank F. Reitinger on 14 July 1978. Thus, with the specimen from Tai Po Kau Forest Reserve mentioned above, two specimens of R. paraspinosa have so far been recorded for the New Territories mainland. While both paraspinosa and spinosa occur in the mainland area of Hong Kong, present indications are that the latter may not inhabit Hong Kong Island. It would be interesting to obtain specimens from streams high up on Lantau Island, where both species may reasonably be expected to occur.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208228, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 267, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nDE FAZIO, Mr. & Mrs.\n\nM. F. -\n\nDE SILVA, Ms. Minette -\n\n+\n\n+\n\n·\n\nDEUTSCH, R. R.\n\n-\n\nDIAMOND, A. I.\n\nDOLFIN, J.\n\n4\n\n=\n\nDOMENACH, J. L.\n\nDONALD, Mrs. A. E. -\n\nDRAGE-FRANCIS, C. D. S.\n\nDRAKEFORD, L. S. DRYSDALE, Mrs. J. G. L. ·\n\nDUNCAN, N.\n\n+\n\n251\n\n16, Tung Shan Terrace Flat 2B, Hong Kong. Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong. Shatin, N.T.\n\nPublic Records Office of Hong Kong, 2, Murray Road, Hong Kong. 155, Argyle Street, Kowloon.\n\nc/o French Consulate, 2B Kennedy Terrace, Hong Kong.\n\n2, Mount Kellett Road, The Peak, Hong Kong.\n\n12 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon. B 101 La Hacienda, 33 Mount Kellett Road, Hong Kong.\n\n7, Shouson Hill Road, A/2F, Hong Kong.\n\nDUNKERLEY, Mrs. C. H. 401 Villa Verde, 14 Guildford Road, The Peak, Hong Kong.\n\nEDWARDS, Miss A. H.\n\nELIAS, Mrs. P. E. ELSOM, G. J. B. EVANS, C. J. -\n\n·\n\n-\n\n+\n\nEVANS, Prof. D. M. E.\n\nFABRY, Mrs. R. G. FABRY, R. G. -\n\nFESSLER, L. ·\n\nFORSYTH, A. J.\n\nA\n\nFORSYTH, J.-\n\nGAILEY, Mrs. N.\n\nGAMLEN, R.\n\nGARCIA, A. -\n\n-\n\nGARRETT, Mrs. V. M.\n\nGATELY, C.\n\nGHOSE, Mrs. R.\n\nT\n\n-\n\n+\n\nAmerican Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, Hong Kong.\n\nB2 Habitat, Pak Sha Wan, Sai Kung, N.T. 6A, 6M Boven Road, Hong Kong.\n\nFlat 9, 8 Mansfield Road, The Peak, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nRural Retreat, Taipo Kau, N.T.\n\nRural Retreat, Taipo Kau, N.T.\n\nUniversities Service Centre, 155 Argyle St., Kowloon.\n\n102, 80 Macdonnell Road, Hong Kong.\n\n102, 80 Macdonnell Road, Hong Kong.\n\nFlat 16, 14 Mount Austin Road, Hong Kong.\n\n62 A-D Robinson Road, 19/F, Flat B, Hong Kong.\n\nVictoria District Court, Hong Kong.\n\n19, Vivian Court, 20 Mount Kellett Road, Hong Kong.\n\nEnvironment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, Hong Kong.\n\nSt. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208283, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "186\n\nin the district.68\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nOn its way to Kowloon, the Japanese army looted Ho Chung. Mr. Tse Ming recalled that the Japanese came in groups, and took away the villagers' food. This continued for about a week. Tseng Lan Shue and Pik Uk, the next stop on the route to Kowloon, probably suffered more than other villages in Sai Kung, for Japanese troops stayed there for more than twenty days. The troops disturbed the women, took most of the crop that had just been harvested, and burnt the doors and furniture in the village houses for firewood. It seems that only scattered units of the Japanese army went into the Hang Hau area. Mr. Leung Chiu Man of Hang Hau saw some fighting between British and Japanese troops but recalled that the Japanese did not greatly disturb the village.69\n\nThe bandits\n\nAfter the Japanese came the bandits. Mr. Chau T'in Shang's impression in Sai Kung Market was that the bandits came many times and took away all the residents' valuables. Mr. Cheng Ip of Pak Kong remembered that it was Tung Chi (winter solstice) when the bandits first came. They were armed with guns, and they forced the villagers to carry their grain to Kei Ling Ha where they departed by boat. Mrs. Ts'ui of Sai Kung Market, whose husband was a fish-monger, remembered that many bandits came, and soon she was required to deliver a fixed quantity of fish every month to them. She fled to Yim Tin Tsai for two weeks, and then went up to P'ing Shan on the Chinese side of the border for three months, before she dared return to farm on her own land at Pak Kong. Mr. Hoh King of Nam Shan had just returned from Kowloon, and learnt that his name was on a list drawn up by the bandits of people they wanted to hold for ransom. He left Sai Kung with the proprietor of Kwong Tak Lung, whom he knew well, for the villages near Sham Chun, and stayed there for a month before he returned to Nam Shan. Even then, he did not stay in the village, but lived for a while up on the hillside.70\n\nBandits were reported throughout Sai Kung District, from Clear Water Bay, Junk Bay, to Long Harbour, in both the poorer villages and the richer ones and the market towns. According", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "188\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nThere is little doubt that at least for several months, Leung Shuen Wan was a central bandit hideout. Mr. Lau Shang of Pak Lap Village on the island said that there were bandits who came there from the mainland, but they did not rob the villagers for they were themselves stationed in Tung Ah Village nearby. Villagers from Tung Ah and Pak Ah confirmed that there were bandits on the island and that the island villagers were not disturbed. Mr. Chung T'in Fuk of Pak Ah added that this might be because the bandits were from P'ing Shan (in China) nearby, and were afraid that the villagers might take reprisals against their own villages.73\n\nMr. Kong Ts'eung of Tung Ah knew that the bandits used the T'in Hau Temple of Leung Shuen Wan as their headquarters. The first group that arrived was Hoklo. Then came Hoh Shing Nin, from Aau T'au in China. Hoh was well-known among Sai Kung villagers as a bandit chief. But other bandits also came, and they began to fight among themselves. Hoh quarrelled with a certain Chan Nai Shau. According to Mr. Tse Koon K'au, for a short while Hoh had to leave Leung Shuen Wan for Tap Mun, and later Chek Keng. Chan took his guns with him in pursuit.74\n\nVillagers from Leung Sheun Wan and nearby Kau Sai were apparently quite favourably disposed to Hoh Shing Nin. Mr. Chung T'in Fuk of Pak Ah thought that Hoh was a guerrilla, who was maintaining order in the area. Mr. Loh Kai Faat, a boatman from Kau Sai, made a distinction between Hoh and Chan. Hoh maintained order here, according to Mr. Loh, but Chan was a genuine bandit.75\n\nThe Wai Ch'i Wooi and the K’ui Ching Shoh\n\nThe only government in Sai Kung in the very turbulent months immediately after the coming of the Japanese was the Sai Kung Market Chamber of Commerce. Mr. Lei Shiu Yam was its chairman. It was recognized by the Japanese Government as the Wai Ch'i Wooi, the local governing body that was set up in all local areas of Hong Kong and the New Territories in the early months of the occupation. The Sai Kung Wai Ch'i Wooi was located on the first floor of No. 34 Main Street, Sai Kung Market. It had little formal authority and no military power,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "189\n\nalthough military power was much needed at the time. In fact, it was quite ineffective against the bandits. Several months into the occupation, the office was burnt by the bandit Wong Chuk Ts'eng.70\n\nMr.\n\nThe burning of the Wai Ch'i Wooi was well-known. Chan Tsz K'eung, of Sai Kung Market, thought that a Japanese spy had been sent to investigate the guerrillas in Sai Kung and that this was a reprisal. Mr. Lei Yun Shau thought that it was due to a dispute between Wong Chuk Ts'eng and the Wai Ch'i Wooi. Mr. Loh Kai Faat of Kau Sai thought that Wong Chuk Ts'eng, having made a fortune from banditry, was wavering between looting and working for the guerrillas; the Wai Ch'i Wooi, however, was on the verge of deciding to capture him. Mr. Sham Kin K'eung, who spent most of his war years in Tai P'ang, said that Wong had fought on the side of the Nationalist forces in Tam Shui at Pak Mong Fa. He was a bandit and a smuggler who operated from Sham Chun to Wai Chau, and he had many small groups working under him. Mr. Sham thought it unlikely that Wong would have come to Sai Kung himself, and believed it must have been one of these groups working for him that was responsible for burning the Wai Ch'i Wooi.\n\nIt is not at all clear what the disputes between the Wai Ch'i Wooi and the bandits amounted to. Several months after the burning of the Wai Ch'i Wooi, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam resigned as chairman, and the post was given to Mr. Hui Mei Naam of Lai Chi Chong. This change might not have had anything to do with the burning of the Wooi. Several months into the occupation, the Japanese Government could afford to strengthen its presence in the districts. On July 20, a new system of district administration was promulgated, dividing the whole of Hong Kong and the New Territories into twenty-eight districts, Sai Kung being one of them. Each one of these districts was represented by a K'ui Ching Shoh (District Administration Office), and this name came to be used in place of Wai Ch'i Wooi. The extent of the district was the entire peninsula east of Ma On Shan, including not only the villages from Tseng Lan Shue to Man Yee Wan, but also those north of Pak Tam Chung, those in Shap Sz Heung, and those near Hang Hau. The K'ui Ching Shoh office was set up at the Sung Chen School, and at about this time, a small contingent", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208503, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n211 \n\nChing period of the Ming Dynasty (1553). From this, we can see that, at that time, there was no fort nor guard-station at Fat Tong Mun. \n\n4 See my article \"A Short History of the Pirates of Hong Kong before 1842,\" published in Volume 8, No. 4, of the Kwong Tung Man Hin 早期海盜略，原載廣東文獻第八卷，第四期。. \n\n5 Chapter 4 of the San On Yuen Chi, Ch'ia Ching edition, ★★★✰ recorded, \"North Fat Tong is an isolated island, A fort is erected during the K'ang Hsi period, for the protection of the waterway against the pirates.\" This proves that the fort on Tung Lung Island was erected during the K'ang Hsi reign. \n\n6 See Chapter 13 of the Kwong Tung Hoi Tu Shuet. 1889 edition ★***, and Chapter 73 of the Kwong Chow Fu Chi, 1879 edition 廣州府志。 \n\n7 Chapter 125 of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi, Tao Kuang edition £ A records, \"In the 15th year of the Ch'ia Ching rule, Viceroy Chin Mun Fu ✰✰ suggested to have the Fat Tong Mun Fort abandoned, and rebuilt near the Kowloon Walled City, Viceroy Pak Ling ordered the Magistrate of the San On District 4 to carry out the suggestion. The Fat Tong Mun Fort was under the command of the officer commanding of the Tai Pang Battalion ***. The fort stood on an isolated island, two hundred li from the Tai Pang Walled City, and forty li from the Kowloon guard-station. There were no villages on the island that could assist in protecting the region. Thus the fort had to be removed to the Kowloon City Region.\" \n\nChapter 14 of the Kwong Chow Fu Chi, 1879 edition АЯ, and the Genealogy of Tang's of Kam Tin, New Territories of Hong Kong, 香港新界錦田鄧氏族譜 have the same record. \n\n8 See Note 6, Chapter 8 of Professor LO Hsiang-lin's Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, Chinese edition, 1959 -AS- 一八四二年以前之香港及其對外交通，羅香林著. \n\nFIRST RECORD OF THE PELOBATID FROG \n\nLEPTOBRACHIUM PELODYTOIDES BOULENGER \n\nIN HONG KONG \n\nIt is indeed gratifying to find-in an area as small and zoologically well studied as Hong Kong-any amphibian not previously known to be part of our fauna. Not only does the discovery of Leptobrachium pelodytoides add another species, but represents a genus new to the known fauna of Hong Kong. \n\nThe first specimens found here, and subsequently identified, are nine tadpoles collected by Dr. Frank F. Reitinger and Mr. Jerry K. S. Lee at an altitude of about 853 metres on Tai Mo Shan in the New Territories on 30 November and 7 December 1974. However, it was not until two adult frogs were found by Mr. Phillip J. Bishop", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208551, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "197 \n\nwere killed by the guerrillas. The occasion highlighted the importance of the Chamber of Commerce in Sai Kung Market. Local people could not come out to fetch water, and Mr. Lei Shiu Yam and Mr. Lok Kau Kei of the Chamber of Commerce were given permission to distribute water to the shops and the households.97 \n\n\"Smuggling\" \n\nThe fundamental cause that gave rise to smuggling on a massive scale in Sai Kung in the years of the occupation was the rice shortage in Hong Kong. Before the War, Hong Kong imported much of its rice from South-east Asia. The outbreak of the War disrupted supply from this source, hence a shortage developed. Rice was abundant across the border in China, in Sha Yue Ch'ung on Mirs Bay and in Wai Chau. But trade was forbidden between these guerrilla-held places in China and Japanese occupied Hong Kong. The trade that developed had to be regarded as \"smuggling\".98 \n\nThere were three kinds of people involved, and the first was the \"travelling merchant\" (shui haak). Not all \"travelling merchants\" were engaged in smuggling rice. Mr. Shing of Mang Kung Uk, who was a \"travelling merchant\" with little capital, bought secondhand clothes from the pawnshops in the city, and carried them on foot to Sha Tau Kok. From Sha Tau Kok, he went into China. Then he would buy fish from Yim T'in, in China, which he sold in Lung Kong, also in China. He did not travel by boat because, as he put it, “Only rich people could take the boat.\"99 \n\nMr. Chan T'in Po of Yim Tin Tsai was also a \"travelling merchant\". He bought secondhand clothes in Sai Kung Market. He said this had to be done carefully without the notice of the Japanese. He would carry the old clothes himself to To Kwa Ping, where he would take the boat to Sha Yue Ch'ung. The boat was operated by someone from a nearby village. He would sell his goods at Sha Yue Ch'ung or Kw'ai Ch'ung, and return to Yim Tin Tsai with oil, rice, or sugar. Mr. Lau Lui Faat of Pak Kong Au was also a \"travelling merchant\" on this route. He said he usually boarded the boat at night, and sometimes he came back with cash.100 \n\nHe", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208606, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "36 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\ntions were flying thick and fast from both sides. Everybody was happy and elated, and when we retired it was with the thought of arising the next day to celebrate the glorious Feast of our Blessed Lady, Her Immaculate Conception, and to make preparations for our trip to the missions. \n\nDecember eighth in the Far East and December seventh in the Western world! Maryknoll at Stanley rose as usual. Masses and breakfast followed and shortly after we were electrified by the report that Kai Tak airport had been bombed at 7:45 and that the Pan American Clipper which brought our new missioners had been destroyed. WAR! And Hong Kong is in the news! Being eleven miles over the mountains from Hong Kong we had, of course, heard nothing of the bombing, and were inclined to believe that the whole thing was a hoax of some kind. But soon we were entirely disillusioned when the radio flashed news of Pearl Harbor and when shortly after tiffin the planes flew over Stanley and dropped a few bombs to the west of us, apparently over the sea. We tried to get news from Hong Kong over the telephone but nobody seemed to know just what was happening. We anxiously gathered around the radio and tried to pick up what news we could. Evidently, war was on in earnest and America and we were involved. \n\nAbout five o'clock in the afternoon, our telephone jangled and we heard the voice of His Excellency, Bishop Valtorta, saying that all his Italian priests had been interned by the British Government, and that he would like to have Father Downs come to help him out at the Cathedral. His priests were given only a short time in which to pack up their personal belongings and were immediately taken away to a destination which was not disclosed to the Bishop. Father Downs hastily packed his suit case and caught the half past five bus for Hong Kong, and it must be confessed, with no little trepidation. The trip to the city was a tense one. Along the route the bus was stopped periodically by the British sentries, inspected and finally diverted by way of Aberdeen, instead of the usual Happy Valley route. The whole city, too, was tense, and though the downtown streets were crowded, there was fear and uneasiness everywhere. \n\nAt the Cathedral were His Excellency, Father Rosello, a Spanish priest attached to the Cathedral and Father Craig S.J., from Wah Yan College, as also a few young Chinese priests. His Chancellor,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n203\n\nTerritories and neighbouring areas. In this district there was a hill called Kwun Fu Shan, which is said to have been where Argyle Street is now. The San On district records published during the reign of Ka Hing: A.D. 1796-1820: state \"Kwun Fu Shan lies to the east of Kap Shui Mun and in the neighbourhood of Fat Tong Mun. The royal barge anchored here, near where the foundations of the Emperor's Palace still stand\". Fat Tong Mun is the passage lying between the Mainland and Lam Tong Island, to the east of Lei Yue Mun.\n\nIn the chapter \"Kwun Fu Chu Fat\" meaning Kwun Fu where the Emperor halted when on tour, the same records contain this section under the heading \"Court Circuit\".\n\n\"In the fourth moon of the year Ting Chau (A.D. 1277) the royal barge arrived at this place, where the Imperial Palace was erected, the plinths and pillars as well as the site of this Palace were still existing until the local residents built on the site a temple dedicated to Pak Tai.\"\n\nIt is now over a hundred years since this was written and during that time old landmarks have long since been altered or removed. The true site of the Imperial Palace is now unknown but the scholar Chan Pak To has reported that there is known to have been a village called Yee Wong Tin, the Palace of two Kings, on the right of the Pak Tai Temple. But this temple has itself been at some time moved and rebuilt. The site of the village of the Palace of the two Kings is also therefore uncertain although an old map suggests that it may have been to the west of Sung Shan which lay south of the original Sung Wong Toi. There was however yet another temple nearby. Once known as the Temple of the Supreme Ruler, it was built where this Rest Garden is now.\n\nThis Temple of the Supreme Ruler had within it a stone tablet recording that a Pak Tai Temple in the old Ma Tau Wei Village, which used to be known as Kwu Kan Wai was repaired during the reign of Ch'ien Lung (A.D. 1736-1796). That Pak Tai Temple is believed by some to have been the same as the one mentioned in the San On district records and built on the site of the original Palace at Kwun Fu. Whether this is so or not, it later disappeared from within the old Ma Tau Wei Village and thereafter the village elders used to perform their sacrifices at the Temple of the Supreme Ruler.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208779, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n209 \n\nThe original temple thus belongs outside Hong Kong, though admittedly not far off: but it would not have been established here unless Pok Law people with a reverence for the goddess (and a firm belief in her efficacy) had settled locally and decided they must establish a local shrine. \n\n(c) Temporary Structure at San Tsuen Pai (***) serving as a shrine and meeting hall for disciples of the Chun Hung Kau (††*). \n\nThe Chun Hung Kau was founded by the great teacher, Liu Tae-ping (*) of Chin Wu (44), Kiangsi (žr&). Liu was born in 1827. He was married, but his wife died a few years later. When he was 31 years of age, he decided to become a Buddhist monk. Reportedly, in a trance he learnt the Truth, quitted the Buddhists and founded the Chun Hung Kau in 1862. \n\nEarly followers \n\nLiu founded a church in Chin Wu, and passed on his teachings to his brothers, Liu Taei-chor (†), and Liu Taei-chiu (★*). Later he had 3 disciples, Lai Yan-cheung (M1-‡), Ling Pong-pik (凌邦璧), and Cheung Sing-kin (張聲見), \n\nDeath of Liu \n\nIn 1892, Liu was arrested by the prefectural authorities on the ground that he was a heretic. Two of his disciples, Cheung and Lai, were also arrested. Liu died in prison in 1893 when he was 66 years of age. \n\nEarly Propagation and Distribution in China \n\nDisciple Cheung started preaching in various places in China in 1890. \n\nHowever, the most effective preachers were disciples Lai and Ling, who were freed from prison in 1894. They managed to obtain some followers from among the intelligentsia and officials. \n\nThis section comprises a summary of Professor Lo Hsiang-lin's book on THE ORIGIN AND DOCTRINES OF THE CHUN HUNG KAU AND ITS PROPAGATION IN SOUTH CHINA AND OVERSEAS. \n\nI owe this section to my colleague Mr. Valentine Yim (KA) who painstakingly (and very kindly) produced this summary instead of the two paragraphs I had requested!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208786, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "216\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIn the event, it was decided to wait until after the villagers were able to move to the new houses being constructed as a replacement of the existing village. These were due for completion in March 1979. Accordingly the de-vegetation and site formation works have been scheduled to begin thereafter.\n\nMarch 1979\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTHE NAM PAK HONG (南北行) COMMERCIAL ASSOCIATION OF HONG KONG\n\nThis history of the Nam Pak Hong Association, which appears to have been prepared by one of its leaders in the 1960s, is included with the consent of the Association. The translation was made available by the courtesy of the Director of Home Affairs.\n\nForeword\n\nThe Association was established in 1868 (i.e. the 7th year of the reign of Tung Ch'ih in the Ch'ing dynasty). In its early years, it was well managed by capable office-bearers, thus safeguarding the interests of our trade and members. Later, owing to change of circumstances, the senility and death of many able office-bearers without suitable successors, the Association's affairs got into a mess. By 1920, there remained only seven members, who were divided in action; nor did they maintain close contact. The situation further deteriorated by 1940.\n\nOn 6.10.41 Mr. Tong Ping-tat, Manager of the member firm, the Nam Tai Hong Co. Ltd., convened a meeting of over a score of members, including the Wah On Hong, the Yuen Lee Hong, the San Fung Hong, the Kin Tye Lung, the Wah Fung Hong, the Hau Tak Hong, the Yue Wo Loong, the Wing Hing Hong and the Kwong Sun Hong Ltd., to discuss the promotion of the Association's functions and the enlistment of more members. It was not until several such meetings were held and sub-committees formed, that the Association's functions were gradually restored.\n\nDuring the Japanese occupation which began on 25 December 1941 the Association did not cease functioning; its membership was then increased to 21 firms.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "4\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nWork of the Association in its early years\n\n217\n\nSoon after the port of Hong Kong was opened [again] in the last year of the reign of Hsien Feng in the Ch'ing dynasty (1860-61), there used to be a Nam Pak Hong Street (later renamed Bonham Strand West). At this favourable location our predecessors set up firms dealing in native products from south and north China. The following firms were among those then established one after another: the Kwong Mau Tai Hong and the Woo Kee Hong of Mr. Chiu Yue-tin, a celebrity of Kwangtung origin, the Hau Fung Hong of Mr. Lo Chor-san, the Hop Hing Hong of Mr. Lau Lo-tak, the Siu Fung Hong of Messrs. Fung Ping-shan and Kwong Tsz-ming, the Kwan Mau Hong (in Wing Lok Street West) of Mr. Li Sau-hin, the Wah On Hong of Mr. Chan Yue-fan, the Yue Wo Loong of Mr. Chan Sik-nin, the Yuen Fat Hong of Messrs. Ko Mun-wah and Chan Chun-chuen, celebrities of Chiu Chau origin, the Yuen Sing Fat Hong, the Kam Yue Fung Hong and the Kam Sing Lee Hong of Mr. Choi Si-kit, the Yue Tak Sing Hong and the Kwong Tak Fat Hong of Mr. Chan Tin-san, the Kin Tye Lung of Messrs. Chan Wun-wing and Chan Tsz-tan, the Ng Yuen Hing Hong of Mr. Ng Lei-hing, a celebrity of Fukien origin, the Chui Tak Loong Hong of Messrs. Wu Ting-sam and Wong Ting-ming, the Hau Tak Hong of Mr. Kwok Yim-sing and his brother(s), the Yi Tai Hong and the Lee Yuen Cheung Hong of a business group of Shantung origin. With the exception of Messrs. Chan Yue-fan, Chan Sik-nin and Kwok Yin-sing, all the aforesaid gentlemen have now deceased.\n\nIn 1868, with the concerted initiative and efforts of the said Messrs. Chiu Yue-tin, Chan Chun-chuen, Fung Ping-shan, Choi Kit-si, Chan Tin-sau and Wu Ting-sam, the Nam Pak Hong Association was founded in Bonham Strand West near its junctions with Wing Lok Street and Queen's Road. Then the objectives of the Association were to promote members' welfare and market prosperity, to assist the police in the maintenance of law and order in the neighbourhood and to formulate plans for the prevention of fires and alleviation of disasters. On the first floor of the Association building was the office, where regulations and business rules of the Association were decided, Directors and Managers of the Association mutually elected, and monthly meetings held. For the first term, the Chairman of the Board of Directors was Mr. Chiu Yue-tin and the Manager was Mr. Lau Lo-tak. The latter mana-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "218 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nged the Association's affairs for over a decade prior to his death, rendering most valuable services to the Association. The ground floor of the Association building then housed a \"water-vehicle\" which was one of the three \"fire engines\" then available in Hong Kong under the command of the Hong Kong Government Fire Brigade, then located at the site of the present Ho Tung Building. The fire fighting services rendered by our Association's \"water-vehicle\" were especially notable.\n\nThe ground floor of the Association building also housed a \"Patrol and Watchmen's Centre\" (later renamed \"Bonham Strand West Watchmen's Centre\", under the control of a Kaifong Committee). To man the Centre, several able-bodied men were recruited. They wore uniforms comprising hollowed caps, long stockings and straw sandals. Armed with loaded rifles, they patrolled the Strand day and night on shift duties to guard against robbery and disturbance and to maintain safety and security for the kaifong community there.\n\n'Nam Pak Hong' and ‘Kau Pat Hong'\n\nThe business of a 'Nam Pak Hong' (literally meaning 'south and north firm') as its name implies was at first confined to the transportation of native products from regions south of the Yangtze River and from North China, but later its scope was extended to cover Europe, America and countries in the northern and southern hemispheres. During the reigns of Hsien Feng and Tung Ch’ih, only a few of the firms in this Strand dealing in native products from North and South China were officially called 'Nam Pak Hong'. Later, many firms selling goods for their customers on a commission basis (2%) were established. These firms were called 'Kau Pat Hong' (literally meaning '98% firms') attached also to the Nam Pak Hong Association. In the course of time, the former and latter firms were mixed together without distinction, Hence, ‘Nam Pak Hong' is sometimes called 'Kau Pat Hong'. Afterwards, the San Yuen Tong (Association) of Shanghai firms was established in Gilman's Street, Hong Kong. These firms were of a similar nature to those of the Kau Pat Hong but of a smaller scale.\n\nA + \n\nThe advancement of the Association's functions and increase of membership after 1941\n\nAfter reforming in 1941, the functions of the Association pro-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "202\n\nTo\n\nand\n\nsites were also rendered ineffective by the emperor's golden pen. My knowledge, the elders knew of four sites. One of them was on Tiu Chung Chau at Kau Sai in Saikung. The fungshui of this site was ‘a golden bell hanging on a silk thread'. Every year at the Double-ninth festival, nine buffaloes came to worship at the grave; there was also the sound of a bell being struck. A second site was at Yuen Chau Chai at Kei Leng Ha Village. The fungshui name was 'the general comes down from his horse to drink three cups of wine'. In the middle of the sea, there is Wu Chau (with the adjacent island of Sam Pui Tsau) that resembles a pig, three cups of wine and two cups of tea. Another site was at To Tau Tsui at Wu Kai Sha, which is opposite Nga Chau (usually nowadays called A Chau) in the Tai Po Hoi. The fungshui name was crows going into the ocean. Legend has it that in the old days a mud embankment connected Wu Kai Sha to Nga Chau which sank into the sea after the emperor put down the dragon. The embankment has not been seen again. One more site was on Ap Chau opposite Kat O. The fungshui name was 'precious duck going through the lotus'. The legend is that Ap Chau used to be able to swim between Sam Mun Kan and Mirs Bay. Later, it was blocked by a duck pole, that is, the place currently known as Hak Ngam Kok. After that, when paddy ripened in the Yim Tin Village area near Sha Tau Kok, there was no rice grain on the stalk, because it was all eaten by the duck. After the emperor put down the dragon with his golden pen, the head of the duck... and then there was grain again.\n\nI know about the fungshui of only these four grave sites.\n\nhe cut off\n\nPassage 2\n\nRecorded by Ho Kei Fook\n\n\"An extraordinary person saw that Huang Hsiao-yang [rebel in the Canton area in the early fifteenth century] had features fitting to make him emperor and gave him a bamboo shoot to plant at home. When the 'bamboo grew to the height of his brows', he was supposed to be able to make an arrow out of it which he could use to kill the emperor with and thereby take over the throne. Huang planted the bamboo shoot as he had been instructed and a bamboo stem grew", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "204\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nhsü 12 (1886). In the Kau Sai Hung Shing Temple, the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 15 (1889), and the altar Kuang-hsü 20 (1894); and in the Hang Hau T'in Hau Temple (besides the 1840 bell), the lintel is dated Kuang-hsü 1 (1875), a tablet Kuang-hsü 2 (1876), an altar is of the same year, a wooden board of Kuang-hsü 4 (1878), a shrine of Kuang-hsü 10 (1884), a pair of stone lions of Kuang-hsü 13 (1887), and a pair of incense burners of Kuang-hsü 20 (1894). The bell and the incense burner at the Tin Ha Wan T'in Hau Temple are both undated, but Mr. Ip Ch'un, who lived nearby, told us that the temple was already in disrepair over fifty years ago. Historical inscriptions found in Sai Kung and elsewhere in Hong Kong and the New Territories have been transcribed as a special project and may be found in David Faure, Alice Ng, and Bernard Luk, \"A collection of historical inscriptions in Hong Kong\". The report is available in the Institute of Chinese Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong, and will, it is hoped, be published shortly.\n\n7\n\nMr. Hoh Taai of Ko Tong, aged over 60, knew of the whereabouts of a charcoal burner, but never saw it in operation (Int. 10.6.81). Lime kilns were reported in Wong Yi Chau, Wong Keng Tei, Tai Mong Tsai Tso Wo Hang, Tai Wan, Kiu Tsui, Sha Ha, Pak Sha Wan, Che Keng Tuk, Ta Ho Tun, Tai Tan, and Yau Yu Wan (Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Tang Kei Faat 25.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 28.6.81, Mr. Wong Ping Lin 29.6.81, Madam Liu 20.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81, Madam Lo Koon Mooi 21.6.81, Mrs. Hoh née Lei 28.6.81, Mr. Chung 23.7.81, and Madam Lam Yau Ch'un 19.8.81.) The Liu family at Kiu Tsui built the ancestral hall that can be seen today on the main road into Sai Kung Market. For an impression of the long history of lime making in Sai Kung, it should be noted that Madam Lo Koon Mooi was 85 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 87 in 1981, and it was their fathers who were engaged in the lime business. Mr. Yau continued working the kilns until his early 40's. Brick kilns were reported in Chek Keng and Pak Tam Chung (Ints. Mr. Chiu Sz 7.5.81 and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, 22.5.81). The lime industry, of course, also provided income for fishermen who collected coral for the kilns. See \"Return of the approximate number of fishermen employed in taking coral and shell from the sea adjoining the New Territory\", in Hong Kong Legislative Council, Sessional Papers, 1901, p. 685.\n\n\"The best indication of the growing importance of the trade in pigs is a set of account books that belonged to Mr. Yung Sz Ch'iu of Pak Sha O, a photocopy of which is held by the Oral History Project. See also ints. Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81 and Mr. Hoh King 5.6.81.\n\n• There are many instances of seamen recruited by recruitment firms (haang shuen koon); see, eg. Mr. Chiu Sz (Int. 7.5.81). Remittance from abroad was sent back to the village through import-export houses (kam shan tsong), see Mr. Yau T'aai Hong (Int. 11.8.81).\n\n10 Mr. Cheung T'o's grandfather was a cook on Hong Kong Island, and his father was employed on the Kowloon-Canton Railway. Mr. Cheung, of Ho Chung, was c. 70 in 1981 (Int. 15.6.81). Mr. Tsang Yau of Tai Mong Tsai (age unknown, but who married before World War II) worked in a shop started by his father in Shaukiwan on Hong Kong Island (Int. 23.6.81).\n\n11 Ints. Mr. Cheng Chung Ting 21.5.81, Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81, Mr. Chan T'aai 22.7.81; Bernard Williams, \"Visit to Ho Chung and Sheung Yeung villages in the Sai Kung area”, in Marjorie Topley, ed. Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, Hong Kong, 1965, pp. 46-47, and \"The Chan family of Tseung Kwan O\", JHKBRAS 7 (1967), pp. 158-160.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "205\n\n12 On this particular type of tenancy, see John Kamm, \"Two essays on the Ch'ing economy of Hsin-an, Kwangtung Province”, JHKBRÁS 1977, pp. 55-84, and James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, 1850-1911, Folkestone, Kent, England, 1977, pp. 50-53.\n\n13 Ints. Mr. Wong 22.6.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Cheung Kau 26.6.81, Mr. Cheung 26.6.81, Mr. Cheng Yung 10.7.81, and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81; Hugh D.R. Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, Guildford and London, 1968, p. 172.\n\n14 Father Sergio Ticozzi, 12.5.81, quoting from Giovanni B. Tragella, Le Mission Estere di Milano, Nel Quadro Degli Avvenimenti Contemporanli, Milan 1950-1963, vol. 1, pp. 274-275, vol. 2, pp. 85, 89, and 314. Int. Father George Carusso, 20.5.81.\n\n15 Ints. Mr. Lok Tak K'ei 17.7.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, and Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80.\n\n10 Int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. Mr. Yau's term for \"moorage inlet\" was \"siu wan t'au\". Cf. also the type of market James Hayes refers to as \"coastal market centres\" in his Hong Kong Region, p. 37.\n\n17\n\nDocuments on this case are included in Kuan T'ien-p'ei, Ch'ou-hai ch'u-chi (1836, n.p., Taipei reprint, 1968) 2/26a-33a, 56a-74a, 80a-99b. Kuan was Naval Commander-in-Chief for Kwangtung from 1834 to 1841. C. Fred Blake, in Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, Hawaii, 1981, p. 46 note 8, states \"Lung Shuen Wan was a traditional outpost for the Chinese imperial navy's regulation of eastern approaches to the Pearl River. I wonder if perhaps Lung Shuen Wan was the original 'coastal market centre' in this area?\" Elsewhere (loc. cit. and p. 95) he points out that the Lung Shuen Wan Tin Hau Temple retained the patronage of the Pak Kong and Sha Kok Mei villagers, despite the greater convenience of the Tin Hau Temple within Sai Kung Market.\n\n18 These are figures of shops as registered in the Block Crown Lease (DD215, DD224). It is more than likely that these were shop spaces rather than shops, and in the event that a shop might take up more than a shop space, there were fewer shops in Sai Kung and Hang Hau in the early 1900's than noted here. For comparison, in 1905, Yuen Long had only seventy-four shops and Tai Po Market twenty-three large and fifteen small ones. See James Hayes, Hong Kong Region, p. 36.\n\n19 Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, Father George Carusso 20.5.81, Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81.\n\n20 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81.\n\n21 Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mrs. Foo, née Lei, 28.6.81.\n\n22\n\nMrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81. Mr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81 of Taai Fung Nin (opened c. 1933) in Sai Kung Market remembered that the shop used to slaughter a pig each day to sell to the boat people.\n\n23 Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shou 19.6.81.\n\n24 Mr. Hoh King 6.5.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81. Mrs. Lei used to obtain piglets from Kam Lei Loi in Sai Kung Market. It took six to seven months to fatten them, and two dollars to have each pig carried back to Sai Kung Market. She also had rice and pig feed (chiefly rice husk) from Kam Lei Loi on credit. Kam Lei Loi was a butcher's cum general store, where her husband worked.\n\n25 According to Mr. Yau T'aam Shang, 15.5.81, the interest rate in Sai Kung Market was 5 cents per dollar per month, i.e. 60 percent per annum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208845, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "206\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nannum. The Yung Sz Ch'iu account books from Hoi Ha (see footnote 8) show that it was 30 percent, and that as a rule, interest was seldom successfully collected in full.\n\n20 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 3.6.81, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. Mr. Lau K'in Tsun of Ha Yeung (Int. 17.7.81), who managed the Kwong Shing general store at Hang Hau before the War, remembered that he bought oil and rice from the Nam Pak Hong, and had to send his goods to Hang Hau via Shaukiwan.\n\n27 Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81 described the shops making rice wine in conjunction with pig raising, the dregs from the wine being used to feed the pigs. The beancurd maker was Loi Lei, see int. Madam Laai Hung Tai 8.5.81, the owner's daughter. Of course, the markets also provided the hawkers who went regularly to the villages. Mrs. Lau 14.6.81 remembered the fish mongers who took fish from Seung Sz Wan to Ha Yeung, and the hawkers who came with sweets and items of clothing.\n\n28 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81 for years operated a boat that carried lime and firewood to Kowloon. His father was in a similar business. In the 1930's, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81 had a junk that took orders from shops in Sai Kung for purchases from Hong Kong. Mr. Lei P'aang Kei collected fish in Sai Kung directly from fishermen to be sent to Kowloon. He had formerly worked for Saam Shing, and started this business on his own when Saam Shing collapsed in the 1930's (Int. Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, 19.5.81). Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81 from Yim Tin Tsai used to send his fish to Sai Kung Market and employed women to carry them into Kowloon, paying 40 cents for approximately 40 catties.\n\n29 In addition to references already cited, see Ints. Mr. Hoh Shang 20.6.81, Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81, Mrs. Mo née Cheng 28.6.81, Mr. Lau 16.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mr. Lok Shang 21.5.81, Mrs. Yung née Wan 2.7.81, Mr. Shing Uen Wan 10.7.81, Mrs. Tsang née Shing 14.7.81, Mr. Ng 15.7.81, Mr. Lau 17.7.81, Mr. Yau Yan 22.7.81.\n\n30 Mr. Wong Kam Tai 20.7.81 remembered Shing Woh general store, owned by the ancestors of Mr. Shing Mau Kwong of Mang Kung Uk, that collected fish for various shops that made salt fish, a shop that made wine, owned by a Mr. Lau, a stationer's owned by a Mr. Chan, and a small shipyard that removed barnacles from boats, owned by a Mr. Po. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 31.7.81 remembered that the Maus of Pan Long Wan had a general store there, the Shings of Mang Kung Uk had two shops, both called Shing Woh.\n\n31 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Chan Tsz K'eung 28.5.81, Mr. Hoh Taai 10.6.81, Mr. Hoh King 27.5.81, 5.6.81, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 3.6.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80.\n\n32 Mr. Lei Yiu T'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Lei P'aang Kei 12.5.81, 19.5.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, 15.5.81.\n\n33 For background see Hong Kong Government, Administrative Report 1914 D (Harbour Office), p. 6, Hong Kong Government Gazette August 3, 1914. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang referred to this in relation to the growth of Saam Shing and T'aai Shing in int. 8.5.81.\n\n34 Ts'ui Mau Fung was not a shop-keeper, but a land-owner who lived in Sai Kung. He was not involved in the kaifong (int. Mr. Lei Shiu Yum 8.5.81). On Chan Pak T'o, see int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81. According to Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81, he was the teacher of Chan Ue Kwong's younger brother Min Ue.\n\n35 Mr. Chau T'in Shang 18.5.81, 3.6.81.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "207\n\n36 1911 Census.\n\n37 For a brief discussion of these ideas, see David Faure, \"Hongkong and China in the village world\", JHKBRAS 21 (1981). A noteworthy variation is the shrine for the Taai Shing Yan Kung Ma at Luk Mei Village, which is both an ancestral figure and a territorial god. See research notes on Ue Lan Festival at Luk Mei, 5-7.8.81.\n\n* Ints. Mr. Cheung T'o 29.5.81, 15.6.81, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Tse Ming 8.81, and notes on the ta tsiu at Ho Chung, 27.12.81 - 31.12.81. For the donations of the Uens towards the repair of the temple, see Ch'e Kung Temple tablet and ints. Mr. Uen Chi Ming 16.1.81, 13.2.81, 7.3.81. Our interviews did not discover if only villagers of Ho Chung contributed towards the annual Ch'e Kung Festival, or if other villagers in the villages that took part in the ta tsiu also did.\n\n3 Int. Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81.\n\n40\n\nInts. Mr. Cheng Ip 14.5.81, Mr. Lei Yiu T'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Kau 23.6.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, 21.7.81.\n\n41\n\nInts. Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mr. Tsang 25.6.81, Mr. Tsang Yung 25.6.81, Mrs. Wai 27.6.81\n\n42 Ints. Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Cheung Wing 1981; see also Mr. Sung Kw'an 23.6.81 for similar arrangements for raising pigs in Tit Kim Hang, and Mr. Shing Uen Wan 10.7.81 in Pik Uk.\n\n43\n\nInts. Mr. Shing Ip On 14.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81. Every year, on the 28th of the First Month, all the five surnames of Mang Kung Uk joined in the worship of the earth god. A matshed was built in the village, on which lanterns were hung. See int. Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81. See also Patrick Hase, “Observations at a Village Funeral\", presented at the Conference on Hong Kong Society and History at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, December 1981, (papers to be published shortly).\n\n44\n\n** Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.8.81.\n\n* Ints. Mr. Sung 22.6.81, Mr. Tang Kei Faat 25.6.81, Mr. Hoh King 24.6.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mrs. Lau Lei Loi T'aai 28.6.81, store keeper at Wong Chuk Wan 28.6.81, Mrs. Hoh née Lau 29.6.81, Mr. Kuet Po Shing 2.7.81, and notes on the ruined temple at Wong Chuk Wan 28.6.81. The composition of the Shap Heung given by Mrs. Hoh née Lau and Mr. Kuet differs slightly from that in the text here. Other village groups in the Sai Kung area include one that consists of Tse Keng Tuk, Chiu Hang, Ta Ho Tun, and Ma Nam Wat (int. Mr. Chan Uet Shing 24.6.81), another that consists of the three villages at Man Yee Wan (int. Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81), yet another the seven villages that made use of the sugar press at Ko Tong (int. Mr. To 19.6.81). Apparently, Tai Long, Pak Tam Au, and Chek Keng, and then Sham Chung, Lai Chi Chong, and Pak Sha O were two groups of villages that had close social ties (int. Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81).\n\n48 Ints. Mr. Tse Wing 20.6.81, Mr. Yau 28.7.81. Fung shui was involved in the dispute in Sha Kok Mei. The villagers considered that part of a hill nearby, known to them as the \"tiger's land\" (foo tei) was essential to the fung shui of the village. Sha Kok Mei would not permit burial, grass or tree cutting on the foo tei.\n\n\"Mr. Chau T'in Shang 9.7.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Yau Taai Hin 8.81, Mr. Tse Ming 8.81. Major temple celebrations before World War II were held in at least the following places: Leung Shuen Wan, Sai Kung, Tai Miu, Hang Hau, Pan Long Wan, Tseung Kwan O, Kau Sai. Pak Kong and Ho Chung had a ta tsiu every ten years, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208847, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "208\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nTseng Lan Shue an on lung ceremony every thirty. Sha Kok Mei also had a regular ta tsiu.\n\n* Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 31.7.81, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 9.7.81. The ceremony, taken more as a game of fun, was known as \"puk sha ngau tsai\".\n\n49 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Lei 9.7.81.\n\n60 Before the War, puppet shows were performed at the earthgods' festivals at Sai Kung Market and Pak Tam Chung, and the ta tsiu at Pak Kong and Pak Sha Wan. With the exception of Pak Kong's ta tsiu, which was held once every ten years, these were annual celebrations. See ints. Mr. Kong Hei 21.6.81, Mr. Chau T'in Shang 7.5.81, 9.7.81, Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mr. Lok Tsau On 21.6.81.\n\n\"1 See, for instance, descriptions of the feasts in int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81, feast at grave worship in int. Mr. Cheung T'o 15.6.81, at wedding ceremony in int. Mr. Tsang 25.6.81.\n\n52 For general comments see Mr. Tse Wing 9.6.81, Mrs. Lau 21.6.81, Mrs. Tse 21.6.81, Mrs. Cheung née Wan 26.6.81, and for samples of these songs, Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Ip Wan 2.7.81.\n\n53 C. Fred Blake, \"Death and abuse in marriage laments: the curse of Chinese brides\", Studies in Asian Folklore 37, pp. 13-33 quotes extensively from a text of Hakka songs found in Sai Kung. The Oral History Project has found records of these songs in other villages, but not in Sai Kung itself.\n\n5 Hong Kong Government Administrative Report 1913, p. N 16.\n\n56 From the Hong Kong Government Administrative Report 1922, the Hong Kong Government Administrative Report 1923, and interview reports, schools were found in Sai Kung Market (Sung Chen and two others) and the following villages (names of schools in brackets): Mang Kung Uk (Ts'ung Kong), Pak Tam Chung, Wo Mei, Ho Chung (Tsik Shin), Tseung Kwan O (Lap Tak), Yim Tin Tsai, Tai Po Tsai, Sha Kok Mei (Yuk Yin), Tai Wan (Sui Ying), Tai No, Nam Wai, Pak Kong (Man Shang), Tai Long, Wong Chuk Yeung, Pan Long Wan, Sheung Yeung (Ling Wan), Ta Ho Tun, Pak Ngah, Kau Lau Wan, Kau Sai, Seung Sz Wan (Wai San), Hang Hau (Man Uen), Tseng Lan Shue (Lung T'ang), Tan Ka Wan (Shung Ming), Yung Shu O, Ko Tong, Tai Wan Tau, Wong Mo Ying, Ma Yau Tong, Man Yee Wan, Nam Shan, Che Keng Tuk, Pak Kong Au, Ma Nam Wat, Siu Hang Hau.\n\n56\n\nInts. Mr. Lok Shang 21.5.81, Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Cheung To 29.5.81, Mr. Chan Shau 19.6.81, Mr. Uen Chan Wan 22.6.81, Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81.\n\n57 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Wong Yung Ts'ing 20.5.81, Mr. Kong Hei 21.6.81 went to Sung Chen. Mr. Wong went from Sung Chen to the Roman Catholic School in Wai Chau and then Canton. Mr. Cheng Chung T'ing 21.5.81 went to the Yau Ma Tei Government School, Mr. Uen Chiu Ming 13.2.81 went to the Tai Po Teachers Training School, but did not graduate. The Chans of Ho Chung sent their sons to Nam Tau or Canton; see Mr. Chan P'aang Hing 29.5.81. Mr. Chau T'in Shang's elder brother was educated in Canton, see int. 3.6.81. See also int. Father George Carusso 20.5.81.\n\n58 Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Tsang Yau 23.6.81, Mrs. Tse née Lau 24.6.81, Mr. Lau Wan Hei 25.6.81, Mrs. Yung née Wan 2.7.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 18.7.81, Mrs. Yau née Tse 22.7.81, Mr. Chan T'aai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208961, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "FUNG SHUI: ILLUSTRATED BY KAT HING WAI, N.T.\n\n91\n\nis, borrowed from Wheatley's words, \"... affinial expressions of shared conceptions of the ordering of space, or a common, ‘astrobiological' thought. Each was established only after an array of geomantic considerations had been satisfied. Each was constructed as an axis mundi incorporating a powerful impulse to centripetality. Each was laid out as a terrestrial image of the cosmos, in a schema which involved cardinal orientation and axility...\"24\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\n1 Alvin Toffler, Future Shock (1970; rpt. New York: A Bantam Book, 1974), pp. 49-177.\n\n2 Rene Dubos, So Human an Animal (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1968), p. 179.\n\n3 Rene Dubos, Beast or Angel? (New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1974), p. 166.\n\n4 Dubos, So Human, p. 179.\n\n5 Dubos, So Human, p. 178.\n\n6 Christian Norberg-Schulz, Meaning in Western Architecture (New York: Praeger, 1975), p. 434.\n\n7 For these and other villages of the Kam Tin area, see The Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, Hong Kong Govt Printer n.d. pp. 170-175,\n\n8 考卜維王,宅是京,維龜正之,太王成之,武王哉。 The Wen-wang Yu-sheng song, Shih Ching, Shih-chi-chuan, ed. Chu Hsi ([Sung]; rpt. Hong Kong: China Book Co., 1961), p. 188; trans.\n\n9 J. J. M. de Groot, The Religious System of China (Leiden: Librarie et Imprimérie, 1892-1897), III, pp. 1006-1009.\n\n10 Maurice Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society (London: The Athlone Press, 1966), p. 123.\n\n11 Stephen Feuchtwang, An Anthropological Analysis of Chinese Geomancy (Vientiane Viettanga, 1974), p. 130.\n\n12 Feuchtwang, An Anthropological Analysis, p. 118; trans, words in brackets are his.\n\n13 Freedman, Chinese, p. 139.\n\n14 Feuchtwang, An Anthropological Analysis, p. 223.\n\n15 Freedman, Chinese, p. 140.\n\n16 Feuchtwang, An Anthropological Analysis, pp. 113-114.\n\n17 Freedman, Chinese, p. 138.\n\n18 Sung, Hok-pang, \"Legends and Stories of the New Territories,\" 1935-1938; rpt. Journal of Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, 13 (1973) and 14 (1974). See 13 (1973), p. 111.\n\n19 Sung, \"Legends\", 14 (1974), p. 171.\n\n20 K... FAX. The commemorative stone tablet was erected in 1925 by Tang Pak-kau.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208995, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\nA HAKKA WEDDING IN HONG KONG, MAY 1979 \n\nDuring our visits to the market in Sai Kung, we had made the acquaintance of a lady in charge of a haberdashery shop, a Mrs. Ho and her daughter Ling. Knowing of our interest in Chinese customs and culture, they invited Josephine, myself and my husband to attend the wedding of her nephew which was to take place in their village in the Sai Kung peninsula the following Saturday. We met that morning in the market to pick up Mrs. Ho and Ling and then drove out to Tong Ha Yeung, a small village past Pak Tam Au, at 10 a.m. \n\nWe arrived about 10:30 to find a feast already in progress. A row of five Hakka houses facing the main road had the area in front, which was in previous years used for drying rice, now occupied with square wooden tables with benches on four sides. Above the tables was a canvas awning supported on bamboo poles to keep off the sun, and as it turned out, the rain too. The relatives of the bride and groom, and the villagers from the surrounding 7 villages had already assembled and were in the middle of a sizeable meal of beef, pork, tripe, rice and soft drinks, eaten to the accompaniment of \"Grease\" played loudly on a cassette player. \n\nThe food was being cooked in two huge woks which had been built into a clay brick oven with a roaring wood fire going underneath. Several men were tending the fire and cooking the food. The woks, which had been built at the entrance of the village under the awning, had been prepared yesterday, and would be dismantled tonight after the celebrations were over. \n\nRichard and I had taken great care in the choice of our clothes, knowing that certain colours are considered unlucky, such as white, the colour of mourning, and blue. ... However, no one else there, at least of the younger generation, had taken notice of this custom as most were dressed in blue jeans, white shirts or tee-shirts, etc. Of the middle-aged women like Mrs. Ho, they were wearing their best clothes, Mrs. Ho in a brown silk jacquard sam fu which had a centre front opening fastening with frogs, and a set of jade earrings, ring and bracelets. The older women were in the customary black cotton sam fu, often with an apron, and a black cotton bau tow.\n\n¦\n\n!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n137\n\nare ruined, we can still get information about their previous existence.\n\nTin Hau Temple\n\n1. Ham Tin, Pui O— Built in the Ming Dynasty, rebuilt in 1798, and repaired in 1947*. Bell 1799.\n\n2. Chung Hau, Shap Long—Rebuilt in 1951. No bell.\n\n3. Fan Lau\n\nBuilt in the early Ch'ing Period, rebuilt in 1820, repaired in 1820*, 1928* and 1976*. No bell.\n\n4. Yi O No information.\n\n5. Tai O Market\n\nBuilt in the Ming Dynasty, repaired in 1741, 1835*, 1852, 1903, 1959 and 1975. Bell 1772.\n\n6. Yim Tin, Tai O Built in the early Ch'ing Period, repaired in 1838*, 1892, 1895*, 1946 and 1972*. Bell 1713.\n\n7. Tai Pak No information.\n\n8. Nim Shue Wan\n\n9. Chek Lap Kok\n\nHung Shing Temple\n\nBuilt in early 20th Century, removed to Peng Chau Island during the Second World War, rebuilt at the present site in 1972*. No bell.\n\nBuilt in 1823, repaired in 1978. No bell.\n\n1. Mui Wo—Built in the Ming Dynasty, repaired in 1843, now completely disappeared.\n\n2. Pui O—Built in the Ming Dynasty, repaired in 1780, now ruined.\n\n3. Tong Fuk—Built in 1802, repaired in 1965*. Bell 1802.\n\n4. Shek Pik\n\n— Removed to Tai Long Wan. The original temple at Chung Hau, Shek Pik, is in ruins.\n\n5. Tai Long Wan\n\nBuilt in 1960. No bell.\n\n6. Shek Tsai Po, Tai O— Built in the early Ch'ing Period, repaired in 1746*, 1802*, 1841*, 1875* and 1969*. Bell 1746.\n\n* indicates that commemorative tablets exist for these repairs.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209009, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUIRIES\n\n139\n\nFuk Tak Temple **\n\nTai O Market- No information.\n\nThe number of temples found in each area is as follows\n\n1. Mui Wo-2\n\n6. Tsin Yu Wan-1\n\n11. Sha Lo Wan-1\n\n2. Pui O-4\n\n7. Yi O-1\n\n12. Tung Chung 3\n\n3. Tong Fuk-2\n\n8. Tai O-7\n\n13. Tai Pak - 1\n\n4. Shek Pik-3\n\n9. Keung Shan- 1\n\n14. Nim Shue Wan-1\n\n5. Fan Lau-2 10. San Shek Wan-1\n\n15. Chak Lap Kok-1\n\nHong Kong, March 1980\n\nANTHONY K.K. SIU\n\nTHE KOWLOON WALLED CITY\n\nThe Kowloon Walled City was situated to the north of the present Kai Tak Airport. It had been the most important military base in Hong Kong during the later Ch'ing Dynasty (1644-1911).\n\nAt the beginning of the Ch'ing period, there was no walled city. In the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1668), there was only a watchpost, called the 6, recorded as having thirty guards. Fourteen years later, in the 21st year of Kang Hsi (1682), the number of guards was reduced to only ten, and the post was turned into the Kowloon guard-station. This Kowloon guard-station, with only ten soldiers, was still in existence up to the 16th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1811)\n\n1\n\nDuring the 15th year of the Chia Ch'ing reign (1810), the Fat Tong Mun Fort # was evacuated, and a new fort was built on the coast of Kowloon. This was the Kowloon Fort #. Its garrison was forty-eight men, under one pa-tsung and one ngai-wai.\n\nAfter the 22nd year of the Tao Kuang reign (1843), Hong Kong Island was under British rule. In order to strengthen the fortification of Kowloon, a walled city was built in the 27th year of Tao Kuang (1847). This was the Kowloon Walled City\n\n* See JHKBRAS 19 (1979)· 209-210.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209011, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n141\n\n(1810), General Chin Mun-fu ***** suggested that the Fat Tong Mun Fort be abandoned and be rebuilt near the Kowloon guard-station ✯ ✯ A Viceroy Pak Ling T✯ ordered the Magistrate of the San On County 觚 ***◊ to carry out the suggestion.\n\nChapter 175 of Kwangtung Tung Chi, Tao Kuang edition KKAR £&4-4*+ states, \"The Kowloon Fort Aate lies 290 # E west of the Tai Pang Battalion 4. It was guarded by one pa-tsung and one ngai-wai with 48 guards.\"\n\n5 After the Opium War, the Chinese were defeated, and Hong Kong was ceded to the British. In the 23rd year of the Tao Kuang Reign (1843) Ke Ying was Viceroy of the Kwangtung and Kwangsi Provinces **** and Wong Yan-tung & was Governor of the Liang Kwang-tung ✯✯✯. They proposed building the Kowloon Walled City. The work was completed in the 27th year of the Tao Kuang Reign (1847).\n\n* See Chapter 13 of the Kwangtung Tao Shuet, Tung Chih edition ŁATÁRUK+ which records. \"The Kowloon Walled City was under the command of a fu-cheung ## or brigadier of the Naval Forces of the Tai Pang Battalion. Under him was an extra ngar-wai who guarded the Walled City with 150 men. There were 75 men under one tsin-tsune for lieutenant guarding the Kowloon Fort; and one ngai-wai-tsin-tsung ††or sub-lieutenant leading 15 men guarding the Kowloon Coastal Guard Station ALDA.\n\n* See Chapter 73 of the Kwangchow Fu Chi, Kuang Hsü edition ANA££*TE and Kwong Tung Hoi Tao Shuet, Kuang Hsü edition 張之洞廣東海圆說.\n\n* See my article 'The Old Cannons found in Hong Kong' in Volume 8, Part 2 of Kwangtung Man Hin REÆ : RKARXUŁ^ËZI\n\n* The Old Yamen is now occupied by the CNEC Grace Light School.\n\nTUEN MUN FROM CHINESE HISTORICAL RECORDS\n\n2\n\nTuen Mun1 lies in the western part of the New Territories. The highest mountain in this area is the Tuen Mun Shan ₺F2 which reaches a height of 582.9 metres. To the east of the mountain is the Tuen Mun Bay, also called the Castle Peak Bay lying to its east, and the Lantau with Kau King Shan A Island lying to its south.\n\nTuen Mun Bay is surrounded by mountains on three sides, thus forming a good typhoon shelter from the strong easterlies. It is also the waterway for entering the Chu Kiang i or Pearl River estuary of the Kwangtung Province. The Bay had been an important harbour for the Persians, the Arabs and the people from India, Indo-china and the East Indies. Their trading fleets had to anchor and gather at Tuen Mun before entering the Chu Kiang.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209099, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 2, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "211\n\nElsewhere, \"smuggling\" between Nationalist-held areas and Japanese-held areas was just as prevalent as that conducted across Mirs Bay, and it was not necessarily carried out without the knowledge or consent of the Japanese. See the political context of this particular form of trade discussed in Lloyd E. Eastman, \"Facets of an ambivalent relationship: smuggling, puppets, and atrocities during the War, 1937-1945\", in Akira Iriye ed., The Chinese and the Japanese, Essays in Political and Cultural Interactions (Princeton, 1980).\n\nMr. Shing 10.7.81.\n\n100 Mr. Chan T'in Po 12.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81.\n\n101 Mr. Ip Wan 2.7.81.\n\n102 Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80.\n\n103 Mr. Tse Koon K'au 9.6.81.\n\n104 Other members of the East River Guerrillas included Wong Koon Fong, Kong Shui, and Lo Fung; see ints. Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80, Mr. Chiu Lin Shing 11.5.81, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81. For the background history of the East River Guerrillas see Feng Pai-chu, Tseng Sheng, et. al. Kuang-tung jen-min k'ang-Jih chan-cheng hui-i (Canton, 1951), and \"The general conditions of the liberated areas behind enemy lines in South China (East River and Hainan Island)”, in K’ang-Jih chan-cheng shih-chi chieh-fang-ch'ü kai-k'uang (Peking, 1st ed. 1953, rep. 1981) pp. 123-132. Dr. (later Sir) Lindsay Ride contacted Ts'oi Kwok Leung immediately upon his escape from Hong Kong and after the British Army Aid Group was formed, Ts'oi co-operated with the B.A.A.G. to assist prisoners-of-war escaping from Hong Kong. See Edwin Ride, BAAG, Hong Kong Resistance, 1942-1945 (Hong Kong, 1981).\n\n105 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80.\n\n100 Mr. Hoh Shang 24.6.81, Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81.\n\n107 Mr. Lau 17.7.81, Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80.\n\n108 Mr. Lau Wan Hei 25.6.81, Mr. Sham Kin K'eung 23.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81.\n\n100 Mr. Cheung Hing 28.11.80, Mr. Wong Ts'ing 23.6.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81.\n\n110 Mr. Chan Shing 21.11.80.\n\n111 Mr. Chiu Lin Shing 11.5.81, Mr. Lau Lui Faat 23.6.81, Mr. Lei Yun Shau 14.11.80.\n\n119 Mr. Lok Kau Kei 26.6.81, Mr. Yau Koon K'au 27.7.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80.\n\n113 Mr. K.M.A. Barnett 13.2.82, Mr. Wan Yau 14.7.81.\n\n114 Father Lau Wing Yiu 18.5.81.\n\n115 Mr. Chung Poon 13.11.80, Mr. Sham Kin K’eung 23.6.81, 1.7.81.\n\n116 Mr. Lei Shiu Yam 8.5.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80. See also \"The story of the American pilot Kerr's escape\", in the Wen-hui pao 7.1.80, and Edwin Ride, op. cit. pp. 219-220.\n\n117 Mr. Wan Ts'eung 31.11.80.\n\n118 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81.\n\n110 Mr. Chung P'oon 13.11.80, Mr. Lau Wan Hei and Mr. Kong Sai P'ing 25.6.81.\n\n120 J. Barrow, \"Annual Report of the D.C.N.T. 1947-48”, p. 2.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 3, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "212\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nDates\n\nName (and village)\n\nMr. Chung P'oon\n\n(Wong Chuk Shan)\n\ninterviewed\n\nINTERVIEW RECORD\n\nName (and village)\n\nDates interviewed\n\n13.11.80\n\nMadam Chiu I Mooi\n\n(Chek Keng)\n\n7.5.81, 18.7.81\n\nMr. Chau T'in Shang\n\n13.11.80,\n\nMr. Lau Shaang\n\n8.5.81\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\n18.5.81,\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\n3.6.81,\n\nMr. Yau T'aam Shang\n\n8.5.81,\n\n9.7.81\n\n(Wong Keng Tei)\n\n15.5.81,\n\nMr. Lei Yau\n\n13.11.80,\n\n22.5.81,\n\n(Tso Woh Hang)\n\n28.6.81\n\n26.5.81,\n\n31.7.81\n\nMr. Lee Yun Shau, J.P.\n\n14.11.80\n\n(Man Yee Wan)\n\nMr. Wong Yung Ts'ing\n\n8.5.81,\n\nMr. Tse Kw'an\n\n16.11.80\n\n(Wong Yi Chau)\n\n20.5.81\n\n(Tan Ka Wan)\n\nMadam Laai Hung Tai\n\n8.5.81\n\nMr. Shek Kwong Lin\n\n16.11.80\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\n(Kau Lau Wan)\n\nMr. Lei Shiu Yam\n\n8.5.81\n\nMr. Shek Fuk Fung\n\n16.11.80\n\n(Man Yee Wan)\n\n(Kau Lau Wan)\n\nMr. Lai Foh\n\n8.5.81\n\nMr. Chan Shing\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\n21.11.80\n\n(Tai Long)\n\nMr. Chiu Lin Shing\n\n(Chek Keng)\n\n11.5.81\n\nMr. Cheung Hing\n\n28.11.80\n\n(Tai Long)\n\nMrs. Chiu née Cheung\n\n11.5.81\n\n(presently of Tai Po)\n\nMr. Wan Ts'eung\n\n31.11.80\n\n(Tai Po Tsai)\n\nMr. Lei P'aang Kei\n\n12.5.81,\n\n(Shuen Wan)\n\n19.5.81\n\nMr. Paul Tsui\n\n1.12.80\n\nMr. Chan T'in Po\n\n12.5.81\n\nMr. Wan Yat Ngo\n\n15.1.81\n\n(Ho Chung)\n\nMr. T'ong (headmaster,\n\n12.5.81\n\nYim Tin Tsai)\n\nMr. Tse Ming\n\n15.1.81\n\n(Ho Chung)\n\nMr. Cheng Yip\n\n14.5.81\n\n(Pak Kong)\n\nMr. Uen Chiu Ming\n\n16.1.81,\n\n(Mok Tse Che)\n\n13.2.81,\n\nFr. Lau Wing Yiu\n\n18.5.81\n\n7.3.81\n\nMr. Cheung\n\n19.5.81\n\nMrs. Uen\n\n17.1.81\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\n(Mok Tse Che)\n\nMiss Fung Ping I\n\n19.5.81\n\nMrs. Uen\n\n18.1.81,\n\nMrs. Ts'ui, née Lei\n\n20.5.81\n\n(Mr. Uen Tak\n\n24.1.81,\n\n(Pak Kong)\n\nMing's mother,\n\n7.3.81\n\nMrs. Liu\n\n20.5.81\n\nMok Tse Che)\n\n(Sai Kung Market)\n\nMadam Yung\n\n18.1.81\n\nMr. Cheng Chung T'ing 21.5.81\n\n(Mok Tse Che)\n\n(Pak Kong)\n\nMadam Chan\n\n22.1.81\n\nMr. Lok Shaang\n\n21.5.81\n\n(Ho Chung)\n\n(Pak Kong)\n\nMadam Lok\n\n22.1.81\n\nMr. Hoh King\n\n27.5.81\n\n(Ho Chung)\n\n(Nam Shan)\n\n5.6.81\n\nMr. Chiu Sz\n\n7.5.81\n\nMr. Chan Tsz K'eung\n\n28.5.81\n\n(Chek Keng)\n\nMadam Yung A Lin\n\n7.5.81\n\n(Chek Keng)\n\n(Sai Kung Market) Mr. Chan Kei Shang (Yim Tin Tsai)\n\n28.5.81", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 4, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "213\n\nName (and village) Dates interviewed\n\nMr. Chan P'aang Hing (Ho Chung) 29.5.81\n\nName (and village) Mr. Lok Foh Kau (Pak Kong) Dates interviewed 20.6.81\n\nMr. Cheung T'o (Ho Chung) 29.5.81, 15.6.81\n\nMrs. Lei, née So (Nam Shan) 20.6.81\n\nMr. Chung (Kau Sai) 3.6.81\n\nMr. Hoh Shang (Nam Shan) 20.6.81, 24.6.81\n\nMr. So T'in Loi (Kau Sai) 3.6.81\n\nMr. Lok Kau Kei (Pak Kong) 20.6.81, 26.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Chi Hei (Sha Tsui) 5.6.81 21.7.81\n\nMr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81\n\nMr. Lam Kaap Shau (Tai Po Tsai) (Tai Long) 8.6.81\n\nMr. Wong (Shan Liu) 20.6.81\n\nMr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81\n\nMrs. Lau, (Leung Shuen Wan) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Lok Tsau On\n\nMr. Tse Koon K'au (Pak Kong) (Tan Ka Wan) 9.6.81\n\nMrs. Tse (Pak Kong) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Tse Wing (Sha Kok Mei) 9.6.81, 20.6.81\n\nMrs. Kong Lei San Kiu (Lung Mei) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Hoh Taai (Ko Tong) 10.6.81, 21.6.81, 22.6.81\n\nMr. Lo Koon Mooi (Long Mei) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81\n\nMrs. Wan, née Lau (Sai Kung Market) (Nam Shan) 21.6.81\n\nMr. Ue (Mang Kung Uk) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Kong Hei (Lung Mei) 21.6.81\n\nMrs. Ue (Mang Kung Uk) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Wong (Tam Wat) 22.6.81\n\nMr. Shing Ip On (Mang Kung Uk) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Sung Kw'an (Tit Kim Hang) 22.6.81\n\nMrs. Lau (Ha Yeung, near Seung Sz Wan) 14.6.81\n\nMr. Sung (Tit Kim Hang) 22.6.81\n\nMr. Lau Hing Lung (Pan Long Wan) 16.6.81\n\nMr. Uen Chan Wan (Ta Ho Tun) 22.6.81\n\nMr. Lau (Pan Long Wan) 16.6.81\n\nMr. Sham Kin K'eung (Hung Fa Tsun) 23.6.81, 1.7.81\n\nMr. Leung Yung Hei (Hang Hau) 16.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Yiu T'ing (Pak Kong) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Kau (Pak Kong) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Kan (Wo Liu) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Wong Ts'ing (Nam Shan) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Hui Lam (Cheung Sheung) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Lei Faat (Kak Hang Tun) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Wong (Ko Tong) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Chan Shau (Pak Tam Au) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Cheng Yung (Uk Tau) 23.6.81\n\nMr. To (Ko Tong) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Lau Lui Faat (Pak Kong Au) 23.6.81\n\nMr. Wong Shek (Ha Yeung, near Ko Tong) 19.6.81\n\nMr. Tang (Wong Mo Ying) 23.6.81", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "214\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nDates\n\nDates\n\nName (and village)\n\ninterviewed Name (and village)\n\ninterviewed\n\nMr. Tsang Yau (Tai Mong Tsai) 23.6.81 Mrs. Cheung, née Chan 27.6.81 (Sha Kok Mei)\n\nMadam Tsang, Mr. Liu 27.6.81 23.6.81 Madam Cheung (Cheung Muk Tau) (Wong Mo Ying)\n\nMr. Wong (Sha Ha) 27.6.81 Madam Lau 23.6.81\n\nMrs. Lau Lei Loi T'aai 28.6.81 (Pak Kong Au) (Wong Chuk Wan)\n\nMrs. Loh, née Tsang 23.6.81 Store-keeper 28.6.81 (Tai Mong Tsai) (Wong Chuk Wan)\n\nMadam Cheung 24.6.81 Visit to temple at 28.6.81 (Sha Kok Mei) Wong Chuk Wan\n\nMr. Wong Yung 24.6.81 Mr. Foo Ts'ing's funeral (Tung Sam Kei) 28.6.81\n\nMr. Chan Uet Shing 24.6.81 Mrs. Tsang, née Lei, 28.6.81 (Tsiu Hang)\n\nMrs. Hoh, Mr. Tse, née Lau 24.6.81 née Lei (Tai Tan) (Che Keng Tuk)\n\nMrs. Cheng née Mo 28.6.81 Mr. Tse Shui Kam 24.6.81 (To Kwa Ping) (Che Keng Tuk)\n\nMr. Wong Ping Lin 29.6.81 Mr. Hoh (Ha Yeung, 24.6.81 (Tai Wan) near Ko Tong)\n\nMrs. Wong, née Sin 29.6.81. Mr. Wong (Ha Yeung, 24.6.81 (Tai Wan) near Ko Tong)\n\nMr. Lei (Wo Liu) 29.6.81 Mrs. Wai, née Lei 25.6.81 (Sha Kok Mei)\n\nMr. Chung Kam Faat 29.6.81 (Ma Nam Wat)\n\nMr. Tsang 25.6.81 Mr. Wan 29.6.81 (Sha Kok Mei) (Ma Nam Wat)\n\nMr. Tsang Yung 25.6.81 (Sha Kok Mei)\n\nMrs. Hoh, née Lau 29.6.81 (O Tau)\n\nMrs. Siu (Pak Tam) 25.6.81 Mr. Wan Koon Fuk 31.1.81, (Wong Mo Ying) 25.6.81 (Tai Nam Wu) 6.81, 5.8.81\n\nMr. Tang Kei Faat\n\nMr. Lau Wan Hei 25.6.81 Mrs. Lau, née Lei 1.7.81 (Pak Kong Au), (Hei Tsz Wan)\n\nMr. Kong Sai P'ing (Lung Mei)\n\nMrs. Lau 1.7.81 (Hei Tsz Wan)\n\nMr. Cheung Kau 26.6.81 (Ping Tun)\n\nMr. Lei (Wong Chuk Yeung) (1) 1.7.81 Mrs. Cheung née Wan 26.6.81 (Ping Tun)\n\nMr. Lei (Wong Chuk Yeung) (2) 1.7.81\n\nMr. Cheung 26.6.81 (Tai Po Tsai)\n\nMr. Lei 1.7.81 Mr. Lei 26.6.81 (Tsak Yue Wu) (Muk Min Shan)\n\nMr. Lei (Wo Liu) 2.7.81 Madam Keung 26.6.81\n\nMr. Lau Yun Shang 2.7.81 (Muk Min Shan) (Wong Chuk Wan)\n\nMrs. Wai 27.6.81 Mrs. Yung, née Wan 2.7.81 (Sha Kok Mei) (Hoi Ha)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "Dates \n\n215 \n\nName (and village) \n\nDates interviewed \n\nName (and village) \n\ninterviewed \n\nMr. K'uet Po Shing (Nam A) 2.7.81 \n\nMr. Lok (Seung Sz Wan) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Yung (Hoi Ha) 2.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Sheung Yeung) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Ip Wan (Pak Sha O) 2.7.81 \n\nMr. Lok Tak K'ei (Seung Sz Wan) 17.7.81 \n\nVisit to church in Pak Sha O 3.7.81 \n\nMr. Lam (Seung Sz Wan) (2) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau Kei (Tseng Lan Shue) 8.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau Kwong (Ha Yeung near Seung Sz Wan) 20.7.81 \n\nMr. Cheung Loi Yau (Sha Kok Mei) 9.7.81 \n\nMrs. Wan (Mang Kung Uk) 20.7.81 \n\nMr. Shing (Ha Yeung near Seung Sz Wan) 10.7.81 \n\nMr. Shing Uen Wan (Pik Uk) 10.7.81 \n\nMr. Wong Kam Tai (Hang Hau) 20.7.81 \n\nMrs. Yau (Mang Kung Uk) 10.7.81 \n\nMr. Shing (Pik Uk) 20.7.81 \n\nMrs. Yau, née Tse (Tseng Lan Shue) 22.7.81 \n\nMr. Ue Shun Hing (Mang Kung Uk) 10.7.81 \n\nMr. Chan T'aai (Tseung Kwan O) 22.7.81 \n\nMr. Cheng Yung (Uk Tau) 10.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau Yan (Tseng Lan Shue) 22.7.81 \n\nMr. Uen Kwai Naam (Mau Wu Tsai) 14.7.81 \n\nMr. Chung (Yau Yue Wan) 22.7.81 \n\nMr. Tsang Shui On (Ma Yau Tong) 14.7.81 \n\nMr. Chung Wai I (Yau Yue Wan) 22.7.81 \n\nMr. Wan Yau (Wong Chuk Long) 14.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau Taai Hin (Tseng Lan Shue) 23.7.81 \n\nMr. Tsang Wan (Ma Yau Tong) 14.7.81 8.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Po Toi O) 24.7.81 \n\nMrs. Tsang, née Shing (Ma Yau Tong) 14.7.81 \n\nMrs. Chung (Po Toi O) 24.7.81 \n\nMr. Ng (Tseung Kwan O) 15.7.81 \n\nMrs. Sit (Tin Ha Wan) 24.7.81 \n\nMadam Chan (Tseung Kwan O) 15.7.81 \n\nMr. Ip (Tin Ha Wan) 24.7.81 \n\nMr. Leung Chiu Man (Hang Hau) 25.7.81 \n\nMadam Wan (Tai Wan Tau) 16.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau Koon K'au (Tseng Lan Shue) 27.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Tai Wan Tau) (1) 16.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau Tai On (Pak Shek Wo) 27.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Tai Wan Tau) (2) 16.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau (Nam Wai) 28.7.81 \n\nMr. Lam (Seung Sz Wan) (1) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Yau T'aai Hong (Nam Wai) 28.7.81 \n\nMadam Chan (Mang Kung Uk) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Tai Au Mun) 29.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau K'in Tsun (Ha Yeung) 17.7.81 \n\nMr. Lau (Siu Hang Hau) 30.7.81", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209518, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "153\n\ntion prevails in Kau Sai where all /-oi/ have been raised to /-ui/, while -ng/k and -n/t are kept distinct: McCoy gives füf lui 'long time', lui 'to come', hui 'sea', ui 'to love'. Unfortunately, he gives no examples of words with SC -on/t finals. Note that Kau Sai /-ui/, as KHW /-oy/, includes words with SC finals /-oi/ and /-ui/. K.M.A. Barnett mentions that SC kon 'dry' is 'almost always tabooed in (Hongkong) place names, being replaced by kwun ( or )'. I suspect that sound change, rather than superstition, accounts for this pronunciation.\n\n*-un/t did not merge with -öng/k, but with -ang/k: SC: -un/t: KHW: -ang/k: *ty'ang1 'spring'; ty'ak3 'to go out'; sak4 'technique'.\n\nIn Kau Sai, SC -un/t merges with -en/t, the Kau Sai homologue of SC -an/t (lax). It may then be the case that in KHW, the *-ön/t finals first merged with -an/t, to be later converted into -ang/k. /-ang/ and /-ak/ are probably the largest of KHW finals in terms of their word membership: they include all words having the SC finals -ang/k; -an/t; -un/t; -ing/k.\n\nrhyme-\n\nIt is worth mentioning that a number of Lower Entering-tone words with labial initials, mostly in the Shan group, have a tense vowel /ae/ in KHW corresponding to a lax vowel /a/ in SC:\n\nSC KHW\n\n# 'uproot' pât paek4\n\n襪 'stocking' mât maek4\n\n'to fine' fât faek4\n\n*'wheat' mâk maek4\n\nKHW appears to be the conservative dialect in this correspondence since lax vowels are irregular in the concerned rhyme-groups in SC.\n\nThe correspondences between SC and KHW finals are summarized in the following chart:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209523, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "158\n\nLAURENT SAGART\n\nI believe the 'dialect of the walled villages' is the same language that K.M.A. Barnett calls 'Namtau A a sub-dialect of Tung Kwun'. He writes: 'In the most prevalent Punti dialect, the Namtau dialect spoken in the N.W. plains by the oldest-established clans, there is confusion between final -n and -ng; e.g. the surname Man is pronounced Mang, Chan is pronounced Chang, while Ching is pronounced Chan, and so on' (p. 156). With reference to the place name Tai To Yan ‘Razor cliff', he writes (p. 137): 'The Nam Tau dialect pronounces this Tai Tau Yang'. These pronunciations correspond very well to KHW, except that 'Ching is pronounced Chan': one would expect a 'Chang'; but this is a very minor difference. Another sub-dialect of Tung Kwun, Sheklung, was described in two articles by J. D. Ball and C. J. Saunders, and shares many features with KHW.\n\nA comparison of the phonologies of the 'dialect of the walled villages' and the dialect of the boat people of Kau Sai shows that, although they do not stand particularly close to one another, these two Cantonese dialects of the NT have features in common which are not shared by SC: the merger of SC -ui and -vi, the merger of SC -un/t and -an/t, and the raising of /o/ to /u/ in certain environments. This is hardly surprising, since Kau Sai and KHW, two long-established dialects in the New Territories area, have been in contact for centuries. In contrast, nothing in the phonology of KHW suggests a link with Jiangxi or indeed with any other group of dialects.\n\nScholars have taken the view that way t'au wa represents a ‘mixed Hakka-Punti language”. Yet from the point of view of phonology it is difficult to think of positive developments that would link up KHW (but not SC) and Hakka. On the lexical level, there are idioms that KHW shares with Hakka, but not with SC. For instance, the words for 'ear' and 'calf of leg' are cognates in KHW and Sung Him Tong, a Hakka village near Fanling 粉嶺10:\n\n \n \n KHW\n Sung Him Tong Hakka\n \n \n 'ear'\n ji1 kak3\n ngi3 kit5\n \n \n 'calf of leg'\n kök3 nong2 tu3\n kiok5 lang2 tu3\n \n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 291, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "269\n\n[Liu Yun Sham] Shang Shui [Sheung Shui] Hsiang Hsiang-kung-so kai-mu te-k'an 1:03, Hong Kong, 1981, pp. 31-32, 51.\n\n* The estimated population was given in \"Report by Mr. Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong\", Sessional Papers, 1899, p. 204. * The figure is worked out on the estimate that about half of the population were males, and 20% of them were within the age group 7-14,\n\nHugh Baker op. cit. p. 73.\n\nHsin-an Hsien-chih, pp. 100, 156-157.\n\nG. P. Late, \"Report on the Survey of the New Territories, 1900-1901\" Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1902, p. 708.\n\nThe description was given by a late Ch'ing sit-tsai, Liao Chun-nan in a poem (undated) found in a hand-written collection of poems and verses kept by a retired school master in the village.\n\n*G. N. Orme, \"Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912”, Sessional Papers, Hong Kong, 1912, p. 56.\n\n14 Ibid., p. 59.\n\n15 \"Report of the Director of Education for the year 1912\", Hong Kong Administrative Reports, 1912, p. N 14.\n\nG. N. Orme, op. cit., p. 57.\n\n17 Ibid.\n\n\"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911\" p. 103(26) and \"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1921\", p. 173. Table XVIII of the 1911 Census gives 94,246 as the total population including the N.T., Kowloon City and Sham Shui Po. From this, we have to subtract the numbers for the last two districts, which were placed administratively under New Kowloon. Hence population figure of what we now call the N.T. in 1911 was 80,622.\n\n\"Report of the Director of Education for the year 1913”, Administrative Reports, 1913, pp. N16-N17.\n\n* \"Report of the Education Department\", Administrative Reports, 1926, p. O5.\n\n* Annual Report of the Hong Kong and New Territory Evangelization Society, Hong Kong, 1912, p. 6,\n\n** Annual Report of the Hong Kong and New Territory Evangelization Society, 1918, p. 4.\n\n* \"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1921\", Hong Kong, p. 189.\n\n\"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1931\", Hong Kong, pp. 138-139.\n\n\"Dr. David Faure and Dr. Patrick Hase discovered last year at the home of a former village school teacher (born about 1875), a villager of Hoi Ha and resident at Pak Sha O Ha Yeung some 365 books of immense interest for the study of traditional village life and scholarship in the area of the New Territories. Amongst these books are a substantial number of textbooks used in the village from about 1875 to the eve of World War II. The books include the standard primers and their revised editions with additional commentaries, a set of three-four-five character primers composed in the late Ch'ing designed for women and children, simple readers, semi-modern texts on history, geography and hygiene, etc. The collection is of great value for further research.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209837, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "74\n\n(4) The 'prestige' factor\n\nknowledgeable;\n\nthe wish to appear\n\n(5) The desire to show a spirit of good fellowship and\n\ncamaraderie, or a genuine wish to integrate.\n\nIn most cases, of course, we cannot isolate a single motive for the borrowing of a term. There is usually a mixture of motives. We have observed more than once that there seems to be no hard and fast rules governing the choice of method in the introduction of a new 'name'. Much depends on the caprice of the users of a language.\n\nIn our Appendix we have some 105 items; 23 of them, either because they are recent borrowings and/or because their currency is restricted to Hong Kong, have not been sanctioned by inclusion in any standard dictionary. The words include 'names' for various aspects of material and spiritual civilization. As might be expected, the largest number of loan words come from the field of food and beverages, ranging from tea through pak choi to tofu to dimsum and yumcha. A number of loans come from Chinese religious and philosophical beliefs, and range from established terms like taoism and zen and the much-abused pair yin and yang to fungshui to purely 'local' terms like Chung Yeung and Tin Hau and even Choy Sun (used in the local English media exclusively to mean the Financial Secretary.) There are quite a few borrowings relating to clan and social or other organizations, like tong and hoey13, and kuk as in Heung Yee Kuk and Po Leung Kuk, and sports and recreation, for example kungfu, tai chi, mahjong.\n\nCompiling a fairly exhaustive list of loan words in general use and supplying their etymologies and examples of uses are arduous and time-consuming tasks, but what is perhaps most interesting and thought-provoking, from the linguist's point of view, in the study of word borrowing, is the vexed question of what constitutes integration of the so-called loan words into the vocabulary.\n\nWhen I use terms like 'borrow', 'import' and 'loans' in discussions of lexical borrowing, in fact, these terms do not accurately describe the process by which, say, tea has become a 'borrowed' term. In this process new words may be added to the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209865, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "102\n\nThe first valley is that of Shek Pik (\"Rock Wall\"). This lies right under the steep south-west face of Lantau Peak. The main village stands at some distance from a creek with a big sandbar which makes a good harbour for small boats. To the east is a little hamlet, Tung Wan (\"East Bay\"), where a sandbar has silted across the mouth of a stream, making a marsh. A bay a little west of the creek faces the surf, and so has no landing and is in consequence deserted except for cultivation and pasture1a.\n\nShui Hau and Tong Fuk (\"Creek Mouth\" and \"Banked Happiness\"), which form the second group of villages, have poor landing-places. They lie at one end of the long stretch of beach which extends to Pui O (“Cup Haven\")14 which is the name of the third group of villages.\n\nThe chief features of Pui O are its fine woods with their ancient trees: the very long sand-spit enclosing a lagoon where boats can lie: and the double storm beach, the second one to the rear being the older. There is an old brick or pottery kiln built on this beach. Passes go from Pui O to Mui Wo and Shap Long.\n\nBeyond Pui O to the southeast is a rugged granite peninsula; it only has one village of importance, Tai Long (\"Great Waves\"). This village has one very fine sand beach with another to the west, which, because it is much more exposed, has no village15. To the east of Tai Long are the wells from where the Cheung Chau waterboats get their water.\n\nOn the north coast of this granite peninsula are bays and hamlets where sand junks used to dig sand. At its innermost point is Shap Long (\"Ten Ridges\", but this translation is particularly doubtful), a plain with a sandbank in front; the sea is so shallow sand junks cannot approach. A few years ago an epidemic of smallpox made the villagers think something was wrong with their abode, so they left the houses all standing and moved into huts further down the valley, on its northern side.\n\nThe next point of interest on the Lantau coast is the Silver Mine Bay, a beautiful valley with a big sand beach in front, and with four villages, Mui Wo (\"Plum Nook\"), Tai Tei Tong (\"Big Land Pond\"), Luk Tei Tong (\"Deer Land Pond\"), and Pak Ngan", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209869, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "106 \n\na boarding house where Europeans can put up at cheap rates on the \"Peak\". \n\nAn interesting feature of the island is that nearly all the land is owned by a family association called the Wong Wai Tsak Tong, which has its headquarters in Namtau21. All the buildings, however, are owned by the people who built them, or their modern representatives, who pay a small ground rent to the Tong for their sites. Most of the European houses are on hills, and so are on Crown land, unclaimed by the Tong in 1905 when the land settlement was made. This system of ground landlordism is found very rarely now elsewhere in Hong Kong. It is a relic of the system of paying land tax in distant Namtau by deputy, as happened before 1898, when the Territories were leased. \n\nTo the north-east of Cheung Chau is Neikwuchau (“Nun Island\"). This island once had three villages on it: but two are deserted; the third (Ngau Tau Tong, Cow's Head Pond) still flourishes.22 Pak Pai took its name from the high white rock in the bay off it; Kwo Lo Wan (\"The Bay Along the Road\") is where the limekiln used to be, Chau Kong (\"Old Man Chau\") 28 is a small island lying off Neikwuchau opposite Kwo Lo Wan. It is practically a desert island. I have never seen anyone on it. \n\nFurther to the north-east, beyond Neikwuchau is Pingchau (\"Flat Island\"). Pingchau is another dumb-bell island, its houses being built on the isthmus, with limekilns thick along the western and southern shores, facing sheltered water. An industry not mentioned so far is gambling, which flourishes vigorously in the large, long shops fronting on the main street. As no Police live on Pingchau, nothing serious can be done to stop it. The island is full of Hakkas and Hoklos, who have little in common save mutual dislike. I once had a very bad riot case to try, in which a man had been killed by someone unknown, and the only thing I could do was to bind everyone over to keep the peace. The chief point is that to my amazement they did so! \n\nLeaving Pingchau and travelling east we first come to a group of small uninhabited islands. The first of these, Kau Yi Tsai (\"Little Armchair\")24 is a little desolate island, chiefly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "112\n\nHaven\".\n\nPui O at present often uses for its name characters meaning \"Shell Harbour\".\n\n1* Yi Long Wan (\"Second Wave Bay\").\n\n1 These villages used to stand just south of Discovery Bay but have since given way to the major housing project of that name.\n\n\" Tai Pak Island is now called Tai Lei (\"Great Profit\").\n\n19 Shau Chau is now called Sha Chau (\"Sand Isle\").\n\n\"Tongkwu is now called Lung Kwu Chau (\"Dragon Drum Island”). \"The Society for the Aid and Rehabilitation of Drug Addicts (SARDA) has had a treatment centre here since about 1960.\n\n31\n\n* Capital of San On District.\n\n** No villages now survive on Hei Ling Chau, which, after the closure of the leprosarium, is now occupied solely by the Correctional Services Department. The remaining villagers were resited to various places on Lantau in 1952-53.\n\n** Chau Kong is now called Sunshine Island (Chau Kung To), after an agricultural rehabilitation programme for refugee families launched there in the 1950s by Mr. Gus Borgeest (of Hong Kong) and others.\n\n\"Kau Yi Tsai is now called Siu Kau Yi Chau, with the same meaning.\n\n**A prewar periodical magazine containing many items of great interest, including Father D.J. Finn's contributions on local archaeology, 1933-36. These were reprinted, edited by Rev. T.F. Ryan S.J., by Ricci Hall, University of Hong Kong, 1958, entitled Archaeological Finds on Lamma Island (M) near Hong Kong.\n\n** Waglan at present uses for its name characters meaning \"Barrier to the Waves\".\n\n#T\n\nRespectively Cheung Shek Pai, Ngan Wu, and Shan Liu.\n\n\" Also known in English as Junk Island. At present the island is known in Chinese only as Fat Tau Chau (\"Buddha's Head Island\").\n\nNam Tong Island is now known as Tung Lung Chau (\"Eastern Dragon Island”).\n\n* This is the Tin Hau Temple (Tai Miu) on Joss House Bay.\n\nAfter partial excavation, it is now listed as an ancient monument under the care of the Urban Services Department.\n\n** Respectively Pak A, Leung Shuen Wan, and Pak Lap.\n\n** These inlets were drowned in the mid 1970s to form the High Island Reservoir.\n\n*Tolo Harbour.\n\nYuen Chau Tsai, see note 2 above.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209897, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "134\n\nBoard (in manuscript), p. 121 kept in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong as Hong Kong Record Series 206. Pages 120-141 of the Proceedings relate to a hearing held on 6th June 1893, \"Claim to a Temple at Apleichau\".\n\n10 The same man also said that Ap Lei Chau 'was built about 1850' (ibid, p. 122). However, as stated in my text, the Hung Shing temple on the island appears to date from the 18th century and another local resident (b. 1825) who gave evidence to the Squatter Board (ibid, p. 132) said that it was enlarged in 1847. The temple originally stood on its own little island, later joined by reclamation to Ap Lei Chau. See JHKBRAS 7 (1967) p. 170, footnote.\n\n11 W.F. Mayers, N.B. Dennys and C. King - The Treaty Ports of China and Japan (London, Trubner & Co., 1867) p. 49. 'Boat building and general trade' are listed as the principal concerns. The \"Ap-le-chow\" and \"Shek pai wan\" (Aberdeen) entries in this work are bracketed. The latter had 160 houses and 205 boats and the total recorded population for the two places, together with the boat people, was 1,664. See also information given in the printed proceedings of a court case over ownership of land on Ap Lei Chau given in Sessional Papers August 1886 - September 1887\" (Appendix to Report from the Land Commission of 1886-87) pp. 33-35.\n\n1* See the Hong Kong Government's printed Sessional Papers for 1897 and 1911, pp. 484 and 103 (23) respectively.\n\n1 Sessional Papers 1901, No. 39 of 1901. pp. (6), (18) and (20). Of the 947 vessels, 787 were fishing boats. At that time, there were 2,799 land persons living in and round Aberdeen-Ap Lei Chau.\n\n11 Sessional Papers 1897 and 1911 at pp. quoted at note 12 above. For similar organizations of M. Freedman's article \"Immigrants and Associations: Chinese in Nineteenth-century Singapore\", Comparative Studies in Society and History, III (1960-61), 25-48; and for other coastal market centres in the Hong Kong region, Hayes 1977, chapters 2 and 3 dealing with Cheung Chau and Tai O respectively.\n\n10 See the account given in the printed Ap Lei Chau Hung Shing Festival brochure for year (1983) now in Hong Kong Collection, University of Hong Kong Library,\n\n10 Squatter Board proceedings, p. 138. The word \"Kaifong\" (#) or street association was commonly used in South China to describe (a) all the inhabitants of an area (b) the voluntary organization of leading residents which managed the affairs of that community, e.g. the Kaifeng looked after the interests of all kaifongs. On Ap Lei Chau, the Kaifong and the Fongs' leaders seem to have been one and the same. For Kaifongs in the Hong Kong region see Hayes 1977, pp. 64-69, 81-84, 96-98, 171-172 and 218 note 27. Also, Hayes 1983, pp. 45-46 and 56-59.\n\n18 For divining blocks, see J.J.M. De Groot, The Religious System of China (Ch'ing Wen reprint, Taipei 1976) Vol. VI, pp. 1285-1287.\n\n1o See Hayes 1977, p. 219, note 41, for similar honours paid to leading office bearers reported from Canton (1902).\n\n* The shopkeeper petitioners who came to see the Registrar General in 1893, as recorded in the Squatter Board proceedings, stated that \"The temple is the property of the inhabitants of Ap Lei Chau and the boatpeople who subscribe”.\n\nThe Ap Lei Chau section of this article is based mainly on the oral statements of Messrs. CHENG Kam-kwu ($##) b. 12.10.1887, CHENG Lim () b. 17.12.1891 and LUN Shing-fun () b. ...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "217\n\nwas great and must have left them with little time or money to spare for their ruined temple. Finally, and almost certainly the most seriously, the influx of a new population, and immense schemes of redevelopment completely altered the generally rural background of village and market town life that still characterised pre-war East Kowloon.\n\nThus, in the Tung Shan Temple we can see a temple, founded for purely rural reasons slowly growing until it became the predominant community temple of the whole of rural East Kowloon. During this period its management changed from a purely private, clan-based system to a typical community temple structure of committee members and chairman of a type typical not only of the rural community temples in the rest of the New Territories but also of those in urban Hong Kong at this date.\n\nFounded in a rural community this temple could, and did, develop both physically and in its management structure to reflect the needs of that community. It could not, however, survive the complete destruction of that community, and its ruination directly reflects the collapse of its founding community in the face of massive urbanisation, and the establishment of the new urban communities created by that urbanisation. The new urban communities have formed their own shrines, and their flourishing condition, alongside the continued ruin of the main temple of the defunct rural community, show more clearly than anything else can the essentially community basis of the temples of this area and their management groups.\n\nNOTES\n\nIn the 1904 Block Crown Lease for Survey District No. 3, New Kowloon, the ownership is recorded in the monk's name Shing Kin (Hsing Star Bridge) and the property is listed under Lot 1101 as temple 0.7 acres, house 0.2 acres, and potato ground 0.33 acres. An entry \"Kwun Yam Temple, Ngau Chi Wan\" had been crossed out by the Assistant Land Officer who recommended that a lease for the temple buildings and site be given to the Registrar General, 28 April 1904.\n\nFrom south-east Kowloon, Ngau Tau Kok and Cha Kwo Ling; from east Kowloon, Ngau Chi Wan, Ping Shek, Sha Tei Yuen, Upper and Lower Yuen Ling and Chu Shi Liu; from central Kowloon, Tai Hom, Po Kong, Nga Tsin Wai, Upper and Lower Sha Po, Nga Tsin Long and Kak Hang; from Kowloon City, the commercial areas, Sai Tau, Tung Tau and Hoklo Village.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210013, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 271, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "Aquilaria Sinensis is by no means rare in Hong Kong. In Dunn and Tutcher's Flora of Kwangtung and Hong Kong which was published in 1912, it was stated that in a one-acre plot of fung shui woodland in the lower ground of Hong Kong, 31 out of 125 trees enumerated were Aquilaria sinensis (then known as Aquilaria grandiflora). Even today it would not be difficult to find this tree in various parts of Hong Kong. They usually occur in natural woodland on lower hill slopes and in fung shui woods behind villages. There are good specimens in Tai Po Kau Nature Reserve, Ng Tung Chai in Lam Tsuen, and Pak Tam Chung, Sai Kung.\n\nThe publication of Professor Lo's book generated some local interest in the Incense Tree. In the 1960's and 1970's, both the Urban Services and Agriculture & Fisheries Departments planted a number of these trees in public gardens and on hill slopes. Seed supply is in abundance and there is no difficulty in raising young trees in the nursery. However, when planted out in open sites, the survival rate is disappointingly low. Moreover, the tree is quite slow-growing and is rather susceptible to wind damage. A seedling of half a metre high planted in Kowloon Tsai Park in 1974 reached a height of only 3.2 metre in 10 years. Even when planted in mixture with other tree species in plantation conditions the species fared little better. On this basis, A. sinensis is unlikely ever to rival the more robust and fast growing species which now commonly occur in our parks and countryside.\n\nNotwithstanding its growth habits, the local historical significance of the Incense Tree has been well recognised. As a matter of interest, the cultivation of the Incense Tree has been used as the main theme in the information displays in the Aberdeen Country Park Visitor Centre. Visitors to the centre, in addition to learning of the interesting historical events concerning this tree, can take the opportunity to have a close look at several live specimens growing by the side of the entrance.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210161, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "111\n\nAnother Ip (Yip), a man of 60 who was a Lukong or Chinese policeman and owned two houses, said he was 10 years of age when the Colony was annexed and that \"the village was the same when I was a boy as it is now. All the families mentioned in this paragraph were Cantonese.\n\n+20\n\nAs already stated above, it would seem that the inhabitants of the market towns were of mixed origin. The American Baptist missionary, Revd. Issacher J. Roberts of the Hong Kong Mission, reported from “Check Chu” on January 1st 1843 that the village contained \"eight or ten hundred Chinese who are divided among the Canton, Kek [Hakka] and Teichau [Chiu Chow] dialects.”21 In an earlier report, undated save “1842\", he gave a fuller account which, however, placed the population at a considerably lower figure:\n\n“Have gone around and counted families of Check Chu (note: present Stanley) three kinds of inhabitants\n\n1) Punti, the dialect I learned\n\n2) Hoklo [probably the Teichau dialect spoken of in 1843],\n\ndialect of Dean [another Baptist missionary]\n\n3) the Hak-kah\n\nCheck Chu including all the shops without families and hence not reckoned as citizens and some scattered families in the suburbs has:\n\nPunti, 63 families and shops at\n\nan average of 4 to each\n\n252\n\nHoklo, 27 families and shops at\n\nan average of 4 to each\n\n108\n\nHak-kah, 55 families and shops at\n\nan average of 4 to each\n\n220\n\nTotal 145 families\n\n580 persons\n\nHalf or more of the 145 are shops leaving less than a hundred citizens families. Of the 580 perhaps 100 can read. The wom-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210178, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "128\n\nTemple\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTemples on Hong Kong Island in 1841\n\n1. Tin Hau, Stanley\n\nObjects dated before 1841 Comments\n\nBell, 1768, Honour Board 1820, Couplet 1820\n\n2. Pak Tai, Stanley\n\nCloud Gong, 1803\n\n3. Tin Hau, Aberdeen\n\nBell, 1727\n\n4. Hung Shing, Apleichau\n\nBell, 1774\n\n5. Tin Hau, Tunglowan\n\nBell, 1727\n\n6. Sam Shing Kung, Stanley\n\nnone\n\n7. Tin Hau, Shek O\n\nnone\n\n8. Hung Shing, Sai Wan\n\nnone\n\n9. Pak Tai, Wong Nei Chung\n\nnone\n\n10. Hoi Sam (Tin Hau), Shau Kei Wan\n\nnone\n\nComments\n\n1. This temple (destroyed in the War) is not shown on Collinson's survey, which specifically marks the other two Stanley temples as \"Josshouse”. The site, however, is of fung shui significance, guarding the left-hand entrance to the harbour as the Pak Tai temple guards the right-hand entrance. It was probably in existence in 1841, perhaps, however, only as a small shrine rather than a full-scale temple.\n\n2. Nothing is known of this temple earlier than 1891 when an honour board was hung there. That board does not seem to record the building of the temple, but a providential escape from storm (the board reads \"The Sea Shall not Raise Waves\"). A building is shown on the approximate site of the temple on Collinson's survey.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210182, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "132\n\ntemples.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nThe village temples of Hong Kong Island were the centre of community activities at more than a single village level, as elsewhere in South China. A letter from Collinson of 29th April 1845 refers to:\n\n\"a great feast... celebrated in Chuck Chu [Stanley] for the last 3 days, which was nothing more or less than a fair in front of the principal Joss house.\"82\n\nThis \"fair\" was clearly celebrating the birthday of Tin Hau, which falls on the 23rd day of the 3rd moon, which in 1845 was 30th April. A temple fair to celebrate Tin Hau's birthday, still held on the land in front of the main Stanley temple, is still celebrated at that season each year. There can be no doubt, too, that the double festivities at Aberdeen, on the birthday of Tin Hau, and on that of Hung Shing (23rd of 3rd moon), on each of which celebrations the statue of the deity whose festival is not being celebrated is solemnly carried in procession to the other's temple “as a guest”, as a concrete demonstration of the local people's feeling that their prosperity and safety at sea depends on both deities, also date to before 1841.\n\nTemples required management committees, and it was usual for temple management committees to take on, as the Kaifong, the general oversight of the market towns or the community of villages in or near which they stood. The towns on Hong Kong island certainly had kaifongs. A couplet of 1820 in the Tin Hau temple at Stanley was given by the Chik-sze (managers)83 which certainly implies the existence of a management committee at that date. If the tradition that the Pak Tai temple was founded in 1803 by the Hoklo community of Stanley is correct, it is possible that the Kaifong was built around ethnic groups, as was almost certainly the case at that date in Cheung Chau, and which was common later. **Certainly the 1820 Chik-sze are typical of later kaifongs in that, of the eleven Chik-sze named, five certainly, and at least a further two in all probability, were names of commercial enterprises, showing dominance of the kaifong Temple Committee by the market shopkeepers. Equally typical was the likelihood that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 290, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "269\n\nMy notebook says “We had tea at all these villages all locally grown\". The list includes Tai Hang Hau, Sheung Sze Wan and Ha Yeung, but I visited others in the group without making special mention of tea. At Ha Yeung I was told that they had 100 trees of what they called shan cha (山茶) (“hill tea”), not wild but planted by themselves. Tai Po Tsai, one of the larger villages of the area, claimed to have 50 trees, but the largest village settlement, Mang Kung Uk, reported \"only a few tea bushes not many.\" However, the little island settlement of Fu Tau Chau in Junk Bay gave me hill tea to drink, from its own trees.\n\nFurther towards Sai Kung Market, I was given hill tea to drink at Nam Wai, and also at Pak Kong Au, though the village reported \"only 8 to 10 trees\". East of Sai Kung, people in the hamlet of Shan Liu said that “tea was formerly grown (i.e. cultivated) but only wild bushes are now harvested”. But it was at Nam A, east of Sha Kok Mei, that I learned most. \"A really nice, almost English village\", I wrote enthusiastically. \"We drank hill tea (excellent) from trees planted twenty years ago in the hills behind the village, but not many. It is best brewed in porcelain, they said. Their supply lasts six months in all, but is harvested four times a year - once in the winter months, once at Easter and twice in the summer. The best is the Easter crop.” Nothing was said, or asked, about preparation but each crop was kept in a drawer for two months. My note ends \"The cows like to eat it!”.\n\nOn Lantau, the villagers of Pa Mei, otherwise known as Shan Ha, said they collected hill tea from Tai Tung Shan Keuk (大東山腳), that is the north western slopes of Sunset Peak. On South Lantau the people of the Pui villages also went up to Tai Tung Shan to collect leaves from wild bushes there in the second to fourth moons. Previously there had been many trees, but hill fires had reduced their number. It was used as leung cha (涼茶) for cooling the system. At Tong Fuk my notes state, \"they gather tea leaves from bushes on the hill and use it a lot. The tea comes from the Fung Wong Shan peak behind the village, and the leaves used are plucked in the second and third moons.” Rather surprisingly, the villagers of Upper and Lower Keung Shan, though located on the mountain slopes of a sheltered valley with good tree cover, had never cultivated tea bushes, or at least not within living memory.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210449, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "37\n\nThe differences in house form and use between 1950 and 1970 reflect nothing less than the complete substitution of one cultural-occupational group for another. In 1950 Kau Sai's houses were inhabited by families who followed the occupational patterns and sexual division of labour common among Hakka speakers in the eastern part of the New Territories, among whom village shopkeepers and temple caretakers (where these exist) are almost the only exceptions to a general rule of able-bodied male absenteeism. By 1970 there was only one Hakka family in Kau Sai. Its male head was the (new) temple caretaker who also ran a small shop. All the other houses were occupied by fishermen's families, whose men do not have to leave home to find work.\n\nThe change had two major sources: the former, being a particular historical event peculiar to Kau Sai may be quickly related here; the second, being the local manifestation of the general movement of socio-economic change among the Boat People not only of Hong Kong but of South China as a whole is part of the major theme of this book.\n\nThe Removal of the Hakka\n\nIt so happens that Kau Sai Bay lies near the central portion of a range for firing practice which is drawn in a wide arc on the seaward side of the British Army's camp near Sai Kung on the mainland. It is obviously inconvenient for gunnery practice to have to operate with a safety angle, but this is done and to the best of my knowledge no serious damage has ever occurred. However, the villagers were not slow to demand compensation whenever a shell fell anywhere on, or even near, either of the two islands. In order to put an end to what they probably correctly deemed would become a perennial drain on their resources, Government and Army agreed that it would be wise to resettle the villagers elsewhere. (This was, indeed, one of the earliest of the resettlement programmes for which the Hong Kong authorities later became famous). When I took up residence in the spring of 1952 negotiations were already far advanced. A new village was in process of building at Pak Sha Wan (Hebe Haven) on the bus route to Sai Kung, and the move was to be made in a few months' time. Every householder in Kau Sai was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210471, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "59\n\nThem daily to their fishing grounds brought them back in the evenings as often as not to the anchorage at Sai Kung, where they could sell their fish alive immediately to the buyers in the street market or to dealers, or have it collected fresh first thing in the morning at the F.M.O. depot, buying bait from the incoming purse-seiners at the same time before setting out to sea again. At times too, particularly before mechanisation, they found it wise to choose an evening anchorage nearer their next day's fishing grounds than Kau Sai or even Sai Kung, in which case they would probably sell their fish to fish collecting junks and not return to port at all for several days as one of them put it \"until the rice runs out\". The less frequent presence of the small liners in Kau Sai was reflected in the greater timidity of liner children when they did come ashore there to play.\n\nBecause the main fishing seasons for purse-seiners and long-liners did not coincide, there was a certain alternation in the intensity of the spatial rhythms of occupational movement just described, but in other respects the programme of seasonal and annual changes affected all the fishermen in rather similar ways. The threat of a typhoon, for example, would bring about an immediate transformation in the spatial distribution of all the local junks as they converged upon Sai Kung or Yim Tin Tsai. At such times Kau Sai, like the other neighbouring anchorages, would be empty of boats for probably several days.\n\nContrariwise, there was one occasion in the annual cycle of ritual events when almost all the local craft met in Kau Sai. During the Hung Shing Festival in the 2nd month, the bay might contain four hundred or more junks calling in from all the neighbouring anchorages and Shaukiwan, and even (though rarely) from as far afield as Aberdeen, Cheung Chau or Castle Peak. During this period, as at New Year, all who considered themselves \"real\" Kau Sai people stayed at their moorings. The pattern of movement at this festival was balanced, so to speak, by others elsewhere in the locality - notably that at Lung Shuen Wan in the 3rd month and Pak Sha Wan in the 6th - to which Kau Sai boats went regularly. Once there, they usually anchored in a block together, recognised agnatic kin side-by-side as at home. During these periods, they continued to go out fishing, but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210474, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "62\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nvisited the village only at long intervals. Travelling to and fro they usually hitched a lift to Sai Kung from one of the fishermen, and then went by bus. Their wives, on the other hand, hardly ever left the village, except perhaps to see an opera performance at one of the neighbouring festivals listed above. The 'headman' and his brother normally followed a slightly different pattern. Their shop, a new departure opened shortly before the time of my arrival, required the permanent presence of one of them. The 'headman' had his fingers in a number of enterprises on the mainland, but returned frequently to Kau Sai to deal in pigs (his own and others') and to keep an eye on the illicit still which was his main source of income. He owned a small transport junk. (The other, and larger, shop was owned by an ex-fisherman, at that time permanently resident on shore but sharing fully in the fishermen's ritual and recreational movements). Hakka men being seldom present were not often included in fishermen's sociable gatherings; their social life was elsewhere. The ‘headman', and more especially his shopkeeper brother who was popular, who were present, were exceptions.\n\nAn overview of the various patterns of movement yields two obvious inferences which are as significant as they are self-evident. First, although mobile the fishermen were far from footloose. Not only did many of them (particularly the purse-seiners) return constantly to one particular base, namely Kau Sai, but their movements away from there also took place within a definitely circumscribed area. This comprised, in effect, the waters of Port Shelter and Rocky Harbour as far as Basalt Island, Bluff Island and the Ninepins, with an outlying channel to Shaukiwan or Hong Kong island (from which it was only a 10¢ or 20¢ tram or bus ride to all the bright lights of the city). Only occasionally and for limited purposes did Kau Sai-based boats go beyond the boundaries of this area. It included two market towns, Sai Kung and Shaukiwan, and a number of fishing villages the main ones being at Yim Tin Tsai, Lung Shuen Wan, Kiu Tsui, Pak Sha Wan, Pu To Au).\n\nWith the obvious difference that it contained more than one market and was within fairly easy reach of a great international centre of commerce and industry, this area was closely similar to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210475, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "63\n\nwhat Skinner (1964) has called a standard market area. However, certain considerations both of fact and point of view make me hesitate to use this term here. First as to fact: the above are not the only differences that make it less than useful to regard this area as being centred upon a market town like a wheel upon its hub. As far as markets were concerned, it had, as we have just seen, two centres. As far as the Kau Sai fishermen recognized temple festivals, however, it had at least three, none of them lying in either market town. (This situation is further complicated by the fact that both the market towns and one other fishing village in the area also organised annual temple festivals, which some Kau Sai people did attend but irregularly and idiosyncratically). In the third place, both Sai Kung and Shaukiwan acted also as market centres and anchorages for large numbers of junks which ranged much further afield, either because they were deep-sea craft with a wider range of occupational movement than the inshore boats of Kau Sai and its neighbours, or seasonally. Both towns were also centres for quite large land populations; Shaukiwan being in fact a rapidly expanding industrial suburb of Victoria City on Hong Kong island.\n\nIt is likely that most of the peculiarities of this kind of market situation are to be explained by the extreme mobility of the boat population and the proximity of the great conurbations of Victoria (Hong Kong) and Kowloon. (Regarded from the point of view of the local land dwellers Sai Kung does fall neatly into the standard market category and Shaukiwan drops out of the picture altogether). It remains true, however, that in this study I am not taking a \"market centred\" point of view. For the fishermen of Kau Sai, Kau Sai was the centre of the Universe. Markets at Sai Kung and Shaukiwan, temple festivals at Pak Sha Wan and Lung Shuen Wan, were important, but peripheral. Moreover, mobility was such that every part of the Port Shelter-Rocky Harbour area was freely accessible and frequently visited, And all parts of it contained fish. Borrowing a term from Zoology, the area is from this point of view perhaps more usefully thought of as a \"territory\" than as a market area. Like herds of impala the fishermen of Port Shelter and Rocky Harbour, including those domiciled in Kau Sai, roamed their territory and exploited their niche in it, regardless of the fact that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "65\n\nand landsmen as \"people of our bay\".\n\nThe significance of these differences will have to be discussed at length in later chapters. For the present it is simply a matter of record that, whereas both liners and seiners claimed to be domiciled in Kau Sai, the seiners were the more obvious and effective residents.3\n\nMost of the Hakka speakers moved in a totally different sphere. Their places of work being in the cities of Hong Kong (Victoria) and Kowloon where they spent by far the major portion of their time, the men were in no way connected with the territory in which all Kau Sai's (Cantonese) Boat People passed their lives. Their women stayed in the village, oriented almost exclusively towards it, to their memories of their natal homes (which they never visited) and to their absent husbands and children. There were one or two old men in much the same position. Only in the case of the so-called \"headman\" and his shopkeeper brother did the spheres of movement of landsmen partially overlap those of the Boat People. Like the Hakka women they lived in Kau Sai (or at least stayed there very frequently) and like the fishermen they looked to the market town of Sai Kung. Neither of them was oriented at all towards the other market, Shaukiwan, however, nor, before the move which took them and all the other landsmen to Pak Sha Wan, did they have relationships within the fishermen's territory as a whole. Like the other land villagers of the Sai Kung peninsula and islands, their movements are most usefully to be understood in terms of Skinner's now classic model of a standard market area: they were villagers exploiting a fixed resource (land and house property) and travelling at intervals between their place of residence (Kau Sai) and the market town (Sai Kung) in which nearly all their significant extra-village social contacts were made (including those with other villages).\n\nA comparison between Hakka patterns of spatial mobility and the fishermen's patterns will at once make it obvious that interaction between members of the land and water sections of Kau Sai's population as they existed in the early 'fifties (and for at least a century before) was likely to be limited.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210616, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "204\n\n九龍文獻:\n\n第一册\n\nPETER YEUNG\n\n吳氏家乘 民國廿六年丁丑裔孫煥琪子美畧述\n\n英琪子齡重修 (衙前圍村吳揚森先生藏)\n\n吳氏族譜\n\n翟家族部庚午年立\n\n第二册\n\n關於九龍城衙前圍立村之事跡 (衙前圍村李富村長藏)\n\n論延陵堂來歷詩一首 (沙莆村的吳世明先生傳 現住鳳凰新村)\n\n[吳氏族譜]\n\n吳氏重修族譜 民國七年戊午歲孟秋月吉日\n\n廣東第五軍副司令裔孫鏡如敬送\n\n新界文獻補編:\n\n[厦村鄧氏族譜] (Genealogy of the Tang lineage at Ha Tsuen)\n\n[歌書,廖潤琛藏] (Song book, held by Mr. Liu Yun Sam, J.P., Sheung Shui, collected by Chan Wing Hoi)\n\n幼學信札 廖康雞 (Letter formats, held by Mr. Liu Yun Sam, J.P., Sheung Shui)\n\n[對聯集錄] (Village handbook, held by Mr. Liu Yun Sam, J.P., Sheung Shui)\n\n[西貢地契,許舒收集] (Land documents collected by James Hayes from Sai Kung)\n\n廿元月會會友芳名 孔聖誕派肉部 辛巳(一九四一年)八月初八立\n\n(元朗新墟合益公司辦事處藏)\n\n厦村鄉十年例醮功德部 民國六十三年歲次甲寅二月吉立\n\n廈村鄉鄧鈞澤先生借出 (Handbook used in the Ha Tsuen ta-tsiu, copied by Segawa from manuscript, winter 1984 [Masahisa Segawa, 瀨川昌久])\n\n[丙崗侯氏族譜] (Genealogy of the Hau lineage at Ping Kong;\n\ncopied by Lee Lai Mui from manuscript held by a member of the village)\n\n(Deeds of Mr.\n\n新界白沙澳海下村翁朝先生地契與地契目錄 Yung Sz-chiu of Pak Sha O Ha Yeung Village New Territories with index)\n\n迎聖科禁垴科 (Two religious texts used in the Lung Yeuk Tau ta-tsiu in winter 1983, copied by David Faure)\n\n魷魚灣村地契 (Land deeds from Yau Yu Wan given to James Hayes)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210687, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "21\n\nin private practice. However he quickly became established and when Hayllar left Hong Kong in 1882 he was ready to step into his shoes. The Hong Kong Telegraph in its obituary observed “In the early part of his career he had an uphill fight but his eloquence and thorough grasp of the law quickly placed him in the leading ranks of the Bar and after the retirement of Hayllar he had no rival. No important case could come before the court without Francis being retained\". The China Mail said “As a lawyer he had limitations but they were due to lack of early legal training rather than lack of ability. He had a ready grasp of the main points of a case and was unequalled as a reader of character, particularly Chinese character, and an expert cross-examiner\". The speed with which he prospered may be judged from the fact that he took silk in 1886, being only the third member of the Hong Kong Bar to do so. In his letter to the Colonial Secretary requesting the Governor to recommend him to the Secretary of State for appointment Francis wrote \"His Excellency is well aware that this is an honour which according to the recognised custom and etiquette of the profession is always asked for and when properly applied for is seldom refused”. The Chief Justice (now Phillippo) wrote \"Mr. Francis is fully deserving the honour he seeks. On the retirement of Mr. Hayllar Q.C. he obtained the position of leading counsel at the Bar in conjunction with the Attorney General. In nearly every case he holds a brief on one side or the other, and as leading counsel when more than one counsel is employed”. Governor Bowen wrote \"he has risen into leading and lucrative practice at the local Bar where he is making, as I am informed, some £4,000 annually. I have no hesitation in recommending that his application be granted\". The newspaper reports of cases bear out the above observations. Only towards the end of his life when his health began to fail did anyone else challenge his supremacy. He died before the start of the Hong Kong Law Reports but one of his cases is reprinted from a newspaper: Tang Kai Shang v. Ng Pak To H.K.L.R. Vol. 6 for 1911 p.90.\n\nReading the newspaper reports of his cases Francis comes across as a forceful, and often pugnacious and outspoken, advocate who took every possible point for his clients and never gave up. He had many clashes with the bench, other counsel and witnesses. He admitted that he was \"at all times very hot tempered\" and more than once apologised for “the unjustifiable warmth” of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "85\n\nusual style of indigenous houses. He confirmed that those were pig farms and small factories - making beancurd, vehicle body, etc. run by outsiders. A few years ago the land of the whole village was sold to a developer for construction of luxury residences, but the developer had not yet taken possession of the land. Few villagers remained; many, in all likelihood, had moved out to live in the city. He also told me the village had a Bak Dai temple, which I did not see. Formerly, they used to select the ritual representatives for their own jiu celebrations at this temple. They later joined Shek O and Tai Long Wan because there were not enough people to take up the work required by a separate celebration.\n\nIII. Participants\n\nAs in the case of the jiu celebrations in the New Territories, participants at the jiu paid a subscription and had their names included in a list put up in a major rite on the main day. They also participated by organizing the festival and by taking part in worship, while a minority took leading roles or represented the celebrating population in the rites. Unlike most jiu festivals in the New Territories, these participants included later settlers as well as indigenous residents.\n\nI noticed that there were about 550 entries in the contribution list posted on one side of the entrance to the main ritual area. Members of the same family were grouped together, as in the New Territories, in the list of participants. There were altogether about 220 families, many of them covering three generations.\n\nIn the case of Shek O, participation and subscription were not required of all residents, indigenous or otherwise. Moreover, the amount of subscription was left to each individual participant. Three men were selected as the yn-sau ritual representatives by casting bui divination blocks at the Tin Hau temple. The chosen three were called the yn-sau and his two \"deputies\". All the other participants, even if they were foreigners, were indiscriminately called seun-si (believers), which title was reserved for indigenous residents at the New Territories celebrations. After the ritual representatives were chosen, Choi Paak Lai, a well-known date-chooser, was consulted for the dates and times for the major", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210919, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 270, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "nese affairs and opinion in Hongkong, Ho A-mei was eminently more qualified to represent the Chinese, but other factors handi-capped him as a candidate for a seat on the Legislative Council.\n\nWHEN A BARRISTER GAMBLES ON ELOQUENCE\n\nThe deputation of prominent Chinese which waited on the Acting Governor in January 1883 had several important matters to present to him. These were the increase in gambling and illegal brothels and the congestion and nuisance created by hawkers.\n\nDr. Ho Kai, who had recently returned to Hongkong after completing his studies abroad, was the spokesman for the group. He had brought with him a reputation as a brilliant and learned man. His training as a barrister provided the skill to set forth problems in an eloquent and persuasive fashion.\n\nAs to eloquence, Dr. Ho Kai brilliantly displayed it in his maiden speech as a public figure in Hongkong. But as for adequately presenting the views of the Chinese community, some felt he had dismally failed. Ho A-mei was one of his severest critics.\n\nNot long before the deputation made its formal visit, a petition bearing the chops and signatures of more than 1,000 Chinese shops, hongs and individuals had been submitted to the Registrar-General for transmission to the Governor. This widely signed petition dealt with the increase in gambling and was an appeal for action by Government to suppress the evil.\n\nThe greater part of Dr. Ho Kai's speech dealt with this problem. In his remarks he set forth the manner gambling was carried on in Hongkong.\n\nThere were three popular ways to gamble, tse-fa, pak-kop piu (white pigeon ticket) and fan-tan. The first two are a form of lottery. In 1883 all of these were controlled by a number of gambling societies.\n\nOne of the difficulties in the suppression of the activities of these societies was the wording of the Gambling Ordinance. It\n\nPage 270\nPage 271", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210935, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 285, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "268\n\nChau Li-ping's house, held on one, and possibly, two floors. Again, I did not ask the number of tables, but the place was packed. I saw no sign of entertainment in the restaurant but there was a large stage on the western waterfront. There was a capacity crowd there, and it was very difficult to squeeze through to another performance further on. The loud-speakers were good, and very loud, and the performance was a traditional Cantonese opera in high-quality costume. The show had cost the organizers $1,600 for two days. Further along, the Chung Hing Street (#26) association's stage was much duller by comparison, though traditional. The stage costumes and loud-speaker system were of poorer quality but I understood that this two-day show had cost only a little less, at $1,400.\n\nWe then visited the Chiu Chow Association ($45ƒ€) in its new (1969) premises. The place was packed, and we were on the third and top floor where there is an altar with spaces for memorial tablets. We ate again, and an auction of lanterns and other items was in progress during the forty or more minutes that we spent there. There was apparently no entertainment or stage performance, but the Wai Chiu Association (€), which is allied with this much newer association, was giving a Cantonese opera performance at the recreation ground at the Pak Tai temple. An outside altar had been set up for the Pak Tai god, at which kau pao2 were being handed in and donations registered.\n\nBesides the Chung Hing Street festivities, some of the other street associations were also celebrating the day. The Pak She Street (ii) and San Hing Street (#) Associations' premises were gaily decorated and lit up, and an altar and kau pao were seen in the San Hing Street premises. I did not have time to look closely into the Pak She office.\n\nThe Tai San Street (#) people have no premises and had no stage performances, but they had erected their usual lo tang pang (M) to which the small carrying image (17) of Hung Shing (#) from the nearby temple had been brought. This matshed is of particular interest. Inside is a red and white scroll with couplet dated Hsien Feng Z year (1859-1960) written by Cheung Yuk-tong (3FF) who, as we know from other inscrip-\n\nPage 285\n\nPage 286", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210936, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 286, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "269\n\ntions, was the senior military official at Kowloon City. The scroll has been kept by a member of the Wong Wai Chak Tong (**) of Cheung Chau, who has looked after the shrine for the past twenty years or more. He had it from the previous keeper in return for keeping the scroll and other objects — there is a table inscribed lo tang pang and for erecting the matshed. He gets all the oil and incense money given by worshippers during the three days of the first month in the lunar year that the matshed is in position. It is not put up at any other time. A fuller account, with an illustration of the scroll, is at pp 311-318 of the RAS Journal, Vol 15 (1975).\n\nThe street associations are interesting. The Pak She Association has office premises, from which it provides services and amenities for residents of the street. It takes part in the procession (chut wui i) for the Bun Festival, the major religious activity of the year in which all the leading associations take part. It also has a recognised annual part in the organisation of the festival. As stated above, the Chung Hing group has no premises, but uses the Tin Hau Temple (AGB) in that street for its meetings. It takes an annual part in the chut wui for the Bun Festival, and forms part of the organizing group like the Pak She Association. The Tai San Street people have no premises and take no part in the procession but have this curious connection with the lo tang pang. The Hing Lung Street people have association premises put up about 1960 when I was D.O. on a piece of vacant ground. They are connected with the procession for the Bun Festival but not the organisation of the festival itself.\n\nSome of the associations celebrate the lantern festival on other days during this period, probably because of the difficulties in securing accommodation in the few restaurants large enough to take the numbers of people involved. I was told that the dates do not vary and have been followed for many years.\n\nHong Kong, 1987\n\nNOTES\n\nJames Hayes\n\nThe day of my visit was also the 15th day of the lunar new year (hsin-hai year), the proper date for celebrating the Feast of Lanterns. For information on this festival see Juliet Bredon and Igor Mitrophanow's The Moon Year, A Record of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "94\n\nassociated with the organization after interviewing the surviving founders in the 1960's, and there is no reason to question its veracity. Where, then, did the old lady's account come from?\n\nFirst, it should be noted that few people who visit the temple are even aware of the name of the private organization which has managed the temple for the past 60 years (Chin, et al., 1977:29). Fewer still will have read the temple's history, written in Chinese in glossy brochures which are provided mainly to the members, government officials, and other dignitaries on ceremonial occasions. Hence, it is not surprising that details of the founding of the temple are not widely known even among devotees of the god. How then do worshippers account for the temple's origins?\n\nIn this particular case, the informant appears to have adopted a miracle story which is not uncommon in the Hong Kong area: the recovery from the sea of a god's statue. The statue of Pak Tai in the temple of Cheung Chau island, near Hong Kong, for instance, was allegedly found by fishermen floating in the sea off Guangdong, and became the object of worship (Savidge, 1977:82), displacing other statues of the god. Another instance has been related by adherents of the Kuan-yin temple near Tai Ping Shan Street on Hong Kong Island, in which the statue of the goddess displayed in the temple was “carved from a block of wood floating in the sea and, according to the local story, giving off mysterious golden rays” (Topley and Hayes, 1966:126). The main icon in the Tin Hau temple at Shek Tong Tsui on Hong Kong Island was also said to have been recovered from the sea (Hayes, 1966:89). This kind of story is superficially similar to the “drifted deities” worshipped by fishermen in the Noto Peninsula area of Japan (Ogura, 1980). Many worshippers in Hong Kong will have heard this kind of story about a god's statue being recovered from the sea. When many years have passed, it is difficult for some people to remember which god's statue was found in the water. One's favourite god may then become the subject of the story.\n\nAnother case we have discovered suggests that the process of transfer can occur quite rapidly. In 1966, in a paper on temples on Hong Kong Island, Topley related the account given her by a Cantonese lady of the life of the Taoist hermit worshipped in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211396, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "88\n\npanic; many of the people abandoned their homes without taking food or money, and with their wives and children were driven towards the boundary. Destitute, many of them died on the road, while a few managed to escape to Kwai Shin district and other places as far away as they could.\n\nA year later the boundary was moved a further 30 Chinese miles inland. The new boundary ended to the west at Taai Ch'ung Hau and Sha T'ong Fong and to the east at Taai Shaan Ha and Paak T'au Shaan, a flag being put up at each of these places. Almost immediately the district magistrate of Tung Kwun made a personal inspection of the places where the flags were erected and he reported that the people in Taai Chung Hau had not moved so the flag was taken from Sha Tong Fong and hoisted on top of Shek Shaan. Thus the six villages Ch'ung Hau, Lau Ka Haang, Chaak Mei, K'iu T'au and Tau Ch'ung all had to be moved, but at Kiu T'au a rope was put between it and the boundary and half only of the village was shifted. The Viceroy Lo Shung Tsun quite sympathized with the people, and joined with other high officials in sending a memorial to the throne, stating how miserable the people were, and begging that fewer villages should be caused to move.\n\nIn the 10th month of the same year (1663) two head boatmen, Chau Yuk and Lei Wing revolted against the Ts'ing Government in Kwangtung. These two men were the owners of fleets of several hundreds of junks that usually fished in the rivers of Poon Yue district. All the junks had long oars as well as three sails so they were very fast. In addition they stored a lot of arms on board. Both Lei and Chau had a military title of Yau Kik bestowed on them by the P'ing Naam Wong, as their sailors had proved themselves of great assistance in fighting sea-battles against the Ming soldiers. When, however, the order was issued preventing boats from putting out to sea the junks of Chau and Lei were detained in the rivers and their families forced to live in Canton city. Chau and Lei pretended to get leave to go home and bury the bones of their ancestors. Secretly they took their families away from Canton, and collecting all the boatmen they put out to sea. Then openly they attacked the Ts'ing forces, capturing many of their ships and burning the guard stations along the coast. They never", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211415, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "107\n\nPo Ling, Uncle's sole heir, was in business in Malaysia for many years, but returned to Hong Kong following a stroke. He has been married twice. His first wife, née Auyoung, died of tuberculosis early in their marriage. His present wife, Su Min Kan, is the mother of three daughters and two sons: Linda, Judy, Lillian, Robert and Chi Fai, all of whom were educated in England. I met Su Min for the first time when she and Po Ling toured the United States in 1978 with Linda and Robert. Po Ling's concubine, Grace Kam Siu Wai, born 28 February 1918, and her two children, Anthony F, born 12 May 1945, and Rosita b, born 20 July 1953, are settled in Australia. Anthony, married to an Australian, Dorothy, has five daughters. Rosita, married to Robert Ting, has one child. Because of the distance between Uncle's family and ours, contacts are infrequent and I am afraid family ties will weaken and be lost in time.\n\nAs for me, fond memories of Uncle and Small Aunt linger still, and I cannot forget his affection and concern for me when he took a launch from Shameen, Canton, to True Light Middle School at Paak Hok Tung, to comfort me upon the untimely and tragic death of my fiancé. To have lived in his truly Chinese home was to experience the joys of an extended family, the sharing of sadness and happiness, the concern for one another's well-being, the responsibilities falling upon and assumed by the head of the family, and the respect towards our elders and for each other — attributes which have drawn our families close for several generations and which have increased my appreciation of the ancient culture of my people.\n\nSecond Paternal Uncle\n\nMuch of the information on Second Paternal Uncle comes from letters he wrote to Father and from the autobiography of his eldest son, Toby, written in Chinese.\n\nUncle, the second son in the family, was born in our ancestral village on 17 August 1870. His 'milk name' was Ping I; his marriage name, On Kiao; his adult name, Chung Chi. The last was the name he was known by outside the family. He was taught in the village by a tutor and most likely had studied some English in Hong Kong before Grandfather sent him at the age of 16 to join First Uncle in San Francisco.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "176\n\nMemories of teachers in other departments remain with me. Dr. Douglas Scott, whom I had for English, extended himself to get me oriented in my first few weeks at the university and several years later, gave Bung Fong a free ride to the West Coast. I enjoyed Dr. Lawrence Fossler, a tall and large-framed German, for his great sense of humour and his ability to make German classes interesting. Pharmacology under Dr. Lyman was my most relaxing course because he had an easy manner in teaching. Although Physics is generally difficult for some, I surprised myself by doing well in it. My Waterloo was Organic Chemistry, which I eventually passed by the skin of my teeth. Because I had little social life, except on rare occasions when friends of Mrs. Johnson included me at their gatherings, my contacts in school fulfilled most of my need for companionship.\n\nThe depression which began in 1929 was still on in 1932, and jobs were hard to find. I accepted a position to teach senior biology under a three-year contract with the True Light Middle School at Paak Hok Tung in Canton. This was a prestigious high school supported by the Presbyterian Mission. Its principal, the Rev. Stephen G. Mark, had known me when he was pastor of the Beretania Chinese Church in Honolulu, where I had done some volunteer work and where I had taught English at night to Chinese male immigrants. On my way to China I stopped over in Honolulu for about two months as the guest of the Tong Phongs, who had welcomed Mother and Dora into their home following Ruth's death. Helen and her husband were also living in her in-laws' home at that time.\n\nMother, Dora and I obtained third-class special passage on the Empress of Japan, sharing a room with Pyun Kyau Zane Minn and her mother. There were many Chinese young men and women on board, some returning to their native land and some going to China for the first time to study at Lingnan University or Yenching University. Among the Hawaiian passengers were Hung Wo Ching, Irma Tam, Deborah and Joseph Kau, Bunny and Ethel Au, Sing Chang, Kim Tet Lee, Emma Tenn, and Ellen Lo. A favourable exchange rate, a sense of identity with their roots and a desire to contribute to the progress of China motivated many American-born Chinese to go to China.\n\nMy three years in China were interesting and enlightening, but one...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "205\n\nof the reform party and that he had killed himself, or someone else had put him out of the way. Dr. Sun escaped to Hong Kong. When two mandarins came to Hong Kong to search for him and other conspirators, Dr. Sun with great daring and courage went to these people, after he found out the reason for their visit, and introduced himself to them. It is said he is now in Singapore because he didn't feel quite safe in Hong Kong. The political involvement of Christians in these undertakings causes great sadness to the missionaries, and there could be very serious consequences for Christians in China, especially Cantonese persons. The Government officials are quite angry that Christians were involved in the uprising. In the last couple of years, I have heard several complaints that arrogant, dark, selfish Christians in Canton made trouble for missionaries, causing them sadness. And it seems to me the Lord Himself had to bring this punishment upon them to sober them. I have hesitated somewhat to convey this information, but have done so because what I have written down is correct.\n\nPu Kak:* How a Punti Village came into Hakka possession\n\nA-1.27. No. 62, 21 April 1893, the Rev. Mr Bender, Li Long, San On District, Kwangtung. A story heard from Pastor Lin, whose home is Pu Kak\n\n\"Toward the end of the Ming Dynasty about two hundred and fifty years ago the Hakka male population of Hin Nen and Ka Yin Tshu left their homes to find work and a livelihood at places to the south. They found both at Pu Kak where rich Puntis of the Wan clan rented fields to them. Later, from time to time, others came from the upper country, so that gradually the Hakka tenants at Pu Kak numbered forty-eight. They built for themselves small huts and houses. Those who had wives and children in their home villagers had them come and join them. They had a good income from their agricultural labours and lived at peace with their landlords. Later there were some quarrels when they had to\n\n* Pu Kak a market town near the Kowloon-Canton Railway in San On District, Kwangtung Province, about midway between Li Long and Sham Chun.\n\n+ The Rev. Ling Kai-lin 749/E (1844-1917). In 1865 appointed catechist of the Basel Mission at Nyen Hang Li; 1876 became catechist and house father at Boys' Boarding School, Li Long; 1883 appointed pastor of congregation at Li Long; retired about 1893 to his native village Pu Kak. He was one of the founders of Sung Him Tong village near Fan Ling in the New Territories.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211513, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "206\n\nhand in their rent. These turned into very serious conflict. The Hakkas made themselves bows and arrows and started a war with the village. They shot arrows into the village and used stones to bombard it. But the village was not easily conquered. It had a moat, four strong towers and a citizen force to defend the village, so the Hakkas could not achieve much. But then they thought of a method, a way which is still used by Chinese to get enemies into trouble.\n\n\"Among the Hakkas there was an old childless couple. The husband was named Tai and his wife was of the Lo family. They were too old to work and tried to get money by begging. It was proposed to them that they take poison and die in front of the village gates, then the Puntis would be accused of their murder. The old couple were told that they would have to die anyway in the course of events and they had no descendants to sacrifice at their grave. If they accepted the plan of their fellow Hakkas, a temple would be built in their honour and every two years a theatrical performance would be held for them. The old couple were at first not willing to agree to the proposal, because they wanted to continue to live and not die so early. Repeated requests finally caused them to agree. So one evening they were given a very good meal and afterward they took poison and died before the village gate. Immediately all forty-eight Hakka men attacked the village and brought the villagers before the judge who lived at Schau Kin, accusing them of murder.\n\n\"There was a long court proceeding because accusation of murder had great consequences in China. The Puntis paid over a lot of money and went to court to defend themselves. While they were there, their village was burned down by the Hakkas who took over the place. The Puntis became impoverished by the court case. They dared not return to Pu Kak. They settled in [place not given in manuscript] where their descendants again became wealthy and respectable and they produced literary graduates. Many congratulated themselves that their ancestors had been driven out of the village as they have now much better land.\n\n\"The Hakkas took over the village and surrounding fields. As they had promised the old couple, they built a small temple and honoured the Fuk tei kung and Fuk tei poh, the grandfather and grandmother who give blessings. Later a new temple was built for them near the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211734, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "124\n\nCHEUNG SHAN KWU TSZ\n\nUrinal Ladder Fang (Dachlatt art)\n\nNINTELI 000 Total Allor Kwun Yam Aller\n\nCockle mark Guest Quarters Side Holl Offering Table ·Gable Ladder Living Hall Main Hall Living Holl Inscription Steph Craw miscingh Store Slepa\n\nFong Tin Tseng Tin Tseng Living Hall Fong (+ Dwark Bod Side Boer Slaps Pate Wai To Allar Spitil Servan Entrance Hall\n\nHAIR Dor Som sebou. Ola Brick und Kitchen 000 Kitchen Gr Urinal\n\nSham Tsun ROAD Sho T40 Kak FEET Q +\n\nIN EEN --> Goble", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211918, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 333, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "308\n\nTABLE 1.3 Partial Genealogical Chart of the Second, Third, and Fourth Branches of the Dang Lineage of Kam Tin\n\nYeul\n\nGyun\n\n(Mau Ging Tong) (See Table 1.1)\n\nTing-Jing\n\nNaam-Kai (adopted from First Branch)\n\nSiu-Geui\n\nChung\n\nChung-You\n\nJak-Sa\n\nKei-Fong\n\nGia-Tin\n\n0—0—0-\n\nGeneration\n\n16\n\n17\n\n18\n\n19\n\n20\n\n21\n\n22\n\n23\n\n24\n\n25\n\n26\n\n27\n\n28\n\nGam-Lei\n\nSung Gok\n\nGaai Yur (Geui Haam) ↓\n\nMan-Wai (Chyun-Am)\n\nNg-Sang\n\nO\n\n(Lei\n\n(Gwong Yu\n\nTong)\n\nGing↓\n\nTong)\n\nJaap-Fan\n\nNaap-Am\n\n(Ji Ga Tong)\n\nKyun-Hin\n\nChung-Shaan\n\nMing-Lyun\n\nYu-Glai\n\n(Ming Hok)\n\n↓\n\nTing-Sani (Chi-Naam)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211936, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 351, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "326\n\nwere listed for me as follows: Wing Lung Wai, Tai Hong Wai, Kat Hing Wai, Shui Tau Tsuen, Shui Mei Tsuen, Tsi Tong Tsuen, Tai Hong Tsuen, Kam Hing Wai, Ko Po Tsuen, and Kam Tin Shi.\" Four wai, five tsuen (chyun) and one shi. It does not agree with the numbers of 5 wai and 6 chyun. The expression no longer corresponds to the present situation. Their explanation for the discrepancy was that some of the original villages did not exist anymore. One example they gave is the case of Pak Wai, which had become a tsuen (chyun) after its wall had fallen. Some of the villages have very small populations nowadays, and some of the eleven original villages are now missing. Another factor involved is that, to many of the villagers, Tsi Tong Tsuen and Tai Hong Tsuen were not quite distinct from one another, and sometimes the two names were used interchangeably. The name San Wai was quite often used by them to refer to Tai Hong Tsuen, sometimes both.\n\n \n Village\n 1895\n 1960\n \n \n Kat Hing Wai\n 308\n 410\n \n \n Shui Tau\n 416\n 655\n \n \n Shui Mei\n 181\n 250\n \n \n Tai Hong Wai\n 176\n 215\n \n \n Wing Lung Wai\n 154\n 250\n \n \n Tai Hong Tsuen\n 33\n 155\n \n \n San Wai (Tsi Tong Tsuen)\n 28\n \n \n \n Kam Hing Wai\n 69\n \n \n \n Ko Po\n 64\n 205\n \n \n Kam Tin Shi\n \n \n \n \n Total\n 1412\n 2140\n \n\nAs can be seen in the table above, the populations of the Kam Tin villages are very uneven. Five of them are often referred to by the local villagers as \"the five main villages\". They were Shui Tau, Shui Mei, Kat Hing Wai, Tai Hong Wai, and Wing Lung Wai. Among the smaller villages, Tai Hong Tsuen and Tsi Tong Tsuen are considered part of Tai Hong Wai. They take part in the dim-dang ceremony for the newborn at the shrine of the God of Earth and Grain at the Wai and join the jiu of the wai.\n\nOn a higher level, the Kam Tin villages are divided into two groups:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211937, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 352, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "327\n\nNaam-Bin (\"South Side\") and Bak-Bin (\"North Side\"). Bak-Bin includes only two villages: Shui Tau and Shui Mei. Naam-Bin includes Kat Hing Wai, Tai Hong Wai, Wing Lung Wai, Ko Po, Kam Hing Wai, Tsi Tong Tsuen, Tai Hong Tsuen and Kam Tin Shi. The division into Naam-Bin and Bak-Bin corresponds to the geographic location of residence as well as to agricultural and ritual activities. The village patrol corps of Kam Tin were also organized in terms of Naam-Bin and Bak-Bin.\n\nB. The Village Guard System\n\nThe village guard system continued well into the 1960s. It used to be called cheun-ding, but later was called ji-wai-deui. There was one for Naam-Bin and one for Bak-Bin. The Naam-Bin guards consisted, more or less, of two men from each of Tai Hong Wai, Wing Lung Wai, Kat Hing Wai and Ko Po. The Bak-Bin guards were from Shui Tau and Shui Mei. The guards worked in two shifts, the first from 8 p.m. to midnight and the second from midnight to about 5 a.m. The Naam-Bin village guards patrolled the area reaching Au Tau to the west, gwai-waan to the east, Wong Chuk bei to the south, and the river before Pak Wai chyun to the north. Sha Pui Leng (Sa Bui Leng) was within the scope of their protection. The villagers of this village paid levies to the corps, but none of them were members.\n\nThe village corps was rewarded by levies on sweet potato and rice crops. They charged 10% on potato. Before harvest, one in ten rows (laar) of the potato had already been allocated to the village guards. The rate of the levy on rice was a prescribed amount some tens of catties on each mu of cultivation. When the villagers' paddy fields suffered loss from theft, they got compensation from the village corps responsible for its protection. The corps would compensate in full the estimated loss.\n\nIn earlier times the head of each village corps was selected by bidding. Each candidate would offer a certain quantity of rice (guk) which he would give back to the member villages. But in the case of the head for the year 1954, who I interviewed, he was appointed by the elders. This was because few people wanted the post.\n\nAround 1954 there was government involvement in the village guard system. \"The police station asked us to organize [village corps]”. There were more than ten guards, armed with 6 guns. The guards also had passes issued by the police. They were also given used uniforms for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211940, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 355, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "330\n\nA. Early History of Settlements\n\nThe present relationship between lineage segment and settlement is roughly the same as that recorded by Sung (1974: 168-70) concerning who started and walled which village and when.\n\n \n Village\n Started by\n Genealogical Position\n Walled in\n \n \n Kat Hing Wai\n Baak-Ging\n Son of Chyu-Yin and Gwong-Yu Jik Gin\n Kangxi (1662-1721) by Chyu-Yin and two others\n \n \n Wing Lung Wai\n Siu-Geui\n and seven others\n \n \n \n Tai Hong Wai\n Chung Shui Tau\n and four others\n Kei-Fong and Kei-Wa, both from Tai Hong Wai and Gwok-Yin\n \n \n \n One of the Man-Wai and five sons of Gaai-Yut Naam-Kai\n Son of Chung-Yut Gam-Tin jou, son of Hak-Sa\n \n \n \n Shui Mei\n Suk-Leun and Wan-Guk\n Sons of Gwai-Ting, Gwong-Yu\n Son of Ching-Lok\n \n \n Kam Hing Wai\n Yut-Man of Ko Po\n Kat Hing Wai\n and Pui-Hing of Tai Hong Wai\n \n \n \n Jau-Man +34 of Kat Hing Wai\n \n \n \n\nSung has indicated that Kat Hing Wai, Shui Tau and Shui Mei were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211943, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 358, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "333\n\nD. Outsiders in the villages and the immediate vicinity\n\nBesides outsiders who rented houses from the Dangs for residence or workshops/factories in recent years, there are some non-Dangs who have lived in the Kam Tin villages for many generations. These \"resident outsiders\" were believed by the Dangs to have been ha-fu, a term which can be translated as hereditary servants. When a Mrs. Dang mentioned to me that some people of the surnames Man and Sam lived in Naam Bin Teng, a part of Tai Hong Tsuen, she added that they had been ha-fu. Her logic was that any non-Dang who lived in Kam Tin must have been ha-fu. The present Dangs applied the term to servants of the lineage, as well as to settlements of tenants of the Dangs. My general impression is that there was more than one usage of the term, and the status of some groups might have changed in the passage of time.\n\nThe elders explained to me that ha-fu meant ha-yan, servants, and the fu in this term was the same fù as in kiu-fu (“sedan chair carriers”). Another term for ha-fu is sai-man. In this connection, one of them added that the villagers of Sha Po, Chuk Yuen and Pok Wai had been tenants of the Dangs of Kam Tin, and that ha-fu were not the same as tenants.\n\nAt Wing Lung Wai and Tai Hong Wai, some elders still remembered some ha-fu in their village. A Wing Lung Wai elder remembered only one ha-fu in his village. The person belonged to the great grandfather of an elder, a Yeui jou descendant who had a large land holding. The ha-fu carried sedan chairs for his master, among other things. A ha-fu had lived in Tai Hong Wai until he died around the time of the Japanese occupation. His given name was Loi-Fu. His surname was probably Mak. He lived in a house in the north-east corner of the wai. The house, now broken, was still there. He had to serve the whole village. His work was to do errands on special occasions such as banquets. In the old days one invited guests to banquets by sending a ha-fu. This Loi-Fu did not have to work for the Dangs on ordinary days. He often fished using his nets at a pit (haang) where the children went to swim. He would scold the children when he saw them swimming. He also kept bees, and gave some of the honey to the children. One of the villagers remembered that his mother often gave this Uncle Loi-Fu food to eat. He left no descendants. He had had no wife.\n\nNear the centre of the Kam Tin Dang settlements is Sa Bui Leng, which has only three or four families now. According to an elder the Sa", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211947, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 362, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "337\n\nThe Jau and Wong Temple also used to house spirit tablets to \"heroes\". The tablets (three in total, without names) were moved to the Yau-Leun Tong from the side altar in the temple about 50 years ago because they were siu-yan (“small people”), and it was unseemly to house them in the same temple as the two great men (daai-yan). As mentioned before, villagers agreed that the “heroes” were those who had died in fighting (da-saat) between Kam Tin and its enemies.\n\nKam Tin has quite a number of other temples. There are the Man-Cheung Temple and Hung-Sing Temple in Shui Tau, and the Tin-Hau Temple in Shui Mei. Many of the other villages, e.g. Kam Hing Wai, Tai Hong Wai, Kat Hing Wai, Tsi Tong Tsuen, and Wing Lung Wai, which do not have “standard” temples, have a san-teng, a house with an altar for a spirit tablet for about ten popular temple gods. The gods of some of the vanished temples, which include a Yeung-Hau Temple and a Bou-Dak Chi in Shui Mei, and the Hung-Fan Taam Temple of Shui Tau, are still worshipped in the jiu festival, as are the gods of two nunneries, in Shui Mei and Tai Hong Wai respectively, which no longer exist.\n\nThese temples and nunneries hold tablets or images of some 20 different gods, if we are to include the Earth God for temples, and Wai-To for Buddhist establishments. The other 18 include the popular temple gods Yeung-Hau, Tin-Hau, Bak-Dai, Man-Cheung, Gwun-Yam, Gwaan-Dai, Hung-Sing, the God of Wealth, Gam-Fa, Taai-Seui, the Dragon King, and the Buddha. The Bou-Dak Chi housed spirit tablets for Jau and Wong. There is not much information about this other temple dedicated to Jau and Wong, but it was worshipped probably only by the villagers of Shui Tau, where it was situated.\n\nFui-Sing, and Fa-Gung Fa-Mou are probably respectively responsible for success in imperial examinations and the health of children. Hoi-Saan Suk-Lou is a title found in some other local temples as well, and represents the earliest settlers of the place. Hong-Wong is a title that I have not seen elsewhere in the New Territories.\n\nThe titles of localized gods found in most of the Kam Tin villages include the God of Earth and Grain, the Water God of wells, and the Earth God for the gates of the walled villages. There are, in some of the villages, a Tree God and Earth Gods for bridges and for the gate to a complex of houses. In addition, there are Ngau-Wong and Pun-Gu,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211949, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 364, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "339\n\nbut moved the Dei-Jong Wong inside the Buddhist hall instead.\"7 After the building of the Buddhist hall two of the nuns were added to the managers of the trust, and since then the Dangs did not have much to do with the nunnery except that the related ritual associations go annually to worship at the charitable grave.\n\nB. Household and village worship\n\nEveryday worship is local and is mainly performed by women. Such is the case of a family of Tsi Tong Tsuen who gave me information on this point. This family seldom worshipped in any temple. For weddings they worshipped at the Mau-Ging Tong ancestral hall, where the head of the family also went when he was small for the annual worship, and to get his shares of the ritual pork. This he no longer does, having stopped a few years ago. In some years he also joins the ancestral grave worship in Tsuen Wan. On Ching Ming and Chung Yeung his family went to worship their own near ancestors. On festivals his family worshipped at Tsi Tong Tsuen's shrines to the Earth God and the God of Earth and Grain and the place for the Well God.\n\nI was able to talk with some of the older women. One Tai Hong Wai woman born in the 1910s told me that ordinarily her family worshipped at home. They went to neither the Jau and Wong Temple nor the Hung-Sing Temple. They had no share in the Hung-Sing Temple. They did go to the Daai-Wong Temple at Yuen Long, early in the first month of the lunar calendar, but it is the business of their men only: the temple belonged to their distant ancestor. Similarly, an elderly Kat Hing Wai lady told me that Pak Wai Tsuen (i.e., Shui Tau and Shui Mei) people worshipped at the Hung Sing Temple. I have witnessed part of a waan-san (“thanksgiving”) ritual in Kat Hing Wai, which took place at the san-teng. I was told that for impromptu religious activities such as divination, some of the Kat Hing Wai women went to a temple at Tai Shue Ha [which is, as far as I know, not otherwise of interest to the Dangs of Kam-Tin] and some went to Ling-Wan Ji. They went to the Jau and Wong temple mainly during the jiu, and the temples at Shui Tau and Shui Mei were for their respective villagers alone.\n\nA san teng was probably considered to be of central importance to its village. When I walked with an elder to his house we passed the san-teng of Tai Hong Wai. He explained to me that it was the wai-jyu, and he compared its status in the village to that of the most senior and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211958, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 373, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "348\n\nD. The Taoist Priests and Their Rites\n\nThe Taoist priests who performed the rites in this festival were hired on a contract basis. More than ten of them were involved, among whom four were in a senior position. The oldest of the four, Mr. Lam Pui, born before 1910, was from the New Territories. Another, Mr. Jeung Hoi, was from a village just across the present Chinese border. Mr. Lam Choi was probably from the New Territories too. Both were born about 1920. These three had been active as ritual experts in the area since when they were young, and had been in leading positions at least in the last few decades. The four had all performed in the 1965 celebration of the Kam Tin jiu festival. The other senior priest, Mr. Chan Gau, was from Sa Jeng in the western area of Bao'an county. He had come to Hong Kong more than ten years ago and since then has worked in the New Territories. Mr. Leung Tung, though not a priest by profession, had been working with this group of priests as a musician, and had trained in an early stage of his career in ceremonial music bands in the Bak Bin villages. Chan Gau, Jeung Hoi and Lam Pui were the partners who undertook to provide the priestly services on this occasion, and the other members of the team were hired to help.\n\nBesides the three-times daily Scripture chanting and small processions to make offerings at different spots, the priests performed about 20 rites in the festival. About ten of them were more elaborate and were considered to be the main ones.\n\nEach of the four senior priests took the leading role in different rites. Mr. Lam Pui, being the oldest and the most knowledgeable, acted as the high priest in most of the main rites, including the Opening Rite, the Purification of the Ritual Area, the Posting of the Placard, the Escort of the Holy Ones, and the Great Offering to Ghosts. Mr. Chan Gau, being younger and good at acrobatic feats, took care of the more martial rituals: the martial arts section of the Purification of the Ritual Area, and Going through the Gates of Life and Death, and headed the team for the Dipper Rite. Mr. Jeung Hoi acted as the main priest in some of the other important rites. Mr. Lam Choi, partly because he was not one of the partners, played secondary roles. The morning, noon-time, and afternoon Scripture chanting and offerings were performed by the more junior members of the team, as were the short concluding rites on the last day.\n\n60\n\nAlthough the rites differ one from another, there were many elements", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211970, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 385, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "360 \n\nof the Lineage, or his representatives, went to Ching-Lok Ancestral Hall for Hung-Yi. \n\nEach party took with them sets of paper clothing, fruit, tea, wine, yun-bou and a gong. \n\nI was told that the two officials Jau and Wong would be invited from the temple before the first five ritual representatives went to the Ling Wan Monastery. They departed for Ling-Wan Ji on a goods vehicle. A nun was there to meet them. The nun said that in the celebrations in the past they always heard the sound of the party's gong before the ritual representative's party arrived, this time the party was so quiet that she had no warning of their approach. (She had known that the jiu was to take place, though). \n\nA brief worship was conducted by the nun at the main altar. After that the paper clothing was burnt, and the ritual representatives made offerings of incense, tea, wine and a plate of vegetarian food. Then temporary spirit tablets of paper prepared in advance by the villagers for this occasion were each inserted into a piece of Chinese carrot and put on the altar table. There were a total of seven gods, including Gwaan-Dai, Fui-Sing, Choi-Baak-Sing-Gwan and Man-Cheung. Upon the suggestion of the nun, they added a temporary tablet for Gaam-jaai, a god to oversee observation of vegetarian diet. A concluding baai-san was accompanied by the villagers' gong and the nun's “chime”. Among the gods from Ling-Wan Ji, only Gwun-Yam was invited in the form of an image. \n\nNext the party went to the Pat Heung Temple. A woman of about 70 met them and the Kam Tin men explained that they were inviting the gods to see the opera and they would be brought back afterwards. The gods were Tin-Hau, Yeung-Hau, Gwun-Yam and Wa-Gwong. The woman instructed them to make an offering and burn yun-bou before they fetched the gods, which they did. Here they took no statue of the gods. \n\nThen they went to the Yuen Kong Temple. The ritual representatives had expected the presence of a temple keeper, probably for guidance. But none was to be found. Only Yeung-Hau and Bak-Dai were fetched, although the Kam Tin men made offerings of incense to the other gods of the temple too. After this the party went back to Kam Tin.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 386, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "361\n\nBack at the ritual site, the ritual representatives installed the image of Gwun-Yam in the temporary altar dedicated to her, and the spirit tablets for the others in the san-paang altar for general gods. These, with the spirit tablets for the gods from the villages, gradually filled up the three levels of the temporary altar. Two ritual representatives fetched the tablet of Hung-Yi from the Ching-Lok Ancestral Hall to his altar on the stage. The portrait of the Heavenly Master was fetched from the village gate of Tai Hong Wai, and installed at a temporary altar set up for him in the Mau-Ging Tong ancestral hall.\n\nThere were also a few deities to be invited from the sky. They included Tin-Dei-Sheui-Yeung, the gods of the realms of Heaven, Earth (the Underworld), Water, and the human world; Gods of the Naam-Dau (\"North Dipper\") and Bak-Dau (\"South Dipper\"), both for blessings to men; the City God and the Lei-Wik (who supervises the local Gods of Earth and Grain and the Earth Gods); Tin-Chyun San-Gwan (two common titles of the highest deities); and the Dragon King. In the last stage of the Opening Rite there were complaints that those gods were omitted. But later on that day temporary spirit tablets for them were seen in the san-paang.\n\nD. Procession of incense I\n\nThe first Procession of Incense took place on the main day of the ritual, to the participating villages of the Kam Tin heung. It was to visit all the temples, shrines, and major ancestral halls to worship the gods and higher-level ancestors. There did not seem to have been a clearcut rule about the lower-level ancestral halls. When I mentioned to an elder that the procession had stopped and worshipped at Lai-Gaan Tong, his first response was that the procession should not have worshipped there. But he changed his mind later: the worship in the rite was indiscriminative, it went to every ancestral hall if the doors were open.\n\nA very large number of villagers participated. Priests took part in the procession as well, but their part was limited to a brief invocation. Most of the villagers wore hats with special ornaments indicating their villages. The procession was accompanied by the sound of large gongs, a flag saying jeun-heung (\"to offer incense\"), and the priests' musician playing sona. There was one lion dance group, and Luk Gwok flags and percussion teams playing drum and gong on lo-gu ga frames representing each of the five main villages. There were also flags", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211974, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 389, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "364\n\nThey left the festival site, passing Tai Hong Wai and Ko Po, where those who took part were offered drinks. They next reached Ying Lung Wai, where they were met by the lion dance of the village, and treated to soft drinks. They first worshipped at the altar of the God of Earth and Grain of Ying Lung Wai, then the san-teng and the village gate.\n\nThey proceeded to Tung Tau Tsuen, where they worshipped at the Tin-Hau Temple and then the Gwun-Yam Temple. No one came to meet them. But nearby two elderly ladies exchanged these remarks among themselves, \"The two temples belong to Kam Tin fellows, they wanted to repair them, but Tung Tau Tsuen would not let them\".\n\nThey proceeded to the Old Market. First they worshipped at the market gate then at the Bak-Dai Temple, and then at the Daai-Wong Temple.\n\nThen they moved on to Nam Pin Wai, where they worshipped at the altar of the God of Earth and Grain, the san-teng and the village gate. A man in his fifties sitting under a tree cursed the Dangs when he saw the Ambulance which was in attendance in case anyone was overcome by the heat. He said, \"Right. Let this Ambulance carry these Kam Tin fellows\".\n\nAt the nearby Sai Pin Wai they worshipped at an altar for the God of Earth and Grain. There was a reception. They proceeded to a Lam Yi-Hing Tong” inside Sai Pin Wai, and then the village gate and an altar of the God of Earth and Grain.\n\nThe procession finished with the Old Market and the surrounding villages, and went on to Yuen Long New Market. When they reached Sau Fu Street, they were offered soft drinks by people who had come from Kam Tin for that purpose. From there they walked back to the festival site at Kam Tin.\n\nF. The Procession with the King of Ghosts\n\nThe procession with the King of Ghosts took place during the evening before the Great Offering to Ghosts. In the first stage the Bak-Bin villagers carried the huge image of the Daai-Si Wong through their villages. Their Naam-Bin counterparts waited near Kam Hing Wai to take over the paper image for the second part of the procession. These were 22 young men, many carrying long bamboo poles with metal ends", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211978, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 393, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "368\n\nSung, Hok-p'ang et. al. (1984), pp. 1-9.\n\n1973 \"Legends and stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in', JHKBRAS xiii, 1973, pp. 28-40.\n\n1974 \"Legends and stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in\", JHKBRAS xiv, 1974, pp. 160-185.\n\nTaga, Akigoro Tanaka, Issei\n\n1982 Chugoku Sofu no Kenkyu, vol. 2, Tokyo.\n\n1985 \n\nTsui, Bartholomew\n\nWatson, Rubie S.\n\nWolf, Arthur P. (ed.)\n\nA Chiu 亞潮(?) baai 拜 baai-san\n\nBaak Mou-Seung Ú Baak-Ging\n\nBaishe Zhuan\n\nLineage and Theatre in China. Interdependence of Festival Organization, ritual, and theatre in the lineage society of South China, Tokyo.\n\n1989 Village Festivals in China: Backgrounds of Local Theatres. Tokyo\n\nforthcoming\n\n\"Daojiao Yili ya Jishen Kiju zhijian de Guanxi”,\n\nforthcoming\n\n\"Taoist Ritual Books of the New Territories\".\n\n1985 Inequality Among Brothers: Class and Kinship in South China, Cambridge University Press.\n\n1974 Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford.\n\nGLOSSARY\n\nchiu-gaan chiu-dou * Chiu-Yip #\n\nchu 柱\n\nChuk Yuen 竹園\n\nChung E\n\nChung Yeung 重陽\n\nChung-Saan\n\nU\n\nBak Bin 北便\n\nBak Dai 北帝\n\nbei 陂\n\nbong 榜\n\nBou-Dak Chi #AM\n\nbui\n\ncha-gwo 茶果\n\nChan Gau 陳九\n\nChan 陳\n\nchau-san\n\n+\n\nChenghua 成化\n\ncheun-ding\n\nT\n\ncheun-fu 巡撫 Cheung-Cheun Yun cheung-saam Chi-Naam Ching Ming U Ching-Lok\n\nChung-Yut Я\n\nchyun 村\n\nDaai-Si Wong ✰±\n\nDaai-Wong E\n\ndaai-yan ★A daai-yau daam\n\ndaam-jung da-jai 打仔 da-jiu 打醮 dan 躉 Dang 鄧\n\nDang Chung 鄧璁 Dao 道 da-saat\n\nDei-Jong Wong E", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211979, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 394, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "deui-lyun dim-dang Wif ding-hau T`LI\n\nDongguan 東莞 dong-ji\n\nDung Ping Guk 東本局 faan\n\nFa-Gung Fa-Mou (EAEN\n\nfa-paai TEMP\n\nFau-Ng ởH\n\nFong 兒\n\nfong\n\nfong-jeung\n\nFu Qing (47\n\nfu 伏\n\nFu-Hip\n\ngwan-ma 郡馬\n\nGwok-Yin\n\nGwong-Yu\n\nK\n\nGwong-Yu Tong Gwun-Yam #E\n\nGyun 銷\n\nHa Tsuen 厦村\n\nHa Che 下崟\n\nhaang 坑\n\nha-fu F\n\nHak-Sa\n\nha-yan FA\n\nHei-Ye 起野\n\nheui-lok\n\nHeung\n\nheung\n\nFui-Sing !!\n\nFung Yuk-Daan MƒU!!\n\nGaai-Yut\n\ngaam-sang\n\nGai-Jau #\n\nheung-on\n\nHo fil\n\nhoi-dang EH hou 號\n\nHung-Fan Taam\n\ngam-taap\n\nGam-Tin\n\nGaozong h\n\nGau Ga Chyun **†\n\nhung-jeuk FL\n\nHung-Ji 孔子\n\nHung-Ji 洪贄\n\nHung-Sing #\n\nHung-Yi 洪儀\n\ngeui-yan\n\ngit-jing #7\n\nGit-Sau\n\ngu l\n\nGuangdong MAC\n\nGuangzong 光宗\n\nguk 榖\n\ngung-chou Y\n\ngung-sang\n\nGwaan-Dai BNR\n\nGwai-Ting\n\ngwai-waan\n\n(?)\n\nGwai-Wong\n\nE\n\ngwan 棍\n\nGwan-Haak 7K\n\nGwan-Leung R\n\njaap-fo 雜貨\n\nJai Baak-Fu Jan 鈞 Jan-Ting Jau M Jau-Man B jau-tung 州同 Jeung Hoi Jeung 張\n\nJeung-Luk A\n\njeun-si 進士\n\nJiangxi 江西\n\nJi-Ga Tong #18 2 Jik-Gin\n\njiu BE\n\nPage 369", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211983, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 398, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "373\n\nMany Dangs attributed the deceased worshipped in their Altar for Heroes (Ying-Hung Chi) and those buried in the big grave known as yi-chung to the battle with the British in 1898. We found that the number of \"heroes\" for whom paper clothing were ordered for the jiu of 1955 is only 2 more than the 1895 figure, i.e. only two can be attributed to the 1898 incident.\n\nSee also Law and Lau (1985) about this dispute.\n\n19\n\nAccording to this informant the Dangs married villagers of Lam Tsuen, Tai Hang, Sheung Shui and places like Sha Tau across the border. Other Tangs who discussed the point included Tuen Mun and Gak Tin, a place of the Wong surname, also known as Fuk Tin, across the border.\n\n20 Another stone inscription dated 1786 recorded a similar case. Although it has been cited by many scholars as another rent dispute case that involved the Dangs of Kam Tin as the landlords, I cannot find any of Dangs whose names appear in the inscription in other documents.\n\n21\n\nIn Kam Tin Historical Documents, vol. 2.\n\n11 The original expression is that the villagers were the diding of the Dangs. Diding refers to tax on land and persons.\n\n73 See also Kamm (1977:213-214) on other similar disputes.\n\n24 See Cheng (n.d.).\n\n25\n\nBesides the formal names that appear in local documents and present-day road signs and maps, many of these villages had other names that were used in everyday conversation.\n\n10\n\nFormal names\n\nKam Hing Wai\n\nKat Hing Wai\n\nPak Wai\n\nTai Hong Wai\n\nWing Lung Wai\n\nAccording to the jiu festival record of the year.\n\n\"Nickname\"\n\nGaak Seui Yun\n\nFui Sa Wai\n\nLaan Bak Wai\n\nTaan Wai\n\nSa Laan Mei\n\n27 Tanaka (1985:935-7), quoting A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, Hong Kong, pp. 172-173.\n\nThe original expression was \"Tai Hong Wai and Tsuen\" and probably included only the part of Tai Hong Tsuen whose residents were considered Tai Hong Wai people.\n\n20\n\nKam Tin Historical Documents vol. 2.\n\n30 See the account dated 1966 in the Si Kim Tong genealogy.\n\n31 According to a descendant of Fau-Ng. The genealogical relationships among the ancestors he gave may be wrong.\n\n32 Ying Lung Wai is part of Shap Pat Heung, the group of villages which was involved in several disputes with the Kam Tin Tangs. It seems that the Ying Lung Wai Dangs join the Kam Tin Dangs only in the jiu festival and the worship at the Mau Ging Tong ancestral hall. I have not heard anything about its position in the disputes between Kam Tin and Shap Pat Heung.\n\n33 Sung (1974:168) says Tai Hong Tsuen. This is my interpretation.\n\n34 Ditto.\n\n35 Siu-Geui, with his father and others, made a new stone inscription for the grave of the wong-gu in 1483. Kei-Fong's will is dated 1562. (See the genealogy in Kam Tin Historical Documents vol. 1 for both.) Kai-Wa was born in 1494 (See inside text of his spirit tablet,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212002, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 417, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "392\n\nin the Tang Dynasty were found in Chung Hom Wan, Sha Wan 沙灣 and Aplichau 鴨脷洲\n\n+\n\n5\n\nHong Kong Island in the Ming Dynasty\n\nIn the Ming Dynasty, because of the production of incense wood in the area, the economic condition of the people became better. More people came to live on the island. During the Wan Li Reign, there were at least seven villages, namely: Hong Kong, Tit Hang 鐵坑, Chung Hom 春坎, Chik Chu 赤柱, Tai Tam 大潭, Shau Kei Wan, and Wong Nei Chung. The north coast was still sparsely populated.\n\nAt the end of the Ming Dynasty, the island was frequently attacked by pirates. Though naval vessels from the Nam Tau Chai to Long Pak Kau patrolled along the coast from Tai Pang 混白滘, piracy was still very active.\n\nHong Kong Island in the early Ch'ing Dynasty\n\nDuring the early Ch'ing Dynasty, the Coastal Evacuation was carried out. People on the island fled inland. The villages were abandoned.\n\nIn the 8th year of the K'ang Hsi Reign (1669), the Edict of the Coastal Evacuation was revoked. People returned from inland and rebuilt their villages. In the early years of the Yung Cheng Reign, the seven villages, i.e. Hong Kong, Tit Hang, Chung Hom, Chik Chu, Tai Tam, Shau Kei Wan and Wong Nei Chung, were rebuilt. Because of the danger of piracy, the government built forts and set up military posts along the coast. Nam Tau and Tai Pang were the two main military bases near Hong Kong Island. However, no military post was established on the island at that time.\n\nIn the years of the Chia Ching Reign, two villages, Pok Fu Lam and Soo Kon Poo, were newly established. The Hung Heung Lo Naval post, which was under the control of the Tai Pang Battalion, was established too.\n\nHong Kong at the beginning of its Colonization\n\n12\n\nIn the 20th year of the Tao Kuang Reign (1840), the Opium War between the British and the Ch'ing government broke out and the Ch'ing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212004, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 419, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "394\n\nNOTES\n\nSee the map of the Kwangtung coast-line, Chapter 32 of Yuet Tai Kee, Wan Li edition 郭斐粵大記卷三十二\n\nShek Pai Wan is the old name of Aberdeen Harbour or Heung Kong Tsai Wan *** (which in Chinese means Little Hong Kong Harbour).\n\n1 Some of the incense products were sent north to the Provinces of Kiangsu and Chekiang\n\nSee Chapter 3 of Lin Tien-wai and Siu's Articles on the Early History of Hong Kong, the Commercial Press Ltd., Taiwan, R.O.C., 1985.\n\nSee 'The Lime Kilns and Hong Kong's Early Historical Archaeology', Special Session, Volume 7, Journal of the Hong Kong Archaeological Society, 1876-78.\n\n7 See note 1.\n\nIt was said that Hong Kong Tsuen had been robbed by pirates in the time of the Lung Ching Reign in the Ming Dynasty. (See Hui Tei-shan's \"A Brief Research on the History and Geography of Hong Kong and Kowloon\" Chapter 6 of Kwangtung Wen Mu X, 1940).\n\nSee Siu's \"Nam Tau Chai: the Middle Defensive Military Zone of Kwangtung in the Ming Dynasty'' in Essays of Research into Ming-Ching History, Chu Hai College, 1984.\n\n10 The Coastal Evacuation was carried out in the 1st year of the Kang Hsi Reign (1661).\n\nSee the map of the Coastal Defence of Kwangtung, Chapter 3 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1731 edition.\n\nSee Chapter 2 of the San On Yuen Chi, 1819 edition\n\n12 See Chapter 178 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1822 edition.\n\n13 See the Original Gazetteer and Census, May 15th, 1841.\n\n14 See p. 15 of Lai Chun Wai's Hong Kong 100 Years.\n\nThe English name given to Chik Chu is Stanley.\n\n16 Notable political events in China after 1841 were the 2nd Opium War (the Anglo-Chinese War), the Tai Ping Rebellion, the Boxer Rebellion, the Revolution of 1911 and the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-45. These changes assisted the increase of population in Hong Kong. Also, another rapid increase of population occurred because of the change of government in China in 1949.\n\nTAI YU SHAN FROM CHINESE HISTORICAL RECORDS\n\n1 In the past, Tai Yu Shan, known as Tai Hai Shan was also called Tai Kai Shan, Tai Yi Shan Mun Island. It lies to the west of Hong Kong Island. It has an area of 53.55 square miles, and is the largest island in Hong Kong.\n\nThe name 'Tai Hai Shan' first appeared in Chapter 87 of Yu Ti Ji Shing, a book published in the Sung Dynasty. It records,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 422, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "397\n\nthe Yuen Ka Walled Village\n\nE, Mui Wo, Shek Pik, Tong Fuk\n\n塘福,Shek Mun Kap 石門甲,Shui Hau 水口, Shek Lau Hang 石榴坑, Ngau Au 牛凹, Sha Lo Wan, Shek Tau Po石頭莆,Yi O 二澳 and Yau Ku Long. Also, Hakka villages were found at Tai Ho, Pak Mong, Wang Long and Ling Pei Walled Village at Tung Chung.\" The population on the island increased, and they depended on fishing and farming.\n\nNowadays, Mui Wo, Pui O, Shui Hau, Tai O and Tung Chung have developed into towns; Shek Pik Village has been removed, and a reservoir built on that site. However, many villages founded in the Ching Dynasty still remain with little development.\n\nNOTES\n\nANTHONY SIU KWOK-KIN\n\n1\n\nThe inscription of the 42nd year of Chien Lung (1777) on the stone tablet in the Hau Wong Temple of Tung Chung bears the name \"Tai Hai Shan\".\n\n1 See Chapter 19 of Kwong Yu Kei, Ming edition.\n\n1\n\n1 See Chapter 2 of Yuet Man Chuen See Kei Leuk, 1684 edition.\n\nSee Chapter 7 of Lin Tien-wai and the writer's Essays on the History of Hong Kong Prior to British Colonisation, Commercial Press, 1984. It is now known as Lantau Island, and in some newly published maps of Hong Kong, it is also known as Tai Ho Island.\n\n+\n\nSee S. G. Davis and May Tregear's Man Kok Tsui, Archaeological Site 30, Lantau Island, Hong Kong, Hong Kong Univ. Press 1961; and “An Archaeological Site at Shek Pik”, Journal Monograph I, Hong Kong Archaeological Society 1975.\n\n7 See Chapter 29 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi\n\n8 See Chapter 1 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi, 1464 edition.\n\n非 See Tsang Yat Man's \"Hai Nam Chaak, an old Salt Pan on Lantau Island\" 大嶼山鹽田學, No. 284, Cosmorama Pictorial, Hong Kong.\n\n9 As Note 8.\n\nSee Tsang Yat Man's \"A Textual Research on the Ins and Outs of the Rebellion of the Natives of Tai Hsi Shan – Now Tai Yu Shan of Hong Kong - in the third year of Ching Yuan of Emperor Ning Tsung of South Sung Dynasty\" 南宋寧宗慶元三年, Chu Hai Journal No. 11, October, 1980.\n\n12 See Chapter 67 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1558 edition.\n\n13 See Tai Hai Shan 大箂山 in Ng Loi 吳榮's Nam Hoi Ku Chik Kei 南海古鏞記, Chapter 61-1 of Su Fu, Shun Chih edition.\n\n14\n\nSee Chapter 12 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1697 edition.\n\n+\n\n15\n\nAs Note 4.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "19\n\nand, it would seem, much of the wording of the original record. The inscription reads:\n\n\"The deceased was the fourth son of Ancestor Kau-yuen. He died early. Afterwards [we] his three elder brothers [only the names of two are given] took up the bones [from a coffin burial] and on an auspicious day in an autumn month in the Ch'ien Lung 4th or ping-san year3 buried them above the cross road at Pak Kung Au on Tai Mo Shan (the geomantic details of the site follow). During his life, the deceased was polite and ceremonious. He managed his family frugally and industriously, and he was straightforward and upright in his dealings with others. We his brothers and descendants flourish [scil: on account of his exemplary conduct and noble character]. We had hoped that he would have a long life, but his virtue is ever fragrant and he is deserving of his descendants' offerings for ever. For ten thousand years his memory will not be forgotten.\"\n\nConfucian hyperbole, one might ask suspiciously? Perhaps it was, though in fact there is not much of the kind in the local grave tablets I have seen. Certainly the memory of this good man must have remained alive in the Chung family for generations after his death and formal burial in 1738; for it was nearly 150 years later that the repair to his grave took place.\n\nAnother of the basic Confucian principles was reciprocity. It had practical use amid the many uncertainties and occasional dangers of rural life: where mutual help was sometimes badly needed though not always welcomed since obligations were created and had at some time to be repaid. This awareness was very well-developed. It was deemed important to know when it was appropriate to render and receive assistance, and to express or show eternal gratitude and awareness for help rendered in time of need. These were the ideals, and it has seemed to me that many villagers did their best to put them into practice.\n\nOnce assistance was given and accepted, it was both family and village custom never to forget it. Nor was gratitude to be regarded as being confined to one generation: where considered important", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212117, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "36\n\nTable 2:\n\nSome Jiao Festivals celebrated in Hong Kong in the 1980s\n\n \n Community\n A\n B\n C\n D\n E\n F\n G\n H\n \n \n Cheung Chau\n 1\n 3\n M\n H\n V\n גון\n \n 1989,1990 E\n \n \n Cheung Lung Wai\n 10\n 5?(*2)\n A\n P\n V\n S\n \n 1988\n \n \n Fanling\n 10\n 3\n A\n P\n VC\n S\n \n 1980, 1990 E\n \n \n Ha Tsuen\n 10\n 5\n A\n P\n a\n sm\n \n 1984 E\n \n \n Ho Chung\n 10\n 5\n A\n P\n vc\n m\n \n 1980, 1990 E\n \n \n Kam Tin\n 10\n 5\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Kat O\n 7\n in th\n A\n P\n vc\n sd\n \n 1985 E\n \n \n \n 57\n F\n T\n V\n מן\n \n \n 1980,1986 E\n \n \n Kau Sai\n 1\n —\n F\n T\n V\n M\n \n 1981 E\n \n \n Kau Lau Wan\n 7\n فرا\n 3\n F\n T\n V\n In\n 1980,1987 E\n \n \n Lai Chi Wo\n 10\n 5?\n A\n Р\n vc\n sm\n \n 1983 E\n \n \n Lam Tsuen\n 10(*1)\n 5\n A\n P\n а\n sm\n \n 1981, 1990 E\n \n \n Leung Shuen Wan\n 2\n 1\n F\n P?\n ve\n m\n \n 1980 E\n \n \n Lin Fa Tei\n 5\n 3?\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Lung Yeuk Tau\n 10\n 5\n in\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Nam Luk Yeuk\n 10\n رکرا\n 5\n > > >\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n A\n Р\n ve\n m\n \n \n 1982,1987 T\n \n \n \n \n A\n Р\n VC\n s\n \n \n 1983 E\n \n \n \n A\n P\n А\n sm\n \n \n 1983 E\n \n \n Pak Kong\n 10\n ?\n A\n P\n V\n m\n \n 1980 E\n \n \n Sha Kong Wai\n 7\n ?\n A\n P\n v\n Π\n \n 1981, 1988 T\n \n \n Shek O\n 10\n 3\n A\n H/P\n a\n m\n \n 1986 01\n \n \n Sha Tin\n 10\n 4\n A\n P\n а\n sm\n \n 1985 E\n \n \n Tai Hang\n 5\n 3\n A\n P\n VC\n S\n \n 1985,1990 E\n \n \n Tai O\n 30\n ?\n A/F/M\n T\n ve\n m\n T/03\n \n \n \n Tai Po Tau\n 10\n 5\n A\n P\n VC\n s\n \n 1983 E\n \n \n Tai Wai\n 10\n 4\n A\n P\n vc\n sm\n \n 1987 02\n \n \n Tap Mun Alliance\n 10\n 3(*3)\n F\n T\n а\n M\n \n 1980,1990 03\n \n \n Tin Sam\n 10\n 4\n A\n P\n vc\n sm\n \n 1986 02\n \n \n Tuen Tsz Wai\n 10\n 3\n A\n P\n vc\n sd\n \n 1986 02\n \n \n Wang Chau\n 7\n ?\n A\n P\n vc\n sm\n \n 1981,1988 T\n \n \n Wang Chau\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Yuen Long\n از هم\n 3\n ?\n F\n T\n V\n m\n 1986,1989 T\n \n \n \n 10\n 5\n M\n P\n V\n M\n \n 1983 E", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212122, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "41\n\nKong: Oxford Univ. Press, 1983), 156-160 & 163-164, on the Jiao festivals celebrated between 1964 and 1972 in Ma Tau Wai, Nga Tsin Wai, Tung Chung and Tai O.\n\nN Mathias, John R.G., Study of the Jiao: a Taoist Ritual in Kam Tin in the Hong Kong New Territories (unpublished D.Phil. thesis, Oxford University, 1977-78).\n\n#I Kani, Hiroaki, \"Hồn Kôn Chugokujin no shukyo shiso no ichidan nitsuite\" Shigaku 40, no. 2 & 3 (1967).\n\n22\n\nObuchi, Ninji, “Hon Kon no tokyo girei\" |Daoist ritual in Hong Kong] in Ikeda Sueri Hakase Koki Kinen Toyo Gaku Ronshu (Tokyo, 1980), 753-769.\n\n27 Yoshihara, Katsuo. \"Shukyo\" [Religion] in Kani Hiroaki (ed.) Motto Shiritai Hon Kon (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1984), 184-191.\n\n11\n\nSee note 37.\n\n14\n\nI have been told that Dr. Faure had a manuscript on the Jiao festival sent to a publisher in Hong Kong. However, due to whatever reasons, it has not yet been published. See also Hayes, 164, about Faure's book on Jiao festivals.\n\n36 I was probably the only researcher who participated in the 1980 Kau Lau Wan Jiao festival when I was first introduced by the late Prof. B.E. Ward and Dr. S.H. Wang to the Jiao festival celebrated by the fishing village. In October the same year, Dr. Faure and I attended the Jiao festival at Pak Kong, Sai Kung. In November, the late Dr. Lu Bin-chuan of the Music Department of CUHK, Dr. Lu's student Mr. Chan Wing-Hoi and I attended the Jiao festival in Fanling. Dr. Faure, Prof. Ward and Prof. Tanaka also came. The Jiao festival of Fanling and that of other areas are mentioned here and there in Faure's 1986 book. In December 1980 students of CUHK under the guidance of Dr. Faure, Dr. Wang and Prof. Ward started an ethnographical research on the Jiao festival in Ho Chung, Sai Kung. A detailed report of daily rituals was written by Lee Lai-mui and Cheng Shui Kwan, two CUHK students majoring in History and minoring in Anthropology. The report was sent to interested scholars. Unfortunately it has never been published. Two students of the CUHK at that time should perhaps be mentioned here: Chan Wing-hoi, who specializes in music and computer, was employed by the History Museum of Hong Kong to study the Kam Tin Jiao festival in 1985, a report of which was published in the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 29 (1989). Chan's master's thesis on folk music in Hong Kong also includes a chapter on the ritual music played by the Taoists at the Jiao festival. Chan also has an ethnography on the 1986 Shek O Jiao festival published in the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol. 26 (1986), 78-101. The master's thesis of Leung Chor-on, now Ph.D. candidate of Cambridge University, submitted to the Anthropology Department of the CUHK gives a good account of the ritual symbols of the festival. Chan, Leung and I held a seminar on Jiao festivals on Dec. 11, 1988 for the \"Research Circle of the Regional Society of Southern China\" focusing on musical, ritual and social aspects of the festival.\n\n27 Locally published works besides those by Faure and my own are:\n\n-\n\n(a) Chamberlain, Jonathan, \"Introduction” in Chamberlain J. and Iam Lambot The Bun Festival of Cheung Chau (Hong Kong: Studio Publication, 1990). This is largely a collection of photos. Chamberlain's introduction is very descriptive but no sources are quoted.\n\n(b) Chan Wing-hoi, “Observations at the Jiu [Jiao] festival of Shek O and Tai Long Wan, 1986\" Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol. 26 (1986), 78-101. Chan recorded meticulously what he was told and observed about the 'settlement', the 'participants', the \"ritual site\", the \"local gods\" and the \"events\".\n\n(c) Xiao, Kuo-jian (Anthony K.K. Siu), Xianggang Xiandai Shehui [Pre-modern society of Hong Kong] (Hong Kong: Chung Wah, 1990), 86-97. Xiao attempts to illustrate three reasons why the communities in Hong Kong celebrate the Jiao. The first reason is to plead for fortune, to pay sacrifices to the gods, to drive away evils and to prevent\n\n4", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212360, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 302, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "TABLE 1: VILLAGE WARS IN THE HONG KONG AREA\n\n279\n\n \n Antagonist\n Lo Wu\n Antagonist\n Tsoi Uk Wai\n \n \n Date\n Source\n Comment\n \n \n \n 18.36\n Above\n Over control of landing place\n \n \n \n Lo Wu\n Wong Pui Ling\n 1856-75\n Ahove\n \n \n Ta Kwu Ling\n Wong Pui Ling\n TRGON\n Hase 1989\n \n \n Sheung Shui\n Wong Pui Ling\n VERSOS\n Baker 1967 1979\n \n \n Sheung Shui\n Ho Sheung Heng\n long-term\n Baker 1966\n \n \n \n \n Over control of landing place\n \n \n \n \n \n Over control of river-crossings. 23 dead on TKL side alone. Hero shrine.\n \n \n \n \n \n Over control of irrigation systems\n \n \n \n San Tin\n Ping Kong\n 1851\n \n \n \n Kam Tsin\n Baker 1966 1968\n \n \n \n \n San Tin\n Ping Shan\n 1851\n Baker 1968\n \n \n Hero Shrine\n \n \n \n \n \n Shup Pat Heung\n San Tim\n Ping Shan\n 1851\n \n \n Watson 1982\n \n Over control of ferries\n \n \n \n Ha Tsuen\n \n \n Baker 1968\n \n \n Sha Tseng\n Pok Tau Kong\n 185.3\n Krone (above)\n \n \n Po Kat\n neighbours\n 1853-\n Above\n \n \n Sheung Shun\n Fanling\n long-term\n \n \n \n Ping Kong\n Fanling\n \n Baker 1966\n \n \n \n \n Over control of market\n \n \n \n \n \n Earthwall on border\n \n \n \n Ho Sheung Heung\n Long Yeak Tho\n Fanling\n long-term Oral\n \n \n Par Fleung\n ?Kam Tia\n Tinid 19\n \n \n \n Hero Shrine\n \n \n \n \n \n Sheung Tsuen\n Wang Tei Shan\n 2nud (19\n Oral\n \n \n Lam Tsuen\n \n \n \n \n \n Hero Shrine\n \n \n \n \n \n Tsuen Wan\n Shing Mun\n \n \n \n \n Tsim Sha Tsui\n neighbours\n \n \n \n \n Tai Wai\n Cheung Sha Wan\n \n \n \n \n Keng tam\n \n 1862-4\n \n \n \n \n \n 1862\n mid-late c19\n \n \n Haves 1983\n \n Hero Shrines\n \n \n \n Hayes 1983\n \n \n \n \n \n Paure 1986\n \n Hero Shrine\n \n \n \n Kak Tin\n Shek Pik\n \n \n \n \n Sha Lo Wan\n \n נִי\n \n \n \n Hayes 1983\n \n \n \n \n \n Pui O San Tsuen\n Pui O La Wai\n 1930\n Hayes 1983\n \n \n Kam Tin\n Ping Shan\n \n Chan 1989\n \n \n Heroes worshipped\n \n \n \n \n \n Pat Heung\n Kam Tiu\n Ping Shan\n long-term\n \n \n mid c19\n \n Chan 1989\n \n \n\n#\n\n[Baker 1966 = \"The Five Great Clans of the New Territories\", H.D.R. Baker, Journal. Vol. 6, 1966, pp. 25-49; Baker 1968 = H.D.R. Baker, Sheung Shui: A Chinese Lineage Village, London, 1968; Baker 1979 H.D.R. Baker, Chinese Family and Kinship, London 1979; Faure 1986 = D. Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong, 1986; Hayes 1983 = J.W Hayes. The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies anet Themes, Hong Kong. 1983; Watson 1982 = Rubic S. Watson \"The Creation of a Chinese Lineage: The Teng of Ha Tsuen, 1669-1751\", Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 16(1). 1982 pp 69-108; Chan 1989 = \"The Tangs of Kam Tin and their Jio Festival\", Chan Wing-hoi, Journal, Vol 29, 1989. pp. 302-376.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212500, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "34\n\nChan Kin Tong 陳健堂 Cheang Hoong WA Chen Xuyuan 陳照元 Ding Richang TRS Guo Piao 郭標\n\nHo Kai 何啟\n\nHo Tung 何東\n\nHuang Huan'nan #\n\nJian Dongfu 簡東甫\n\nGlossary\n\nWu Jianzhang f Xu Rongcun 徐榮村 Xu Run 徐潤 Xu Yuting 徐鈺亭 Yuan Shikai 袁世凱 Zheng Guanying\n\nZheng Tingjiang\n\nBaoyuanxiang 寶源祥\n\nZuo Zongtang E\n\nLaw Pak Sheung\n\nA\n\nBendi 本地\n\nLaw Sai Nam 劉世南\n\nLee Chak 李澤\n\nguandu-shangban\n\nLeung Xiu 梁喬 Li Hing 李慶\n\nLi Hongzhang 李鴻章 Lo Hok Pang #09 Ng A Cheong AS\n\nO Kee Cheung 柯其祥 Sheng Xuanhuai 盛宣懷 Soong Xe 宋琪\n\nSung Chin Tseung\n\nTong Mow Chee #\n\nTong Ying Shu (Xing Sing)\n\n唐廷樞(景星)\n\nWei Kwong #*\n\nWei Yuk 韋玉\n\nDanjia 晉家 #\n\nGuang Yang Xing 廣陽興\n\nGuang Zhao Gongsuo 廣肇公所 Heshengxiang #\n\nhuashang fugu huodong HÆ!\n\nKejia 客家\n\nlianhao 聯號\n\nO Chin Sin Tong\n\nQing Xu Yuzhi Xiansheng Run\n\nZixu Nianpu\n\n清徐雨之先生潤自序年譜\n\nSanyi 三邑\n\nShiyi 四邑\n\ntongxiang hui 同鄉會\n\nZongban 總辦\n\nWong Kong 黄亞廣\n\nReferences\n\nCheng, T C. 1969 Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils\n\nin Hong Kong In Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 9: 1-30\n\nChoi, Chi-cheung 1991 Cong difangzhi kan Xiangshan xian difang shili de zhuanbian (The influence of migration in Xiangshan county as viewed from local gazetteers) In Zhongguo Shehui Jingjishi Yanjiu 1991/1: 60-8\n\n1993. Competition among Brothers: the Kun Tye Lung Company and its Associate Companies, Unpublished paper presented at the Workshop on Chinese Business Houses in Southeast Asia since 1870 School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212501, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "35\n\nFaure, David W. 1990. The Rice Trade in Hong Kong Before the Second World War. In Between East and West Aspects of Social and Political Development 216-25. Edited by Elizabeth Sinn. Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.\n\nFok, Kai-cheong. 1988. Wanqing qijian Xianggang dui neidi jingji fazhan zhi yingxiang (The influences of Hong Kong on the economic development of mainland during the late Qing period). In Xueshu Yanjiu 1988/2 70-4.\n\n1989. Xianggang huaren zai jindaishi shang dui Zhongguo de gongxian shixi (A preliminary study on the contributions of Hong Kong Chinese to China in modern history). In Huaren Yanjiu | 81-8.\n\n1990a. Lectures on Hong Kong History Hong Kong's Role in Modern Chinese History. Hong Kong: Commercial Press.\n\n1990b. Private Chinese Business Letters and the Study of Hong Kong Industry: A Preliminary Report. In Collected Essays on Various Historical Materials for Hong Kong Studies. Edited by Hong Kong Museum of History. Hong Kong: Urban Council.\n\n1992. Xianggang yu Jindai Zhongguo (Hong Kong and modern China). Hong Kong: Commercial Press.\n\n1993. Nineteenth Century Hong Kong: China's Gateway to the Western World of Business - themes and sources. Unpublished paper presented at the 34th International Congress on Asian and North African Studies. Hong Kong.\n\nGaw, Kenneth. 1988. Superior Servants: the Legendary Cantonese Amahs of the Far East. Singapore and New York: Oxford University Press.\n\nGodley, Michael R. 1981. The Treaty Port Connection: An Essay. In Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 12/1 248-59.\n\nHamashita, Takeshi. 1991. Higashi Ajiashi ni okeru Honkon no ichi (The role of Hong Kong in East Asian history). In Sōbun 320 1-8.\n\nHamilton, Gary Glen. 1991. Edited Business Networks and Economic Development in East and Southeast Asia. Hong Kong: University Press.\n\nHao, Yen-p'ing. 1969. Cheng Kuan-ying: The Comprador as Reformer. In Journal of Asian Studies 29/1 15-22.\n\n1970a. The Comprador in Nineteenth-Century China: Bridge Between East and West. Cambridge and Massachusetts: Harvard University Press.\n\n1970b. A New Class in China's Treaty Ports: The Rise of the Comprador-Merchants. In Business History Review 44/4 446-59.\n\n1970c. Maiban shangren wanqing tongshang kouan yi xinxing jieceng (Comprador-merchants: \"new class\" in late Qing treaty ports). In Gugong Wenxian 2/1 35-44.\n\n1977. Zhongguo jindai yanhai shangye de buwenling-sheng (Commercial uncertainties along modern China's Coast). In Shihuo Yuekan 7/8-9 1-11.\n\n1979. Commercial Capitalism along the China Coast during the Late Qing Period. In Proceedings of the Conference on Modern Chinese Economic History 303-27. Edited by Chi-ming Hou and Trong-shian Yu. Taiber: Institute of Economics, Academia Sinica.\n\n1982a. Entrepreneurship and the West in East Asian Economic and Business History. In Business History Review 56/2 149-67.\n\n1982b. The Compradors. In Maggie Keswick (edited) 85-102.\n\n1986. The Commercial Revolution in Nineteenth-Century China: The Rise of Sino-Western Mercantile Capitalism. Berkeley: University of California Press.\n\nHayes, James. 1979. The Nam Pak Hong Commercial Association of Hong Kong. In Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. 19/2 16-26.\n\n1984. Collecting Business Papers of Chinese Enterprises in Hong Kong. In Research Materials for Hong Kong Studies 47-55. Edited by Alan Birch. Hong Kong: Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.\n\nHe, Wenxiang. 1989. Xianggang Jiezushi (History of Hong Kong's big families). Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212734, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "28\n\n[yun-yen].\n\nIn October 1874, at the age of 32, Mesny returned to Hankow from Kueichou with the rank of Major-General and, he claimed, an excellent letter of recommendation from the Governor of Kueichou, addressed to Prince Kung and the Ministers of the Tsung-li Yamen in Peking. In 1886 he was promoted to the brevet rank of Lieutenant-General.\n\nIn his autobiographical ‘obituary' in the North China Herald, Mesny wrote \"The confirmation of my rank as a Major-General in the Chinese Army with the decoration of the Kualing [hua-ling] Plume, the order of the Pa-t'u-lu and promotion to be Brevet Lieutenant-General, with ancestors ennobled for three generations, was published in the Peking gazette, and the documents handed to me by the British Legation officials at Peking, and by the British Consul at Canton\": His decoration, the San-tai Erh-pin Kao-feng, an honorary title and patent of retrospective rank conferred upon meritorious officials, their wives and their immediate ancestors for three generations, was recommended to the Throne by the Governor of Kueichou, Ts’en Yü-ying, in 1879. [Grandfather Guillaume Mesny, who had died many, many years earlier and who was now presumably in the Afterworld, must have been most surprised, to say the least!]\n\nMesny also handed out awards and decorations: During his first campaign in Kueichou, Mesny had a supply of Meritorious Warrants (kung-p'ai [which confers the right of the recipient to wear a button on his hat, normally the fifth or sixth degree with blue feathers]). His supply was already sealed with the commander-in-chief's seal, and Mesny bestowed them on meritorious men after each battle, adding the name of the recipient, the date, etc., and Mesny's own seal. He also had hundreds of the Military Silver Medal [Chung-kung Yin-pai] made during the war in Kueichou from 1867-1874, at his own expense, and bestowed them as rewards to deserving soldiers. It consisted of a thin piece of silver about three and a half inches at its longest diameter, with a slit in it for a ribbon, and the character Shang \"Bestowed\" in repoussé work stamped upon it.\n\nHis ranks and grades during his service with the Chinese Imperial forces are a more complex subject and one that is far from clear from Mesny's own writings. He portrayed himself as having 'senior' mandarin rank, and this has been reflected in one of the postage stamps produced by the Jersey Post Office in 1992, on which he is depicted as a 'Mandarin'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "82\n\nof the Anhui troops made much more. In the Wu-tzu Hunan Army Corps in which Mesny served during the second campaign in Kueichou, twenty battalions were farmed out to their respective chiefs who were each paid monthly two thousand eight hundred and forty taels to find pay and rations for their men. Those chiefs of battalions cleared about one thousand taels a month. The men usually got one tael a month mess money and about thirty catties of rice, for which sixty tael cents was deducted from the men's pay, even when they ate rice that had been obtained by capture from the enemy.\n\nA soldier's uniform consisted of a long shirt worn over his undershirt; a long robe or coat, split before and behind, for riding; a short over coat with a round patch on the breast and shoulders on which was inscribed the name of his division or brigade as well as the name of his regiment and company, also his own name. The riding coat was dark blue with green or red facings, the long coat was grey; he also wore a sash, hat and boots. The price for this outfit was deducted by small instalments from the soldier's regular pay, so that it took one a year or two to get out of debt on the Adjutant's books.\n\nThe Miao Rebels\n\nAccording to Mesny the enemy, during the mid-nineteenth century, consisted of four separate and individual groups.\n\n1. Remnants of the Taiping reformers detached from Shih Ta-kai's Second Army (Hung-ping chün)\n\n2. Two local factions of local rebels\n\nA. Huang-hao The Yellow 'Signals'\n\nB. Pai-hao The White 'Signals'\n\n3. Mohammedan rebels: Hui-fei, called Pai-ch'i- White Flags\n\n4. The Miao-tzu aboriginals Miao-fei (83 different tribes)\n\nThe Szechuan Force had suppressed the first three groups before beginning the campaign to suppress the fourth, the Miao.\n\n83", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "168\n\ngeneration. However, retained on the new tablet were the names of the elder brothers of the deceased who had been responsible for the initial burial at this site and also, it would seem, much of the wording of the original record. The inscription reads:\n\nThe deceased was the fourth son of Ancestor Kau-yuen. He died early. Afterwards [we] his three elder brothers [only the names of two are given] took up the bones [from a coffin burial] and on an auspicious day in an autumn month in Chien Lung 4th or ping-san year [1736: but in fact the ping-san year is the 1st year of Chien Lung's long reign] buried them above the cross roads at Pak Kung Au on Tai Mo Shan (the geomantic details follow].\n\nDuring his life, the deceased was polite and ceremonious, he managed his family frugally and industriously, and he was straightforward and upright in his dealings with others. We his brothers and descendants flourish [on account of his exemplary conduct and character]. We had hoped that he would have a long life, but his virtue is ever fragrant and he is deserving of his descendant's offerings for ever. For ten thousand years his memory will not be forgotten.\n\nConfucian hyperbole, one might ask? Perhaps it was, though I have not come across too much of the kind in the local grave tablets. Certainly, the memory of this good man must have remained alive in the Chung family for generations after his death and burial in 1738; for it was nearly 150 years after that the repair commemorated by this tablet took place. There was probably another factor at work here, since it was believed that the graves of good people would have a beneficial effect on the fortunes of the family for generations to come. Clearly, it was considered that the good influences from this grave were not yet spent.\n\nAncestral Graves and Lineage Prosperity\n\nOne cannot stress too strongly this particular aspect of ancestral burial, and the great importance attached to ancestral graves by descendants for this reason. One short letter sent to the District Office in 1975 by two village representatives of the same village and lineage (Yeungs of Yeung Uk, Tsuen Wan) states outright the strong connection traced between ancestral graves in good locations and the continuing flourishing of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213064, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "113\n\nThe mage in bus cult centre in the village of Pai-chiao ft, between Amoy and Changchou, is swathed in silken robes making it impossible to note any iconographical detail. Images of his parents and his elder brother, but none of his only sister, stand on a secondary altar in the cult centre together with a large metal bowl in which it is claimed that Wu Pen had concocted his herbal remedies. Caretakers in the cult centre point out the site in the village of the house in which Wu Pen had been born and lived out much of his life, and also the place at the end of the village where the sea once lapped the shore long before a series of land reclamations left Pai-chiao ft from the open sea.\n\nIn legend Pao-sheng Ta-ti has thirty-six warriors who carry out his orders under two senior soldiers, General Tieh [or Chao] # [#]19¤ and Marshal Kang. Such retinues have been observed in a number of temples dedicated to Pao-sheng Ta-ti in Fukien, Taiwan and in SE Asia, either with him or on side altars, or in a great number of temples painted individually across one of the temple's side walls as a large mural.\n\nA large tablet dedicated to his parents stands on the rear hall altar of a large temple dedicated to him in Tainan city. One smaller image portrays him with a bowl in his hand and a dragon with a pearl in its mouth before his feet?. Two major statues, at floor level, flanking the altar on which Pao-sheng Ta-ti is the main deity, were identified as Chang Sheng-che ' * P K and Chiang Hsien-kuan Il about whom none of the temple staff could offer any information. They would appear to be Pao-sheng Ta-ti's assistants or guardians. However, in Taiwan other pairs of guardian generals have been identified. These have included Generals Chien and Chao MA and Marshals Kao and Yin á KIM.\n\nAlso in the Tainan temple two assistants on the main altar table are Ts'ai-yeh T'ung-tzu X RM and Tsuo Chih T’ung-tzu, 1⁄2 Youths who Collect the Herbs and Compound the Medicines.\n\nLegends about Pao-sheng Ta-ti's origins, powers of magic and his ability to cure the sick abound. He was regarded not only as a powerful mediumistic protective deity who provided effective prescriptions, he was also believed able to stave off floods or bring much needed rain. He is said to have saved the city of Changchou from plague, and again later from starvation during a prolonged drought. He was also summoned to Court where, either in about AD 1030 he cured the Empress Wen or in AD 1408 when the wife of the Ming emperor suffered from sore nipples.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213121, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "171\n\nHowever, the move towards Wang Tau Street had only led to building on the area immediately west of the old walled market by 1898. When the gambling house was established in Sha Tau Kok (about 1904), it found the area immediately south of the walls empty and ready for development. This area was quickly built over - a row of houses for prostitutes being built to the east, connected by a new alleyway through the walls with Lower Street, and the gambling house nearby to the west, closer to Wang Tau Street, was a long wooden building, set awkwardly at an angle to the street, which was used as a restaurant serving noodles (especially dog-meat noodles, for which Sha Tau Kok was famous). Between the noodle restaurant and the gambling house Wang Tau Street formed a small irregular triangular open space.\n\nNone of the elders claims to know anything of what the prostitutes' houses were like inside, except to say that it was generally believed that the prostitutes also offered opium to their customers. The prostitutes' houses were small, however, and probably consisted of two main rooms only: a front room where guests could take opium, and a bed-chamber.\n\n4).\n\nThis\n\nMore is remembered about the gambling houses. It was approximately square - about 40 feet by 50 - and two-storeyed. The western part of the ground floor was one big square room, of about 40 feet square. This had doors leading directly to the street on the north (leading to the street of the prostitutes' houses), west (leading to Wang Tau Street), and south (leading to the guesthouses and Customs Station). Of these, the west door was the main one. This ground floor square room was the main gambling hall. It contained four tables, where the game offered was Po Tau (which consisted of the manipulation of small, nested brass boxes). The game was very popular, and the room was often crowded. The eastern side of the ground floor comprises stores, service rooms, and the staircase up to the second floor. This contained (on the east) the residence of the manager, and, on the west, a second gambling hall, with wide windows overlooking Wang Tau Street. This second gambling hall was half the size of the ground floor one, and had two tables, at which Tsz Fa (七花) was offered. In addition, tables for Pai Kau (牌九) were set up in the street outside the main entrance, under an awning. The gambling house was a very prosperous business, and the little open space in front of its door was one of the central spots of the town - wood and grass for fuel were sold here.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213376, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "185\n\nbe a stone or brick fireplace in which paper money and other paper offerings are burned. Occasionally a Tai Wong may be dedicated to a particular deity, such as at Pak Kung near Sai Kung which has its Tai Wong dedicated to Tin Hau, protective goddess of fishermen. A large village may have its own Tai Wong, but it may sometimes be shared with other neighbouring villages of the same lineage, as occurs with the Lam Tsuen villages.\n\nThe Paak Kung shrines, of lesser importance, are more simply built, often no more than an \"archway\" arrangement of stones upon a flat rock, with perhaps wooden boards on which paper scrolls are pasted. In any village there would normally be several Paak Kung. The village of Pat Heung, for example, has around ten Paak Kung and earth god shrines.\n\nIn some cases, especially with the lesser ranked Paak Kung, the shrine may be the tree itself and is only marked by the presence of joss-sticks and porcelain cups for rice wine offerings, sometimes on a flat stone at the base of the tree. Examples of such tree spirit shrines may be seen by the large banyan trees behind Sheung Ling Pei, and the enormous camphor trees, Cinnamomum camphora, behind Sha Lo Wan, both on north Lantau. In both cases, the surrounding fung shui woods were felled by the Japanese during the Occupation in the Second World War, with the exception of these trees, which are now venerated for having \"saved\" the village. The camphor tree at Sha Lo Wan is one of the biggest in the Territory, with a girth of over seven metres.\n\nIn the New Territories, the fung shui tree par excellence is the banyan, Ficus microcarpa, which symbolizes longevity, fecundity, and perseverance in the face of adversity. Apart from its natural resilience in the face of typhoons, the ability of the tree to survive in an environment where wood has been at a premium is explained by Ng (1983). \"Its wood is gnarled and so cannot be used as timber, it will not flame and so cannot be used for firewood. Its very lack of useful properties ensures its invulnerability and survival. It is often favoured as a single fung shui tree, when it becomes the home of a local tree spirit and is given great respect and provided with offerings, so that it often appears to be a form of tree worship. The \"grandfather\" tree at Kuk Po is an example.\n\nSometimes the fame of a particular tree-dwelling earth god extends beyond the locality of the village. Near the village of Lam Tsuen, a venerable banyan is claimed to have a spirit which is especially efficacious.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213377, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "186\n\nin matters relating to personal relationships. During Lunar New Year, hundreds of people come from all over the Territory, even from as far away as Aberdeen on Hong Kong Island, to offer prayers at the foot of the tree and to throw red and yellow prayer flags, attached to strings weighted with stones, up into the branches.\n\nOnly in four villages was it claimed that the special trees were the home of earth gods. At Lin Au, the large, old Cinnamomum trees were planted by the villagers when the settlement was founded in order to protect the shrine that was built to honour the ancestors. The earth gods have their home in the trees and also roam about in the wood. Lin Au and Sheung Tsuen were the only cases found where this was said to happen, but it may be that such a belief could have been more widespread in the past. At Pak Kong, a grove of six trees protects the Tai Wong shrine to Tin Hau beside which is a smaller Paak Kung that is used to worship the earth gods who live in the trees. Kuk Po is also an example of an ancestral tree which is also the home of the local earth god.\n\nIn most cases, however, the tree adjacent to the shrine is there simply to provide shelter. In the study carried out by the author, a variety of reasons were given as to why specific trees were protected and the commonest reason given was that the trees protected the important shrines of the village, which were both Tai Wong and Paak Kung shrines. The shrines were situated at important fung shui locations, usually protecting the entrance points of the village from loss of chi (good luck or prosperity) and affording protection from undesirable forces. The spirits live in the shrines rather than in the trees themselves. For example, at Tai Om, camphor trees protect each of the three Paak Kung shrines in the village and trees protect four of the principal shrines in Man Uk Pin. Such trees are commonly banyan, or camphor, although other species may be used. The commonest shrine trees found during the study were;\n\n \n Ficus microcarpa\n Banyan\n 19\n \n \n Cinnamomum camphora\n Camphor\n 13\n \n \n Euphoria longan\n Longan\n 5\n \n \n Gironniera nitida\n \n 5\n \n \n Litchi sinensis\n Lychee\n 4\n \n\nin addition to 26 individuals of other less common species.\n\n19", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213752, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "75\n\nmarket towns can be, as noted above, identified by their imbalanced populations, as can villages specialising in incense pounding, stonecutting, and salt-working (Yim Liu Ha, and perhaps Tsing Shan and Tsing Shan Po in Tuen Mun) Some fishing villages (especially Kau Sai) show what is probably a seasonal population imbalance, with the male population boosted by the temporary presence of \"foreign\" fishing vessels at the Census date. In all these cases, as with the market towns, the opportunities for wage-paying employment must have led to a certain degree of temporary male immigration into the village in question.\n\nSome other villages may have been \"industrial\" in 1911 without this being so clearly confirmed by oral evidence as in these cases. Thus, Sheung Wo Che in Sha Tin was the site of the Sha Tin Railway Station; the excess males recorded here, with the nearby Pak Tin and Wang Pok, may have been working on the construction of the railway.\n\nHowever, when all the urban and industrial villages are discounted, there remain numbers of villages with excess males where there seems little likelihood of immigration, and where some other factor or factors must be at work. A number of very poor villages in the eastern part of the New Territories have more males than are to be expected. It may be that some of these villages were just too poor to pay the fees required to let their young adult males emigrate, and equally too poor to arrange marriages for them until there was land available for them to inherit.\n\nOn the other hand, a number of very wealthy Punti villages, especially those in the Sheung Shui plain (including Loi Tung, Lung Yeuk Tau, Ping Kong, with others at just below the 56% cut-off point) also have high male-female ratios. The reasons for this are unclear. It may be no more than a particularly strong unwillingness to report unmarried girls in these villages. J.L. Watson, however, has shown that some at least of the wealthier Punti villages had a “bachelor sub-culture”, in which poorer members of the lineage tended not to marry, but to drift into a society of bachelor clubs centred on the lineage self-defence force. This system, in which unmarriageable poorer lineage sons were nonetheless given a positive role in local society, may have induced higher than average male-female ratios in such villages; emigration was not the only option available to the excess males.13 No evidence of such a “bachelor sub-culture” seems to exist for the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "78\n\nMin Fong\n\nST\n\n4\n\n25\n\n0+*\n\nNgau Wu Tok\n\nST\n\n3\n\n10\n\n33.3**\n\nLo Sheung Tun\n\nST\n\n3\n\n9\n\n33.3**\n\nMau Liu Shui\n\nST\n\n5\n\n13\n\n38.5**\n\nCheung King\n\nST\n\n2\n\n6\n\n33.3**\n\nSiu Lek Yuen\n\nST\n\n73\n\n174\n\n41.9*\n\nMu Ping\n\nST\n\n57\n\n124\n\n46.0\n\nShek Kwu Lung\n\nST\n\n18\n\n55\n\n32.7**\n\nTai Lam Liu\n\nST\n\n23\n\n57\n\n40.4\n\nSha Tin Wai\n\nST\n\n81\n\n180\n\n45.0*\n\nShan Ha Wai\n\nST\n\n24\n\n56\n\n42.9*\n\nKak Tin\n\nST\n\n92\n\n200\n\n46.0\n\nKeng Hau\n\nST\n\n86\n\n195\n\n44.1\n\nTai Wai\n\nST\n\n164\n\n350\n\n46.9%\n\nHa Wo Che\n\nST\n\n31\n\n76\n\n40.8%\n\nShan Mei\n\nST\n\n42\n\n94\n\n44.7\n\nKau To\n\nST\n\n57\n\n130\n\n43.8\n\nHo Lek Pui\n\nST\n\n18\n\n45\n\n40.0*\n\nWu Kai Sha\n\nST\n\n59\n\n135\n\n43.7\n\nSai Shan Wai\n\nYL\n\n7\n\n21\n\n33.3*+\n\nLeung Ka Tsuen\n\nYL\n\n3\n\n8\n\n37.5**\n\nYing Lung Wai\n\nYL\n\n38\n\n94\n\n40.0*\n\nNam Pin Wai\n\nYL\n\n223\n\n519\n\n43.0\n\nShan Pui\n\nYL\n\n118\n\n273\n\n43.2\n\nTong Tau Po\n\nYL\n\n53\n\n116\n\n45.7\n\nNam Hang\n\nYL\n\n44\n\n104\n\n42.3*\n\nHa Che\n\nYL\n\n109\n\n234\n\n46.6\n\nTin Liu\n\nYL\n\n48\n\n105\n\n45.7\n\nLam Hau\n\nYL\n\n107\n\n237\n\n45.1\n\nFui Sha Wai\n\nYL\n\n72\n\n165\n\n43.6\n\nHung Uk Tsuen\n\nYL\n\n56\n\n120\n\n46.7\n\nKiu Tau Wai\n\nYL\n\n71\n\n152\n\n46.7\n\nShek Po\n\nYL\n\n108\n\n257\n\n42.0*\n\nSik Kong Tsuen\n\nYL\n\n178\n\n381\n\n46.7\n\nSan Wai\n\nYL\n\n215\n\n487\n\n44.1\n\nHung Mei Tsuen\n\nYL\n\n21\n\n52\n\n40.4*\n\nFung Kong Tsuen\n\nYL\n\n34\n\n76\n\n44.7\n\nWong Ka Wai\n\nTM\n\n20\n\n50\n\n40.0*\n\nSheung Cheung Wai\n\nTM\n\n52\n\n119\n\n43.7\n\nHang Tau\n\nTM\n\n17\n\n39\n\n43.4\n\nSan Tsuen\n\nTM\n\n22\n\n50\n\n44.0\n\nTai Lam\n\nTM\n\n26\n\n61\n\n42.6*\n\nKeung Ma Wo\n\nTW\n\n*\n\n6\n\n33.3**\n\nSham Tseng\n\nTW\n\n32\n\n72\n\n44.4\n\nSai Hang Hau\n\nSK\n\n3\n\n10\n\n33.3**\n\nPik Uk\n\nSK\n\n5\n\n25\n\n20.0*\n\nShek Pok Wai\n\nSK\n\n4\n\n13\n\n30.8+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213757, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "Tai Hang Tsz Tong Tsuen \n\nTP \n\n29 \n\n77 \n\n37.7** \n\nTai Hang Chung San Wai \n\nTP \n\n52 \n\n112 \n\n46.4 \n\nTai Hang Fui Sha Wai \n\nTP \n\n47 \n\n117 \n\n40.2* \n\nSha Lo Tung \n\nTP \n\n120 \n\n307 \n\n39.1* \n\nFung Yuen \n\nTP \n\n60 \n\n133 \n\n45.1 \n\nHa Hang \n\nTP \n\n40 \n\n97 \n\n41.2* \n\nShuen Wan Tseng Tau \n\nTP \n\n21 \n\n48 \n\n43.8 \n\nShuen Wan Tung Tsai \n\nTP \n\n14 \n\n43 \n\n32.6** \n\nShuen Wan Po Sam Pai \n\nTP \n\n70 \n\n156 \n\n44.9 \n\nTing Kok \n\nTP \n\n301 \n\n669 \n\n45.0 \n\nShek Tau Pai \n\nTP \n\n25 \n\n56 \n\n44.6 \n\nKo Tong \n\nTP \n\n34 \n\n80 \n\n42.5* \n\nTai Tai \n\nTP \n\n12 \n\n35 \n\n34.3** \n\nPak Sha Au \n\nTP \n\n52 \n\n117 \n\n44.4 \n\nNai Tong Kok \n\nTP \n\n19 \n\n48 \n\n38.8** \n\nKam Chuk Pai \n\nTP \n\n39 \n\n93 \n\n41.9* \n\nYeung Shu Long \n\nI \n\n5 \n\n13 \n\n38.5** \n\nKau Lung \n\nI \n\n2 \n\n6 \n\n33.3** \n\nMau Tat \n\nI \n\n23 \n\n69 \n\n33.3** \n\nUpper Tung Oi \n\nI \n\n18 \n\n44 \n\n40.9* \n\nLo So Shing \n\n \n\n30 \n\n75 \n\n40.0* \n\nLuk Chau \n\n \n\n16 \n\n54 \n\n29.6** \n\nTai Ping \n\nI \n\n49 \n\n113 \n\n43.4 \n\nPak Kok \n\n \n\n15 \n\n52 \n\n28.8** \n\nTai Wan \n\n \n\n52 \n\n113 \n\n39[+] \n\nWang Lung \n\n[?] \n\n17 \n\n50 \n\n34.0** \n\nSan Tsuen \n\nI \n\n61 \n\n133 \n\n46.2 \n\nLuk Tei Tong \n\nI \n\n23 \n\n76 \n\n43.4 \n\nLeung Uk \n\nI \n\n46 \n\n104 \n\n44.2 \n\nKau Pa Kong \n\nSSP \n\n73 \n\n165 \n\n44.2 \n\nPak Shue Long \n\nSSP \n\n61 \n\n151 \n\n40.4* \n\nAberdeen Old Village \n\nHKI \n\n74 \n\n164 \n\n45.1 \n\nAberdeen New Village \n\nHKI \n\n45 \n\n98 \n\n45.9 \n\nHok Tsui Wan \n\nHKI \n\n15 \n\n39 \n\n38.5** \n\nVillages with severe shortage of males (43% or less) * \n\nVillage with extreme shortage of males (39% or less) **", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213758, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "Appendix II\n\nVillages with High Male: Female (More than 56% Male)\n\nPopulation Ratios 1911\n\n81\n\n \n Village\n District\n No. of males\n Total population\n Age of males\n \n \n Liu Pok\n Shek Wu Hui\n 136\n 237\n 57.4\n \n \n Lo Wu\n \n 37\n 56\n 66.1**\n \n \n Tai Tau Tong\n \n 8\n 18\n 44.4*\n 100*1\n 5!\n \n \n \n \n 91\n \n 56.0\n \n \n Tsung Pak Leng\n N\n 105\n 184\n 57.0\n \n \n Yin Kong\n N\n 21\n 35\n 60.0+\n \n \n Tiu Keng Wan\n N\n 38\n 56\n 67.6\n \n \n Sau Hang\n N\n 25\n 42\n 59.5*\n \n \n Ma Wat Wan\n N\n 28\n 49\n 57.3\n \n \n Wan Shan Ha\n N\n 38\n 66\n 57.6\n \n \n Loi Tung\n N\n 107\n 191\n 56.0\n \n \n Kuk Po Lo Wai\n N\n 140\n 247\n 56.7\n \n \n Hung Shek Mun\n N\n 49\n 87\n 56.3\n \n \n Wu Chau Tong\n N\n 28\n 48\n 58.3\n \n \n Sha Tau Kok\n N\n 14\n 14\n 100**\n \n \n Yim Liu Ha\n N\n 29\n 47\n 61.7+\n \n \n Ngong Ping\n ST\n 7\n 9\n 77.8**\n \n \n San Tun\n ST\n 77\n 109\n 70.0**\n \n \n Pak Tin\n ST\n 2\n 3\n 66.7**\n \n \n Wang Pok\n ST\n 8\n 9\n 88.9**\n \n \n Sheung Wo Che\n ST\n 70\n 100\n 70.0**\n \n \n Chek Mei Ping\n ST\n 70\n 122\n 57.2\n \n \n Shek Wu Wai\n YL\n 37\n 56\n 66.1++\n \n \n Tung Tau Yuen\n YL\n 26\n 38\n 68.4**\n \n \n Kak Hang Yuen\n YL\n 16\n 25\n 64.0**\n \n \n Lei Uk\n YL\n 32\n 48\n 66.7**\n \n \n Sha Kong Miu\n YL\n 5\n 6\n 77.4**\n \n \n Yuen Long Market\n YL\n 458\n 559\n 81.9**\n \n \n Tong Fong\n \n 83\n 148\n 56.1\n \n \n Sha Kong\n YL\n 5\n 6\n 83.3**\n \n \n Kong Tau\n YL\n 26\n 46\n 56.5\n \n \n Ha Tsuen Shi\n YL\n 120\n 178\n 67.4**\n \n \n Wang Che\n SK\n 4\n 5\n 80.0**\n \n \n Wu Lei Tau\n SK\n 6\n 9\n 66.7**\n \n \n Yau Ma Po\n SK\n 24\n 31\n 77.4**\n \n \n Uk Cheung\n SK\n 4\n 6\n 66.7**\n \n \n Hang Hau\n SK\n 262\n 387\n 67.8**\n \n \n Mau Fa Tsuen\n SK\n 28\n 47\n 59.6*", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "82\n\n– Sai Kung Market\n\n \n SK\n 320\n 512\n 62.5*\n \n \n Kon Hang\n SK\n 32\n 56\n 57.1\n \n \n Kau Sai\n SK\n 29\n 39\n 74.4**\n \n \n Tsing Shan\n TM\n 17\n 26\n 65.4**\n \n \n San Hui\n TM\n 72\n 107\n 67.3**\n \n \n Shiu Hang\n TM\n 40\n 68\n 58.8\n \n \n Tsing Shan Po\n TM\n 37\n 43\n 86.04+\n \n \n Sheung Nam Long\n TM\n 112\n 194\n 57.7\n \n \n Ha Nam Long\n TM\n 56\n 97\n 57.7\n \n \n Lung Kwu Tan Quarry\n TM\n 215\n 215\n 100**\n \n \n Tai Shui Hang\n TM\n 27\n 41\n 65.9**\n \n \n Nam Hang San Wai\n TP\n 14\n 21\n 66.7+*\n \n \n Tin Liu\n TP\n 5\n 7\n 71.4**\n \n \n Tai Hang Tai Wo\n TP\n 11\n 17\n 64.7*\n \n \n Long Ha\n TP\n 14\n 18\n 77.8**\n \n \n Tai Wo Shi\n TP\n 377\n 472\n 79.9**\n \n \n Wong Ka Uk\n TP\n 7\n 7\n 100**\n \n \n Pun Chung Heung Chan\n TP\n 2\n 2\n 100**\n \n \n Yuen Tong\n TP\n 26\n 46\n 56.5\n \n \n Fu Yung Shan\n TP\n 24\n 38\n 63.2*\n \n \n Tai Tong\n TP\n 148\n 258\n 57.4\n \n \n Chau Tau\n TP\n 155\n 325\n 56.9\n \n \n Tap Mun\n TP\n 168\n 253\n 66.4*1\n \n \n Pak Shek Wo\n TW\n 11\n 16\n 77.8**\n \n \n Tung Kwu Shek\n TW\n 2\n 3\n 66.8**\n \n \n Nam Fong To\n TW\n 16\n 25\n 66.7**\n \n \n Tso Kung Tam\n TW\n 20\n 20\n 100**\n \n \n Pak Shek Kiu\n TW\n 16\n 25\n 64.0**\n \n \n Ha Mei\n I\n 4\n 4\n 100**\n \n \n Chek Lap Kok\n I\n 55\n 77\n 71.4**\n \n \n Sai Wan\n \n 33\n 49\n 67.3+1\n \n \n Shek Tsai Po\n I\n 71\n 118\n 60.2*\n \n \n San Keung Shan\n \n 37\n 66\n 56.1\n \n \n Fan Pu\n \n l\n 34\n 59\n 57.6\n \n \n Sha Tsui\n \n 62\n 107\n 57.9\n \n \n Pa Mei\n I\n 27\n 46\n 58.7\n \n \n Cheung Chau (Land\n \n 4519\n 7686\n 58.8\n \n \n and Boat Population)\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Tai O (Land and Population)\n \n 4318\n 7661\n 56.4\n \n \n Ping Chau\n \n 434\n 642\n 67.6**\n \n \n Ngau Tau Kok\n KT\n 314\n 440\n 71.4*\n \n \n Sai Cho Wan\n KT\n 35\n 58\n 60.3*\n \n \n Cha Kwo Ling\n KT\n 134\n 211\n 63.5+*\n \n \n Pokfulam\n HKI\n 580\n 833\n 69.6**\n \n \n Aberdeen Town\n HKI\n 951\n 1314\n 72.4**\n \n \n Aberdeen Garden\n HKI\n 22\n 28\n 78.6*\n \n \n Aberdeen Brick Works\n HKI\n 64\n 64\n 100**\n \n \n Wong Chuk Hang\n HKI\n 44\n 57\n 77.2**", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "126\n\n47\n\nform of incense ashes rather than tablets suggests that the ancestor halls did not use tablets to represent ancestors individually. It is also found in the Yingsheng (\"Reception of the Holy\") dedicated to the main honoured gods during the Jiao festivals, and the Yingshen Guiwei (\"Escorting gods to their places\") during the Hongchao festival of Fanling, both conducted by Cantonese Daoist priests in the New Territories. An elder of Kam Tin compared the Yingsheng ritual with the ancestral hall ritual found in the Qingle ancestral hall of Kam Tin, to which I shall refer below. I am not sure if a cloth “bridge” is used in this ancestral hall ceremony.\n\nOp cit pp 142-144. In a recent visit to Cheng Tau, a woman in her 60s referred to the ancestral hall as a-gong ha (\"the Place of Ancestors\"), which seems to have been the more usual expression for ancestral halls among the Hakka. Compare the expression with Bak-gong ha ('the Place of the Bak-gong earth god'). It is interesting that the title of this category of earth god, whose territory is more limited than the dawang, shares the expression for \"elder brother of grandfather\".\n\nibid p. 224 » 10\n\n174\n\nibid p 160\n\nDiscussion of this aspect of ancestral worship is summarized in C Fred Blake, Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, The University Press of Hawaii, 1981, pp 92-93, 115 n 1, 116 n 2. A possible example is the case of Wo Hang, N. T. where an ancestral hall of the second fang houses the spirit tablets of the first and second generation. See Allen John Lueck, Lun Chun, Land is to live: A study of the concept of isu in a Hakka Chinese village, New Territories, Hong Kong, unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago, 1985, p 273.\n\nCompare H G H Nelson, \"Ancestor Worship and Burial Practices\", in Arthur P. Wolf ed., Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society, Stanford University Press, 1974, pp. 263-267, on the shen-ting which fulfilled the functions of domestic altars for the households in each area” in a Cantonese village in the New Territories. He observes that the shenting \"occupy a place half way between [tang ancestral halls] and domestic altars”.\n\nVol under Donga jie (\"Winter festival\")\n\nTON Op cit. pp 147-148\n\nOp cit. p 12\n\nOp cit. p 176\n\n100\n\nIt is interesting to note the distribution and context of Mountain Songs. It is interesting to note that Mountain Songs were sung only by the male villagers (in some festivals with women hired from other villages) in the Cantonese villages whose dialect is known to others as daaih ga wo (\"big family language\"), and which correspond to the area of the five big clans. In some of the other Cantonese villages, e.g. in Shatin and Saikung, Mountain Songs were sung by the women on the eve before a wedding at the bride's home. Mountain Songs, and related pre-marital courtship, was more popular among some female Cantonese villagers in the Kowloon area who cut grasses for sale as fuel. The livelihood of these women, like that of the Hakka immigrants, depended more on the city. I know much less", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213912, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "241\n\nDISTRIBUTION OF TEMPLES ON HONG KONG ISLAND AS RECORDED IN 1981\n\nANTHONY SIU KWOK KIN\n\nHong Kong Island lies to the south of mainland China. It was not known until the later part of the Ming Dynasty, when the names of Heong Kong 香港, Tit Hang 鐡坑, Chung Hum 舂磴, Chek Chu 赤柱, Tai Tam, Shoo-ke-wan (Shau Kei Wan) and Wong Nei Chung were recorded in the book called Yuet Tai Kee.\n\nDuring the 1st year of the Kang Hsi reign of the Ching Dynasty (1661), the people living in the coastal area had to move back to the inland.2 Seven years later, in the 8th year of the Kang Hsi reign (1669), they were allowed to come back. At that time, only the villages of Heong Kong (Hong Kong village or Shek Pei Wan Village) and Wong Nei Chung were rebuilt. However, the other villages were abandoned during the Coastal Evacuation. Then in the Chia Ching reign (1796-1820), two more villages were founded: they were the Pok Fu Lam Village and the So Kon Po Village.\n\nFrom then on, the population increased rapidly, with people flocking to the area. In 1841, Hong Kong Island came under British rule. At that time, there were the villages of Chek Chu (Stanley), Heong Kong (Hong Kong Village), Wong Nei Chung, Kung Lam (A Kung Ngam), Shek Lup (Shek O), Shoo-ke-wan (Shau Kei Wan), Ta Shek-ha, Kwan-tai-loo (Victoria City, or Central), Soo-Kon-poo (So Kon Po), Hung-heong-loo (Causeway Bay), Sai Wan (Chai Wan), Tai Long, Too-te-wan (To Tei Wan), Tai Tam and Shek-tong-chui (Sai Ying Pun). Tseen Sui Wan (Repulse Bay), Sum Wan (Deep Water Bay) and Shek-pac (Shek Pei Wan) were deserted fishing hamlets. Since then many local temples were built and repaired.\n\nThe temples listed below are in existence in 1981. Though some are ruined, we can still get information about their previous existence.\n\nTin Hau Temple\n\n1. Causeway Bay Built in the early Ching period, repaired in 1848,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214603, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "first time that an RASHKB representative, in this case your President, has been invited to sit on a government committee of this nature.\n\nThe Branch has also been notified by various bodies who were searching for scholars: for instance the Urban Council which was looking for a Hong Kong Researcher(s) to compile a monograph on the history of the Urban Council. We have also received a number of queries from the media, scholars, students and members of the public. Such queries referred mainly to Hong Kong history, culture or customs. We were generally able to answer such enquiries. Subjects ranged from conditions in prisoner-of-war camps under the Japanese; to the retaking of Hong Kong in 1945 after World War Two; to a doctorate student seeking information about Wei Hai Wei. In another case the business house of Swire was trying to find out where the place, Bak Hin Hok, was. This was found to be, thanks to Dr Joseph Ting, a district in Canton as it was so named a century or so ago. In some cases, with such queries, a number of RAS members and considerable time, research and interviews have been necessary.\n\nThe RASHKB Volunteers\n\nThis working group of well over 20 members on roll has, for much of the year, gone off on expeditions every other week or so, to inspect and report on various buildings or sites. These have included such structures as the old Kai Tak Airport, military installations and Chinese shop-houses. There is no doubt that these inspections, which are another form of community service, are of significant value to the Government Antiquities and Monuments Office to whom reports are submitted. We are grateful to all our Volunteers many of whom put in a considerable amount of time and effort which includes research and writing up reports. A special vote of thanks must go to Bill Greaves and Bob Horsnell, both Chartered Surveyors, historians and long-time residents of Hong Kong, who lead our band of stalwart Volunteers.\n\n'Friends' of the RASHKB\n\nThis group of overseas RASHKB members has completed another successful year in Britain and a report, written by David Gilkes (RASHKB Immediate Past President), the 'Friends' Chairman, has been prepared. Your President was pleased to be able to attend their AGM in\n\nxvii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214627, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "is difficult to date the establishment of this Market. There is no certain mention of the Market (as opposed to the military garrison) before the early nineteenth century. However, both \"Kowloon (九龍)\" and \"Kwun Fu (軍府)\" are marked as separate entities on at least one early map\". On this map the \"Kwun Fu\" entry is specifically of the military post (駐軍), strongly suggesting that the \"Kowloon\" entry is for a significant non-military site, and thus presumably refers to the Market, although this cannot be demonstrated without cavil12. There is, however, some evidence that suggests that a Market has been in existence here since at least the middle twelfth century. The Lam clan of Po Kong were originally merchants in the coastal trade, trading between southern Fukien and Canton. Given that they chose to settle in Po Kong in the mid-late twelfth century, it can be presumed that the site was not inconvenient for this trade. This may imply that there was a Market and landing place at Kowloon City then.\n\nThe coastal plain around the Market at Kowloon was, by the nineteenth century, full of villages (see Map 1). Most were Punti. Of the larger villages, only Ngau Chi Wan was Hakka. Most of the villages in the area were settled in the eighteenth century, but Nga Tsin Wai, Po Kong, and Ma Tau Wai at least date from the middle or late twelfth century. Most were rice subsistence villages, except for the market gardening villages in the area immediately around the Market.\n\nFoundation of Nga Tsin Wai Village\n\nThe Nga Tsin Wai villagers have a clear and precise traditional account of the foundation of their village. Three men, they claim, came to the area with the court of the Sung boy-Emperors in 1277. One, Ng Shing-tat (吳勝達) was a civil official, another, Chan Chiu-yin (陳朝賢) was a military official, and the third, Li Shing-kai (李勝介) was also attached to the remnant Sung court in some capacity no longer remembered. When the Emperor Ping fell (1279), these three men jointly established the village. The Tin Hau Temple in the village was subsequently founded in 1354. The village has remained inhabited to the present day by the descendants of these three men. Originally, the inhabitants lived scattered through the area, some here, some there, but, in 1724, the villagers built a walled village to defend themselves against bandit and pirate attack, and most of them came together to live inside the walls, although some preferred to settle in Sha Po, Kak", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214643, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "22\n\n\"League of Seven\". This was a sworn alliance of villages for mutual defence against outside attack, and a vehicle to allow the elders of the several villages involved to meet to discuss matters of inter-village interest. This inter-village alliance is very similar to many others within the New Territories, and can be compared, for instance, with the Alliance of Nine in Sha Tin, or the Alliance of Six at Sai Kung.\n\nAccording to the Nga Tsin Wai villagers, the League of Seven in fact comprises some nine villages, not seven. The reason for this may be that originally the League was not of seven villages, but of seven Pao-chia (保甲), or Tithing-Groups. The alternative name of the League, Tsat Po (七保), certainly suggests this. Several of the villages included in the League are very tiny, and would certainly have been combined for Pao-chia purposes with other, larger, villages nearby.\n\nThe villages of the League of Seven were: Nga Tsin Wai itself, Kak Hang, Tai Hom (also known as Tai Tan), Shek Kwu Lung, Ta Kwu Leng, Sha Po, Nga Tsin Long, Ma Tau Wai, and Ma Tau Chung. (see Map 1). Of these, Ma Tau Chung was so closely connected genealogically and socially with Ma Tau Wai that they were usually considered just one village. Ma Tau Chung is, in fact, a classic example of the local dialect term “Mau Tsuen” (茅村), or “Detached Village\" - an independent group of houses, but considered a detached part of a village a short distance away.\n\nThe traditional political position with regard to Hau Pui Long, Yi Wong Tin, Ma Tau Kok and Kau Pui Shek is unclear. These villages were all cleared well before the War, and little is known of their local political affiliations in the years before the clearance. At least Kau Pui Shek was probably within the League of Seven - it was certainly surrounded by land belonging to other villages that were members of the League. Ma Tau Kok, Hau Pui Long, and Yi Wong Tin were probably outside the League.\n\nOf the villages of the League, Kak Hang, Sha Po, Nga Tsin Long, Shek Kwu Lung, and Ta Kwu Ling are closely connected genealogically with Nga Tsin Wai, and the Chans of Nga Tsin Wai had a branch resident in Ma Tau Wai and Ma Tau Chung, among the many clans of that double village. Other groups of Chans claiming a relationship with Nga Tsin Wai, but not descendants of Chan Chiu-yin or his brother", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214644, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "were also to be found in Ta Kwu Leng and Ma Tau Wai.\n\n23\n\nIt will be seen that Kowloon City, Kowloon Market, and the suburban villages around them, apart from Sha Po, (that is, Tung Tau, Sai Tau, Hau Wong, and Hoklo Villages) had no part in the League of Seven. These areas were considered to fall immediately under the control of the Sub-Magistrate in Kowloon City, or under the control of the Kowloon Market Kaifong. Apart from these places, the League of Seven covered all the area around Kowloon City.\n\nThe Kowloon City and Kowloon Market areas worshipped at the Hau Wong Temple outside the Walled City, and did not worship at the Nga Tsin Wai Tin Hau Temple. There was a Tin Hau Temple at Sha Po where the residents in the Market also worshipped. Ma Tau Wai had a temple of its own: this was to Pak Tai, worshipped under the title Sheung Tai (7). Only the gate pillars of this temple survive today, in the Lomond Road Garden.\n\nTo the east of the area of the League of Seven was the large and ancient village of Po Kong, belonging to the Lam (*) clan. Po Kong never joined the League of Seven. Po Kong had its own temple (it was dedicated to Tin Hau), and the Po Kong people did not go to the Tin Hau Temple at Nga Tsin Wai. Chuk Yuen and Sha Tei Yuen were genealogically connected with Po Kong. According to the Nga Tsin Wai elders, the villages of Po Kong, Chuk Yuen, Sha Tei Yuen, Nga Yiu Tau, Ngau Chi Wan (including its \"Mau Tsuen” of Pak Uk Tsai, or Ping Shek), and Yuen Ling (both the Upper and Lower Villages) formed an inter-village alliance of their own, the Six Villages Alliance (AM). Ngau Chi Wan had its own temple, to the Sam Shan Kwok Wong - this temple still survives. According to Ngau Chi Wan village elders, there was no Six Villages' Ta Tsiu, but Ngau Chi Wan conducted these rituals on its own every ten years. Ngau Chi Wan also held the She (£) feast before their higher earth god, every year, when every family made an offering of food, which later formed the basis of the communal feast. Ngau Chi Wan was, clearly, rather independent where the worship of the deities was concerned, and may well have been rather less well-integrated into the Six Villages than the villages closer to Po Kong. Ngau Chi Wan was a Hakka village, founded in the very early eighteenth century. It was founded by the Lau (1) clan, but the To (†), Yeung (), Tsang (4), and Yip () clans joined the Laus during the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214646, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "25\n\nSeven, rather than into any relationship with Po Kong. Tai Hom was the only Hakka village in the League of Seven. It was probably this Hakka ethnicity, their rejection by Po Kong, and their relative isolation from Nga Tsin Wai that led the Tai Hom villagers to establish a temple of their own outside their village, somewhere in the period 1821-1850, probably late in the period: it was greatly expanded in 1904. This temple, the Tung Shan Temple (it was dedicated to Kwun Yam) became, for a short period during the 1920s and 1930s, the main religious focus of the \"thirteen villages of Kowloon\", that is, the villages of both the League of Seven and of the Six Villages Alliance, but it was left ruined in the War.\n\nThe land south of Ma Tau Kok formed part of the Alliance of Three (三聯盟) of Hung Hom (Hung Hom including Tai Wan, Hok Yuen including Shek Shan, and To Kwa Wan, probably including Ma Tau Kok). The land east of Ngau Chi Wan and Pak Uk Tsai formed the inter-village alliance called \"The Four Stone Hills\" (四石嶺). This was a sworn alliance of the quarry-villages of this mountainous and infertile area (Ngau Tau Kok, Sai Cho Wan, Cha Kwo Ling, and Lei Yue Mun).\n\nInter-village alliances normally centre on joint worship by the elders, either at the higher earth god of the area, or at the local temple. Nothing is now remembered in Nga Tsin Wai of any inter-village worship by the elders of the League of Seven as a group at any higher earth god shrine, nor of any She, * , Feast of the elders in front of the shrine. However, the Nga Tsin Wai villagers do not now even remember where their earth gods used to stand - they were all removed by the Japanese, except for the earth god of the Village Gate - so too much should not be made of this. The elders of the villages of the League of Seven did and do worship the Nga Tsin Wai Tin Hau, however, on her Birthday each year (the Tai Hom elders consider the villages of the League of Seven as \"belonging to the Tin Hau of Nga Tsin Wai\"): it is likely that this was the ritual focus of the League, and that the meetings of the elders of the district took place after the worship. The elders hold a feast today after the worship of Tin Hau, and this is probably a very ancient tradition. The Temple, however, was the property of Nga Tsin Wai alone (it is owned by all three of the Nga Tsin Wai clans, and the Manager of the Temple, chosen by the elders of the three clans, is the Village Headman): it was probably for this reason that, on her Birthday, the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214676, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "55 years the Nga Tsin Wai villagers blamed on this act of disrespect to the Goddess: those disasters were massive and permanent.\n\nThese disasters stemmed from the coming of the Japanese. When the Japanese came, the squatters living on the Nga Tsin Wai fields all fled, or were forced, back to China, and the villagers started the slow job of rehabilitating their fields. Before this work was complete, however, the Japanese decided to extend the airfield at Kai Tak. The pre-War Airfield was very tiny, and built solely on a narrow strip of reclaimed land seaward of today's Prince Edward Road, extending not much further seaward than the Airport Terminal Building as it stood before 1998. The Japanese saw that this was totally inadequate. They decided both to reclaim a further strip out to sea, and to clear a large area inland. They closed the very narrow road which the British had built along the sea-coast (approximately along the line of today's Prince Edward Road). They diverted all the streams of the area into a single huge stone-lined nullah, and built a new road along the inner side of this nullah (today's Choi Hung Road). To prevent floods, they built the banks of this nullah high, so that Nga Tsin Wai found itself at a level some four or five feet below that of the new nullah banks. Everything within the huge semicircle thus formed they confiscated and cleared. Po Kong, Sha Tei Yuen, Kak Hang, Ma Tau Chung, Kau Pui Shek and Nga Yiu Tau villages, with about half of Tai Hom, were all destroyed in a matter of weeks. The Sacred Hill, with the Sung Wong Toi Rock, was blasted for fill for the new reclamation.\n\nThe Japanese paid no compensation for the land they confiscated. It was just taken, and a barbed-wire fence erected: anyone crossing this fence was executed. According to the Nga Tsin Wai villagers, the villagers of the destroyed villages were allowed to take part in a ballot for huts in the “Model Village” (). This had been built by the Japanese in the area between Lancashire Road and Renfrew Road in Kowloon Tong (this area had been cleared for development in the late 1930s, but was still empty when the Japanese came in 1941). The Japanese divided this area into a number of tiny patches. Those successful in the ballot were given one of these patches, and permitted to build on it a tiny one-room hut, and to use the rest of the patch for market gardening. Those who succeeded in getting a hut here mostly survived the War: those who failed mostly died. At best a half of the villagers whose houses were destroyed and whose fields were confiscated got", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214682, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "61\n\nSee) Hong Kong 1987, WW#ENS \"明 (*1##AB) (Forts and Batteries Coastal Defence in Quangdong during the Ming and Qing Dynasties), Urban Council, Hong Kong, 1997, A Lui Yuen ching Forts and Pirates A History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong History Society, Hong Kong, 1990, p 29\n\n5 On the foundation of Po Kong, see Jen Yu wen, \"The Southern Sung Stone-Engraving at North Fu Tamg\" Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol 5, 1965, pp 65-68 The founder was the great grandfather of a significant local leader in the Kowloon area in 1274, the man responsible for managing the rebuilding of the Tin Hau Temple in Joss House Bay in that year Given his local standing, it is likely that this man was in his 50s or 60s in 1274 This being so, his great-grandfather was probably born in the period 1120-1140, and a foundation date for Po Kong in the 1160s would therefore seem very likely\n\nE\n\n6 On this incident see Jen Yu wen, \"The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung in Kowloon\" Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol 7, 1967 pp 21-38, Jen Yu-wen, ed , Hong Kong, 1960, , Hong Kong, 1959, #M, (R), op cit, Chapter 4, 蕭國健,“香港王廟奉[楊大王]”in <香港前代史論集> ed 國健 and 大厅, Taipei, 1985\n\n7 Jen Yu wen, \"The Travelling Palace of Southern Sung\", op cit p 33\n\n8\n\n* The young princess was drowned at sea, and the body was lost the grave had buried in it, to represent the deceased, a golden figurine the grave was known locally as the 'Grave of the Golden Maiden'\n\n፡፡\n\n\"Some scholars doubt this ascription (for instance, in his \"FAI PREFLEX\", op cit) but the identification seems certain to me The identification was first made by the eminent late Ching scholar, Chan Pak-to (B) in a tablet he placed in the Hau Wong Temple, Kowloon City, in 1917 (the text is to be found in 科大,陸鴻基,吳倫霞<香港碑銘彙編> (D Faure, B Luk, A Ng, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong), Hong Kong, Urban Council, 1986, Vol 2, pp 446-449) I find the reasons given by Chan Pak-to and Jen Yu wen (loc cit) on this very compelling\n\n10 In 1846, as shown by the drawing of that date by Lt Collinson, the market comprised just the one main street, and the pier had not yet then been built The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214687, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "Sham Sam, Shan] Yarn Tso, tr. Ng Tsuk [Tseuk] Ming, Tso Sang\n\n1/1\n\n0.55\n\nSome lots have one of the trustees, others the other, or both. Tso Sang holds no individual land\n\nShi Tsun Tso, tr. Ng Yuk Tsun\n\nShing Pak Tso, tr. Kun Po with Tsing Yam Tso & Chau Yam Tso\n\n0.60\n\n0.54\n\nTr. holds no individual land\n\n0.12\n\nTr. holds no individual land\n\nShing Tat Tso, tr. Shui Po (1{Anc.Hall}) (6 sites)\n\nKC2/8\n\n0.78\n\nWith Li Shing Kwai Tso and Chan Chiu In Tso (1(Tin Hau Temple & Vill.Office)) (2 sites)\n\nShing Un Tso\n\nSz Ko Tso, tr. Chuk [Tseuk] Ming\n\nTak ko Tso, tr. Ng Fuk with Hon Ko Tso, Fung Ko Tso\n\nTing Fuk Tso, tr. Ng Kam Tak\n\nTsak Tai Tso, tr. Ng Tsun San\n\nTseuk Lai Tso, tr. Ng Shing Hi\n\nTsing Yam Tso\n\nKCL1/2\n\nSP1/3\n\n8.73\n\nSee Yat Un Tso. Some lots show Tsun Shau or Kun Shau or Tak Lap us trustee. Some agric land is in Po Kong village area.\n\n0.68\n\n1 lot has Man Hi as trustee.\n\nI has Yuk Sing [0.46]\n\nSP1/3\n\n0.37\n\nTr. holds no individual land\n\n0.07\n\n1/1\n\nKC1/9\n\n0.56\n\nSee Sham Yam Tso\n\n99", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "Kam Yung 1/1 with Lai Yung SP8/29 1.25\n\nShing, Tin Shan Kang Fat Kap Hing Kap Sang Ki San Kit San & Yuk Chan Kun Hing Kun Po Kun Shan & Ting Shan Kwai Cheung Kwai Hing Kwong Ip Lai I Lai U Lam Hing & Tso Hing Lam Yan Lin Hi with Man Hing with Lin Hi & A Cheung 2/4 Predominantly Sha Po.\n\nSee To Po & Yeung Tai See Man Hing КСІМ 1.99 0.45 0.12 See Fuk 2/2 2/10 0.81 See Pak Hing 1/1 1/1 0.56 with Pak Ling & Kam Ling KC1/3 0.02 with Chun Shan 3/4 with Kam Tsoi with Kam Tsoi & Tseuk Sam 3/7\n\nSP1/5 0.39 Predominantly Sha Po. SP2/5 0.04 Predominantly Sha Po. 1.58 See Ting Fuk 0.90 [0.08] [0.05] See Kam Yung 0.03 See Cheung Shing 0.32 70", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214692, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "with Kap Sang & A Cheung\n\n[0.12]\n\nSee Shing Hi\n\nLin Shan\n\nLin Kwai\n\nLoi\n\nSee Shing Hi\n\nVI\n\n2/2\n\nwith Shing Po\n\n0.03\n\n0.08\n\nLoi Fat\n\nMan Hi [Hei]\n\nSee Hing Tak\n\n4/5\n\n1/3\n\n1.23\n\nMan Hing\n\n1/1\n\nwith Kap Hing\n\nMo[Muk][mu]Tsun\n\nMuk Sang\n\nOn Pong\n\nPak Hing & Kun Hing\n\nPak Kam & Tseuk Wing\n\nPak Ling\n\nPing Fuk\n\nSam Hing\n\nShing Fat Shing Fu\n\n[0.45]\n\nKC2/3\n\n0.41\n\nSee Kam Tak\n\nSP2/7\n\n1.81\n\nPredominantly Sha Po.\n\nwith Shui\n\n[0.06]\n\n2/2\n\n1/1\n\nKC1/3\n\n0.30\n\n3/3\n\n0.16\n\nSee Shing Hi\n\n2/6\n\n0.04\n\nSee 1 Po\n\nSee Shing Fu\n\n0.12\n\nKC16\n\n1.37\n\nSP1/2\n\n0.46\n\n1.23\n\nPredominantly Sha Po\n\nwith Shing Fat\n\n2/6\n\nShing Hi\n\nwith Lin Shan, Lin Kwai, Cheung Fat, Pak Ling\n\nShing Po\n\nwith Loi\n\n1/1\n\n1/1\n\n0.04\n\n[10.08]\n\n71", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214700, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "Live \n\nA Drawing of the Nga Tsin Wai Area From Sha Tin Pass, 1846 \n\nLt W. Collinson \n\n: \n\nMa Tau Kok \n\nThe Po Kong \n\nFeng Shui HIA \n\n\" \n\n(The Village is \n\nout of sight on the \n\nsteward side) \n\nFort of 1811 \n\nKowloon Market \n\nSha Po \n\nThe Sacred Hill!!! (Sung Wong To) \n\nKowloon City \n\n(The Wall were – \n\nbuilt in 1847) \n\nKak Hang Village \n\nFung Shai Trees \n\nNga Tsin Wai \n\nand its Mont \n\nTsim Sha Tsui \n\nMa Tau Wai Village \n\nTa Kwa Leng Village \n\nFung Shui Trees \n\nThe Kwun Yam Temple, \n\nTin Wan Shan \n\nFootpath \n\nto Sha Tin \n\n79", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214701, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "08\n\nMAP 1\n\nThe Kowloon City Area about 1905\n\nTai Wai\n\nChok Yoen\n\nSiu Lek Yuen\n\nTai Po\n\nDiamond Hill\n\nHau Wong\n\nTa Kwa Leng\n\n(Nga Yau Tau)\n\nHau Wong Temple\n\nKowloon City\n\nSai Tau Tsuen\n\nNga Trin Long\n\nKai\n\nKwy Lung\n\nPa Kong\n\nKak Hang\n\nNga Trin Wai\n\nKowloon Market\n\nKan Pui Shek\n\nTung Tau Tsuen\n\nSheung Hok Lo Tsuen\n\nPier\n\nWaste Land\n\nTai Hom Yuen\n\nLing Wai\n\nPing Yi Tsai Tau\n\nSha Tei Yuen\n\nKowloon Bay\n\nCustoms Pier\n\nSai Kung\n\nNgee Chi Wan\n\nPak Uk Tsuen\n\n(Ping Shek)\n\nLei Yue Mun\n\nShau Kei Wan\n\nTau\n\nNgan Kok Hill\n\nSham Shui Po\n\nTsuen Wan\n\nYau Ma Tei\n\nMa Tau Wai\n\nHau Pui Long\n\nYi Wong Tin\n\nTsim Sha Tsui\n\nSacred Hill (Sung Wong Toi)\n\nKilometres\n\nMa Tau Kok\n\nCoastline in 1905\n\nBuildings 1905\n\nFootpaths\n\nEdge of Hill\n\nMarshes\n\nKowloon Market", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214702, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "Kak Hang\n\nPo Kong, Sha Tin Pass,\n\nYaen Chru Kok, Tai Po\n\nSha Tei Yoen\n\nFlekkda\n\nTiu Sam and Tai Wai\n\nFields\n\nCL Courtyard\n\nLatrines\n\nMetres\n\nFluids\n\nRiver\n\nMoat\n\nSEBO SERIA\n\nThe Has Terapie\n\nEntrance Causeway, and Gate,\n\nwith Guard Chamber Over\n\nMont\n\nWall\n\n日\n\nWall\n\nMAP 2\n\nNga Tsin Wai in 1902\n\nFlekk\n\nSouth-East Gate of Walled City\n\n100\n\nLower Sha Po and Pier\n\nFielde\n\nUpper Sha Po\n\nNg Clan Ancestral Hall (Village School)\n\n+7\n\nCL\n\nD\n\n81\n\n24-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214721, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "'double happiness', to sprigs of foo paak (hibiscus), a homonym also meaning 'wealth' or 'riches'. By comparison in the West, in rural England, a horseshoe is sometimes displayed at the entrance of a cottage to bring luck.\n\n3\n\nThe Pat Heung Valley covers an area of just over 50 square kilometres.\n\n* The Kowloon-Canton Railway Corporation later reimbursed the Hong Kong Government.\n\n5\n\nBecause of the rising and falling naam moh sound of their chanting. Lo means 'fellow'.\n\nf These are normally in threes. One is offered up for heaven, one for earth and one for mankind.\n\n7\n\nThe number of urban Chinese who have never partaken of a basin meal frequently surprises the Author.\n\n*To make them more attractive and presentable for the gods.\n\nThe Author has been informed that tun fu ceremonies do take place outside Hong Kong although he has never observed them or seen anything about them in writing. Although there has been a religious revival in China in recent years, he has never observed any tun fu pots on the Mainland although that does not mean they do not exist. A fellow researcher has told him that they may be seen in Xiamen.\n\n10\n\nBy comparison, at Pat Heung there were five pots with one talisman in each. At the Sha Tin ceremony there was one pot with five talismans and the same at Kam Tin and Tai Wo. At Ma Wan there were two pots with three talismans in each.\n\nThe same applies to feng shui where different schools exist. Again, masters have their own ideas. One who the Author accompanied on assignments in urban Hong Kong believes in placing crystal in homes to absorb impure influences. A similar custom is also found in the West.\n\n12\n\nFor which the Hong Kong Government is said to have paid $40,000.\n\n13\n\nIt was made illegal to let off firecrackers in 1967 (the year of prolonged riots).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215210, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 306, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "270\n\nconnection, as my mother was a Yip from Chan Uk Village, also at Nam Tau. There were over ten families of Ng in Kowloon Tsai, but we had no ancestral hall there. There were two parts to the village, an upper and lower part - Sheung and Ha Wai. We lived in the Ha Wai. There was a Tin Hau temple at the village, and we had puppet shows on the goddess' birthday every year when I was young. We also had a Ta Chiu in the village every ten years.\n\n'I was married to a Li of Sheung Sha Po Village when I was 18. My husband was a revenue officer in the Customs service. We had three houses in the village, but they were all demolished for the airfield extension. We were sent first to a vacant tenement house in Cheung On Street [not identified in a modern street guide, but very likely to have been in nearby suburban Kowloon] whose owner had left. We were there for 4-6 months, before moving to Model Village.\n\n'I am Shing Sung, now 55, a Hakka. I was born at Nam Tau and came to Kowloon when I was 18 to join my uncle who owned a wooden house at Tsat Kan Uk [The Seven Houses], a place north of old Kowloon Tsai Village. I later built a wooden hut there for myself. I came to Model Village after the war. I remember that there were private fields in the general area, as well as government land. People named Fung, Hui and Tsang owned fields there before the war.\n\n'I am Madam Law Mui, aged 57, also Hakka. I was born at Nam Tau, and came to Kowloon when I was 20, to marry Shing Sung's elder brother - also to The Seven Houses. We farmed government land there, for which we had a permit and paid fees, both before and after the war. There were many people at Ap Tsai Wu (Duckling Pond), the name of the general area where we lived and farmed. They were scattered here and there, because we were all vegetable farmers and you built your own house beside your own plot of land. Like Shing Sung, we moved to Model Village after the war.\n\n'I am Madam Kwai-fung, aged 64. I am a Hakka, born at Sha Po Tsai, Kowloon, where my family had lived for several generations. My father kept a store in Lower Sha Po, near Blacksmiths' Street in the Kowloon City suburb. When I was 22, I was married to Ng Sam-hong, a Punti, of Old Kak Hang Village, next to Nga Tsin Wai, when we had gone to live in a newly repaired house. We had two houses of our own at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215212, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 308, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "272\n\non the events of that time\n\nIt seems that the Japanese authorities, strict though they were, did take the initiative which led to the provision of Model Village, and that it was they who had appointed contractors to carry out construction, and had allowed those involved to work on the project and to receive a payment in rice for a day's work.\n\nSuch payments were received on other projects of the time. One such was the construction of the new stormwater nullah that ran alongside Nga Tsin Wai - referred to in Patrick Hase's article on the village. Two ladies from Ngau Tau Kok village in East Kowloon, interviewed in 1967, had both worked as earth coolies on it, and also on the demolition of houses and the lowering of small hills for the extended airfield. Stones from the houses had been used to build the nullah. The two had carried the 100 piculs of soil and stones needed to earn one catty of rice, but said that men who could manage 140 or 150 piculs would earn proportionately more. The working day was 7 am until 12 noon, and then 1-5 pm.\n\nAt that time, rice was precious, and more useful than money. As one village woman told me (born 1880), 'you could buy 40 catties of rice for a dollar when I was young, but during the Occupation, one catty cost two dollars - if you could get it.' Another villager, one of the elders of Nga Tsin Wai, born in 1884, said that 'people would sell a whole roof of tiles and wooden beams to contractors, for two dollars.'\n\nI also spoke to two ladies at Chuk Yuen Village in 1963, who had described the removal of the large and old village of Po Kong, in its entirety, along with the nearby hamlets of Ta Kwu Ling, Shek Kwu Lung and Kak Hang, to make way - as they said - for a road and the airfield extension, adding that the Japanese built new stone houses for them and gave rice compensation instead of cash; which 'was much more useful to us at that time, when money was worth very little.'\n\nOther information was available that embellished the account of this difficult time. A man of 52, born at Ta Kwu Ling in 1915, told me in 1966 that part of the village was demolished, not for the airfield extension but because they were too close to it; the Japanese military authorities thinking that it might harbour guerillas who could damage", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215385, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "The Lugard Tribute\n\n皇盧督頌詞\n\nAachons J Hudlev\n\nDeputy ne Lưumunty Vudio) +$/\n\n111\n\nAlfred H Y Lun U8%\n\nDepat ne u of Pinson #\n\nD10 ## 28 1 jpg 香港豐幹\n\n感押的「即將離港返件為期八\n\n都在提前天在港督肛接作了\n\nJURA SME\n\n0\n\n* TN 上面除爆\n\n了大藍色化中國史字外『包含多\n\n種動植物的本利,物。這件融為\n\n(店督司的藝的精品 作盧押\n\nRADAK 2001年香港人興\n\nDA\n\nYahud Matv #AY\n\n***\n\nKJ NKI 1\n\n10 1 1/1 R8\n\nMR P\n\nf\n\n}\n\nf\n\n#1979 1\n\n\\ MAP &\n\n*# BIR &\n\nProsall Rumsey AA #F\n\n**TOYA KIMA I\n\nA Richard Pinker he fl\n\nODY KAPA Kent\n\nJ\n\nBJ Brasted Chir 2001 f 2\n\n月|克少检熱情招门來目\n\n录下他們护\n\nKOT NO CAN\n\nPAK\n\n8.1\n\nef AmkaT\n\nL\n\nH\n\nOn Thursday April 28, 1910 the day before his departure to England for six months' leave Sir Frederick Lugard, Governor of Hong Kong, received prominent members of the Chinese community, led by Dr Ho Kai, at Government House They presented Lugard with a beautiful satın\n\nscroll embroidered with dark blue Chinese characters and rich patterns and scenes depicting various kinds of fauna and flora Known as The Lugard Tribute, this beautiful work of art has returned to Hong Kong, through the courtesy of Lugard's family descendants, on the 90th anniversary of the founding of the University of Hong Kong in 1911\n\nThe story of the return of The Tribute to Hong Kong is one of extreme serendipity and chance encounters Ie began in October 1999 when one of us (AJH) was invited to speak to the Aberdeen University Chinese Studies Group on the topic of the role which four of that University's graduates played in the founding of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese in 1887. Prompted by a discussion on health issues a member of the Group, Mrs Priscilla Ramsey described The Tribute's present whereabouts and its connections with both an early 20th century public health problem in Hong Kong and the founding of the University of Hong Kong\n\nThe Tribute was in the family home of Major Richard Pinker of Brasted Chart in Kent a great nephew of Sir Frederick Lugard In February 2001 Major Pinker warmly welcomed visitation from Hong Kong and displayed The Tribute in its case standing on the upstairs landing of his house together with the gold blocked paper versions of the text in both English and Chinese He recounted what is currently known about The Tribute's journey since it left Hong Kong at the end of Lugard's governorship in 1912\n\nPRAKELI 1912 1\n\nKAMÆLÉ LMEU\n\nMajor Richard Pinker at home with The Lugard Tribute in Brasted Chart Kent DRPRO 74104” (Art fr! 24 (1)\n\nKent J Brasted Chart", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "115\n\nDAR2032AM\n\nKNMUGA*Y\n\n如耶路撒冷陷落時, Agippa 號野雞 Hastings #ENBAHNB (VOTA\n\nKO 200 989 KARPRAKA\n\nASSANT (GDOM) A\n\n在隨後的歲月裡，繳何職和另一位立豬石鹼瓤鵝\n\nAMAMURAMAH · BMW IMA\n\nof Henry May · A. W Brown · WA\n\nPH M Taylor MMA Tha** M\n\n* - Wong Leung humt? • Young Him- Pongi門，麗金榴，豐義理，確镗芬·西蘭\n\nJ\n\nThe Presentation of The Tribute\n\nApril 28, 1910 was a typical April day, fine but cloudy with a light breeze, temperature 78°F and humidity 80%. Contemporary events included the arrival of Halley's comet, in its 76-year orbit, which was \"plainly discernible to the naked eye at Hong Kong during the early morning”. It\n\npromised to be \"as brilliant and awe-inspiring as it must have been at the times of the fall of Jerusalem, the death of Agrippa and the Battle of Hastings\". Mark Twain died, and a Frenchman won a £10,000 prize from the Daily Mail newspaper for flying in stages between London and Manchester at 200 feet and 33 miles per hour.\n\nThe deputation received at Government House was introduced by Dr Ho Kai with his fellow legislator Mr Wei Yuk. Those present included: the Hon. Sir Henry May (Colonial Secretary), the Hon. Mr. A.W. Brewin (Registrar General). Capt. PH. M. Taylor (aide-de-camp). Messers Lau Chu-pak, Ng Hon-tsz, Ho Fook, Ho Kom-tong, Wong Leung-him, Yeung Him-pong, Wong Kum-luk, S.W. Tso, Sin Tak-fun, Fung Wa-chun, Cheung Si-kai, Li Sui-kam, Lau Yuen-chuen, Leung Fui-chi, Yu To-shan, Chan Sik-lam, Li Yau-chun, Chau Siu-ki, Wo Wan-cho, Wo Tsai-yang, Lo Kun-ting, Siu Yim-Eai, Sam Pak-ming, Li Wing-kwong, Chan Wan-sau, Mok Man-cheung, Tam Hok-po, Leung Kin-en, Chan Kang-yi, Lau Pun-chiu, Chiu Yee-ting, Chan Pak-yee, Wo Tsa-wan, Yiu Ki-yun, Li Po-kwai, Chan Chuk-hing, Tsang Yik-kai, Chan Lok-chun, and Ho Mok-lok.\n\nThe Governor received The Tribute together with an album of red morocco leather, which bore his monogram in silver and contained the address in both Chinese and English.\n\n和一本發行紀念冊，紀\n\nDr Ho Kai CMG, Legislative Council member, (1880-1914); founder of the Alice Memorial Hospital (1886) and co-founder of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese (1887).\n\n何啟爵士，立法局議員（1880-1914年）；雅麗氏醫院的創辦人（1886年）和香港華人西醫書院的共同創辦人（1887年）。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215526, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 303, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "253\n\n'106\n\nWestern side of Cheung Chau Island and about half a mile to the South-West of the village of Cheung Chau and containing about 5.19 acres, was authorized. This was the first cemetery designated on an outlying island and was later extended in 1921.107\n\n108\n\nIn 1912, two Chinese cemeteries were authorized. The first one was situated at 'New Kowloon Survey District 1 Lot Nos. 582 and 583,' very close to Sai Yu Shek Cemetery. The cemetery appeared in a 1924 map109 and was marked as 'Fukienese Cemetery.' In another 1940 HKGG Notification, the cemetery was also referred to as 'Fukienese Cemetery.' The second cemetery appointed, a Christian cemetery, was 'to be known as the Tsun Wan Christian Cemetery situate and being near Tsun Wan in Demarcation District No. 453 in the New Territories in the Colony of Hongkong, containing an area of 10,000 square feet,'111\n\nIn the following year, a site 'to be known as the Hau Pui Loong Cemetery situate and being near Hau Pui Loong in Kowloon in the Colony of Hongkong containing an area of about 19 acres' was appointed.112\n\nThe Chinese Permanent Cemetery in Aberdeen\n\nAlthough a number of Chinese cemeteries were authorized and appointed since the 1870s, these cemeteries were not intended for the upper and wealthier classes. By the early 20th century, the absence of what were considered proper and decent sites for these Chinese who wished to settle in Hong Kong was apparent. In 1901, the Cemeteries Committee of the Sanitary Board moved to set apart a piece of hillside between the Aberdeen Channel and Deep Water Bay for wealthy Chinese as a burial ground.113 However, for some reason, eventually this site was not appointed. Eight years later, the issue was presented again to the Sanitary Board by Lau Chu-pak, a member of the Board and one of the most prominent members of the Chinese community in the Colony,114 Lau said:\n\nThe better class of Chinese who had made Hong Kong their permanent home had not a decent cemetery in which to bury their dead, and the Chinese had no control on what were called Chinese Cemeteries. These cemeteries were simply tracts of barren land set apart by the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215613, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 390, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "341\n\nNEXUS OF VILLAGES BY UNICORN DANCING TEAMS\n\nCHIU HANG SHI\n\nIt was chilly, cloudy and rainy on Sunday, January 27, 2002 in Hoi Pui Tsuen, Pat Heung. This village is inhabited by the Fan, the Cheung and the Kan. This area was quite inaccessible before the construction of the Tai Lam Tunnel and recently the West Rail Station.\n\nSome 60 people, mainly young men and some leaders of the village, have been gathered in front of the village office since 2:00pm in a jovial manner. Inside the village office, a temporary altar was set up facing the entrance of the building with a tablet of hand-written characters on it. Some seven unicorn dancing teams arrived by 5:00pm. All teams were first greeted by the unicorn team of the host village and then each team proceeded to the two ancestral halls (Fan's and Cheung's) to pay tribute to the ancestors. A banquet of basin meal of 120 tables was served in the evening.\n\nThe organizer of this celebration was Nam Shing Tong. This celebration has been held every year after the Handover. The reason for doing so was that this Tong has had some extra money left every year.\n\nAt first one might have no idea why unicorn dancing teams from some apparently unrelated areas would be invited to come. 1. Yuen Long, well, it is reasonable to have a team from Yuen Long. Hoi Pui Tsuen is in Yuen Long, 2. Shatin, it is quite the other part of the Territory, and 3. Sai Kung, it is obviously very far away. Later, I was enlightened by being told that they were from the same instructor, Master So. The unicorn dancing team from Sai Kung was particularly able to draw one's attention - it was known as Pak Kei Lun (Northern unicorn), which was black, as different from the unicorns commonly seen in Hong Kong, which were bright and colourful. The Pak Kei Lun had two small horns, which might, ironically, make it no longer qualified to be a unicorn, in a Western sense. The ordinary unicorn had five colour strips around the neck: red, yellow, blue, white and black, resembling the five directions: south, centre, east, west and north.\n\nPage 390\n\nPage 391", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215840, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "72\n\naltars erected within the enclosure. On more social occasions, especially among the kaifong associations, it was also usual (and tedious for those present) to invite principal guests to speak: some orators did not need a second invitation!\n\nOwing to its super-glossy surface, this particular card does not reproduce well, nor does its successor for the 1985 Ta Chiu. I have therefore used the invitation card for the similar event at Shatin, held also in 1985 to indicate type and content (Plates 2-5).2\n\nAlthough the majority of invitation cards were printed, some were still being hand-written in black Chinese ink using a brush (Plate 6), and even on the printed ones, the recipients' names and ranks were usually added by brush rather than by fountain pen or biro (Plate 2). Owing to their intrinsic interest, and the fact that most were destined for the wastepaper basket, I kept many of those I received, and sent specimens to library collections as ephemera, literary productions of a fleeting kind. The Hong Kong Collection at the University of Hong Kong has, or should have, them in its holdings today.\n\nAt the scene\n\nInvariably, there would be some indication on site of the event being celebrated. Decorated archways and banners raised on bamboo scaffolding (pai lau), and/or floral tributes (fa pai), were the norm, and very colourful and ingenious they sometimes were, too. They were the work of skilled artisans, but their wording had to be supplied by the host body.\n\nHere are a few examples. The elaborate archway erected at the entrance to the ground used for the Ta Chiu at Kam Tin in 1985 features in Plate 7. The floral banner erected to mark the District Commissioner, NT's ceremonial opening of a newly completed local public works concrete track on Cheung Chau Peak in 1960 is shown in Plate 8, whilst the subject of Plate 9 is one of the large floral tributes made to honour a new chairman and his two vice-chairmen of the Tsuen Wan Rural Committee, which, along with others, was set up outside the restaurant\n\n1 I must apologize for the high family content of the illustrations, the selection being made, of necessity, from our own photographs and memorabilia, from my wife's and my own service in the relevant departments.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216239, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 538, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "472\n\nlacking in balance and discrimination: luckily, this is not true of the vital central three-quarters of the book. But readers should beware of the lack of balance in these two sections.\n\nThere are a few other minor flaws as well. Thus, while, of the two main Hong Kong Chinese-language newspapers, one is spoken of as the Wah Kiu Yat Po, the other is spoken of as the Xing Dao Ribao (Star Isle Daily), thus disguising (very effectively) the Sing Tao. It is difficult to discern any pattern here. There are also a few errors of fact, particularly in the first and last chapters. Thus, inter alia, nowhere near 20,000 villagers were displaced for the Japanese extension of the Airport - there were no more than a tenth of that number living in Po Kong, Sha Tei Yuen, and Kak Hang. The demolished tenements in the Kowloon City area in the 1930s were not inside the Walled City, but outside, in the Kowloon Market area. Sir Thomas Jackson was not the founder of the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank (1864): he was its General Manager from 1876-1902.\n\nThese flaws, however, are minor, in comparison with the immense value and interest of the bulk of the book. It is, despite the flaws, confidently and wholeheartedly recommended to anyone interested in the history of Hong Kong.\n\nPATRICK H. HASE\n\nJane Hutcheon, From Rice to Riches, A personal journey through a changing China Sydney, Pan Macmillan Australia, 2003.\n\nThis book delivers. Its coverage is broad but deep, it has the right mix of passion and detachment, with impish but biting humour, and is quietly but cleverly constructed by the author who, for five years from 1995, was the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's correspondent in China.\n\nThe author is well-suited to her task. A “China-coast\" background on both sides of her family over several generations, her Hong Kong birth and upbringing, her family's devotion to journalism, plus a genuine interest in China and its people, combine with her own independent and questing spirit to make this a memorable account of their recent and current history. It is, indeed, a tale of 'China's wrestle with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 } ]