[ { "id": 204254, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n19\n\nthe density of nesting birds is considerably less owing to the lack of suitable cover and nests are in any case difficult to find, there is a wide variety of nesting birds ranging from the great family of egrets and herons, with eight or nine species, through a list including the Black-eared Kite, White-bellied Sea-eagle, Francolin, Koel and Crow-Pheasant, drongos and mynahs, bulbuls and babblers down to the Tree-sparrow and Spotted Munia—altogether a large range.\n\nNow I shall discuss Hong Kong's birds in more detail, taking them roughly in the order of the new Check-List* so that gaps, especially in the case of rarities, may be filled in by reference to that book.\n\nThe Great Crested Grebe and the Little Grebe are both common winter visitors but are very localised. The favourite haunt of the former is Deep Bay, whilst up to forty of the latter may be observed on Tai Lam Chung Reservoir. They are rarely seen in breeding plumage and are consequently rather dull-looking. In Deep Bay, along with the Great Crested Grebe one may also see quite large numbers of cormorants, big black diving birds which feed voraciously on fish. An even larger companion of these two varieties in the same area is the Spotted-billed Pelican. Up to twenty of these enormous white birds may be seen, especially at low tide, during the coldest months.\n\nOne of the greatest attractions to bird-watchers in the Colony, particularly in June and July when there is little else to see, is the great variety of egrets and herons which visit and nest here. There are the small Yellow Bittern and Little Green Heron which may be seen in the mangroves on the edge of Deep Bay; the Great, Little, Swinhoe's and Cattle Pond Herons which nest widely in heronries throughout the northern New Territories; and the lonely Reef Egret which nests on Tung Lung Island, Waglan, and perhaps elsewhere in the southeastern part of the Colony. These birds are an ever-present source of delight with their fine plumage and graceful flight and movements. There are others in the same family, such as the Grey and Purple Herons, but they unfortunately are only visitors.\n\nDespite the abundance of water surrounding the Colony and a good deal of suitably marshy ground in the north-west, duck are by no means common, and apart from the Falcated Teal at the mouth of the Shum Chun River, and the Yellow-nib Duck and Teal in evening flight near Lok Ma Chau, very few can be expected. This is a pity, for duck are exciting birds to watch.\n\nAnnotated Check-List of the Birds of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, South China Morning Post Ltd., 1960.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204289, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n53\n\nthe failure of subscribers to return the books on leaving the country-so that there is a large space occupied by books that are of little value to the Society, or to the public. I would recommend that the Library be inspected, and that those books which are not worth binding anew should be disposed of, and the proceeds be devoted to rebinding those that are worth keeping. In this way, the library will be freed from a good deal of trash, and the really valuable part of it, which is by no means small, could be more easily accommodated in the apartment designed for it, and better fitted for the use of subscribers.\n\nThe reports of the Society for 1844, 1845 and 1846 do not specifically mention the Library, but it is interesting to note that at a meeting of the subscribers in January 1846 it was unanimously resolved, \"That a bust of the late Hon. J. R. Morrison (who had also died, at the early age of 29 in 1843) be immediately commissioned from England, to be placed in the public rooms of the institution of the Morrison Education Society; that a copy of Chinnery's painting of his father (the late Rev. Dr. Morrison) engaged in the translation of the Bible into Chinese, be obtained for the same purpose; that the sum of $1,000 be appropriated to meet the cost, and the expense of placing these memorials in China.\n\nBy 1849 the Society was running into financial difficulties, the premises had to be closed and the Library was packed up. By 1855 it was open to the public again when, according to an advertisement appearing in the Hong Kong Register on 30 October, 1855, \"The Library of the Morrison Education Society, now deposited in a room in the Court House, is open every day from 1 to 4 o'clock p.m. to Members of the Society for the giving out and exchange of Books. Parties, not members of the Society, may obtain the advantages of the Library, on payment of an Annual Subscription of $5. By order of the Trustees, James Legge, Secretary.”\n\nAt the annual meeting of the Society in 1858 the question of the permanent disposal of the Library was scheduled for discussion. In this same year they had accepted on trust a collection of 400 books belonging to the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society which had been founded in Hong Kong in 1847 by Sir John Davis, later revived by Sir John Bowring, but which was now defunct. A report of the founding of the Asiatic Society appears in the Hong Kong Register for 1847 with a list of 44 titles of books, prints, etc., which had been presented.\n\nThere had been a growing demand for a proper public library and in May, 1863, the Morrison Education Society issued a circular urging the foundation of such a library in a City Hall and offering its own books and those of the Royal Asiatic Society", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204345, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch ORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n109\n\nbers, although poorer members may elect to pay $5 and well-to-do members may pay $40 or $100. The activities of the Association are in the hands of a Board of Directors of 35 members, of whom 15 are monks and nuns and 20 are laymen, the Chairman of the Board being the Abbot of the Po Lin Monastery, while the Vice Chairman is a prominent Buddhist layman. The directors hold office for two years and vacancies are filled through election at the annual General Meeting. The Association's office is at 15 Shan Kwong Road, Hong Kong, on the premises of the Tung Lin Kok Yuen MW (see above p. 44).\n\nTo disseminate the dharma, the Association has sponsored courses of nightly lectures on various sutras, delivered by an authority from the Sangha. These courses have been held three or four times a year, lasting two or three weeks each time, usually at the Tung Lin Kok Yuen. Attendance has run about 200 people.\n\nThe Association's welfare enterprises include four schools, a cemetery, and two clinics.\n\nThe Chinese Buddhist Free School, at 117 Wanchai Road, was established in October 1945. It is co-educational, and has an enrollment of 223. Though it is government-subsidized, pupils pay no tuition. Another school, also at the primary level, was opened during September, 1960 in the ground floor of a resettlement block at Wong Tai Sin (the use of such ground floor space for classrooms is encouraged by the Resettlement Department). Known as the Buddhist Boddhi Primary School, it accommodates 1,440 boys and girls, operates on a government subsidy, and charges the standard tuition fees.\n\nBy far the most impressive educational enterprises of the Buddhist Association, however, are the two schools on Eastern Hospital Road (near Causeway Bay). They began operation in September 1959 and comprise a primary school with 1,053 boys and girls (\"Buddhist Wong Cheuk Om Memorial School\") and a middle school with 321 boys and girls (\"Buddhist Wong Fung Ling College\" #+4) HK$350,000 of the construction cost was donated to the Association by two devout Buddhists, whose names the schools bear, while the other $650,000 was provided by the Hong Kong Government, $150,000 of this being in the form of a loan that the Association will eventually repay out of its portion of the school fees.\n\nThe Board of Directors of the Buddhist Association has full responsibility for and control over the operation of all these schools, although about 70 per cent of the operating costs, including teachers' salaries, are met by Government subsidy. The curriculum includes the study of Buddhism which, at the suggestion of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association, was accepted by the Education Department in 1959 as one of the optional subjects thereafter to be included in the Hong Kong School-leaving Certificate examination.\n\nUp until now Buddhists, unlike Christians and Moslems, have had no separate cemetery facilities. The Buddhist Association's cemetery, which occupies seven acres of land recently allocated by the Government on Cape Collison, opened early in 1961.\n\nM\n\nHK$3 a month \"t'ong fei\" added to the standard fees for subsidized schools of $5 and $32 a month.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch \n\nORASHKB and author \n\nVol. 1 (1961) \n\nISSN 1991-7295 \n\n119 \n\nAt the cemetery, the coffin is normally lowered into the grave without further ceremony and the hole filled. Just before the hole is filled, it is customary for each member of the family present to throw in a handful of earth. After filling, two candles are usually lit and placed near the head of the grave and three incense-sticks nearer the foot. Sometimes, absent members of the family may depute other relatives to set out candles and incense-sticks on their behalf, in which case the proportions are still observed. An offering of oranges may be peeled and placed on the grave, together with paper money. Finally, crackers are let off.\n\nOccasionally, after the coffin has been lowered and before the earth is thrown in, a male descendant present will make a cut in a live cock so that blood flows out. The cock will then be held over the grave to allow its blood to drop on the coffin and sides of the hole, in the traditional hope that the breeding properties of the cock will be transmitted to the deceased. Provided that the deceased is over middle age, sex normally makes no difference. A more modern version of this practice omits the incision on the cock, which is simply swung over the hole on the end of a piece of string.\n\nThe last rites sometimes involve the assistance of Taoist or Buddhist monks, even though neither the relatives nor the deceased may necessarily profess complete belief in either of those religions. The monks normally appear in a team of five: the leader with the other four ranged in pairs. Their form of service usually follows the pattern of Taoist and Buddhist chanting, accompanied by music, the striking of bells, small brass ringing bowls and wooden sound-boxes (muk ue). In major funerals, where the body is held elsewhere than in a funeral parlour, the last rites may continue for seven full days before burial, with further services every 7th day for a total of forty-nine days. If expense proves too much, some of the weekly services may be omitted but it is customary to include the 5th one, when married daughters and granddaughters are expected to contribute either wholly or in part; the final service is also required. At these weekly rites, the next-of-kin may sometimes cook rice and beans (red or green) which are then eaten by relatives in the hope of attaining long life (chuc shaû faân).\n\nAnother custom still often encountered is the placing of several pairs of trousers on the deceased, whether male or female. Half a dozen pairs of trousers is not uncommon.\n\nBased on a pun between the Cantonese foò (\"trousers\") and foò (“riches\"), the object is to provide wealth for the spirit of the deceased. Including jacket and underwear, an even number of garments is normally placed on a male; an odd number on a female,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204359, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n123\n\nto clear the graves privately in more than half the cases. The balance is left to Government to clear. The deduction might be drawn that, although there may well be relatives still at hand in Hong Kong, they accept the Government service in clearance as perfectly adequate for the purpose and as a useful means of saving themselves expense.\n\nEvery year, in addition to Chinese dead mentioned above, the bodies of nearly 10,000 paupers are left to Government to dispose of. The term \"pauper\" does not imply that the deceased were homeless and abandoned. Most of the deaths occur in charitable institutes and hospitals. In most cases, there were relatives available but for one reason or another, usually economic, they preferred not to claim the body, being satisfied that the free burial (at the Sandy Ridge Cemetery, Lo Wu) and subsequent exhumation provided by Government would be sufficient to meet changed conditions.\n\nWhere possible, attempts are made at public Chinese cemeteries to meet burial customs. Facilities are provided at the Ching Ming and Chung Yeung festivals, in the form of special trains with reduced fares for relatives; crowd control; temporary latrines, etc. Trees and plants with flowers in the traditional mourning colours are planted, e.g. yellow allamanda, white spider lilies, purple thunbergia, white and yellow frangipanni.\n\nIt must be emphasized that this brief description of current Chinese burial customs in Hong Kong represents no more than the observed practice at a particular point of time. Custom is a living body that changes gradually from generation to generation. It would therefore be unwise to assume that all these customs will survive. The impact of congestion, lack of burial space and improving social conditions in Hong Kong may well cause further changes. In particular, the proposed official encouragement of cremation as a means of disposal of the dead may do much to upset the current burial pattern, although it will follow the Buddhist practice more closely. The basic factor seems to be that Hong Kong Chinese are not so much concerned with the means of disposal of the dead as with being able to pinpoint the eventual resting place of the remains of the deceased, whether in the form of bones or ashes. Exhumation, as such, seems to play no significant part in the process except as a practical means of reducing the physical bulk of the deceased to proportions that will either fit into a funerary urn or below a horseshoe grave. Cremation, therefore, which serves the same practical purpose as exhumation in reducing bulk, should equally prove unobjectionable to Hong Kong Chinese, backed as it is by Buddhist belief. In short, one may expect that within a generation cremation may largely replace burial and exhumation as a means of customary disposal of Chinese dead in Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204409, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "32\n\nG. FINDLAY ANDREW\n\ntravelling for some days over the broad plains of the Kokonor and the first trade centre we reached was the small market town of Tangar. We both had to replenish our cash supply but unfortunately the smallest piece of silver the Scot had was an ingot of some ten taels weight. I took the problem along to the blacksmith smithy in the east gate of the small city. The smith took the ingot and nonchalantly tossed it on to the fire. When sufficiently heated he took it from the fire and laid it on the anvil and commenced to chisel off the required piece of about three taels weight. When old Jock saw the sparks begin to fly he got very excited and jumped in all directions trying to catch them under the firm impression that his precious silver was being dissipated before his very eyes. Of course in the large cities the cash shops had their own silver shears and it was only in the smaller centres that the blacksmith was called upon to act as the travellers' friend in such exchange transactions.\n\nIn the former Tibetan province of Amdo, on the Kansu Tibetan border lies the large lamasery of Labrang. In the days of which I write, the Living Buddha who presided over the destinies of this very large lamasery was Kia Muh Yang. He was reputed to be the owner of a mountain of silver which had been created by the molten silver offerings of the faithful being poured into one solid lump. Thus when the Buddha set off on one of his periodic journeys, all he had to do was to load pack animals with pieces hacked out from the side of his mountain and his finance problems were solved! In another connection, the same practice obtained in the neighbouring lamasery of Kumbum where the gold offerings were melted and poured down the roof of the temple that housed the sacred figure of Tsong Kaaba, the reformer of Lamaism whose birth-place the shrine marks. I wonder whether either the Silver Mountain or the Golden Roof exist to-day?\n\nThe handling of sycee had its own particular problems, perhaps the main one being the assessment of the standard of purity on which subsidiary currency exchange rates were fixed. I shall never forget my feelings when on a certain occasion I opened the boxes of a large consignment of silver which I had received from a Moslem war-lord. Inside was the queerest mixture imaginable of everything approximating to silver either in the form of ornaments or coins. There were bracelets, rings,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "42\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nof the ordaining monastery or some other monastery, and they were supposed to spend the next five years in meditation and study. This was the first stage of their career as monks.\n\nLife in the Meditation Hall was strict. One slept only five hours a night and meditated about ten hours a day. Rising was at 3.00 a.m. followed by an hour of morning prayers, then an hour's rest; breakfast was eaten before dawn; after it came four and a half hours of meditation. This meant sitting in the lotus position for forty minutes, then having a drink of tea, then twenty minutes circumambulating the altar, then going back to sit, then some more tea, more circumambulation, and so on. Circumambulation prevented the joints from getting stiff, but one had to keep on with mental exercises while doing it. It was not just a matter of walking about. Lunch came before noon and was followed by an hour's rest, two hours' meditation, an hour of afternoon prayers, supper at 5.30, and three and a half hours of meditation in the evening. At ten o'clock the monks went to bed. If one of them dozed during meditation the next morning, the monk on patrol, or hsün-hsiang w†, would tap him on the back. If he talked during meals, quarreled, or broke any of the other rules, he was beaten severely.\n\nThe daily schedule varied from monastery to monastery. Rising in the winter was later and retiring earlier (except during the so-called Meditation Weeks in autumn, when for up to forty-nine days one slept only two hours a night). But the schedule I have given is typical.\n\nSometimes I have asked monks whether they did not get bored meditating ten hours every day. They deny it vigorously. They say there was a programme, a method. For instance, one might be trying to find an answer to a standard question like \"What was my original face before I was born?\" The Instructor would come over and say: \"What are you looking at?\" If one replied, \"At the buddhas and bodhisattvas,\" he would say \"Where are the buddhas and bodhisattvas?\" One could not answer and was beaten. Then the Instructor would ask: \"Who is being beaten?\"\n\nI am afraid that the subject of methods of meditation is too large to embark on here. It is true, however, that many monks found themselves unable to master it, particularly Ch'an (Zen)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204424, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "THE BUDDHIST CAREER\n\n47\n\n(in the big monasteries one had to get permission every time he left the premises). Talking was permitted during meals and people could go to bed when they felt like it. Some small temples were centers of institutionalized laziness--and worse.\n\nBut small temples were very necessary, not only to provide a break from the rigor of life in the big monasteries, but also as a link between the clergy and the laity. The big monasteries were often remote in the mountains, whereas in most Chinese cities there was a small temple “just around the corner.\" More important than this, however, was the fact that a monk could not accept tonsure disciples \"in his capacity as officer or resident of a big monastery, but only in his capacity as officer or resident of a small temple. The novice during most of his training prior to ordination could not live in a big monastery, but only in a small temple. Thus small temples were the channel through which all new recruits had to enter the Sangha.\n\n55\n\n**\n\nThe crowning stage of a monk's career was being the old monk lao ho-shang, a term usually applied to an ex-abbot. He lived either in his own small temple or in special quarters of the big monastery that he had headed. He had no obligations, although he probably still carried on with his work of teaching. In fact, this might be the most productive part of his life, when he had the widest following and exerted the greatest influence, particularly on the laymen who came in great numbers to listen to him expound sutras and to take the Refuges with him. It is extraordinary how old some old monks got to be. The most famous case of recent times is Hsü-yün, who died at the age of a hundred and twenty in 1959. Now we have T'an-hsü, who is eighty-eight and still preaches on the Surangama Sutra every Sunday evening at nine o'clock. I recommend that you go to the Buddhist Library, 144 Boundary Street, and listen to him some Sunday, for he is a wonderful person.\n\n77\n\nHere in Hong Kong, I have often wondered why certain monks lived to be so old. They would attribute it, perhaps, to the peace that comes with enlightenment. A more prosaic explanation might be that they have a low cholesterol count. Dr. C. A. Wang, who will return to Hong Kong in 1962, tested a number of monks two years ago and found that, presumably because they ate vegetarian food, they", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204427, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "50 \n\nT. Y. LI \n\nThe seal originated from jade tablets used by the Emperor and members of his Court in religious rituals. Later, seals were used to seal articles in the same way as we use sealing-wax nowadays. The only difference is that in those days, a ball of clay was used to receive the impression made by a seal. Writings on slips of wood or bamboo were bundled and sealed. Valuables were placed in a sack which was tied by string and again sealed in the same way. Naturally, these seals had to be small. Paper or silk for writing was not in popular use until long after the Han period (206 B.C.-221 A.D.), and it was then that vermilion ink was first used for seals. This practice has continued to the present day. \n\nThe Ancient Seals. \n\nThe so-called ancient seals were discovered at a much later period. They were thought to belong to the Chou Dynasty (1122-221 B.C.), or possibly earlier, but there is a lack of historical evidence to support it. The form of this class of seal is most variable. The size ranges from a fraction of an inch to a few inches square. The shape is mostly square, but many odd and strange shapes are also found. The engraving may be intaglio or relief. Many characters are difficult to decipher. The matrix was of bronze, though a few were of jade. The decorations are simple but elegant. They are the \"platform\" or \"nose\" type with an \"eye\" or \"hole\" provided for a cord to go through it. \n\nSubsequently, in the late Chou or Warring States Period (481-221 B.C.), a type known as Small Seals is found. The size is usually about one inch square. The shape may be oblong, oval, or round. The style of engraving is either intaglio or relief. Many characters are difficult to read because during the Warring States Period, each feudal state developed their own writing, and these were afterwards prohibited by the Emperor of the Chin Dynasty (221-206 B.C.). Hence, they became obsolete. However, their style is delicate, graceful, and well-balanced. They are all made of bronze with simple decoration, as in the ancient seals. \n\nAfter the First Emperor of the Chin Dynasty united the feudal states (221-206 B.C.), China was once more under one Government. Great reforms were carried out in many things, among which was the standardization of Chinese characters. A form known", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204445, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "66\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nMoreover, in return for the slave helping his former master over economic difficulties, the slave inherits the master's property when the master dies without children. Thus, it would seem that this so-called slave system is more like that of adoption of children.\n\nIt is readily understandable that in such a society as that of the Black-bone Yi, the Chinese Communist cadres would find a ready response among the slaves and bondsmen for a change, even to a system of society where the state limits freedom to the extent that a Communist society does. However, among the Ching-p'o or Kachins the Communist cadres found no enthusiasm for their reforms. The Ching-p'o are among the least restricted of societies and apparently found it hard to understand the Communist rationale for reform. The proselyting cadres found it most annoying that the Ching-p'o youths spent so much of their time in all-night singing and love-making sessions in the village communal houses, so that they had little labour power until they were married.\n\nAmong the Ching-p'o there is no social discrimination against such promiscuity, although the chances for a good match are sharply reduced for a pregnant unmarried girl. Moreover, fathers of children of unmarried mothers may get out of marrying the girls concerned by sacrificing a buffalo and thus providing a general feast.\n\n44\n\nEven the cadres could find little evidence of oppression of the tribesmen by the Ching-p'o chiefs whose public services amply required any gifts or dues given them by the villagers. The cadres, it would appear, were disappointed in the lack of a bourgeois acquisitive sense among the Ching-p'o who freely gave as they freely received. In trying to apply the collective principles of their home areas, the Chinese Communist cadres wanted the Ching-p'o to count their work-hours and divide up their produce according to the amount of work done in a collective which the cadres tried to organize. The young Ching-p'o leader put in charge of this cooperated, per force, but seems to have been unconvinced in heart despite outward acquiescence. He expressed the Ching-p'o attitude to Winnington: \"Our custom is to look down on people who haggle over what one person does for another. We think it shows a bad heart. I may help you build", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204461, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "82 \n\nJ. W. HAYES \n\n10 \n\nstanding in loco parentis to the people of his district. An instance of this outlook is a proclamation issued by the Canton Viceroy in April 1899 in which he told the people of the New Territory that the English government had agreed that \"the people are to be treated with exceptional kindness \".10 On the reverse side of the medal the magistrate could also, like his followers in the tribunal, use his authority to evil purposes and be referred to as being as (fierce as) a tiger\" 如虎 or a dog-official\"35 whose extortions and venality were a byword \n\n44 \n\nin the district.1 \n\nC4 \n\n+ \n\n17 \n\nIn his government the Magistrate was usually assisted by an indoor and outdoor staff. The former might consist of personal adherents from his own home district who followed him from post to post, and partly of local personnel of the tribunal or yamen4 such as a legal adviser, secretaries, and land clerks, whose local knowledge it would be difficult to dispense with. All these were entirely dependent upon the magistrate for their livelihood, and upon what they could pick up in the course of their duties. To maintain his position and put food into the mouths of the members of his personal staff and their families the magistrate was given an inadequate salary by government. There were in addition the outdoor staff which comprised a considerable number of police, watchmen, runners and the like, who may have been paid by Government despite what Lockhart says to the contrary, but used their opportunities as they came, \n\nIn the San On district the Magistrate's yamen was at Nam Tau, which lies beyond the northern or further shores of Deep Bay on the far side of the Nam Tau peninsula. This was the district city where the treasury, jail and examination halls were also situated. It also contained a Confucian temple. The seat of government therefore lay outside the borders of the New Territory which, however, was served by several of his subordinate officers. He was assisted by an assistant magistrate10 whose office was at Tai Pang north-east of Mirs Bay and outside the New Territory and two deputy magistrates, one of whom was stationed within the walled city of Kowloon. They had power to make arrests and conduct preliminary enquiries but were bound to refer most cases to Nam Tau for final decision. The Kowloon deputy, like his colleagues, had a lock-up for detaining persons pending trial and there was also one each for the local", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204468, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n89\n\nThe education of the people was not calculated to improve matters, either over their own disputes or in taking a sensible attitude towards trouble from outside. I have already mentioned the educational process by which the literati obtained their degrees. The great majority of the people, by contrast, were illiterate and superstitious and for the most part were bereft of any formal education. Cattle tending and crop watching came first: schooling a bad second. Education was the result of parental initiative and favourable circumstance. As I have already said, there appear to have been schools in the larger villages, but they were private and were usually attended by a small proportion of village children, those whose fathers were willing and could afford to educate them. At Ho Chung near Sai Kung, for instance, a large village of nearly a hundred families in 1898, the number of children in the school, which was held in the schoolmaster's private house, was around twenty. The children came and went, some spending three years there, others less, and none but the brightest spent longer. Many children received no education at all, since in addition to the cost of tuition, parents had to pay for books, desk, pen, ink, and stationery. Study consisted of portions of the Four Books and Five Classics and reading, recitation, and dictation based upon them. The number of characters learned at school was limited, and the classical terms and characters learned by rote were not always of much use in daily life in the country, whilst practical subjects such as arithmetic and geography were unknown. Only clever children with well-off and determined parents continued their education and, by going mostly to Canton, learned something of the outside world.\n\nLife was therefore constricted and uncertain, dependent as it was to a great degree on a lack of natural disasters, and the epidemics which invariably followed in their wake, and sometimes did not require such prompting. There is a catalogue of such things in the District History.12 Life was also essentially local and personal. It was not therefore surprising that disputes over land, whether rents or taxes, were considered of great moment in the minds of the people. There is evidence for this throughout the New Territory, where court cases relating to land were sometimes held to be of sufficient importance to warrant their being inscribed on stone tablets inside the more important temples.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n99\n\nthree districts in the vicinity of Canton the phrase shui shui, tso shui, tsou shui (£££) literally \"sleeping in-come, sitting in-come, walking in-come\" which may be thus explained: the incumbent of the first may go to sleep, whilst his emoluments come rolling in; in the second he may sit still, and his emoluments come rolling in; and in the third he must trot around, but his emoluments come rolling in\".\n\n12 Lockhart calls these officers assistant and deputy magistrates, Papers 1899 p. 191 and so does Consul Allen in his Trade Report for Pakhoi 1896, FO No. 1983, but there appear in fact, to have been no such titles. There were one or two yuen shing (B) in each district styled to ye (*) who were officers of the sixth and seventh rank and were graduates of kam sang (1) degree. These were appointed from Peking and were transferable every three years like the magistrate himself. They were stationed at places in the district and their powers were very limited.\n\n20 He does not mention officers other than those at the two Lantau forts, but there was another fort on Lantau at Fan Lau, still standing, which may or may not have been occupied at this time, and there were posts on Lamma and Cheung Chau officered by shun tei kun (MILF) (information from Mr. CHEUNG Yau (4) of Tai Ping, Lamma Island, and from a list of donors inscribed on a tablet in the Tin Hau temple on Cheung Chau). There must also have been shun tei kun in the mainland part of the district. More information is sought about their stations and their duties. As far as I know, they were military officers of low rank who controlled ten or twenty men in an out-station,\n\n21 Papers 1899 p. 192.\n\n22 A map showing these divisions, dated July 1899 on the reverse, is to be found in the Registrar-General's Department, in the Supreme Court. It is probably the Map VI referred to on page 192 of the Papers 1899, which was not printed with them. The Councils of the Tung may not have existed in the remoter and more sparsely populated areas. On Lamma for instance the village elders appear to have administered summary justice individually and not in unison. Mr. CHEUNG Yau already quoted, and other gentlemen of similar age, state there was no Council on the island. The map does not assist in this instance, being vague in some details. There were four tung in any district: north, south, east and west.\n\n23 Dyer Ball, The Chinese at Home (London, Religious Tract Society, 1912) p. 189 says \"The life of an official in China, if he occupies a high position and rules over a populous district of country, is arduous in the extreme. He knows no hours. His work is never done. He is up before dawn, and official receptions take place in the small or early hours of the morning. The health of many a man is injured by the incessant toil and unremitting anxiety\". He calls him \"often hard worked, harassed with many cares, and loaded with responsibilities\". His is experienced and impartial testimony.\n\n24 Papers 1899 p. 192.\n\n25 Sir Robert Douglas, Society in China (London, Ward Lock & Co., 1901) pp. 120-1 has hard things to say of them. \"The mental activity of these men, not having... any power to operate in a beneficent way,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "102\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nthere are sometimes several. As a general rule they are small buildings, but the major clans have constructed large high spacious buildings with several courtyards and side rooms. Among the largest in the New Territories are the ancestral temples of branches of the TANG clan at Ping Shan and Ha Tsuen near Yuen Long. These are fine and impressive buildings but are not, unfortunately, kept in good repair. Much of the opposition to the British troops in 1898 was planned in the ancestral hall at Ha Tsuen. Beside the Ping Shan hall there is a school/library building, now used as a private residence.\n\n53 The reason is always said to be lack of funds though I suspect a lack of leadership is also a prime factor. The clan usually waits until something is seriously wrong, by which time it is often too late; a storm completes the ruination. There seems to be some truth in this as I have found newly built ancestral halls in several villages, e.g. the CHEUNG ancestral hall at Lo Wai, Pui O which was rebuilt in 1960 on a new site, the old one having been in ruins for twenty years.\n\n54 Clan worship at the graves still goes on, but is much more informal than in 1898. Mr. TANG Kiu-fong of Fui Sha Wai, a retired schoolmaster, previously quoted, who was born in 1894, tells me that when he was a boy the ceremony was taken very seriously. Everyone wore the long robe, elders were carried to the graves in sedan chairs, and male members of the clan were drawn up in ranks by generations and worshipped in strict seniority, under the direction of a master of ceremonies.\n\n55 These ancestral obligations often imposed considerable inconvenience and up to several days' travel for the whole family. Mr. CHEUNG Yau of Tai Ping village, North Lamma, (b. 1883) tells me that his grandfather settled on Lamma Island from his native village of Wai Tau in the Lam Tsuen valley in the present Tai Po district. Ever since he can remember, and until old age interfered with visits a few years ago, he has gone back to his ancestral village at least three times a year, as dictated by custom. For the first twenty-five years there was no railway and his family used to go by junk to Kowloon and walk the rest of the way, children included. Others went further afield. Mr. LAM Shue Chun, Chairman of the Peng Chau Rural Committee, told me that his family went regularly to their ancestral village of Nam Leng Wai in Po On, north of the border, and were interrupted in their journeys first by the Japanese and latterly by the Communists. He has been twice since 1942 and an uncle has been visiting fairly regularly up to last year. The family travelled to Kowloon by junk, then used the railway and had a long walk from Sham Chon Market. Sometimes there was no need to go from home as contact had been lost with the ancestral village which was too far away.\n\n56 They were full at any time. There is an interesting count of travel on the Colony's border roads and the Shum Chun ferries taken 11th and 12th December 1905 in Enclosure E to Despatch No. 59 in Correspondence relating to Kowloon-Canton Railway already quoted. The first was a market day, when the count of persons, with and without goods, roughly doubled the figures for the second, or ordinary day. On the two main ferries, for instance, the count on December 11 was with goods 1126, without goods 1379 and on the Shum Chun-Sha Tau Kok road 521 and 1302. On the day following the figures were 468 and 1124, and 158 and 550 respectively. At New Year and the two grave festivals the number must have been very much increased.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204498, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "115\n\nBRITAIN AND CHINA'\n\nReviewed by COLINA LUPTON, M.A.2\n\nChina is and will probably continue for some time to be the most unpredictable element in world affairs. With the passage of time she becomes more, not less so; her motives grow more obscure, her economic development more problematical, her political life—within the echelons of the Communist Party—more a matter for conjecture. On the face which she turns to the world there is little sign of the stresses and strains which she is undergoing; the information which China publishes about herself is remarkable only for the lack of knowledge it conveys. Unhappily—in view of our ignorance China is likely by sheer weight of numbers to be the dominant influence in the world in perhaps twenty years' time, and how this unleashed dragon will deal then with other nations largely depends on the kind of handling she receives now.\n\nHence any book which sheds light on Chinese thought processes, in particular relating present policies to past treatment, is a valuable one. Mr. Luard has gone one better and conjectured the course of the future. His book sets out a sane and lucid account of relations with China since the first British ships reached her shores in 1637, and describes both what he expects to see and what he would like to see happen in the next few years. In what really amounts to a series of essays on the historical background, on the Kuomintang, the Communists and the Korean war, on missionaries and merchants, Hong Kong and Taiwan—he neatly discusses, without a superfluity of chronological detail, the past, the present, and the future. This method necessitates a little overlapping between the chapters, but it is worth this since it saves a lot of narration inessential to the point of the book. For the author is trying to discuss sentiments and policies as much as facts, and this kind of pattern gives him the scope to do so. This is certainly not to say that he has ignored facts; though the historical background is compressed, the account of Britain's dealings with the Mao Tse-tung regime is very fully treated.\n\nBy Evan Luard. Chatto and Windus, 1962. 25/-.\n\n* The writer was formerly a research assistant in the Far East Department of the Royal Institute of International Affairs. She has been living in Hong Kong since the end of 1960, and is Assistant Editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204517, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "134\n\nWEISS, Karel -\n\nWELCH, H. H.\n\nWILSON, B. D. -\n\nWONG, Dr. Man\n\nWONG, Pao-hsie -\n\n-\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWOO, Dr. Arthur W. -\n\nWOO, Dr. Pak-foo\n\nWRIGHT, D. A. L.\n\nYAO, Pe-chun\n\nYAP, Dr. Pow-meng\n\nYEUNG, Walter\n\nYU, Ping-kuen\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. Irene -\n\nP. O. Box 718, Hong Kong.\n\nThe Pink House, B-9, Shatin Heights, New Territories.\n\nUrban Services Dept., Secretariat Bldg., H.K.\n\nRoom 108, China Building, Hong Kong.\n\nMessrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nB-5 Wah Kiu Mansion, 1/F, 80 Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\nWoo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1/F., H.K.\n\n204 China Building, Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong Club, Hong Kong.\n\nI. L. 7635 Cooper Road, Block 2, East 2/F,, Jardine's Lookout, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nMental Hospital, Hong Kong.\n\nSecretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Bldg., Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Chinese, H.K.U.\n\n12, Bowen Road, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204561, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "PRINTING IN CHINA\n\n37\n\nin the desert beyond Tun-huang, which Lao Kan subsequently dated around A.D. 98 or a little later. This confirms the date of 105 given for the announcement of the invention to the throne in the biography of Ts'ai Lun in the Hou Han shu. The technical processes included:\n\n(a) the fashioning of seals out of metal, stone, and clay;\n\n(b) the taking of rubbings (or inked squeezes) of inscriptions on bronze and stone.\n\nSeveral bronze seals have been found in Shang sites, and many later ones made of bronze, ivory, horn, stone, pottery, jade, and iron. They were cut both in relief and in intaglio. Known as yin, the seals were generally small; their purpose was a proof of genuineness. (The woodblock, yet to appear, was large and its purpose was reduplication.)\n\nAs to inked rubbings, these make their appearance during the 5th and 6th centuries; by 649 three professionals were appointed to the T'ang court. They were called T'a shu shou. Chinese scholars love to own copies of prized inscriptions; so the making of rubbings became a popular pastime.\n\nBy the year 640, after the T'ang had consolidated the empire, and achieved victories everywhere, except in Korea, China entered upon a period of material prosperity and cultural advance. It is small wonder that in the ensuing century printing should have developed. The demand must have been very great for elementary texts, dictionaries, copies of the canon, histories, Buddhist sutras, almanacs, etc.\n\nOne must mention here the interesting hypothesis of Robert Shafer [Journal of the Oriental Society, v. 80, No. 4 (Oct.-Dec. 1960), pp. 328-329] that the printing block originated in Tibet. This may be true; but was it first used for literature, or for some other purpose, such as textiles? The authors of both the Chiu T'ang shu (196 A/la) and the Hsin T'ang shu (216 A/lb), writing of the early years of the Tang dynasty, state categorically that the Tibetans had no writing. So do the writers of the Tibetan annals, covering the years 650-747, found by Pelliot at Tunhuang. (Cf. the translation of J. Bacot and Ch. Toussaint in Documents de Touen-Houang relatifs à l'histoire du Tibet.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204562, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "38 \n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH \n\nTibet, Paris, 1940, p. 161.) Actually from the last named (see p. 129, n. 5) and from other sources (such as S. Lévi, Le Népal, II, Paris, 1905, p. 148), we learn that writing was just then being introduced to Tibet. This is a far cry from China's experience of two millennia of writing (before A.D. 600), and the great urge for multiple copies of texts on the part of all sections of the literate community. \n\nThe first known example of wood-block printing came from Japan during the years 764-770. This is explained by the constant coming and going of Japanese students to T’ang China, and some scholars and Buddhist priests from the mainland to Japan. We learn, for example, of one Chinese scholar becoming head of the new University at Nara in 735, and of one Japanese who, after 19 years in the Chinese capital, returned to Nara, and in 735 became tutor to the empress Shotoku. It was she who ordered the production of one million three storey stupas, in each of which were to be placed six charms. (Only last spring I saw at Horyuji # 96 of these reliquaries, together with six copies of the printed dharani.) \n\nThe first recorded notice in China is dated 835. It tells of a memorial to the throne suggesting an edict forbidding the printing of calendars from wood-blocks. After this the notices and dated materials recently discovered multiply. I list some of these: \n\n1. Under the date of 839 Ennin mentions seeing one thousand copies of the Nirvana Sutra at Mount Wu-t'ai § J. This is so large a figure one may well wonder if they were printed. 2. It has been suggested that the Vinaya was first printed before 845. We know that the wood-blocks were burned in a fire at Ching-ai ssu in Loyang. So the poet Ssu-k’ung T'u (837-908) proposed the preparation of a fresh edition. \n\n3. Fan Shu, who flourished during the years 860-874, is authority for the statement that Ho-kan Chi T✯ who was active in Kiangsi ⇓ in 846-851, printed several thousand copies of a book concerned with alchemy. \n\n5 \n\n4. A beautiful copy of the Diamond Sutra &♬Į✯, printed 868 (it is 174 feet long and 10 inches wide) on white buff paper, was discovered in 1907 at Tunhuang and is now in the British Museum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204585, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHANGES IN CHINESE LANGUAGE\n\n55\n\nand as te-mo-k'e-la-si #or te hsien-sheng ✯ (Mr. Democracy\"). But now these transliterations have become antiquated and replaced by i-hui for parliament, kê-hsüeh ** for science, and min-chu R± for democracy. But a few good transliterations have survived such as chi-he for geometry, lo-chi for logic, yu-mo ✯✯ for humour, wu-t'o-pang ✯‡₺ Ħ for utopia, sha-wen chu-i ✯✯‡ for chauvinism. Yet even in Hong Kong, where many Chinese use English, transliteration remains the less common method for introducing terms of foreign origin. Some popular transliterations are, however, in use such as pâk-ch'e for parking a car, in-shoh for insurance, sz-toh ✰✰ for store, fei-lam for film and chak K for cheque. The Chinese living in multi-lingual communities like Malaya or Singapore resort more frequently to transliteration; but their tendency to do so has not exerted a significant influence on the language as a whole. Transliteration of Western terms having in general been found to be a clumsy practice, many Chinese translators, especially before the May 4th Movement, have preferred to borrow certain terms from the Japanese.\n\nIn Chinese, many words can be used in more than one grammatical function, having either completely different meanings or different connotations of one meaning, depending on their position in the sentence. This peculiarity has sometimes been thought to make for a lack of that precision needed in scientific usage. But this so-called imprecision also makes for elasticity in the creation of new terms. For instance, the character pi # can, depending on its place in a sentence, signify \"writing brush\", \"to write\", \"writing\" or \"handwriting\"; moreover, it can be found in combinations such as kang-pi meaning pen; sui-pi M. sketch or essay; pi-chi . to take notes; ch'in-pi #, one's own handwriting; or finally chu-pi, editor or editorial writer of newspaper. How widely the meaning of a character may vary is best shown by the character su originally meaning \"plain and unadorned\". However, Chinese dictionaries usually list about ten meanings under this character, as well as numerous combinations in which it forms a part, such as su-shih . vegetarian diet; su-miao ✯, sketch; yin-su #, factor; and yüan-su ƒ‡. chemical element all newly coined expressions. Similar combinations in common use are: ke-ming, revolution;\n\n¡", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204595, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n65\n\na daily diary of events he was naturally encouraged to continue, and thus we have a very readable account of the first year at the Legation.\n\nRennie had reached Peking on the evening of March 25th, going on ahead with the French suite and staying the night at the French Legation. The next morning he was up early. \"Before breakfast I visited the Leang-koong-foo, the building which has been selected for the British Legation, and in charge of which Mr. Adkins has resided at Peking during the winter. The Leang-koong-foo, or palace of the Duke of Leang, was originally an imperial residence, given by the Emperor K'ang-hsi (who died in 1722) to one of his thirty-three sons, whose descendants are known as the Dukes of Leang. The present representative of the family, and owner of the Leang-koong-foo, holds a command in the neighbourhood of the great wall. The Duke of Leang has let his family residence in perpetuity to the British Government, at an annual rent of fifteen hundred taels (500 £.), no rent to be paid for the first two years, owing to the extensive repairs and alterations required.\" A visitor at that time described it as “a straggling, dreary, dilapidated building, which time and money might convert into a tolerably habitable barrack for a brigade of infantry, but which can never become a comfortable or suitable residence for a Minister and the few members of his suite.\" Time was to prove him wrong.\n\nMeanwhile the British party arrived on March 26th 1861 and Rennie describes the formal entry into the British Legation. “At three o'clock in the afternoon, Mr. Bruce, Colonel Neale, and the other members of the English Legation, arrived in Peking, escorted by the detachment of Sikh Cavalry. This morning the French flag was hoisted over the gate of the Tsin-koong-foo, and on Mr.\n\n'Ibid., I, 28-9. A language-student at the Legation, writing in 1885 stated: \"A rent of 1,500 taels, or between £400 and £500, is paid into the Tsung-li Yamen (the Chinese Foreign Office) every year. It is the duty of the senior student to make this payment, and, in order that he might appear at the Yamen respectably attired, a box-hat was, it is said, provided sometime about 1861, and is still at his disposal. But it is not often worn.' \"Where Chineses Drive\". English Student-Life at Peking. By a Student Interpreter, 27. See footnote 16 below.\n\n10 E. B. de Fonblanque, Niphon and Pe-che-li; or Two years in Japan and Northern China (London, 1862). 217.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204603, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n73\n\nthe western side, is a bare space occupied in winter by Mongol traders, and known in consequence as the \"Mongol Market\". On the south side, a congeries of little Chinese shops. The whole is surrounded by a massive wall, which on the west, as being the wall of the Carriage Park and enclosing Imperial ground, is topped with yellow tiles. The principal gate of the Legation is in the centre of the eastern side, facing the canal. The gate-house has an upper storey surmounted by a flag-staff, and carrying the royal arms. ...\n\nNorth of the doctor's house is the Fives Court. From this, under the wall of the Carriage Park, runs the Bowling Alley. Opposite the Fives Court, again, is a converted Chinese building, now divided into a billiard-room, a reading-room, and a small stage. North of this are the garden and buildings of the Students' Quarters.\n\nThe Quarters consist of a long row facing south, having an upper storey, and containing ten sets of rooms, five above and five below. The whole block is in the common style of foreign architecture out here, with verandah and balcony. Each set consists of a sitting-room about fourteen feet by ten, with a small store-closet, a bed-room, say ten feet square, and a bathroom. In the upper rooms the store-closet becomes a cupboard, the bathroom being lengthened to allow the door to open on the stair-head. There is a stern disregard of ornament in the interiors at any rate, but they were comfortable enough on the whole.\"7\n\n+\n\nThe only furniture supplied to the incoming student was a bed, a chest of drawers with a looking-glass, a wash-stand, and three cane-bottomed office chairs for his sitting-room. Wilkinson mentions mess fees. \"On first joining the mess the student pays an entrance fee of $25. We contracted with the cook to supply us with breakfast, tiffin, and dinner at 50 cents 1s. 10d. a day. All stores, such as condiments, jellies, tea, coffee, we provided ourselves in regard to wine, each man had a separate account with the cellar.\" From time to time they gave a mess dinner, the largest one being for forty men, students and guests included.\n\n17 Ibid., 24-5; 27-8. For a plan of the buildings see over.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204620, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "88\n\nCHEUNG CHAU 1850-1898\n\nINFORMATION FROM COMMEMORATIVE TABLETS\n\nJ. W. HAYES, M.A.*\n\n*\n\nCheung Chau is a small island situated just over five miles west-south-west of Green Island at the western end of Hong Kong harbour. It is adjacent to the southern side of the much larger island of Lantau from which it is separated by a strait of just under one mile. The island is two and a quarter miles long at its greatest extent, but takes the form of a three-ended dumb-bell, each of whose arms radiates for roughly a mile from the low beach area on which the town is built. The three arms reach a height of about three hundred feet, the northern being the highest and rockiest. The other two are flatter and more fertile, especially that to the south-west where most of the agricultural land is situated. The total area is 592 acres (0.92 square mile), of which 91.07 acres were registered as cultivated land at the turn of the century.*\n\nThere are no large areas of cultivated fields, as most of the fertile land lies in small valleys cutting inwards from the coastal beaches or on low plateaux in the hilly areas of the island. Because of its small size and its low features, there is a general lack of perennial streams and this has always posed a problem for farmers and townspeople, though strangely enough it has never stopped them from staying there. The main anchorage is at Chung Wan facing due west, which together with Sai Wan to the south-west has attracted fishermen as a home port for hundreds of years. It is not an entirely safe anchorage as recent typhoons have shown, but, again, this does not seem to have deterred fishermen from operating from the island.\n\nThe census of 1911, taken a decade after it had passed under British rule, gave a land population of 3,244, mostly Punti, and a floating population of 4,442.*\n\n* Mr. Hayes has been an administrative officer with the Hong Kong Government since 1956. His article entitled \"The Pattern of Life in the New Territories in 1898\" appeared in Vol. 2 of this Journal.\n\nThe notes to this article are printed between pages 100-106.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204627, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHAU \n\n95 \n\nthe tablets state that upon its establishment the Po On study was endowed with a shop and a house, both with their title deeds; and the Fong Pin hospital with two shops. \n\nThis abstention from many of the basic duties of local government on the part of the district authorities could lead to abuses when a powerful group of local leaders became unscrupulous through continued exercise of power, and lack of control and supervision from above. On Cheung Chau, as I have said, this group was represented by the WONG Wai Chak Tong, with whom the larger shopkeepers and important individuals were probably prepared to make common cause. The Tong owned all the land; its parent branch at Nam Tau must undoubtedly have included senior graduates and possibly retired officials; and the tablets show that some members of the Cheung Chau branch were junior graduates by examination or purchase.**\n\nThis group must have been able to exert a considerable pressure on the district magistrate and his secretaries regarding Cheung Chau affairs, and during their short three-year tour most magistrates must have felt that the Tong and the Cheung Chau people were capable of looking after themselves on what was, after all, a small and remote island, with a population less than that of many of the larger villages in the district. In short, Cheung Chau interests were well represented if the Tong was honest and well-meaning, but not if its members were corrupt and ill-intentioned. \n\nTurning again to the tablets, that relating to the Po On study is of great interest because of its connection with a prominent feature of Cheung Chau society which has so far only been mentioned in passing: the district association.**\n\n25 \n\nThe district association is a social and charitable organisation organised on the basis of mutual assistance from among natives of the same district when living in another place. In a mixed settlement like Cheung Chau, where Hoklo and Tanka rubbed shoulders with Hakka, Chiu Chau, and Punti from various districts of Kwangtung province, it was a distinct advantage to be part of a community which had troubled to organise itself for welfare purposes, as had several district groups on this small island a hundred years ago. These traditional media of mutual assistance warrant a closer look, especially as their existence is proof of the diversity of persons settling on Cheung Chau, its", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204637, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "CHBUNG CHAU \n\n105 \n\nBecause of their loose organisation and lack of proper safeguards, these associations often ran into trouble over money. To quote an elder's reminiscences from the manuscript note book of the Tung Kwun association (which the present Chairman has kindly allowed me to see and use), compiled about 1928 but referring to the previous sixty years, \"in the past there were upright managers, but there were also embezzlers, who appropriated public funds without authority. When X was in charge of our association's funds he reported that he had lost the account books, so nothing could be audited. It was through my persuasion he produced fifty dollars to end the matter\". Similarly, he records how, on the death of a leading member who had been instrumental in purchasing new property for expanding the association, the members asked his family for the accounts and title deeds in his possession. The relatives refused to part with them unless a payment was made first. Members naturally refused, \"which is why no title deeds or accounts are available from the early period\". \n\nThe manuscript also contains interesting material which illustrates difficulties faced by conscientious managers, e.g. \"This house was originally the property of X. Unfortunately he was murdered and the body could not be found. His relative Y donated the house to the association. At first no tenant would take it and the fabric deteriorated. In the second year of the Hsuan-t'ung reign (1910-11) repairs were suggested, but there were no funds. Loans of five and ten dollars were raised from district members at 1 per cent interest. I loaned over a hundred dollars interest free, but it was still insufficient, so the association joined a ten dollar (share) money association and drew the necessary balance. \n\nThe repair then started and the front is now let for $5.50 per month and the rear for $4 per month.\" \n\nThere was also the lighter side. Speaking of the annual dinner party on the 15th day of the first moon an elder recalled \"this year there were 28 tables with over 220 people. The caterer was X and the cost was $7.20 per table. The food was no good and those present were dissatisfied and there was a lot of grumbling.\" \n\n27 A search was made for this and the Ser Yap tablet but, though hot on the trail of the first named with what appeared an infallible clue, a digging party regrettably drew a blank, \n\n28 In the Crown Rent Rolls the association is termed kung sor 2 in Chinese and \"club\" in English. An inscription on one of the stone lions outside the Pak Tai temple, the largest on the island, states that it was donated by the Wai and Chiu Chau community in 1861. Mr. LEUNG Yau \n\n, born on Cheung Chau in 1875, attended the Wai-Chiu school, in the association's premises for two years (1885-86). \n\n2o There was also a shrine in the Po On study. The tablet states that \"a small fixture, known as the Tun Sin temple ('promote charity') has also been placed at one side of the hall, where wooden tablets bearing the names of the organisers are placed therein in commemoration of their devotion to the cause, irrespective of their parentage and place of origin.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204685, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "150\n\nBOYD, J. D. I.\n\nBRAGA, J. M. -\n\nBREUIL, Mrs. N. du\n\nBROMHALL, J. D.\n\nBROOKS, D. E.\n\nBRUUN, F. -\n\nA-1 9th Floor, 2 Oaklands Path, H.K.\n\n-\n\nP. O. Box 951, H.K.\n\n86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nFisheries Research Station. The Fish Market,\n\nIsland Road, Aberdeen.\n\nRadio Hong Kong, Rodney Block, G/F.,\n\nWellington Barracks, H.K.\n\n908, Takshing House, H.K.\n\nBURKHARDT, Col. V. R. - 86, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nBYRNE, D. J. -\n\nCALCINA, P. G. *\n\nCHAN, Dr. H. C.\n\n-\n\nCHAN, Hok-lam\n\nCHAN, Leonard\n\n+\n\nCHAU, Hon. Sir T. N. *-\n\nCHAU, Wah-ching\n\nCHENG, T. C..\n\nCHEONG-LEEN, Hilton\n\n+\n\nc/o China Light & Power Co., Ltd. Argyle\n\nSt., Kowloon.\n\nCommercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union\n\nHouse, 12th Floor, H.K.\n\nBank of Canton Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Department of History, Chung Chi\n\nCollege, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n\nc/o Pâzer Corporation, G.P.O. 323, H.K.\n\n8, Queen's Road, West, H.K.\n\nEnglish Department, Chung Chi College,\n\nMa Liu Shui, N.T.\n\nUnited College of H.K., Bonham Road,\n\nH.K.\n\nG.P.O. Box 584, 310 Yu To Sang Building,\n\nH.K.\n\nCHESTERMAN, Prof. W. D. 4 Felix Villas, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nCHEUNG, O.\n\nCHING, Henry\n\nCHING, Joseph\n\n-\n\nCHIU, Miss B. T.\n\nCHIU, Ling-yeong\n\nCHOA, Dr. G. H.\n\nCHOW, Edward T.\n\nCLARK, Mrs. N. E. COHN, Dr. A. J. -\n\nCOLE, M.\n\n1002, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\n9, Village Road, 1st Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden\n\nRoad, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Botany, The University, H.K. 167, Yee Kuk Street, 3rd Floor, Shumshuipo,\n\nKowloon.\n\nQueen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K. 3 Village Terrace, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\n71, Peak Road, H.K.\n\n116, Leighton Road, Lei Shun Court, 6th\n\nFloor, \"F\", H.K.\n\n16, Conduit Road, H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204695, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "160\n\nWEINREBE, H. M.\n\nWEISS, K. WELCH, H. H. * WILLIAMS, P. B.\n\nWILSON, B. D.\n\nWINKLER, Mrs. E.\n\nWONG, Dr. Man WONG, Pao-hsie\n\nWONG, Prof. Po-shang\n\nWONG, Shing-tsang WOO, Dr. A. W. -\n\nWOO, Dr. Pak-foo WRIGHT, D. A. L. WRIGHT, Miss P. YAO, Pe-chun\n\nYAP, Dr. Pow-meng YEUNG, W. T,\n\nYOUNG, Dr. R. S.\n\nYOUNG, Mrs. S.\n\nYU, Ping-Kuen\n\nYU, Yin C.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. I.\n\nZIMMERN, W. A.\n\nWeinrebe & Pennell, Ltd., 1103/4 Yu To Sang Bldg., 37, Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 718, H.K.\n\n1. Austin Road, 10th Floor, Kowloon. c/o Colony Headquarters, Arsenal St., H.K. c/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Fire Brigade Building, H.K.\n\n402, Clovelly Court, 12 May Road, H.K. Rm. 108, China Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\nB-5, Wah Kiu Mansion, 1st Floor, 80, Tai Po Road, Kowloon,\n\n16-B, Tai Hang Road, 1st Floor, H.K.\n\nWoo Clinic, Edinburgh House, 1st Floor, H.K.\n\n204, China Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Club, H.K. 90, Mt. Nicholson, H.K.\n\nI.L. 7635 Cooper Road, Block 2 East, 2nd Floor, Jardine's Lookout, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nc/o Mental Hospital, H.K.\n\n60-B, Conduit Road, Ground Floor, H.K. Clinical Pathology Unit, Department of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K.\n\nClinical Pathology Unit, Department of Pathology, Queen Mary Hospital Compound, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\n205-207, Gloucester Building, Hong Kong.\n\nNo. 12 Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Wheelock Marden & Co., Ltd., Room 1234, Union House, H.K.\n\n \n \n \n \n \n The Hon. Secretary (P. O. Box 13864, Hong Kong) would be grateful if members would kindly inform him of any inaccuracy in the list of names and addresses.\n \n \n * Life Member\n Please notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy\n \n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204706, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "The Hon. Editor and Printers apologise to both readers and authors for the lack of accented type needed to render the romanisation of oriental languages accurately. This should have been delivered in time for the printing of this volume. It is expected that it will be available for future use.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204732, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "26\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nFriday 12th\n\n1* at\n\nAt nine this morning received a letter from Macao dated the 8th, in answer to mine of the 5th; all quiet there but everyone ready to be off the moment any trouble was at hand. Delano received, enclosed in mine, a chit from Russell Sturgis which contained much news. The Hercules and Austen left for the Bogue on Tuesday last to deliver their opium and were to be followed by the Jane and Aeriel. The Chinese would only let two vessels come up at a time. The Good Success left Macao on the 9th for Madras, with despatches to the British admiral on the India Station, and the Rob Roy was to leave today for Calcutta. The Exchange sailed for Manila on the 8th; the Nar† Naples, Roza and Benuo Successo and Poppy had also sailed for Manila but the letter does not say if they took opium or not.\n\nMr. Inness was on board the Hercules with Alex. Matthews and Chay. Beal36. The Hercules and Austen had in all over 5,000 chests.\n\nGave two bottles of beer to the Se-Ying37 or lieutenants on guard in the second line of boats in front of the Factories. Had a long chat with several of the officers belonging to Name Hoe's guard relative to matters in dispute. They appear exceedingly friendly but take no interest whatever in what is going on,\n\nSaturday, 13, 1839\n\nLast night at 12 o'clock Captain Elliot received a communication from the Commissioner, dated in the morning from the Bogue, in which he requests that the opium ships might be ordered to come up and anchor close to Chinn-up to deliver the opium, instead of Lankeel where there was much inconvenience owing to rough water. He also said that the compradores and cooks were ordered to return but they have not come yet. However it will take some time for the order to be generally promulgated.\n\nMidnight I have just returned from a chat of three hours duration held at the Hoppo House or \"Custom-House Station\" at the water's edge opposite our Factory between two officers, one equal to a captain and the other to a lieutenant, the Custom-House Officer and myself. The Captain, who wore a crystal button, was\n\n*Two words illegible.\n\n† Part of ship's name illegible.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204733, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "and the thereing Thap with attendants on those brush rode into the Square & to the pond Foder do all the Muliting to withdian from the Boots, and the Route, & booking the live of Concenerallation, with which we trave hear smmended & Meth, the day-\n\nThe Thing Corbis als boke up. the Encamped in Есеприва thdy of the Mist & bride from the Company, the ho learning Karen 74 - woke home elites themselves in the\n\nthe signert grand the 1b Farepin, Appunta the crop the thing micht have also strict from beat the Company's thrandad, and thongs began to lock\n\nbefore Mothy Boats can got a fome from Ashampon you mente com o •plesove Beat, beallad Lo be part in the thith, but the liver samaja ave pumuted to go daif a. before, with panuje. In the morning this budding what were smstopped & their Savile wheat sume muband,\n\nbrught in the Struko\n\n2.\n\nsure Taken\n\noff. ve Aplond\n\nmode\n\nweb por burtillyona was het from the Rogia £18702 Chart of Opin having\n\nthe Cookie disposed,\" to they have bestared at mis peland I\n\nus with good order chinfully they have conducti theme Romantalf with, and proper and Alppitty dam\n\nthe that in front of Cox's\n\nw ́to témem, bérek dh iyo. Butte, which is a food this old tranthus the\n\nand\n\n1\n\nPASTATAS\n\nthe\n\nthe grid fit one chil tits place a the fourt\n\nthe are now\n\ndelivery\n\nވ\n\nthe Grins -\n\nThe Thank\n\nFormat will be con tuned fowarded on Fench saili\n\n Cantor: 5 May 1585-\n\nSunday might to often-\n\nI forger to mention that just higher the Corbis\n\nlift. the Awang Hay than Hoy,\n\nhand\n\nME, KAL\n\nCarpenter brook to heart up the Jahon Jejal the was tatter passion of the the best for dempsteig –\n\nThe final pages of Hunter's Journal", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204790, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "PENG CHAU\n\n81\n\nThe first ancestor came from Po Kat in Po On, then San On, district. He settled not far from the anchorage and the shops nearby, and the family flourished there for several generations, farming most of the cultivable land and planting an extensive forestry lot.29 But the position had changed for the worse by 1899. At the land settlement which followed the British lease, though the LUIs were credited with owning house land, four and a half acres of paddy fields, and nine and a half acres of dry cultivation and vegetable land on Peng Chau, all except their houses were mortgaged to different persons without hope of return.30 When my informant was a boy, the LUI houses were in a broken-down condition. They also owned a lot of land on the Lantau coast opposite Peng Chau, but much of this too was mortgaged by the end of the century.31\n\nThe CHUNG family are said to have been the next arrivals. According to old Mr. CHUNG, his great-grandfather, who was the family's first ancestor to live on the island, came together with his son, a boy of ten. Consultation of the grave tablet, which is dated 1834,32 shows that he probably arrived in Peng Chau in the first quarter of the nineteenth century, not long after the LUIs. He came from his parent village of Tin Liu Ha in the Lam Tsuen Valley near Tai Po in the present New Territories. In 1899, the family still owned very little land of its own on Peng Chau, having, besides houses, only one-third of an acre of dry cultivation, but they held the mortgages of nearly nine acres of the LUI land, including most of their paddy fields.33 The family farmed their own and the mortgaged land, but, as I have said above, fishing was their chief concern about ten years before the British lease, another seeming \"irregularity\" which warns against the assumption that our local communities have separate characteristics and perform distinct functions which do not overlap. It was very likely Mr. CHUNG's grandfather's success at sea which enabled him to loan money to the LUI family and so gradually obtain their land; and the lack of land which made this family concentrate on the sea in the first place.\n\nAnother family of Hakka settlers are the LAM ✯ clan who came in the mid-nineteenth century. According to family tradition, three brothers who were operating a pawn-shop in Shum Chun Market were \"squeezed\" by yamen runners when a murder...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204799, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "90\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nIt is hoped that this account of Peng Chau will demonstrate the diversity of settlers and enterprises which appears to characterise even the smaller settlements of this part of the Kwangtung coastline. Peng Chau is a Cheung Chau in miniature, and because of its smaller size a wider treatment than was possible for Cheung Chau can be given, in an article of this length. Again, my intention is to provide no more than an outline, and an indication that, despite their size, such communities could be complex settlements in which traditional lines of division were blurred by proximity and a common environment.\n\nNOTES\n\nAny statements in respect of Peng Chau and its people which appear to be unsubstantiated are based on information supplied by various elders. I am most grateful for the assistance given by the Chairman of the Peng Chau Rural Committee, Mr. LAM Shue-chun#, and Mr. LO Chi-chung# of the District Office, South,\n\n1 See \"The pattern of life in the New Territories in 1898\" pp. 75-102 of this Journal, vol. 2 (1962) and \"Cheung Chau 1850-1898\" in vol. 3 (1963) pp. 88-106.\n\n2 See Papers laid before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong—hereafter styled Sessional Papers (Hong Kong Noronha & Company, at yearly intervals, in this case 1905) p. 144 in the Report on the work of the Land Court for the New Territories for 1900-1905.\n\n3 See G. N. Orme, “Report on the New Territories 1899-1912” in Sessional Papers 1912, pp. 56-57, for significant changes in wages and the cost of living.\n\n4 A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer 1960) p. 83. In this article characters have not been given for any place names which appear in the Gazetteer,\n\n5 Schedules to the Block Crown Lease for Peng Chau, District Office, South, New Territories Administration. Hereafter styled BCL.\n\n6 Under the Convention of Peking signed on 9th June 1898,\n\n7 Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103(22) and (26). This figure is broken down into 434 males and 208 females, children included. The preponderance of males is noteworthy and may be due, in part, to the number of single men employed in the limekilns. The boat population are not specified separately in the Census returns and cannot be separated from the 4,442 contained in the Cheung Chau district figure. Cheung Chau with Peng Chau and Nei Kwu Chau formed a census district in 1911, but whilst the land population for each place is given separately, the boat populations are not so specified.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204826, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "108\n\nCRANMER-BYNG AND SHEPHERD\n\no'clock on the morning of the 13 inst. We shortly after got under weigh with a fresh breeze from the north, and worked up with the tide to the point anchor in the plan, near the Nine Islands where we anchored. The weather was squally with rain and so thick that we could scarcely discern land. At day break we weighed and worked up to Lintin, where at twelve o'clock we anchored. I went immediately on board the Lion and delivered Your Excellency's Letters to Sir Erasmus Gower. As it rained hard and blew fresh, I remained there for the night, and at seven in the morning I returned to the Jackall, when as there was some appearance of its clearing up, Captain Proctor got under weigh, and stood towards the Island of Lantao. The soundings are expressed in fathoms in the plan, and they point out the track of the vessel. We inserted the rocks marked A.B. which we did not observe in any former plan. The weather continued so thick above, that we could not discover the Peak of Lantao, nor with any precision the land along the shore. At the point C the island marked Shatlapko in the charts, wore so favourable an appearance, that we stood towards it, although as it had been laid down between it and the island of Lantao, little hopes could be entertained of finding shelter for shipping from westerly winds. At one o'clock find that we suddenly shoaled our water, we anchored in 44 fathom water over soft mud at the inner point marked anchor. The uncertain state of the weather, and the short time it was probable we could allow for the examination of Cowhee, made it necessary to hasten from this anchorage. Whilst we took angles in the ship, the boat was dispatched to sound, with directions to stand over to the South East side, as soon as she should find, towards Shatlapko so little as three fathoms water. This she very shortly did and her track and soundings are expressed in the plan. The Island of Shatlapko we found to extend towards the shore of Lantao; by which it appears, that the whole of this bay is sheltered from westerly winds. The officer who sounded in the boat, reported his having seen boats pass through the channel marked D, that the land in its neighbourhood on Lantao was low and cultivated, as was that marked E which he discovered through the opening!\". The point to the north west of E, has been hitherto laid down as an island; as well as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204842, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "120\n\nFORKE'S TRANSLATION OF THE LUN HENG'\n\nReviewed by D. LESLIE2\n\nThe Lun Heng\n\nof about A.D. 85, is the work of Wang Ch'ung £ (c. A.D. 27-96), one of the most original thinkers of Han China.\n\nMany, including Hu Shih and most western scholars, have praised his critical ability. In fact, this praise is not entirely justified. Wang Ch'ung, in this respect, falls far short of the Chou Confucian philosopher Hsüntzu (also Chuangtzu and Hanfeitzu). Han philosophy is generally considered to lack the originality of the classical Chou philosophers, and Wang Ch'ung, as Fung Yu-lan points out, was a child of his time. The most we can say is that he rises head and shoulders above his Han contemporaries in his critical abilities.\n\nIt is true that Wang Ch'ung demands proofs and verification by experience at all stages in his arguments, but his idea of proof and experience is insufficiently empirical. He does not seek out the facts. He believes some of the weirdest stories (that Duke Ai was changed into a tiger; that Huang Ti, the Yellow Emperor, was twenty months in the womb; that hares give birth via the mouth). As Marcel Granet has expressed it (in his La Pensée Chinoise, 1934, p. 580), \"son scepticisme a quelque chose de livresque\".\n\nWang Ch'ung's criticism is always based on pre-conceived postulates. Rather than reject the superstitions of his time, he merely reinterprets them in accordance with these postulates. Herein lies both his strength and his weakness. A good example is his denial (in his chapter 15 and elsewhere) of the many supernatural births accepted by his contemporaries. For, together with this denial, he accepts the factual truth of all the omens that accompanied these supernatural births. Omens, such as signs in the sky or lines in the hand (the Lun Heng incidentally gives the earliest extant reference to palmistry in China), the appearance of weird animals and plants, all mark, he believes, the rise and\n\n1 Lun-Hêng. By Alfred Forke. Paragon Book Gallery, New York, 1962. Pt. I, iv+577; Pt. II, vi+536. U.S.$20.00,\n\n2 D. Leslic is a Research Fellow in the Department of Far Eastern History, Australian National University, Canberra,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "80\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nThe China Navigation Company's Sunning was pirated on 14th November 1926, on a passage from Shanghai to Hong Kong.3 The officers recaptured the ship shortly afterwards, and when they refused the pirates an armistice the latter set the ship on fire. By turning into the wind the pirates were smoked out, and forced to leave in one of the lifeboats. When the fire got out of control the officers and crew were forced to do the same, but were picked up by a Norwegian ship. When the destroyer H.M.S. Verity arrived, however, they returned to the Sunning and put out the fire with naval help. The Sunning was then towed to Hong Kong.\n\nThe Haiching piracy of 1929 was very reminiscent of the Sunning. The Haiching belonged to the Douglas Steamship Company of Hong Kong, and was pirated while on her way from Amoy to Hong Kong. There were two hundred and fifty deck passengers and four saloon passengers on board at the time, and the attack took place when passing Bias Bay, just a few hours before reaching Hong Kong. The third mate and a Sikh guard were killed in the first few minutes, but the wireless officer continued to send out messages for help. The pirates, unable to get control of the ship, set it on fire; and two lifeboats were burnt out before their resistance was broken. When British warships arrived, they helped to put the fire out, and then towed the Haiching to Hong Kong, where all the passengers were thoroughly screened. Three of them were charged with piracy and murder, but one was later freed through lack of evidence, while the other two suffered the death penalty. Captain Farrar of the Haiching was awarded the O.B.E. for his part in the case.\n\nFrom the pirates' point of view the Anking piracy of 1928 was much more successful than either that of the Sunning or the Haiching. It was probably the classic piracy of modern times on the coast. The Anking, also a China Navigation Company ship, with over 1,000 deck passengers aboard, was on her way from Singapore to Amoy and Swatow when the piracy took place. These passengers were either returning to China to retire, or for a holiday after working in Malaya for several years, and were likely therefore to be well supplied with money and valuables.\n\n3 The Sunning had also been pirated three years earlier, on 23rd October, 1923.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204984, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "PIRACY ON THE CHINA COAST\n\n83\n\nAnother case which might be said to have had political undertones was that of the China Navigation Company's Shuntien in June 1934. The Shuntien was the latest addition to the China Navigation Company's large fleet, and was making only her second voyage at the time. She was captured by some thirty pirates after leaving Tientsin for Chefoo, and was taken to the mouth of the Yellow River where she was beached on soft sand. The pirates then made off inland, taking five European and twenty Chinese passengers as hostages. Before leaving, they told the ship's compradore that the piracy was a reprisal for the Chinese Maritime Customs having stationed an extra customs cruiser in Shantung Bay, thus interfering with their smuggling operations. The Europeans returned a few days later, but nothing more was ever heard of the Chinese hostages.\n\nBias Bay, sixty-five miles northeast of Hong Kong, was notorious as the pirates' stronghold in the interwar years. Unfortunately, it was just outside Hong Kong territorial waters, and came within the jurisdiction of the Cantonese authorities, who were either unwilling or unable to co-operate with the Royal Navy against the pirates. The nationalist and anti-foreign feelings of the Cantonese probably contributed to this, as did the fact that the warlords of Kwangtung were suspected of being in league with the pirates. Whether this was so or not, it was definitely established that pirates based on Bias Bay committed nine major piracies between 1924 and 1926.\n\nAlthough the Navy was unable to suppress piracy on the China coast, so much of which took place almost on its own doorstep, the mere fact that naval ships were in the vicinity must have reduced its incidence. The pirates rarely boarded ships at Hong Kong, partly because of the strict naval and police control there, and also because passengers joining ships there were unlikely to have much money or valuables. In the case of the second Sunning piracy in 1926, it was definitely established afterwards that the pirates came on board at Amoy, and that their weapons were smuggled on board by stevedores. The lack of co-operation from Canton meant that the Navy was unable to follow up action at sea by punitive expeditions against the pirates' shore bases. The Kwangtung authorities had been much more co-operative in the first few decades after the cession of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "The Chinese University of Hong Kong\n\n87\n\nMainland China to the Colony. The growth of population in the Colony from less than a million to nearly four million between 1949 and 1963, accentuated the need for a second university.\n\nThere are thousands of students who passed the Chinese School Certificate Examination each year, but most of whom have found no opportunity for higher education. It would be not only wasteful, but also dangerous to society, should the ablest youths who pass the Chinese School Certificate Examination lack suitable avenues for university education, with the exception of those who go abroad.\n\nAmong the immigrants to Hong Kong were a number of refugee educators and missionaries, formerly teachers in universities or colleges on the mainland of China, who began to found colleges of their own, with very inadequate resources.\n\nNew Asia College was founded in 1949 by such a group of refugee professors and students, and, at first, used rented flats in a slum district of Kowloon. Chung Chi College was founded in October 1951 with only sixty-three students and a few rented classrooms, by educators and several representatives of various Protestant Churches and Missions in Hong Kong. The United College of Hong Kong, a combination of five refugee colleges, carried on its work in similar rented premises. However, in spite of adversity, devotion to learning kept the Colleges going, and with the help of overseas friends and society at large, and by their own persistent effort, all three Colleges developed steadily.\n\nAt the end of 1956, at the initial suggestion of the Rev. Charles H. Long, Jr., Representative of the Yale-in-China Association which was assisting New Asia College, the Right Rev. R. O. Hall, Bishop of Hong Kong, called a meeting of representatives from Chung Chi, New Asia and United at his home in order to discuss joint policies and action for the achievement of objects of common interest. This Provisional Committee for Joint Action by the Chinese Colleges of Hong Kong had several meetings and finally a Chinese College Joint Council was established on February 25, 1957, with Chung Chi, New Asia and United Colleges, each having three representatives. The Rt. Rev. R. O. Hall and Dr. C. L. Chien of the Education Department were co-opted as advisers, and Dr. F. I. Tseung was elected the first Chairman.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204997, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "96\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\nhalves, one of which today is really not of great relevance. The watershed provided by the war, and the change in Hong Kong's fortunes as a result of the establishment of a strong and Communist Government in China, the independence of most other former colonial territories in Asia and the incipient industrialization of all of them put post-1949 Hong Kong into a totally different category from the quiet backwater which it occupied before.\n\nSo much has changed that the early history of the Colony sheds little light on its development today, and it remains only of academic significance, particularly in connection with the expansion of Western interests in China. An account of Hong Kong's growth in the last fifteen years, however, does go some way towards explaining what is a unique political and economic phenomenon and one which is too much overlooked by the outside world. It is the chapters which deal with the post-war years and look to the future which are the most thought-provoking in the book, for they discuss questions and problems to which there are many answers and varying solutions. These speculations are more stimulating than the carefully documented facts about, for example, the evolution of Hong Kong's Sanitary Board; and the summing up of how today's Government actually functions has more relevance than the picturesque disputes between early officials.\n\nThe success of the present Administration — “government by discussion\", Mr. Endacott calls it — is certainly peculiar and deserves examination. In this most uncolonial age, Hong Kong's Colonial Government has grown and prospered. Of the Legislative Council, Executive Council and Urban Council, only the last named has any elected members, and the number of electors is minute compared to the population (and, it may be added, a very small percentage of those entitled to vote actually do so). Mr. Endacott adduces a good deal of evidence that public opinion, while having little constitutional voice, is very carefully ascertained and considered before a new policy is embarked upon, and given the lack of unrest here, it must be conceded that Government seldom if ever inflicts a truly unpopular policy on the people. The press, and the various sections of the populace which have an articulate voice are given considerable attention, and the members of the Urban Council are apt to bring well into the\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204999, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "98\n\nCOLINA LUPTON\n\nindication is given in this book of how the British Government saw the ultimate future of the Colony, though this is of academic interest today.\n\nThe years 1946-1949 were spent in drawing up what has become known as the Young Plan, after the Governor of the time, which would have provided for an elected Municipal Council, with a franchise for all men and women over the age of 25 who could read and write either English or Chinese. This plan was however thrown out by the Legislative Council, of which the unofficial members felt that reform of their own body should come first. They also objected to the fact that the proposed Municipal Council would overlap the functions of the Colonial Administration. In any case, the time, mid-1949, was unsettled in view of events in China and the opportunity was missed. Subsequently, the whole of Hong Kong society underwent such an upheaval with the flood of refugees and the diminishing of trade with the Mainland that constitutional reforms were shelved.\n\nA feature of the post-war situation of Hong Kong is the fact that everyone knows that the really important long-term decisions are not made in the Colonial Secretariat or even in Government House. This certainly adds to the lack of interest in acquiring any share in the Government. On the other hand, a paradoxical result of the establishment of the Communist Government in Peking is that most of the Chinese who have come to Hong Kong in the last fifteen years are here to stay, unlike the transients who before the war came to the Colony to find jobs in bad periods at home, expecting to return to their families when conditions improved. Hence the Chinese population does in fact have more interest than it did in pre-1949 days in seeing that the Government should at least be of the complexion it desires. As time passes, this will be both more and less true: a greater proportion of the populace will be Hong Kong born or educated, or both; but since it is clear that as Mr. Endacott says, Peking's demands for the revision of the \"unequal treaties\" are unlikely to stop at the Shum Chun river, the Colony's lifespan depends on how pressing the Chinese Government feels this revision is.\n\nAn interesting point in the early history of the Colony which Mr. Endacott brings out very clearly is that it was the British Government, which by not allowing any constitutional advance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205006, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n105\n\nthe execution of their writing. This is a factor that also affects the quality of the article, and it seems that the editor has little room for making his choice. Possibly for the same reason, the statistical unit is inconsistent; even within the same article one can find both the metric and the English systems. The application of some current terms also shows a lack of unity. For example, \"undeveloped land\" and \"marginal land\" are quite different things in land use, yet in this book they are used interchangeably in certain places. The assumption that eighty per cent of the land of Hong Kong is undeveloped might very possibly mislead the reader. Again, the first line on page 50 runs: \"At the end of 1947 the estimated population of Hong Kong was 1,800,000\", yet the fourteenth line from the bottom of page 55 says: \"In post-war years the population of the Colony rose from less than 600,000 in 1947 to nearly 3,000,000 in 1961\".\n\nPart II is composed of twelve articles dealing with mineral deposits, and of these, seven are related to Hong Kong, with Professor Davis being the author of five and a half of these. I believe that Professor Davis is the unchallengeable authority on things underground in Hong Kong. I am still a new arrival here, unfamiliar even with things on the surface of the ground in Hong Kong. It is therefore inappropriate for me to make any academic comment in this respect.\n\nThe first article in this Part, \"Mining in Hong Kong\", serves as a general introduction to the mining industry in Hong Kong. It is followed by two striking articles: \"Some Economic Aspects of Mining Processing\" and \"Tectonics and Ore Deposits\". Then, tungsten, lead, and iron are treated in turn. The last paper is \"Dissolved-in-water Type of Methane Gas Resources of Japan\" by Dr. Kaneko, the former director of the Geological Survey of Japan. I admit that this article is rich in reference value, yet considering the title of the book, it seems to have overstepped the area under particular treatment by the book.\n\nMaps are the most favored tools employed in modern geography. They can tell what words fail to say. To the author and especially to the editor, however, they are a great burden. There are forty-two maps in this book, mostly simple indicating maps. Some do not seem to have been properly designed, and some are reduced to such a degree as to present a blurred view.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205014, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n113\n\nin the west is that Southeast Asia is undergoing 'Westernization' and that its countries differ from those of Europe or America only in being more 'backward' or 'underdeveloped'.\" Purcell quickly points out that such a view is an oversimplification, but the chapters which follow are not convincing. Purcell has done little more than present the myriad problems which beset the area, and has clouded the picture by misconceptions and personal conclusions based upon too little serious consideration of all the ramifications of a complex area. Lennox Mills, covering much of the same ground, has now provided the specialist and non-specialist alike with an extremely readable book on the political and economic condition of these underdeveloped nations. He makes no attempt at simplification. Indeed, the complexities in the situation do not lend themselves to the \"nutshell\" approach. He has instead analyzed the component parts of the large picture in each country.\n\nMills is looking for certain characteristics in each country which, operating upon economic and political forces, indicate similarities, and make possible the identification of general trends in the whole area. I should judge that the author succeeds admirably. He has isolated a dozen or so similarities which exist or have existed in the national independence movements, in the formative national period, and in the emerging period. He notes, for example, that absolute and despotic rule in all the countries has been the norm throughout most of the historical period; that the leadership of the revolutions and of the new nations rests with the Western educated elite; that their support is drawn from the urban working and \"lower middle classes,\" and that 80% of the population, the peasantry, have little part or interest in nationhood and citizenship. He notes that all the countries lack the prerequisites for democracy although all have at one time or another established democratic forms. Ruling oligarchies control the governments. The political emphasis remains tied to the personality of the leaders and not to parties or factions.\n\nHaving identified the general trends Mills goes on to analyze in some detail the political and economic ramifications of these trends. Political sophistication does not run deep. In most respects the major part of the population of the area are little", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205015, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "114\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThe concerned with what happens outside their village life. \"politically effective people\" make up only a small fraction of the total. Among these there exists a certain disdain of “impatient condescension\" toward the majority of their countrymen. Oligarchies of the ruling classes are in control, and Mills seems to accept that oligarchies will continue to be the norm. The problem would seem to be the outlook for some sort of check upon the oligarchies, and yet still bring about stability and economic progress. Mills notes some hopeful signs of checks and balances developing. For example, a Supreme Court decision in Thailand in recent years went against the government and succeeded in criticizing it openly. Again, in the Philippines an aroused citizenry was able to force the ruling oligarchy to restrain its use of brute force in electoral campaigns, and to reduce to \"acceptable\" proportions its demands for graft.\n\nOne could hope in such a work as this for some pondering on the possibilities of the emerging of alternative leaders. Leaders perhaps of a potentially more capable bent than the present batch. The author touches on this in the case of the Philippines. But what of alternatives to Sukarno? What, by the way, has happened to Mohammed Hatta? And what of the outlook for the development of representative institutions in government? Mills does not go deep enough into this subject,\n\nHis analysis of strategic concepts from several points of view - American, Australian, Indian, Chinese - is valuable. But he avoids mention of the implications for the United States in the conscious Philippine tendency toward a pro-Asiatic orientation. Perhaps he does not feel that this will in the foreseeable future affect United States-Philippine relations. But he does not say so.\n\nMills has a realistic view of Chinese power and Communist activities. His chapters on the Chinese and on Communism are particularly revealing of the methods of infiltration. The \"technique of the inside job\" for some time has been the chief instrument of Chinese Communist imperialism.\n\nOn the economic side he enters in detail into all the familiar subjects: low living standards, low income levels, slowness of industrialization, the sluggishness of agrarian reform, lack of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "140\n\nSELLETT, G.*\n\nSHEKURY, Miss E.\n\nSHING, D.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J. SHU, Dr. H. T.\n\nSHUI, Chien-tung\n\nSIEGEL, H. W.\n\nSIKORA, F.\n\nSIMPSON, R. F.\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.\n\nSKELSON, Mrs. M. C.\n\nSKELSON, R. E.\n\nSLEVIN, B.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, Miss A. M.\n\nSMITH, L.*\n\nSMITH, L. A.\n\nSMITH, Miss M. H.\n\nSMITH, S. H.*\n\nSOONG, N.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F.\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\n14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\nAdministrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. Tsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\n29 South Bay Road, H.K.\n\nDept. of Education, The University, H.K.\n\nH.K. Telephone Co., Ltd., Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nc/o The Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nc/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\n512 King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\n23-A Robinson Road, H.K.\n\n2741, SW 22nd Ave. Coconut Grove, Miami 33, Florida, U.S.A.\n\n19 Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K.\n\nAsia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\n2, Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\nH.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K.\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nc/o The Housing Manager, Hong Kong Housing Authority, Ma Tau Wei Estate, Kowloon,\n\nQueen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONEY, G. S.\n\nSTONEY, Mrs. G. S.\n\nAs above.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205064, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY\n\n15\n\nditti\" abounding in the countryside,' “instances of kidnapping by ex-pirates [which] were so frequent that no man could feel himself safe alone in the streets of Canton after 9 o'clock at night\".8\n\nTime and again during these years the local officials issued proclamations condemning such activities and urging the people to revert to peaceful pursuits. In 1828 the district magistrate of Nan-hai hsien urged the people at the New Year's time to remain peaceful and orderly and not to imitate \"the vagabonds\" and “local blackguards” who cause much trouble. In 1829 the same gentleman complained of the fact that \"the people of this province are addicted to gambling, opium, whoredom, and lotteries. And the city of Canton is preeminent in all of these vices.\" It was, he said, \"the shameless banditti that are to blame\". In another proclamation of about the same time, he condemned the bandits who extorted money from the peasants. \"In the vicinity of Canton, Whampoa, and Macao,\" he complained, \"and in the districts of Shun-teh, Tung-kuan, and Hsin-huy (all within the Hong Kong-Macao-Canton axis), the people who cultivate land on the banks of the rivers are particularly distressed by these practices.\"11\n\nIn 1832 it was reported that in Hsiang-shan hsien bandits were levying taxes on the people in like fashion.12\n\nVillage and clan feuding compounded the problem. In 1828 the Kwangchou prefect issued a proclamation in which he condemns the feuding between clans. \"The larger clans,\" he said, \"in villages insult smaller ones... They presume on their numerical strength and seize the best land and the most useful streams. They insult both men and women of the smaller clans. And when disputes arise about graves and debts they proceed to barbarous violence.\"13\n\nAnd in the same year the Canton authorities, condemning clan feuds, complained of how “..... in pursuance of the feuds of the halls of their ancestors, they (the clans) proceed to collect together a multitude of their own clan's people, and seizing spears, swords, and other weapons, they fight together and kill people\".14 In 1829 1,000 men were involved in a village feud in Hsun-teh hsien,15 and in 1834 400 people were reported killed in a similar affair in Tung-kuan hsien.16 In most cases the government was powerless to intervene.\n\nWhat was behind all this chaos?\n\nHere, of course, we are on tricky ground.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205070, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "REGIONAL APPROACH TO CHINESE HISTORY\n\n21\n\nwould \"take advantage of the situation to create suspicion and burn down the buildings of the barbarians and loot and plunder foreign goods. All this they have been wanting to do for a long time, [and] if each robber should rise up at the same time both Canton and Hong Kong will be destroyed.\" \"Danger from without (the foreigner),\" he continued, \"was troublesome enough and must be guarded against, but internal troubles were even more important.”\n37\n\nAlong the coast piracy had again become well-organized. In 1844 a pirate fleet of 150 boats exacted blackmail from all passing native craft and attacked Imperial military outposts. At one point they actually captured the official in charge of the Bogue, cut off his ears, and demanded $60,000 ransom,\n38 A modern historian described the scene thus: \"Pirates swarmed in Hong Kong waters. Lawless European seamen joined the outlaws. Native marine storekeepers on the island (of Hong Kong) not only supplied them with arms and ammunition and disposed of their booty but furnished them also, through well-paid spies in mercantile offices and government departments, with information as to the shipment of valuable cargo and particularly as to the movements of the police and British gunboats. Chests of opium and other valuables were carried off. Men, ships, mail, and cargo disappeared forever.\"\n39\n\nAs in the early days of the century, the Imperial navy was powerless in the face of this piratical power, and it was not until the British navy went into action in 1849 and the pirate fleets were partially destroyed that a semblance of order was restored.\n40\n\nThis, then, was what was \"going on\" in the 1840's.\n\nTo the \"average\" Chinese villager, as to the \"average\" Chinese official, the real problem was the lack of internal peace and order. It is true that the foreigner was being attacked and his property stolen... of this there can be no doubt. But Chinese were being attacked and Chinese property was being stolen too.\n\nFor every barbarian assaulted there must have been hundreds, if not thousands, of Chinese victims as well. The dominant theme of the '40s was not anti-foreignism, or even an over-riding concern with the foreigner and his doings. It was, rather, the alarming spectacle of a large and populous area of south China slipping deeper into", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205074, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "25\n\nTHE FIVE GREAT CLANS OF THE\n\nNEW TERRITORIES\n\nBased on a Lecture Delivered on 1st March, 1965\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\nI\n\nSoutheastern China, and the provinces of Fukien and Kwangtung in particular, is an area which, to quote Freedman, \"has specialised... in large-scale unilineal organization\". The New Territories falls within this area and is true-to-type in its widespread settlement by patrilineal groups. I have to deal with two kinds of such groups and shall use the terms lineage and clan to distinguish them. By lineage I mean a group of agnatically related males together with their unmarried female agnates and the wives of the men, all living together in one settlement (village or village-cluster), holding property in common, and politically a unit under one leadership. By clan I mean the aggregate of all such groups in the area bearing a common surname and recognising a recent, traceable common origin, but yet not necessarily owning property in common and not united as one leadership unit. These definitions are not entirely satisfactory, but will perhaps suffice in this context, since there is a lack of precise terminology with regard to such units of the Chinese kinship system. In this paper I am going to describe in outline the history and development of the five largest clans and lineages of the New Territories, to try to tie in historical and land-type factors with wealth and growth, and to trace out some of the consequences of wealth in the lineage system. Finally I shall try to show briefly how these clans and lineages were engaged in a network of alliances and antagonisms, and how they reacted to external stimuli. The term Five Great Clans is an attempt at translation of the Chinese, by which name I have heard these people refer to themselves.\n\nThe author is a graduate student at the University of London who conducted research in the New Territories in 1963-65.\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205080, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Five Great Clans\n\n31\n\nhighly desirable vegetable land. Shifts in land values have also affected the balance of wealth within any one lineage, and have produced interesting differences in ritual practices between lineage branches. In Sheung Shui, for example, land to the southeast of the village has greatly increased in value due to the rise there of Shek Wu market.68 Land to the northwest of the village, on the other hand, has declined in value for several reasons. One branch of the lineage, whose land holdings are mainly to the northwest and which has no land on the Shek Wu market side, has been forced to dispense with certain annual feasts through lack of income.\n\nIV\n\nControlling large areas of land, and having power, the five clans and their settlements were natural communications centres and foci of rural interest, and they were able to maintain and increase their wealth and influence by setting up markets under their control. The market of Shek Wu Hui, mentioned above, was established on Liu land. Yuen Long Kau Hui, until displaced by the new market known simply as Yuen Long, was owned by the Tangs. The market of Tai Po Kau Hui70 was owned and controlled by the Tang lineages of Tai Po Tau and Lung Kwat Tau,71 while the new Tai Po market was a joint venture by many clans, amongst whom were the Mans of Tai Hang72 and the Pangs of Fan Ling.\n\nThese markets were held on regular schedules based on the lunar calendar. Thus, Yuen Long kept to a 3-6-9 schedule, meaning that markets were held there on the 3rd, 6th, and 9th; 13th, 16th, and 19th; 23rd, 26th, and 29th days of the lunar month. Tai Po new market also worked the 3-6-9 system, while Shek Wu Hui maintained a 1-4-7 schedule.73 The controlling clans received an income in various ways, chief of which was through their charging a fee for the weighing of goods sold in the markets, all scales being retained by them, or hired out by them to private individuals at a high rent.74\n\nNo other large markets were controlled by members of the Five Clans,75 though each of their larger villages appears to have small daily markets meeting for the exchange and sale of perish-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "56\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\nThese Northern European traders, then, were the first Europeans that ever came to China, or so it seems. They left very little, if any, impression on the Chinese. Not even the annalistic chapters of the Yüan-shih recorded their arrival, and but for the court diary kept by a Chinese official in Kublai's residence we would never have known about them at all. The same is true for the Polos, who are, as indicated above, not recorded in any Chinese source. But this applies not only to the Venetian travellers. The many missionaries, mostly Franciscan friars, who came to China have left no traces in Chinese records and we would not know about their visit if Western sources had not preserved their accounts.\n\nGiovanni da Montecorvino, who was dispatched to the Great Khan in 1289 by Pope Nicholas IV, went to Peking (Khanbaliq) and we have in a medieval chronicle his letters dated from Khanbaliq 1305 and 1306 respectively. There he reports on the progress of his evangelistic work, on baptisms, and he asks to have sent to him an antiphonarium, a collection of legends, a psalter and a graduale. He pretends to have learned the Tatar language; that is, either Mongolian or Turkish. Otherwise nothing in his letters indicates things Chinese. They could have been written anywhere where the \"Tartar\" language was spoken and that was almost everywhere between the Black Sea and the Yellow Sea. He did not notice that the majority of the Peking inhabitants did not speak Tatar but Chinese.\n\nA similar impression is given by most of the other letters written by Franciscan friars residing in China all of which points to a singular lack of contact between China and representatives of Occidental civilization. There are, on the other hand, a few remains of an archaeological nature proving that Latin Christianity reached China after all. The most famous relic is the \"Latin Tombstone\" in Yang-chou, which has been called, not inappropriately, by the author of a study of the monument, “a landmark of Medieval Christianity in China.\" This stone was discovered in 1951 and has a Latin inscription saying that \"In the Name of the Lord Amen here lies Catherine, Daughter of the Late Sir Dominic de Viglione, who died in the Year of the Lord One Thousand Three Hundred Forty-Two in the Month of June.\"\n\nAbove the inscription there are several finely chiseled drawings of Mary with the Child and scenes of the martyrdom of St. Catherine, the patron-saint of the girl. These representations of Christian art show an impressive combination of Western motifs", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "60\n\nHERBERT FRANKE\n\ntheir functions in the Yuan-shih. On the Chinese side, the leading astronomer was Kuo Shou-ching (1231-1316). To him fell the difficult task of reconciling the Arab astronomical system with traditional Chinese astronomy which had entirely different mathematical and geometrical foundations. As I am not a specialist in the history of science, I have to refer to Needham's detailed study of this problem.7\n\nAnother field where Western Asians reached some prominence in China was medicine. It seems as if the skill of Westerners in surgery greatly impressed the Chinese, because physicians from the Near East who performed all sorts of difficult operations are frequently mentioned. Some of them were not Muslim but Nestorian Christians, like Ai-hsieh (1227-1308) whose Chinese name is a rendering of Syriac Isa, Yehoshua, or Jesus. He was not only a famous physician but also for some time served as a Court Astronomer under Kublai Khan prior to the arrival of Jamal ad-Din. Ai-hsieh reached high offices at Kublai's court and was even honored posthumously by having his biography included in the Yüan dynastic history. His activities in China, however, and the presence of many other doctors from the Western Regions, failed to leave a permanent impact on Chinese medicine. The theoretical framework of traditional Chinese medicine continued to be the basis for medical literature and there is not much trace of Western contacts to be noticed in such medical and pharmacological Chinese works as the Pen-ts'ao kang-mu by Li Shih-chen (sixteenth century). On the other hand Chinese medicine was made known rather widely in Islamic countries, as we shall see later. It seems, in any case, that individual skills and techniques were appreciated in Yüan China rather than new theoretical issues and ideas that were entirely foreign to the Chinese. This is certainly the case in both astronomy and medicine; both remained faithful to the inherited theories in spite of occasional borrowings from the West.\n\nTechnology was another field where Westerners were active in China. We have mentioned artillery already. The catapults used by the Mongol and Northern Chinese armies against the fortified town of Hsiang-yang on the Han River were built by Mohammedan engineers. Hsiang-yang has, during a long period in Chinese history, been a town of great strategic importance. Whoever commanded Hsiang-yang could block the access to the fertile Middle", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205163, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "114\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nlater, the Emperor Yung-cheng indicated to the Grand Secretariat that he would like to select several dozen of the elderly officials from the capital who were capable enough to give moral and ideological lectures to people in Shensi province,53 Among those selected, the majority were Hanlins. In 1743, the Emperor Ch'ien-lung followed his predecessor's example by despatching a sub-reader and a compiler of the Academy to be Instructors of Morals in a few prefectures in Anhwei and Kiangsu provinces:54 their cultural standard was considered inferior to other prefectures of the same provinces.\n\nThe Hanlins needed to manage administrative affairs within the Academy itself. There were a series of clerical tasks such as accountancy, filing and translation of documents, preparation work before meetings, which could not be done properly by clerks alone. The Hanlins chose among themselves those who were good in penmanship to help perform these functions. Usually four Hanlins were chosen and they were regarded as executive officials (pan-shih kuan). They had the additional responsibility of examining clerks and subordinates of the Academy for promotion consideration before presenting their cases for approval by the Chancellor. After 1777, when a set of the Szu-ku ch’üan-shu (Complete Book of Four Treasuries) was sent to the library of the Academy, they also were called upon to look after its use by the other members of the Academy.55\n\nThus, we see that some Hanlins had a hand in nearly all aspects of government at the capital. With activities ranging from the administration of the secretarial affairs of the Academy itself to the managing of state affairs, from their influence on a poor scholar to their impact on the emperor, from experience gained in the capital to a widening of outlook in the provinces, from a few lines of an inscription to voluminous compilations we can see how varied were the duties of the Hanlins and how important was the Academy in the administration of the Empire in the early Ch'ing.\n\nThe period after 1795 saw the gradual decline of the Ch'ing Dynasty, caused mainly by the lack of arable land and the increase of population on the one hand and the growing of foreign pressures", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205178, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "OLD BRITISH KOWLOON\n\n129\n\nYau Ma Ti is not mentioned by name in the Commissioners' Report of 1862, and its earlier origin is therefore in question. However, at the latest estimate, its principal temple, dedicated to Tin Hau, the Queen of Heaven, was located there soon after the Kowloon peninsula changed hands: two stone lions standing outside the present building are dated 1864. Some years later the Registrar General included a brief mention of Yau Ma Ti in his Census Returns for 1876 in which he wrote: 39\n\nYau Ma Ti in Kowloon has become a new Town within the last few months, and it will continue to increase if facilities are afforded to the boat builders and to the junk people who repair thither to careen and repair their vessels, for on these the trade of the place chiefly depends\".\n\nIn 1882 Osbert Chadwick wrote of the formation of \"irregular groups of houses\" and the \"lack of proper streets\" in growing villages like Yau Ma Ti. He went on to describe the environs of the town as follows: 40\n\nTo the north of Yau Ma Ti the shore is lined with establishments for boat people or other trades connected with shipping... Just to the south of Yau Ma Ti is a sort of mud-dock which dries at half ebb or little later. This is occupied by many boats some of which are too old and leaky to go out, and lie here permanently, being used as dwellings. This causes a serious nuisance\".\n\nIn Yau Ma Ti there was a community organisation known as a kaifong (†). This type of association is commonly found in small towns whose main activities are trades and crafts rather than agriculture. Its leaders are usually local shop-keepers and businessmen. In Old Kowloon the several regional kaifongs' activities took on the nature of charitable deeds such as the provision of primary education, herbal treatment for illness, a funeral expenses scheme (#), free coffins for paupers, etc. These services were meant to benefit the poorer residents of the town. A kaifong's work also verged on what would now be considered the proper sphere of the central government, in such matters as building and repairing footpaths, lanes, bridges, public wells, and so on. 41 As in the villages its leaders were also responsible for the organisation of local religious ceremonies and their accompanying entertainment. 42 Like the village organisations of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205191, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n141\n\nTHE GLASS CURTAIN BETWEEN ASIA AND EUROPE: A Symposium on the Historical Encounters and the Changing Attitudes of the Peoples of the East and the West. Edited by Raghavan Iyer, with a Foreword by the Dalai Lama. London: Oxford University Press, 1965. xii+356 pages. HK$42.00\n\nThis book, as its subtitle indicates, is a study of the East-vs.-West mentality of both Asians and Europeans in the modern world. The \"Glass Curtain\" refers to this mentality, as it were, \"invisible yet impenetrable.\" As something that divides peoples into opposing sides, it is more subtle, and therefore more difficult to recognize and deal with, than the Iron Curtain, the \"Bamboo Curtain,\" or what have you. The result is lack of mutual understanding and the proliferation of distorted images of other peoples as well as of one's own.\n\nSuch a result, though perhaps inevitable historically, is naturally undesirable, so it is assumed in this book. This is so especially in our day of more extensive intercultural exchanges and more intense international conflicts. Furthermore, it is time to look forward to an emerging world civilization in which Asians and Europeans and other peoples should be more or less equal partners. All those who share this global outlook and cosmopolitan concern should read this book. The book is a tract for the times, a lesson in world citizenship. Though it presents a somber picture at the beginning, the book ends with an optimistic outlook. It appeals throughout to a broader understanding and a deeper sympathy. Although its material is historical (as are most of its essays), its aim is moral. Here lies the book's peculiar character.\n\nThe main purpose of the book is to expose and, hopefully, lift one particular \"curtain of ignorance\" that separates and misleads people about others and about themselves, for the sake of better communication and in the name of a common humanity. In the words of its editor, the book aims at least \"to offer a provisional framework for a frank dialogue between Asians and Europeans on the Glass Curtain that seems to separate them\" (p.312). And he adds, \"the concern for a real dialogue on equal terms is indeed more significant than the anxiety to reach agreement or to find specific solutions\" (p.318). The point is to get the dialogue going. This book should provide a good start.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205235, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "185\n\nSCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.*\n\nSCOTT, A. C.\n\nSCOTT, J. M.\n\nSELLERS, D.\n\nSELLETT, G.*\n\nSHAW-KENNEDY, Miss Anne\n\nSHEKURY, Miss E. SHEPHARD, A. J. SHING, D.-\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T. - SHUI, Chien tung\n\nSIEGEL, H. W.\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.*\n\nSLEVIN, B.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, Leslie*\n\nSMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.*\n\nSOONG, N.\n\n-\n\nJ\n\n+\n\n-\n\nc/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, USA.\n\nAsian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Commerce & Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K.\n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\nRoom 812 Hilton Hotel, H.K.\n\n14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon.\n\nAdministrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nTsing Hua College, 263 Prince Edward Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\nc/o Royal Bank of Canada, 20 King Street, West, Toronto, Ontario, Canada.\n\nc/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Unit, Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\n52 Mount Nicholson Gap Flat, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K.\n\nAsia Magazine, 31 Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\n2. Queen's Road, Central, H.K.\n\nH.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F.\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTEWART, Miss Elizabeth H.\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONEY, G. S.\n\nSTONEY, Mrs. G. S.\n\n+\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nDiocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o The Housing Manager, Hong Kong Housing Authority, Ma Tau Wei Estate, Kowloon.\n\nQueen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "34 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\nregular) palace, tien, was for the Queen Mother Young and was called by the name of Ts'u-yuan Tien (18. \n\nIt is reasonable to imagine that when they arrived in Kowloon their manner of life was practically the same as later in Ya-shan. The royal party with their attendants and the generals and ministers with their families went ashore followed by a number of royal guards, while the rest of the one hundred thousand soldiers had to stay on the boats. I believe that the royal party, including the mother Queen, Tuan Tsung, his younger brother and their closest attendants, were welcomed by the Salt-field Administrator, who was the chief official of the area, and accommodated in the better and more permanent houses in Kuan-fu Tsai. It is said that at the foot of the Kuan-fu Tsai Hill there was a large, flat stone which the Queen Mother used as her dressing table and hence it was called the Queen Mother's Dressing Stone, wang-mu shu-chuang shih (14†). The others had to live in the several villages and houses and huts which were hurriedly built with whatever materials were available in the area, such as bamboo, wood, mud, straw, stones, etc. No magnificent and beautiful palaces or mansions could have been built, owing to lack of time they stayed for only two months and want of the better class of building material. Such temporary houses must have spread all over the area. \n\nA close scrutiny of the earlier government maps show that the terrain in this area was very suitable for habitation. There was a brook which ran south from the northern mountainous area. There was another one running east from the valley between the two pincers on the northern end of the Kuan-fu Mountain. The two brooks converged on the western side of the Sacred Hill to form the Ma-tau-ch'ung, (i.e. stream), which then flows into Kowloon Bay. Thus there was enough fresh water for drinking, cooking and other purposes for thousands of people. It was in this large plain that the Kuan-fu Travelling Palace of Southern Sung was located (see map). \n\nIX. THE REST OF THE ITINERARY \n\nHaving encamped at Kuan-fu for two months from the 4th to the 6th, being the summer of 1277, the royal party, now threatened by the advent of the Mongols, moved on by boat with all", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "39\n\nPRINTING - A NEW DISCOVERY\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nIn 1963 the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society published a paper of mine entitled \"The development of printing in China and its effect on the renaissance under the Sung dynasty (960 - 1279).\" Recently a new find was made which, if confirmed, pushes back the history of block printing some fifteen years, possibly more. The discovery occurred last October when certain Korean scholars noticed that a stone stupa known as Sokka Tap 釋迦塔, at Pulguk sa 佛國寺, had been damaged. On investigation they found a printed Buddhist sutra hidden in its interior. (See plates 5 and 6) It was in the form of a scroll made of thick mulberry paper, mounted on a piece of bamboo, lacquered at each end. The text is some 630 cm. long and 6 cm. wide, the printed portion being 5.3 cm. in width. The exact length cannot be determined as the scroll has not been fully unrolled due to its poor condition. In fact, about one third has suffered serious damage from worms; the rest of it, however, is in fair condition. Later examination revealed that the printing had been executed by means of a series of woodblocks, twelve in number, each about 20 or 21 inches in length. Then the separate pieces of paper had been joined together to form a continuous scroll, just as was the text of the famous Diamond Sutra of 868, discovered in 1907 at the cave library of Ch'ien-fo-tung near Tun-huang (west China) by Sir Aurel Stein, now at the British Museum. The scholars who have pronounced this an authentic piece of printing are Professors Kim Sanggi and Yi Hongjik, members of the Cultural Assets Preservation Committee, Ministry of Education, Seoul.\n\nIn the cavity of the stupa there were, besides the scroll, reliquary vessels, Buddhist images, tiny pagodas, incense sticks, pieces of silk, etc. (See plate 7). They seem to be typical of the period not only in Korea, but also in China and in Japan. These items are important discoveries in themselves, and deserve further study.\n\nThe text is well known. Its title in Chinese is Wu kou ching kuang ta to-lo-ni ching (in Sanskrit: Raśmivimalavaviśuddhaprabhā dhāranī). It was first rendered into", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205288, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n43\n\nHalf-way up the valley Plum Grove Village (Mui Tsz Lam) climbs the lower slopes of a cone-shaped mountain peak, overlooking a widening stretch of land. No flat land is to be found here and farming takes place on stone terraces built on the slopes. There is plenty of water, running down the hillsides in small brooks. The third and uppermost settlement is another composite one, Grass Field Village (Mau Ping). It comprises three hamlets and some isolated houses. The valley ends in a bowl-shaped area, and the settlement is spread around on three steep sides. Farming is done entirely on stone terraces. Parts of this bowl are densely forested.\n\nRice production is a prominent feature of the valley. The irrigated fields are double-cropped but the yield is and has, within living memory, never been sufficient to cover the local consumption. It seems that even in a good year the basic food supply would last only for about seven months. Small holdings are characteristic of this valley. Bad soil and lack of arable land limit the possibilities of agricultural expansion, together with the frequent and serious damage caused to crops by typhoons. The torrents of rain accompanying the storms sometimes flood the whole area. The water carries away fertilizers and soil. On the other hand, the crops, especially the first, are exposed to periods of drought since, however well-watered the valley is, people find it extremely difficult to make use of the supply. There is a constant want of rain-water as the fields are often too far away from the brooks. The main stream pursues its way in a deep ravine and is hardly of any use at all, whilst its mouth is, as mentioned, filled with salt water during high tide. The hillsides are steep and the run-off of water is rapid.\n\nIn earlier days the rice produced in the village was consumed on the spot. According to the rice merchants in the market towns the quality of the grain from this mountain area is as good as any from the New Territories' plains. When rice mills operating in the Sai Kung and Sha Tin markets after the Pacific War (1941-45) started an exchange system, the villagers were presented with a new alternative. They could transport their high-quality rice crop to the market and there exchange it for inferior broken polished rice, generally imported from Burma or Thailand. This is now usually done, and on a 'picul for picul' system;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205311, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "66\n\nL. G. AUMER\n\nand Hoklo fishermen operating from Ho Tung Lau across the water. He is mainly dependent on the remittances from his son working in England. It seems likely that his exclusion from the informal council is due to his low economic status. The third, 86 years old, is completely deaf and cannot communicate with people.\n\nOn the basis of the above we may generalize and say that during the transitional period the earlier, fairly non-differentiated, gerontocracy in Big Stream Village was transformed into a system, still gerontocratic in nature, but one marked by unequal distribution of power within the set of old men. Power was directly correlated with the accumulation of wealth which, in communities involved in processes of extension, was dependent on the economic opportunities pertaining to the destinations of the sojourners, and their fortune there.\n\nVII\n\nThe new phase in the extension initiated after the Pacific War took, as we have seen, a more systematic form as emigration was almost entirely concentrated on Great Britain. The difference in the new situation lies in the circumstance that the emigrants from the same village, although scattered over the whole of Britain, are still not too far away from each other to be able to keep in touch. Some of the 33 men from Big Stream Village working overseas, on an occasional visit at home, told me that villagers working in Britain in Chinese-style restaurants stay in London, Liverpool, and other places. They have frequent contacts and meet each other fairly often. Sometimes they even hold meetings.\n\nThe different solidarity groups within the major lineage at home mark off relations also in the overseas settlement. The village at home is now almost entirely dependent on the remittances flowing in from Britain. In this situation those working in Britain, who now constitute a kind of localized sub-group in the community, feel that political influence should go along with the flow of money. They are young and middle-aged men with a latent dissatisfaction with the passive conservatism of the old men still in power at home. The Village Representative is constantly blamed for his lack of interest in village affairs, supposedly reflected in his daily visits to his former place of work, the Ma On Shan Mine, where he spends his days at the mahjong table.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "84 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nChina coasters came from all parts of the Commonwealth, but with a preponderance of English, Irish, Scots, and Welshmen. There was never any lack of Welshmen, and no coaster was complete without its Jones or Evans, invariably prefixed by 'Dai' or 'Taffy'. Australians and New Zealanders were not uncommon, and there were also a few Anglo-Indians. In my time, however, I can recall only one Canadian and one South African. One pleasant feature of coast life was the friendship and harmony between deck and engine departments, something still too rare on home ships. The small number of Europeans on the average coaster may have contributed to this, seldom more than three mates and four engineers, with the radio officer often a Hong Kong Chinese.\n\nThe riverboats were a special species of 'China coaster', and many of their officers spent their entire careers on the Yangtse. The Lower Riverboats, which ran between Shanghai and Hankow, operated a fortnightly schedule, of which three days were spent in Shanghai and two in Hankow. During the summer months of high water, however, some Lower Riverboats continued to Ichang, which extended their schedule to three weeks. Jardines, the China Navigation Company, and the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company each had a daily sailing from Shanghai to Hankow, calling at the intermediate ports, of which the most important were Chinkiang, Nanking, Wuhu, Anking, Kiukiang, and Yochow and Shasi on the Middle River between Hankow and Ichang. The China Navigation Company's Lower Riverboats left the French Bund at three o'clock in the morning, so that they could navigate the tricky Lungshan Crossing at the estuary in daylight, and it was not unknown for junior officers to miss their ship. By catching an early morning train from Shanghai, however, they could rejoin at Nanking in the afternoon, an extreme form of pierhead jump.\n\nIf riverboat men were a special species of 'China coaster', the men who sailed on the Upper Yangtse were a distinct sub-species. The Upper Riverboats ran between Ichang and Chungking, the section of the Yangtse which included the famous and spectacular Yangtse Gorges. The men on these ships had some justification for considering themselves the aristocrats of the China coast. The slightest error in navigation, or the slightest engine mishap, would almost certainly have meant a serious casualty. The Gorge boats", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205331, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "86 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nThe sailors' and firemen's cook's 'boy' was usually the grandson or grandnephew of the bosun and Number One, while the 'boy' in the pantry bore the same relationship to the Chief Steward. Chinese crews developed a strong sense of loyalty to their ship and owners, sometimes putting their European officers to shame in this respect. Payment for overtime was unheard of, and sailors and firemen would often work round the clock after a docking to have the ship spick and span for an early morning sailing; while bosuns and Number One Firemen would sometimes buy extra cleaning and polishing materials out of their own pockets. The compradore and his staff also spent many years on one ship and one service, resulting in efficient cargo handling and stowage. \n\nEach department of the Chinese crew of a prewar 'China coaster' usually came from a different part of the country. An average 2,500 ton coaster would have about 70 Chinese in its crew, and a common arrangement would be for the sailors to come from Tientsin, the firemen from Ningpo, and the stewards and compradores from Canton and Swatow. Pidgin English was invariably the only means of inter-departmental communication, but normally all worked together harmoniously under their European officers. Provincial rivalries and jealousies were, however, always latent, and their existence helped to ensure efficiency. \n\nThere were always ten applicants for any job. Wages for the Chinese crew on a coaster were small, but being assured and regular, a job on a coaster was highly prized. There was the additional attraction of 'pidgin' and 'squeeze', which had an extraordinary fascination. The prospect of an extra dollar or two from this source meant more to them than three or four times the amount in wages. The more 'pidgin', the happier and more contented the crew, and the more hard-working. Nothing was too small or insignificant to escape their attention, and there was always something to be bought at one port, which could be resold at a small profit a few days later further up or down the coast. I am sure that on a ship trading between the North and South Poles, the Chinese crew would soon organise a brisk trade in polar bears and penguins with the Eskimoes. \n\nOn the China coast, the distinction between the 'regular' and the 'outside' ships must always be remembered. The foregoing applied mainly to the 'regular' ships, that is to the ships of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205333, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "88 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nChina Navigation Company fleet numbered over sixty ships and they dominated the beancake trade; they employed a dozen or so old coasters, ships which had outlived their usefulness in more demanding trades. These were naturally called 'beancakers'. When not beancaking, they relieved the liner ships when these went to dock, or supplemented them when seasonal demands of trade warranted this. They sometimes laid up for a few weeks between active spells, usually on the upper reaches of the Whang-poo River above Shanghai,\n\nLife on the beancakers was leisurely and easy-going. Bean-cakes were about the size of grindstones and half the weight, and were an easy cargo to handle, loading and discharging being carried out by coolies working through the cargo port doors in the ship's sides. The engines were little more than the bare \"three legs and twa pumps\", so that neither mates nor engineers were overburdened with work. Rumour had it that the engine room was locked up after the first day in port and stayed like that until just before sailing. In warm weather, all the officers arranged their accommodation on the poop, within easy reach of the ice-box. Beancaker captains and chief engineers were unambitious and asked nothing more than to be free of superintendents and office reports, and this life suited them admirably. The honour and prestige of sailing in a crack Tientsin liner held no attractions for such men,\n\nThe normal beancaker voyage was from Newchwang to Swatow fully loaded, with Dairen and Canton as alternative loading and discharging ports. After discharging, the beancakers went north to Shanghai in ballast, then took on bunkers and stores before continuing north to repeat the process. Sometimes a little general cargo might be taken from Shanghai to Newchwang. The complete voyage took about a month, and three or four voyages were made at the beginning and end of the season. The north-bound passage against the north-east monsoon could be long and trying, and when the monsoon was especially severe, experienced masters usually took the inside passage. This took advantage of the many islands between Swatow and Shanghai and was comparatively sheltered. It was only navigable for small ships of light draught, and it was advisable to anchor at night and negotiate most of the passage by daylight. Even with such delays, the beancakers often made quite good north-bound passages when,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205337, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "92\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\ndistrict city it was not under the district magistrate's direct rule but was under the charge of one of his deputies. This officer's yamen was in the walled city of Kowloon and he was responsible for many other villages besides those on Lantau Island. There was no civil officer actually resident on the island before 1898 though one imagines that runners would visit it from time to time to chase in taxes and, perhaps less frequently, to make an arrest. The military authorities were more in evidence. A captain commanded a detachment in the fort at Tung Chung, a large valley in the north-central part of the island, and a junior officer was in charge of another body of troops in the market town, Their presence was perhaps due more to European activities in the local seaways, and to pirates, than to any disturbances likely to take place on the island, especially in the latter half of the nineteenth century when there is no remembrance of internal disturbances.4\n\nThe people of Lantau were left mainly to their own devices by the government, military and civil alike. From evidence collected locally it appears that as elsewhere in China the clan and village elders kept the peace in the villages, and the Kaifong (#) or Street Association did the same in the market town and paid for watchmen to bar and walk round the principal streets at night. Anything more serious than minor disturbance and petty crime, e.g. piracies or armed robberies, was reported to the military, though by that time it was usually too late for anything effective to be done. Disputes were settled locally as far as possible. Besides these, the elders handled a variety of duties which, irrespective of the size of the community, were sometimes arduous and complex since much depended on handling individuals so as to produce a fruitful result. They organised small public works of benefit to their communities, such as the digging of a well or the construction of an irrigation dam or a small pier: they managed the local temples and arranged the details and financing of all festivals: they were responsible for finding suitable premises for village schools and engaging teachers; and so on. These persons came forward by a combination of such factors as age, experience, ability, ambition, leisure, wealth, lack of anyone else willing to do the job and so on. However, it is also true to say that they had also to be acceptable in their communities, since without local support and goodwill they could hardly operate.5", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205338, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "LAND AND LEADERSHIP IN THE H.K. REGION OF KWANGTUNG 93\n\nA scattered community of peasant farmers and petty shopkeepers might seem, educationally speaking, incapable of taking a lead in public business, and too engrossed in their own affairs to wish to do so, thus creating a power vacuum which might be filled from outside. However, enquiries into local history in the period under review show that outsiders seem to have taken no part in organising local affairs. This was not because there was a lack of interested outsiders. Two very different parties had an interest in the island and might conceivably have taken the initiative. There were the shopkeepers and fish-dealers from the neighbouring market centres on the islands of Cheung Chau and Peng Chau who had an economic interest in the people of the island's southern coast and its produce. There was also a more likely candidate for local leadership in the person of the family of scholar gentry from near Canton that collected rents in silver from the island's land population every year. This family appears to have collected rents for centuries by virtue of a grant of land which went back to Sung times (960-1278); but in the 19th century their interest in the island seems to have been confined to securing their income and, on the evidence of commemorative tablets, making occasional contributions to the repair of local temples at the request of the organising committees. No one now living can recall or has heard tell of their taking a part in the arbitration of local disputes in the last quarter of the century, which is the only period for which there is reliable first-hand information. As for the shopkeepers and other commercial people in the market centres, the surviving evidence, oral and documentary, points to a degree of financial exploitation through foreclosure on debts by taking fields and property in pawn, and by usury, but little in the way of directing local affairs.\n\nPage 6\n\nInstead, local leadership, other than the internal or village leadership exercised within the various clans who in some cases constituted an entire village, and in others shared the settlement, was provided by such village persons as rose above their local environment by reason of business acumen and personal ability and can be said to have created their own wider area of influence on the island.\n\nThree such persons have come to my notice. One of them flourished in the middle years of the nineteenth century, and the other two in its second half. It is fairly certain that there were other", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205345, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "100 \n\nJAMES HAYES \n\nFifthly, land was indirectly of the greatest importance for a man's emergence as an area leader. Through acquiring land other than in one's native village a man became known outside it. If he was a landowner renting out the land and clearly a person of ability and presence the way was paved to an extension of his sphere of influence because the local people would, in time, call on him to assist in solving disputes in which no decision could be reached. In a mountainous island where bad communications resulted in the growth of isolated communities the purchase of land or operation as a money lender was almost the only way in which personal influence could be extended without a charge of unwarranted “interference\" being made. This much is obvious on a moment's reflection, but it is not always apparent without personal knowledge of an area and its geographical characteristics.\n\nSixth and last, it is probable that the rural gentry of Lantau Island in the earlier part of the Ching dynasty were similar in origins and career to these men.\n\nThis closes the main part of the article, but I would like, as a postscript, to mention the external and more formal side of their activities; that is, their relations with other gentry of the whole administrative district and with its civil and military officers. There is a distinct lack of definite information with a local content. One imagines, however, that they would have been on good terms with the officers of the military garrison and the naval patrol vessels that called at the island from time to time, combining with the village leaders and the shopkeepers of the market town to entertain them on certain festivals and on public occasions. By way of a return, the officers contributed to local repair projects such as the reconstruction of village temples and gave something towards the cost of local opera shows and festivals. This much is certain because many repair tablets and commemoration boards show this pattern. Besides, the basic nature of government in rural areas has changed very little to this day, being founded on the creation and retention of goodwill wherever and however possible as true for the Hong Kong government today as for the Chinese district government 70 years ago.\n\nThe position is much less clear on the civil side. There were usually four councils of local gentry in any administrative district, for the East, South, West and South sections or Tung (M), as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205348, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "LAND AND LEADERSHIP IN THE H.K. REGION OF KWANGTUNG 103\n\nmany Punti villages from \"squeezes\" formerly levied on them, \"especially the Hakkas\".\n\n13 The market town of Tai O had a land population of 2,248 and a boat population of at least several thousands, many of whom lived in mat-huts over the water and were therefore part of the settled population. Sessional Papers 1911, p. 103 (26 and 38). The Hong Kong Government's Administrative Reports for 1911, District Officer South, mentions 221 mat-shed permits in respect of pile huts in Tai O Creek. There were said to be 8 schools in Tai O or district at a New Territories School Census in April 1912, with an average attendance of 21. See Appendix G to Orme's Report in Sessional Papers 1912, p. 63.\n\n14 See for instance Hugh D. R. Baker, \"The Five Great Clans of the New Territories\" in JHKBRAS, Vol. 6 (1966), pp. 25-47 and his references at his note 9 to Sung Hok-pang's prewar articles in The Hong Kong Naturalist.\n\n15 The schedules of ownership attached to the Block Crown Leases for 1898 New Territories' villages show this general pattern of peasant ownership very clearly. They are kept in the District Offices of the New Territories Administration.\n\n16 A hint of the strength of superstition at this time is given by Orme, op. cit., paras. 97-98,\n\n17 They held, in addition, a considerable number of mortgages from Shek Pik people. Those recorded in the 1904 Block Crown Leases for the Shek Pik Valley may well be less in number than in 1899 because, in the intervening years, it was reported that mortgagors were making great efforts to recover unencumbered ownership, e.g., Sessional Papers 1902, Mr. Stewart Lockhart's 'Report on the New Territory for the Year 1901' p. 4. It is not entirely clear from the context whether this was a general reaction or limited only to New Kowloon,\n\n18 Hong Kong Government Gazette, 8 April 1899, p. 546 under the heading ‘Local Government in the Villages'. The information about there usually being four Tung in any administrative district comes from the former magistrate mentioned in the same paragraph of the text. He was in charge of ## and ✯✯ in Hupeh for part of the first decade of this century.\n\nWhere no sources are cited, the text is based on information obtained from old inhabitants, some of whom knew Cheung Kwong-chuen and Kung Fong-tsai personally, and from documents in Chinese relating to the land and money transactions of these two men and those of the third, Chan Fu-shing, that have been made available to me through the kindness of their present owners to whom I am much indebted for their courtesy and cooperation. I am also grateful for help with translation, especially to Mr. Chan Kwun-ngok, and for the ready help of many Lantau residents with my enquiries,\n\nAddition to Note 8. The quotation in the text comes from Professor Ho's \"The Examination System and Social Mobility in China, 1368-1911\", Proceedings of the 1959 Annual Spring Meeting of the American Ethnological Society, pp. 60-65.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205371, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "126\n\nREV. MR. KRONE\n\nthese villages smaller hamlets were in league. The mandarins tried in vain to restore peace. At last the district magistrate himself repaired to Sha-tsing with a force of 1,000 men, but the inhabitants threatened to take up arms against him also, if he should show himself inimical to their party. The mandarin was at a loss what to do, till the people of San-keaou, who were not engaged in the quarrel, offered themselves as mediators between the mandarin and the inhabitants of Sha-tsing. Through their influence the magistrate was allowed to enter Sha-tsing with an unarmed body of his followers, and to pull down two old houses which belonged to the ringleaders in the quarrel. This was only to save the dignity of the mandarin, and had no influence at all upon the dispute, fighting being carried on afterwards just as before. The only way in which the government endeavours to put a stop to these disturbances, is by not allowing the fighting clans to send up their graduates for examination at Canton, a severe punishment, which not only deprives the graduates of the titles and honours they might gain, but hurts the pride of the clans, who are wont to boast of the number of successful candidates for literary honours which they have produced.\n\nLet us now direct our attention to the Schools, Teachers, and the class of Literati. There is no lack of schools; in the first place there are numerous elementary schools, in which boys in bodies of from ten to thirty, are taught to read and write the characters. The teacher in these schools receives an annual salary from the parents of his scholars, varying from 20,000 to 50,000 cash; besides this he is found in rice, and if he does his duty well, and makes himself popular, he receives presents in kind, and is also invited by turns to dinner. The places which serve for schoolrooms are generally the ancestral halls; but sometimes temples, and occasionally vacant private houses, are used for the purpose. Regular schoolrooms are scarce in the villages, but are found in towns and larger places. Each boy brings his own table to the school, and very often lives altogether at the place, so that he may continue his studies with less interruption. The pupils attend the school on an average for eight months of the year, the other four months being spent in field labour.\n\nThe books taught are, the Trimetrical Classic, Thousand Character Classic †††, and the Tau-hok *; after the boys have committed these to memory, they proceed to learn", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205393, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "148\n\nLIN SHU-YEN\n\n1939 “A slight (unspecified) fall in the output compared with 1938\" A very successful year as a result of a large increase in price.\n\nSome general figures for the New Territories salt-industry before 1912, not specifically related to Tai O, are given in G. N. Orme's \"Report on the New Territories 1899-1912\" (para. 71) to be found in the H.K. Government's printed Sessional Papers for 1912. They are as follows:\n\n1900 30 cents a picul.\n\n1908 $1.20 a picul: \"salt makers came in for large profits\".\n\n1912 70 cents a picul: decrease \"chiefly owing to imports from the Northern Coasts\".\n\nOrme lists 37 acres of salt pans at Tai O, 32 at Castle Peak, 12 at Shun Wan near Tai Po and less than one acre at Sha Tau Kok. However, at Tai O at least, the area under production at that time was not the total acreage laid out for the purpose. At the survey and land settlement conducted a few years after 1899 a total of 107.07 acres was recorded as salt-pans. These were then (1903-04) five pans, the largest 37.39 acres and the smallest 5.66 acres. The area under production was, it appears, usually less than the total and would vary according to the demand for salt, and the market price. These details are taken from the Block Crown Lease and Survey Sheets in the District Office South.\n\nThere is an interesting passage on the manufacture of salt in the New Territories and the uses to which both it and imported salt was put at that time in Colonial Reports Annual, No. 314 Hong Kong, Report for 1899 (London, HMSO, 1901);\n\n\"Salt is manufactured at four places in the New Territory, the yearly output being about 4,466 tons, worth some $16,000, which in part supplies the local demands of the population, the fishing junks which keep the fish they catch while at sea in brine, and the various fishing stations where fish is salted and dried. A much larger quantity is, however, imported at certain places for the use of the fleets of fishing junks. The imported salt is also largely used for the salting and drying of fish, for which purpose it seems to be preferred to the locally manufactured salt. The manufacture of salt is an industry which is likely to increase and develop in the New Territory, and which is worthy of being", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205413, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "168\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nble for financing and managing these arrangements, and its leaders were not allowed to canvas outside their own Fong to obtain funds. The Hung Shing Temple, being the larger and older of the island's two temples, was the hub of these activities.26\n\nIV. ABERDEEN DOCKS\n\nWhilst passing through Aberdeen you should note the old Dry Docks a little to the west of the Post Office. One was built in 1863 but two years later (to quote from the Centenary Brochure of the Hong Kong and Whampoa Dock Co., Ltd.):\n\n\"In 1865, the Company concluded negotiations with Mr. John Lamont for the purchase of his property at Aberdeen, comprising the Lamont Dock then in working order, and the Hope Dock then in course of construction, together with the Workshops, Machines, etc.\n\nThe Hope Dock was opened in June, 1867, by the then Governor of Hong Kong, Sir R. G. MacDonnell, and for a number of years was largely used for docking ships of Her Majesty's Navy and other large vessels.\n\nV. SHEK WAN POTTERY FIGURES AT THE TIN HAU TEMPLE, ABERDEEN.\n\nOn your way from the Ap Lei Chau ferry pier to the Resettlement Department Office in the Shek Pai Wan Estate (for tea), you should note the Tin Hau Temple on the left at the foot of Aberdeen Reservoir Road. This is an old temple which was given its last major repair in 1873. Any members who attended Professor Skinsnes' recent illustrated talk on Shek Wan Pottery should have a look at the roof decoration on the way. It gives the name of the firm who made it and is dated the equivalent of 1873.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205422, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n177 \n\nBUDDHISM IN CHINA, A HISTORICAL SURVEY, Kenneth K. S. Ch'en, Princeton University Press, 1964, pp. xii, 560, £5 (U.K.) \n\nWith perfect candor, and absolutely no insinuation of disparagement, it may be said that this book with its 486 pages of text and 43 pages of bibliography is not a work of original research but a conscientiously and painstakingly written, highly informative and engagingly readable general survey of a vast subject, based on the international Buddhistic publications in Chinese, Japanese, English, French and German. The author does not propose to settle any thorny or esoteric problem or penetrate into the obscure recesses of any occult doctrine, but gives an interesting account and all its ramifications with an almost cyclopaedic richness. He tells us the whirligig of Buddhist fortunes under the various dynasties, and especially the foreign dynasties - Northern Wei, Liao, Chin and Yuan; the involvement with politics—both on the ruling side and the rebelling side; and the close relationship with the various branches of Chinese culture: art, literature and philosophy. There is a concluding chapter of 16 pages on 'The Contributions of Buddhism' which is necessarily sketchy. The glossary of Buddhistic terms and the list of Chinese Names and Titles in Chinese script—though incomplete—are helpful to the reader. \n\nAs examples of the cyclopaedic interest of this book, two items especially may be mentioned: how Maitreya was naturalized to become Mi-lo-fo, and got involved with insurrectionary societies; and how Avalokitesvara was metamorphosed from, until the 10th century, a male into from then onwards a female. \n\nThere has been a legend in which it is alleged that Chinese culture has been completely indigenous and that China has refused to accept anything from outside. Such a legend exists and is prevalent because it is fostered both by domestic nationalistic, if not chauvinistic, pride and by the lack of historical knowledge on the part of foreigners. In fact, ever since the Bronze Age, China has had cultural intercourse with foreign cultures; the unearthed bronze articles of that period testify to that. Chinese music was notably influenced by outsiders. Many current popular, and many extinct classical, musical instruments are not native; the very names betray a foreign origin. Quite a number of the Chinese classical lyric measures bear appellations which have no", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205447, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "202\n\nSCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.*\n\nSCOTT, A. C.\n\nSCOTT, J. M.\n\nSELLERS, D. M. SELLETT, G.*\n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M.\n\nSHEKURY, Miss E.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHING, D.\n\n-\n\n-\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\n-\n\nSIEGEL, H. W.\n\nSIMPSON, R. F.\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.*\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H. SMITH, Leslie*\n\nSMITH, Miss M. H. SMITH, S. H.*\n\nSMYTH, Miss L.\n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam\n\nSOONG, N.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F. -\n\nSTANTON, W. T.* STARRETT, A. V. STEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\n-\n\nSTONEY, G. S..\n\n+\n\n+\n\nc/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A.\n\nAsian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K.\n\n70, Mt. Nicholson Gap, Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon,\n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\n14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon.\n\nAdministrative Officer, Police H.Q., H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\n\"Woodside\", University of H.K., Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada.\n\nc/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Unit, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\n52 Mount Nicholson Gap Flat, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Scott & English Ltd., P. O. Box 1555, H.K.\n\nPhysiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon,\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nAsia Magazine. 31 Queen's Road, Central. H.K.\n\nLime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, US.A.\n\nH.K. Tourist Assn., Caroline Mansion, H.K.\n\nDina House. Duddell Street, H.K.\n\n5 Douglas Apts., 22 Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 3A, 4 Mt. Davis Road, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nQueen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205552, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n$9\n\ni.e. great island, by the Chinese; the town Toongchung on the north shore opposite Chulocock I. is the largest on the island\"\n\nOn the other hand, it seems by this date that the fort was already abandoned since one of the British officers who came out to China for the hostilities of 1841-42, has this to say of it in an account of his experiences:\n\n14\n\nAt the S.W. part of Lantou (sic) we saw, on a height, the remains of an old walled fort, supposed to have been one of the haunts of the famous Coxinga, the pirate However, the fort could not have been abandoned for very long since a repair tablet inside the Tin Hau temple at Fan Lau dated the 2nd summer month of the 25th year of Chia Ch'ing (11th June -9th July, 1820) records contributions by officers of the\n\n21\n\nas it is described thereon. Both these records can only apply to the Fan Lau fort.'5\n\nWhen the Hong Kong Government surveyors arrived at Fan Lau in 1904 after the New Territories were ceded to Britain, they found the fort still abandoned. In the Block Crown Lease Survey, it is described as \"old fort, ruins, waste\".16 It had probably not been re-occupied since the early part of the 19th century.\n\nIt can now be argued that the Kai Yik Kok fort is a Ming dynasty fort built sometime before 1573, possibly abandoned, but rebuilt again in 1730, captured by pirates and re-taken by govern-ment forces sometime between 1810 and 1815, and then refurbished, refortified, and garrisoned until some time before 1841-42, by which time it was already again abandoned.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Also known to the villagers as Yuen To Shan (#ll) or \"the hill from which to watch the arrival of distant boats\". There is a level spot high above the village, which, according to tradition, was used by observers to watch for incoming vessels proceeding up the Chu Kong or Pearl River estuary.\n\n2 The locations of these various strongpoints can be plotted from the text and maps in the Coastal Defence sections of the 1864 edition (map circa A.D. 1822) of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi\n\nthe 1819 edition of the San On Yuen Chi M £ M ; the 1827 edition of the Heung Shan Yuen Chi ₺ 4B #; and the 1800 edition of the O Mun Kei Leuk * 1938 #. The last three works contain maps of varying dates from earlier editions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205554, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FAN LAU AND ITS FORT\n\n91\n\n11 A lorcha is a specialized fighting craft from Macau that combined a Western-style hull (for speed and maneuverability) with Chinese batten sails and rigging (for easier sail-handling and disguise).\n\n12 Charles F. Neumann, History of the Pirates (š), who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, (London, John Murray, 1831) P. 58.\n\n13 J. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide (Canton, Office of the Chinese Repository, 1848) pp. 70-71.\n\n14 The Last Year in China to the Peace of Nanking as sketched in Letters to his Friends by a Field Officer actively employed in that Country (2nd edition, revised, London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans 1843) pp. 51-52.\n\n15 There is, in addition, the possibility that the fort had a temporary garrison in 1834 see the imperial directive given respecting defence and patrolling at Lantau and Macao quoted by J. L. Cranmer-Byng in his brief note \"An old fort at Tung Chung on Lantao Island” in J.H.K.B.R.A.S. Vol 3 (1963) pp. 144-145.\n\n16 Hong Kong Government. New Territories Administration. Block Crown Lease Demarcation Districts 322 and 327, Shek Sun village, Lantau Island.\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY CITED\n\nJ. J. L. Duyvendak, \"Sailing directions of Chinese voyages\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 230-237,\n\n\"The true dates of the Chinese maritime expeditions in the early fifteenth century\", T'oung Pao vol. 34 (1938), pp. 341-412.\n\nLuis B. Gomes, Monografia de Macau, Macau, 1951.\n\nHongkong Government. A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hongkong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hongkong, 1960.\n\nLo Hsing-lin, Hongkong and its External Communications before 1842. Hongkong, 1963.\n\nJ. R. Morrison, A Chinese Commercial Guide, Canton, 1848.\n\nCharles F. Neumann, The History of the Pirates who infested the China Sea from 1807 to 1810, translated from the Chinese original, London, 1831.\n\nCh'ing dynasty work:\n\nChinese Sources\n\nMo Pei Chi (AA) A.D. 1621\n\nThe provincial Gazetteer of Kwangtung:\n\nKwong Tung Tung Chi (♬✯ ih sk) 1864 edition\n\nThe District Gazetteers for the following:\n\nSan On Yuen Chi (%) 1819 edition\n\nTung Kwun Yuen Chi ✯✯✯) 1797 edition\n\nHeung Shan Yuen Chi (3) 1827 edition\n\nO Mun Kei Leuk (39 1932) 1800 edition", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205574, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "SUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY\n\n111\n\nOne day, a fellow student picked one of the volumes at random and questioned Sun on its contents. It is reported that the student was surprised to discover that young Sun Yat-sen had read the work thoroughly. In this fashion then, is built the image of the revolutionary whose knowledge of his own nation's past was firmly grounded.\n\nYet if anything at all is clear about Sun Yat-sen's career, it should be that he had no real proclivity toward history. Aside from the required Chinese part of his curriculum at Queen's College in Hong Kong, an interest in history seems to be lacking completely in Sun's formal education, which in any case eventuated in a medical degree. But even if there was some interest in Chinese history, as manifested in his hiring of the tutor, it is even more evident that his historical curiosity was not matched by an equal amount of critical acumen as he internalized what he read of it. These then are basic considerations to be taken in hand from the beginning. Any question of the influence of nationalism momentarily aside, Sun's lack of interest in history led to a ready and unquestioning acceptance of the Chinese schoolboy's idealistic self-image of Chinese history, as taught among Western subjects in colonial Hong Kong. This left him without the slightest concern for the possibility of alternative interpretations of questionable historical points or problems, and also led to unabashed carelessness with respect to the accuracy of historical references.\n\nOnly in this way can one explain the surprising and numerous overly-facile historical generalizations and outright errors to be found even in the most cursory reading of Sun's writings. Perhaps the simple comment by Sun that Marco Polo “occupied an official post under Genghis-Khan, of the Yuan dynasty,” might be overlooked even though it contains a double error (since Marco Polo served under Kubilai Khan, and there was as yet no Yuan dynasty in the time of Genghis Khan), because it is of such little importance. But Sun's claim that Cheng Ho visited all the islands of the ocean (ostensibly the Pacific) \"and even reached San Francisco\" certainly merits some notice. Incidentally, Sun was amiss on the date for this supposed expedition as well. Sun was much taken with the pat concept of China's irresistible assimilatory capability, and on more than one occasion referred to it. He noted that China was never \"enslaved\" by foreign invaders but on the contrary the latter “were assimilated by the Chinese as easily as the moving of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205578, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "SUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY \n\n115\n\nperiod. This produced for him an identity problem of sorts, and may explain the hiring of the Chinese tutor, but it also produced a rather cosmopolitan man. This familiarity with the real political world made Sun personally aware of China's relative position in the world, as a nation among nations. He was unencumbered by the traditional culturalism that inhibited a clearer-cut and timely appreciation of nationalism on the part of many of his peers. And Sun, as pragmatic revolutionary, early recognized the mobilizing efficacy of nationalism. His problem was that of finding the way of \"turning-on\" the Chinese people by means of it.\n\nYet the \"nationalism\" that Sun articulated is a difficult concept to pin down, as Lyon Sharmon's excellent analysis has shown.14 Min-ts'u, Sun's term for nationalism, means the people's clan. Prior to 1912 it had meant Chinese solidarity against the Manchus, but afterwards was re-interpreted to mean the unity of all races in China, including the Manchus, on an equal basis. Almost until the end of his life this concept of nationalism was interpreted in moderate terms. As late as 1923 it carried two connotations, or aspects. The first was the internal one of unity of races within China; the second, external, aspired for an equal place of respect for China among the nations of the world.\n\nHowever, in 1924 the San Min Chu I lectures muddied the issue considerably. Suddenly, there was evinced in Sun a bitterness against imperialism that was uncharacteristic of the man, but probably explainable in terms of accumulated disappointments at the lack of Western support and, at the same time, of increasing Russian influence. This sudden antipathy toward imperialism was contradictory, incidentally, to Sun's own erstwhile plans to solicit incredibly large amounts of foreign economic assistance for China. Unfortunately too, this final form of nationalism had again a strong racist connotation. Sun expressed in alarmist fashion the fear that the Chinese people, because their population was allegedly static at a time when the West's was increasing, would be absorbed by the racially alien foreigners. Sun made race then, and fear, a part of his nationalism. He also was at pains to demonstrate now how it was that China's nationalistic spirit had declined historically. This he laid directly to the Manchus whose superior techniques of denationalization allegedly robbed China of her \"precious jewel.\"15 This is not exactly persuasive, and one is left to wonder further at his concept of nationalism when he\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "SUN YAT-SEN AND CHINESE HISTORY\n\n117\n\nequal it.\"20 However this might be, Sun also conceded that it had not been implemented. Sun noted too that in the halcyon days of the Chou dynasty, which he saw as the period of maturity or the Golden Age of Chinese civilization, \"the political, economic, and educational systems, literature and the arts, attained in China the same development roughly, as they have today in the modern Western countries.\"21 This period \"of great and unlimited liberty,\" was succeeded by 2,000 years of decline. But because of reforms during the Golden Age, China's despotism was reduced sufficiently so that it was never as severe as it was in the West, or so Sun claimed.22 Whatever pride or identity serving purposes such remarks may have had, they were also among those which made for Sun more practical points as well. Such a view of history served to illustrate Sun's philosophical dictum that knowledge was difficult and action easy. Thus China's historical decline had been caused by too much intellectual reflection in the centuries following the Golden Age. Therefore, it was a revolutionary call to the Chinese people for more practical action, a necessary revolutionary ingredient which was Sun's main purpose and concern.23 Such a view of history was also designed to support the not entirely unreasonable contention that China need not seek to borrow all of its modern political forms from the West, because China had certain distinctive needs for which suitable political forms should be created.24 Whether or not the political forms Sun went on to suggest were suitable or not is something else. The point here is that the nationalistic implications of Sun's use of history were strongly action-orientated, designed to mobilize people behind his revolutionary program. The identity-serving side is there, but it is a blurred image of China's past. While containing elements of the traditional self-image, it represents as many pragmatically-necessitated departures from it, and a number of misunderstandings of it as well.\n\nIn summary then, while it is certainly legitimate to presume the influence of nationalism on Sun Yat-sen's use of history, it is a factor requiring careful qualification. Nationalistic influences there were, but there are also problems of Sun's personal identity and his shifting appreciation of the meaning of nationalism. Beyond this was his tendency to use history as seemed required or desirable for what he considered practical political programming. Finally, and most fundamental of all, was a basic lack of interest in his-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205596, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE STREET-CRIES IN HONG KONG\n\n133\n\nAnother class of hawkers are the sellers of articles for daily use. Here is one panting under his load of earthenware; there is another who cries out his bamboo-wares, such as baskets, brooms, mats, benches, ginger grinders etc. Hawkers of fans, pipes, feather-dusters, china, fire-wood, tobacco, salt, oil, cloth, lanterns, etc., one meets everywhere. Beautifully arranged bunches of flowers are offered to you in the street, but happily in a quiet way, because they attract sufficient attention by themselves, I suppose.\n\n\"What does that fellow call out? He has nothing in his two baskets.\" Ah, my friend, he belongs to a very numerous and a very bad lot of men. He is a buyer of refuse. If you hear a voice cry out “mái lán t'it lán l'ung”* you may be sure that he will soon be at the back of your house, near your servants' quarters. He has plenty of money with him, and he will buy from your cook bones, feathers (the good ones for fans and the bad ones for manure), rags and empty tins; from your coolie, paper, nails, shoes, needles, thread or anything that can be got hold of whilst sweeping the rooms; from your boy he will buy bottles, glass, or anything which you may have lost, such for instance as a key, a lock, a stocking, a handkerchief, or a gold button, and even a watch.\n\nThere are a great many of these refuse buyers in Hongkong, but I cannot say how many, as they do not come under the Hawkers' Ordinance. They either have their own shops or they deliver their goods to one of the licensed shops, called Marine stores, which take their name, I am inclined to think, from the fact that all not properly acquired goods are sent afloat into the interior as soon as possible. There are, however, other refuse dealers who are quite respectable. They buy or exchange broken silver, old fans, spectacles, frames, opium-dross, etc.\n\nWe have now to turn our attention to the cries of those who offer their services for repairing things. And here I must say, that the Chinese have really acquired the art of mending. In how wretched and clumsy a way are things repaired in Europe! There is not a foreigner in China who has not several testimonials in his house, proving that his servants are very careless in breaking glass and china and that his servants' countrymen are very skilful and careful in mending it. His tools look rather primitive, but they\n\n* ✰### to buy old iron and old copper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "156\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nchildren, with lack of warmth and very strict control inside the family.\n\n3.7 The attitude to Western culture is quite favorable and more markedly so with the younger generation — though. The dangers of adopting Western ways of life are often stressed.\n\n3.8 Some quite extreme cases of traditional Chinese behaviour seem to persist, And if one would consider that such traits as lack of frankness, keen regard for \"face\", stereotypes in thought truly reflect part of the Chinese cultural heritage, then the novels show that this tradition still occupies a remarkably strong position.\n\n3.9 The high amount of immoral behaviour in the novels is more often related to persons of middle and upper class, especially of the older generation in the upper class.\n\n4.0 The attitude to law is markedly rejective. In contrast to 3.9 lower class persons and youths show much more opposition to law.\n\n4.1 Juvenile delinquency is related by the authors mostly to family problems, but is also traced to two simple \"theories\".\n\n- he or she is just a bad person, and\n\n- love is at the root of it all.\n\n4.2 Whereas several factors indicating socio-cultural stress are dealt with in the novels (suicide, juvenile delinquency), the authors seem to evade other problems which widely exist in Hongkong (e.g. mental disorder, drug addiction).\n\nHong Kong, December, 1967.\n\nKLAUS MADING\n\nDr. Mäding is Vice-Consul in the German Consulate General in Hong Kong. His doctorate is from the University of Cologne and was on the Chinese traditional law of succession. He hopes to publish his findings on the subject of this note.\n\nHONG KONG'S FIRST GOVERNMENT HOUSE*\n\nPeople sometimes ask where Hong Kong's first 'Government House' was situated and they usually receive the answer that it stood on the site now occupied by the Victoria District Court. The question is obviously of little historical importance today but it does provide an opportunity for an interesting trip to Hong Kong in the 1840's.\n\n* See map at Plate 20.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205636, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n173\n\nestates of which none can be said to have the identity inhering in its predecessor. The so-called joint family has a short life.\n\nRitual primogeniture is inherent in the worship, but rests on a true primogeniture of a much older phase. No one son can step effectively into his father's shoes and exercise authority over the same range of people. Married sons are not seen as a threat to the father's position and the father, also, does not, once in his soul-tablet, support the authority of sons over their juniors. In a nut-shell then, the ancestor is worshipped but cannot be used as a major instrument of domestic discipline.\n\nMiss Ward's paper is very different in subject matter and theoretical interest to that of Dr. Freedman's but again is concerned with matters on which Professor Firth has done considerable work: peasant communities, including fishing communities, and their economies. \"Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong: their Post-Peasant Economy\" is based particularly on data derived by Miss Ward from the village of Kau Sai which is on the shores of a narrow strait between two small islands in the Port Shelter area of Hong Kong's waters. It was there, in the early 'fifties, that Miss Ward first began her field work on the boat people.\n\nThe essay discusses problems of economic and social change. Miss Ward talks of the rapid technological changes in the fishing industry (whereas in 1952 in Kau Sai all but one boat had been wind-driven, by mid-1963 only one was not mechanized). She argues that this was possible because the economic attitudes of the fishermen and the social structure of fishing communities were already favourable. When the opportunity to adopt useful technical change was offered, it was likely to be seized upon unless blocked by something else. By 1950 the opportunity to mechanize did appear -- engines were available. By then the possible educational block had also been partly removed, and government action in freeing the market, injecting money and providing training courses and encouragement was all that was required to set a revolution in action.\n\nThe essay deals with the effects of mechanization and change on different kinds of fishermen, and changes in social structure consequent on such developments, highlighting as a factor of general importance the movement of boat-people to land-dwellings. This affects particularly the position of women, changing their opportunities to earn an independent income either by working in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205661, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "198\n\nWILLIAMS, C. A. S.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nOutlines of Chinese symbolism: an alphabetical compendium of antique legends and beliefs... Peiping, Customs College Press, 1931.\n\nLimited ed. of 250 signed copies.\n\nWINSTEDT, Richard.\n\nThe Malays: a cultural history. Singapore, Kelly & Walsh, 1947.\n\nWOODHEAD, H. G. W.\n\nThe truth about the Chinese Republic. London, Hurst and Blackett, 1925.\n\nWOOLF, Bella Sidney, afterwards Mrs. Lock, afterwards Lady Southorn.\n\nChips of China. Hong Kong, Kelly & Walsh, 1930.\n\nWRIGHT, Arthur F.\n\nBuddhism in Chinese history. Stanford, Calif., Stanford U.P., 1959. (Stanford studies in the civilizations of eastern Asia)\n\nWRIGHT, Leigh R.\n\nHistorical notes on the North Borneo dispute. Ann Arbor, Mich., Association for Asian Studies, 1966.\n\n484.\n\nReprinted from Journal of Asian studies, v. 25, 1966, pp. 471-\n\nWRIGHT, Leigh R.\n\nSarawak's relations with Britain, 1858 to 1870. Kuching, Government Printing Office, 1964.\n\nReprinted from Sarawak Museum, Journal, v. 40, 1964, pp. 628-648.\n\nWRIGHT, Stanley F.\n\nHart and the Chinese customs. Publ. for the Queen's University, Belfast. Belfast, Mullan, 1950.\n\nWU, Chiêng-ên (E)\n\nMonkey; tr. from the Chinese by Arthur Waley. London, Allen & Unwin, 1942 reprinted 1945.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "214\n\nRYAN, Rev. Father T. F.\n\nL\n\nRYDINGS, H. A..\n\n+\n\nWah Yan College, 281, Queen's Road, East, H.K.\n\nH.K. University Library, H.K.\n\nSAUNDERS, Hon, J. A. H. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\nSCHALLER, Miss K.\n\nSCHOYER, B. P. -\n\nSCHWARZ, Miss Marjorie D.*\n\nSCOTT, A. C.\n\nSCOTT, J. M.\n\nSELLERS, David M. -\n\nSELLETT, G.*\n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M.\n\nSHAW-KENNEDY, Miss Anne -\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHEKURY, Miss E.\n\nSHOEMAKER, John F. -\n\nSHING, D.\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\nSIEGEL, H. W. -\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.* -\n\nSIMPSON, R. F.\n\nSKELSON, R. E.\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, Leslie*\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\nH.K. Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\n37, Northbridge Road, Greenwich, Connecticut, 06870, U.S.A.\n\nc/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A.\n\nAsian Theatre Program, University of Wisconsin, U.S.A,\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Government Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W. 1, England.\n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543 Tai Po Road, Kowloon.\n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\n2B Fairland Towers, 7B Bowen Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\n14 Braga Circuit, Kowloon,\n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada,\n\n\"Woodside\", University of H.K., Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n43 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o 1st floor, Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Headquarters, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205750, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "50\n\nR. G. GROVES\n\nHer 12-pounders returned the fire and forced the Chinese gunners to abandon their positions. The British advanced under cover of \"Fame\"'s guns and drove the militia from the surrounding hills. During the withdrawal the Tai Hang militia lost its flag, which was subsequently found by the British.65\n\nFaced with these developments the Governor decided to hoist the flag the next day, 16th April, a day earlier than originally intended. He also ordered reinforcements to Tai Po. By mid-day on 16th April, the force there had been substantially augmented. It now comprised an artillery company and 500 men of the Hong Kong Regiment. H.M.S. \"Brisk\", accompanied by \"Fame\", stood by offshore. The flag was hoisted during the afternoon, salutes being fired by the artillery and by the ships, which were dressed overall. The pleasure of the occasion was diminished by fears that attacks would be made against both Tai Po and Kowloon. Reconnaissance patrols sent out from Tai Po had failed to make contact with the enemy and this seemed to strengthen the possibility of an assault on Kowloon.\n\nThat evening the destroyers returned to Hong Kong and took up stations on either side of Kowloon peninsula. Both ships spent the night searching the hillsides with their lights. Detachments of Hong Kong Volunteers and the 2nd Battalion, Royal Welsh Fusiliers, took up positions at the old northern boundary, emplacing Maxim guns to command the main approach roads.\n\nThese precautions were unnecessary. The Chinese were preparing for battle at Tai Po the next day (17th April). A supply of pigs was arranged and letters dispatched from an ancestral hall at Ha Tsuen, giving troop dispositions. The militia of Shap Pat Heung were told: \"We beg that the armed men of your worthy district will take rice in the 4th watch (i.e. about 3-4 am), and proceed to Ha Tsun, to be ready to fight. Do not wait for the signal drum.\"\n\nAnother letter was addressed \"to our clansmen of the Ping Shan district.\" It directed: \"we hereby inform you that 7 o'clock of the morning of the 8th [day, 3rd moon 17th April] has been fixed up as the date for commencement of the battle. The armed men of your worthy district should have their early meal at the 4th watch, and proceed at daybreak direct to Castle Peak ... Do not wait for the signal drum.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n51\n\nA third letter explains the reasons for posting forces to Castle Peak and to Sha Kong, near Deep Bay. \"A strong force must be posted at Tai Po in order to resist with our full force. The two posts at Castle Peak and Sha Kong should have many flags flying in order to mislead the enemy. A force of the stronger men of your district should be detached to take part in the engagement [at Tai Po]. Sixty per cent should be retained for self protection. If troops arrive from Ngan Tin [Pan Tin] they should all be sent to Tai Po.\"66\n\nMonday, 17th April, began quietly for the British at Tai Po. H.M.S. \"Humber\" and H.M.S. \"Peacock\" arrived during the morning and anchored off-shore. A conference was held on the mat-shed hill and General Gascoigne indicated that he hoped to establish a new base camp, in the Lam Tsuen valley, by Tuesday evening. These leisurely plans were not realized. Shortly after three o'clock Chinese forces moved onto a hill some 3,000 yards away and commenced firing. The British artillery returned fire and 250 men from the Hong Kong Regiment moved off in an attempt to dislodge the militia.\n\nThe British force — Indian troops commanded by British officers — entered the Lam Tsuen valley and began to work to the southwest. The valley is about half a mile wide and two miles long. A narrow path ran down its centre and much of the level ground was devoted to rice. The militia of Kam Tin, Pat Heung, and Shap Pat Heung had taken up positions on the higher, wooded slopes. When the British moved into the valley, the militia opened fire. According to one British participant, they had \"chosen their positions well, and if they had fired well, the British troops would have fared badly.\" The Chinese had assumed their opponents would advance along the path down the valley and placed their guns accordingly. But immediately they came under fire, the soldiers abandoned the path for the hillsides and \"drove back the enemy from hill to hill and working admirably, like true Indian Frontier fighting men, took full advantage of cover.\"\n\n68\n\nIn spite of their initial mistake, the militia fought well and vigorously. They \"fired almost incessantly for one and a half hours, pouring in round shot 3.4 inches in diameter from muzzle loaders and dropping musketry fire all about our men. Fortunately", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "TUNG KWU ISLAND\n\n73\n\nment (cord-marked, stamped, or plain) or style (ancient or proto-historic, and hard, glazed pieces attributable to historic dynasties).\n\nAnother classification could be made according to the probable use of all specimens collected, including those picked up loose: this would naturally be more comprehensive. But as much has been written about the lack of stratigraphy in our Hong Kong sites, it is very desirable that where it exists it should be described and its results deduced.\n\n1. Coarse cord-marked pottery: (See Plate 4)\n\nThese pieces were most numerous in the sectors on each side of the central sandy isthmus, but a few were found even in the northern sectors on the west beach. Almost all found in these sectors (L, M, N, O and P) had a matrix of rainwash from the hill behind, and lay at greater depths than pieces from the sandy isthmus. The deepest ranged from 200 to 220 cm. from the surface, with a scattering of others between 180 and 200 cm., and a few higher still, but none above 140 cm.\n\nAbove 140 cm. in the other sectors (A to K) the corded pottery becomes very common indeed, with a regular stratum at 122 cm. which must have been a habitation layer,* with thinner layers at 137 cm., and others at 112 and 95 cm., and some scattered sherds between. Hardly any were found above 90 cm.\n\nOne of the pieces from sector A was very elaborately decorated with cord-marks; it was from 122 cm., the main culture layer, and resembles a few others found loose. Such ornament on a jar, which this one was, like the others found, seems to indicate that they belonged to a person of importance, or were used for special purposes. Several more pieces with elaborate cord-mark impressions were found loose on the beaches.\n\nThis type of coarse pottery seems to have been in everyday use on the site, as cooking pots, store jars, drinking cups and beakers, and as stem cups, of which one stem with the attached piece of the bottom was found. None were found in a position making it possible to infer that they were used as food vessels in a burial, though two vessels of coarse pottery, both decorated with stamped designs, were found in proved graves at Shek Pik†.\n\n*See Plate 6.\n\n† See W. Schofield, \"The proto-historic site of the Hong Kong Culture at Shek Pik, Lantau, Hong Kong\" at pp. 235-305 of Proceedings of the Third Congress of Pre-historians of the Far East, Singapore, Government Printing House, 1940.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205814, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "114\n\nH. G. H. NELSON\n\n(in an attempt to use the physical structures as a basis for a random sampling frame), and reached the conclusion that in the conditions of New Territories villages, it is strictly undefinable. The local \"village houses\" are built in terraced rows: each \"house\" consists of a single \"room\", which, although generally divided by a partition into living and sleeping quarters, is regarded as the living accommodation proper to one married couple and their unmarried children. It is very rare for an old and widowed mother to share the same \"house\" as her son and daughter-in-law: I have not come across a single instance of more than one married couple, however closely related, sharing the same \"house\". The correspondence between room, house, and household is by no means exact: not only may one household (defined as a group of kin sharing a common budget and a single stove) be spread over a number of \"houses\", but where one household is occupying two adjacent \"houses\", an interconnecting door may be opened between them, turning them, to all intents and purposes, into a single \"house\" of two \"rooms\". It might almost indeed be more logical to regard each unit in a terrace as a \"room\", and define \"house\" as that combination of \"rooms\" which is occupied by a single household, even when the \"rooms\" are located in more than one terrace; but Chinese usage does not support this — each unit is called uk, never fong.\n\nThe Hong Kong Government surveyors who numbered all agricultural and building lots in the early years of this century evidently came up against a similar problem of definition; and there are inconsistencies in the system of numbering they adopted. Where two adjacent units were owned (and occupied?) by one man, they are numbered together as one (double-sized) house-lot. There is one row in Sheung Tsuen, however, where the living quarters of each house are separated from their kitchens by the narrow lane that gives access to them: it is clear from the pattern of ownership in 1905 (when the Block Crown Lease was drawn up), and from the way these structures have been passed down the generations since then, that each kitchen is linked with a single\n\n* I use the Meyer-Wempe Romanisation of Cantonese terms throughout.\n\n† Sheung Tsuen (1) in the Pak Heung (^#) where Mr. Nelson carried out his research. See p. 171 of A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong Government Printer, n.d, but 1960), Ed.\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205815, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM\n\n115\n\nliving unit; and yet the surveyors gave each structure a separate number.\n\nChinese village houses are not strongly built: once left unoccupied and untended, they rapidly succumb to the ravages of typhoons without, white ants and weeds within. They may be used for a while for storage, but without care they soon lose even this function. How is one to decide at what stage of decrepitude a structure ceases to qualify as a house and becomes an insignificant ruin? More importantly, what criterion did the 1905 surveyors use? There seems little doubt that they failed to number structures that were ruined then (gaps in the sequence of numbers in a row have since been filled with \"New Grant Lots\"), and gave numbers to structures that were destined to crumble away altogether by 1968 (many lot numbers correspond to nothing discernible on the ground at present). Therefore, just as it would be wrong to suppose that the habitable structures now visible represent the sum of houses listed in Government Land Records, so it would be a mistake to regard the entries in the Block Crown Lease as an exact reflection of the number of habitable structures on the ground in 1905.6\n\nA further problem is raised by the fact that the use to which village structures are put changes over time: relatively few are built as cowsheds, but a great many do service as such (or as pigsties) at some stage, and are restored for human habitation when necessary. They may even serve a dual purpose. My own attempt at defining \"house\" ran aground when I discovered two households which had insufficient space to accommodate each husband's aged mother: one mother slept in one of the separate kitchens mentioned above, while the other shared a house with the family's pigs.\n\nFor the purposes of this article, it is not necessary to make a hard and fast definition of “village house”, but simply to point out that the present-day observer cannot be certain that his understanding of the term coincides with that of the 1905 surveyors: so that the apparent total of \"houses\" recorded in the Block Crown Lease may include a good many structures that were unfit for human habitation, or used for other purposes, at that time. What follows is an attempt to explain why at any one time many of the houses that are fit for human habitation are likely not to be in use.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205817, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM\n\n117\n\nhad at least two houses already, and were usually expanding their land holdings at the same time. I have genealogical information on about two-thirds of the house-buyers, and only in two cases does it seem possible that the number of their sons induced men to buy \"houses\" (both were in fact ruins, on the sites of which the buyers later rebuilt). There is thus no strong evidence that the buying and selling of houses is in any way connected with family size: houses appear rather to be treated as an investment in very much the same way as land.\n\nThe paradox of the simultaneous existence of a moral prohibition on the sale of houses and its occurrence on even the scale described may be partially resolved by the fact that different houses seem to be differently regarded. The strongest attachment is felt to houses which have been lived in by and inherited from one's ancestors: houses acquired in other ways are less valued, and a significant proportion of the house-sales recorded are resales of houses bought either shortly, or in one case as much as fifty-two years, earlier.\n\nb) Renting and Borrowing\n\nI have no evidence on the frequency of renting or loan arrangements between villagers in the past, but at present there are scarcely any cases; a lack which I put down to a dislike of the insecurity of renting (as well as its cost), and the much greater prestige of living in one's own house. I only know of one house in Sheung Tsuen which was rented for a long term by a very poor widow from a wealthy neighbour; of one case in which a woman who was rebuilding the family house was allowed by a neighbour to borrow an empty house while the building was going on; and of a third case where a young man, too deranged to hold down any job for long, and too weak physically to farm, was turned out by his father, and allowed by an older uncle to live in a tumbledown shed whose owner had long since left for England.\n\nThere is a sense in which a man's retirement begins as soon as his sons start to marry: once he has moved out of the house with the ancestral tablet, a man is something of a lodger in the village. While most parents have another house into which they can move on the marriage of their son(s), I have the impression (though no actual cases to back this up) that it would be relatively", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205821, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE DESCENT SYSTEM\n\n121\n\nof the two should in fact have proportionately more empty houses than its poorer neighbour22; it is not impossible that the sort of inefficiencies in the descent system that I have described whereby the swelling of a descent line in one generation may leave the next with more house-property than it needs or can redistribute — may account for this anomaly.*\n\nH. G. H. NELSON.\n\nNOTES\n\n1. Göran Aijmer, \"Being Caught by a Fishnet: On Fengshui in South-eastern China\", J.H.K.B.R.A.S., Vol. 8, 1968, pp. 74-81.\n\n2. Field data drawn on in this paper are derived from a period of work in Sheung Tsuen, Pat Heung, from June 1967 to October 1968. I was employed as a Research Officer of the London School of Economics, on a project financed by a grant made to Professor Maurice Freedman by the Social Science Research Council. Much of the information from the Hong Kong Government's land records was collected by my wife, whose fare to Hong Kong was provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies, financed jointly by the Carnegie Corporation of New York and the Nuffield Foundation. I am very glad to acknowledge their generosity.\n\n3. See for example J. E. Spenser, \"The Houses of the Chinese\", Geographical Review, Vol. XXXVII, 1947, pp. 254-273.\n\n4. Cf. J. W. Hayes, ‘A Chinese Village on Hong Kong Island Fifty Years Ago Tai Tam Tuk, Village Under the Water', in I.C. Jarvie and Joseph Agassi, eds., Hong Kong: A Society in Transition, London, 1969, p. 33.\n\n5. Block Crown Lease, Demarcation Districts Nos. 112 and 114, 1905; various Memorials in Yuen Long District Office; and ‘A-Roll' volume X.14. I am most grateful to the New Territories Administration for their courtesy in allowing me access to the invaluable information contained in their Land Records.\n\n6. The current records conceal the difference between inhabited structures and \"house-lots' (Crown Rent being assessed on the site rather than the structure) - a difference of which the villagers are aware. Many of them, when asked how many houses they own, will say, \"so many houses and so many lots \"(uk-tel_£)\". It seems to me possible that some villagers may, in 1905, have been far-sighted ---or fortunate enough to register both their houses and their ruined lots, thereby avoiding the expense and complication of obtaining a New Grant Lot when they wanted to rebuild on an old site.\n\n* Groups of houses, bigger and more durable than usual, have also been built as a form of long-term investment (and prestige expenditure) by particularly wealthy men; but their hopes of producing enough sons and grandsons to justify this deliberate over-production of houses are often sadly unfulfilled.\n\n* On the subject of this article see also Mr. Hayes' note at pp. 158-160.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205837, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "# THE MAPPING OF HONG KONG\n\n137\n\nFollowing completion of each block of four sheets at the 1/10,000 scale, one sheet at 1/25,000 scale, covering the same area, will be produced by direct photographic reduction. An extra colour, green, is introduced in the 1/25,000 series. The place-names are printed separately for each series. As a result of the 24 times reduction, the size of each sheet at the 1/25,000 scale is smaller (map face 20″×17″) and 20 sheets will cover the whole Colony. The diagram at Plate 14 shows the relationship between the two series.\n\nOnce again, the ground-control for the photogrammetric plotting was supplied by Survey Branch. Of course, many fewer points were required, since fewer stereoscopic \"models\" were required at the smaller scale than at the large scale. The low-level photography of January 1963 required over 4,000 air photographs to give stereoscopic cover of the Colony, whereas at 12,500 ft., only 346 photographs cover the same area.\n\nAn \"instrument plot\" of each 1/10,000 sheet is sent to Hong Kong for field completion by Survey Branch. On this, the field parties check and complete all detail, and annotate roads, villages, towns, etc. The completed and annotated sheet is then returned to Britain, together with a names overlay and names list, for fair drawing and printing.\n\nAt the end of 1968, some 18 sheets had been published and another 26 had been plotted, field-checked, and were at the fair-drawing stage. The first sheet at the 1/25,000 scale had been drawn, and a coloured proof has been forwarded to Hong Kong for comments. The first 12 sheets of the 1/10,000 series are already on sale at Kelly & Walsh Ltd. and Swindon Book Co., Ltd.\n\nIt is expected that the 1/10,000 series will be completed by early 1971 and the 1/25,000 series by the end of that year. It is hoped to produce future revised editions of the maps in Hong Kong. Revision of the first sheets to be published will be commenced early in 1969.\n\nIt is also planned to produce locally a Chinese-language edition of the new maps, although full details are not yet finalised, and much will depend on the availability of specialised printing equipment.\n\nAn old series of maps which is still quite popular is the 8″ to 1 mile set of the urban areas. These are revised annually and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205838, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "138\n\nJ. T. COOPER\n\nare used mainly as street plans. No contours are shown. Four sheets cover Hong Kong Island and three cover Kowloon and New Kowloon. From these a series at 4\" to 1 mile has been produced, one sheet covering Hong Kong Island and another Kowloon and New Kowloon.\n\nAll the new maps and plans now being produced will, however, quickly lose their value unless they are kept up to date. A continuous revision programme is being put in hand, and it is planned that in the near future the large-scale plans of the built-up areas of the Colony will be revised at least once a year. After each block of large-scale plans is revised on the ground the smaller scale plans will be revised by photographic reduction in the drawing office.\n\nAfter the strenuous efforts of the last few years it can be modestly claimed that by 1972 the Colony may well be the best mapped territory in the Far East and probably in the world. Even in Great Britain, which is probably the best mapped country in Western Europe, the national mapping of large cities is at 1/1250 scale and most of the country is at 1/2500 scale, while the largest scale at which contours are plotted (at 25 ft. vertical intervals) is the 6\" to 1 mile series.\n\nThe plans and maps summarized at A and B below can be obtained from the Crown Lands & Survey Office, Public Works Department. Since several thousand sheets are involved and the demand for any one sheet is very limited outside of Government departments, no stocks of prints are held, but a print of any sheet can usually be supplied within an hour or two at a cost of $3.00.* The negatives of the air-photos are held by the contractor in England. Prints can be supplied by air mail within about 10 days. Cost of a contact print (9″×9″) is $23.10, (including air mail postage). Index diagrams of all plans and air photos can be inspected at Crown Lands and Survey Office, Central Government Offices, Hong Kong.\n\nA. HONG KONG ISLAND, KOWLOON, NEW KOWLOON\n\n(i) 1/600 scale (50 ft. to 1 inch) with 5 ft. contours†\n\nNo. of sheets 700\n\n* All costs should be taken to refer only to those operative at the time this Journal goes to press. Ed.\n\n† See Plate 11.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "The San On Map of Mgr. Volontieri\n\n143\n\nwas most familiar. In view of the fact that the water bodies were referred to by their English names and unaccompanied by their equivalent in Chinese, the former explanation seems more probable. There is however, no ready means of establishing how much existing information was available to him at the time, and the answer must await further research into the progress of the charting, the circumstances under which Volonteri worked and the amount of cooperation rendered him by the authorities.\n\nFr. Volontieri attempted to portray the relief of the area in order to bring out the relative location of the settlements. It has been written by his biographer, Lozza, that 'he reconnoitred on foot, villages, small towns, plains and mountains in order to get to know in exactitude the true distances between one place and another, and to give maximum precision to the map'. His apparent ineptitude in relief representation by contours was a far cry from the close match between the elevations he recorded and the actual surveyed heights. The 'contours' shown on the map are certainly not lines linking up points of equal height nor are they spaced out at regular intervals. Far from being concentric rings, as contour lines should be, they are often merely broken arcs or even continuous spirals. In areas with no prominent heights, groups of these lines exhibit a scalar pattern and wherever a major river valley occurs, there is a conspicuous lack of any elevation representation.\n\nPerhaps one should not be too critical of the map on cartographic and technical grounds, for the greatest contribution of Fr. Volontieri's effort lies in making available a wide range of information on the settlement pattern in San On. In no way had the Catholic priest allowed his religious belief to influence the features he selected for recording on the map. Apart from the obvious inclusion of the Roman Catholic Chapels, of which there were only five in the multitude of settlements, he also truthfully recorded the locations of 'pagodas (temples) of some consideration'. Amongst the settlements he noted, he made a clear distinction between their sizes and importance, ranging from Mandarin Residences, large and small market towns of his day to villages, some of which could not have contained more than ten families in the 1860's. He also indicated all the important tracks and mountain passes, vital for communication between the major towns and village groups.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "144\n\nRONALD C. Y. NG\n\nConsidering that the mapping was done during his brief sojourn in the District, in the little time which he could devote to perform this immense task of recording over 900 settlements spreading over an area of some 750 square miles under personal and environmental conditions which were far from congenial, Fr. Volonteri deserves the admiration of all those who have recourse to the document. It is worth noting that the number of 368 villages and market towns shown in that part of San On which became British 30 years later is fairly consistent with the official figure of 416 for 1898. The information on the settlement pattern was certainly derived from his personal knowledge and the Chinese script was probably provided by his local collaborator, Don Andrea Maria Liang, who accompanied him on practically all his journeys in San On. Herein lie also the sources of weakness of the map: the vital time element and the joint authorship.\n\nThe most immediately evident aspect of the discrepancies is the number of villages on both sides of the San On border which had their locations clearly marked but remained unnamed in either language. These settlements have in common that they are situated in the remote interior or on the off-shore islands. It may well be that Fr. Volonteri would have liked more time in the District to complete the work he had so meticulously undertaken, but his health deteriorated and, furthermore, he was under the impression that he would soon be assigned to a new post under the existing circumstances of shortage of personnel in other mission stations in China. He was understandably anxious to see the map engraved in Leipzig prior to his departure from the area. The appearance on the map of these unidentified villages may lead one to suspect legitimately that there could well be many more sites which are not even marked with a symbol. This is almost certainly the case with Lantau Island. Travelling in San On in his day was an arduous and time-consuming business, as Stewart Lockhart's description of the conditions thirty years hence was to reveal. There is no doubt that the work was finished in haste for on several occasions errors made in the Chinese characters were not properly erased but were merely printed over. Fr. Volonteri, with his knowledge of the Chinese written language, must have noticed these incongruities and, except for shortage of time, he would not have sent the manuscript to the engraver with such a lack of polish.\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205845, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "THE SAN ON MAP OF MGR. VOLONTIERI\n\n145\n\nThe pattern of settlement presented by the map must be treated with some caution, for there is a distinct difference in the degree of complexity between the two portions divided roughly by an imaginary line running from the middle of the top margin south-westwards to the bottom edge. To the east of this divide practically all the villages known to have been in existence at that time were accurately located and named, but on the other side of the line, the settlements were under-represented and the locations of those actually cited were rather inaccurately plotted. Furthermore, some six to eight miles of the north-western boundary with Tung Kun District is conspicuously missing, but it does not seem that any part of San On lies beyond the margins of the map. The distortion of the coastline and the lack of relief contrasts on which Volonteri must have based his observations, were part of the reason for the imprecision, but the full explanation for the omission of many village sites in western San On must be sought elsewhere.\n\nAlthough there was a larger number of small villages in the eastern peninsula, the concentration of population was definitely in the more prosperous and long established western plains. The broad valleys of the rivers emptying into Deep Bay were settled by the Cantonese Tang clan as early as the tenth century, while the hilly tracts of the east had to wait a couple of centuries for the arrival of the Hakkas. Several farming communities on the large island of Nam Tao (Lantau) have a history dating back to the Ming and even to the Sung Dynasty, but none of these were recorded on the map. There are two possible explanations which may account for this unfortunate lack of information in western San On. The first must be that Volonteri, like his successors, found that the Hakkas were, on the whole, more receptive to Christianity than were the more wealthy and tradition-bound Cantonese and hence a concentration of missionary efforts on these communities in the early days. In view of the Tai Ping Rebellion (1850-64), with its religious and ethnic implications, the timing of Volonteri's arrival and survey work was certainly not the most opportune. He would therefore have spent more time with the Hakkas and have become more familiar with the areas around the five strategically located Roman Catholic churches in the eastern section. The result was that his knowledge of the remainder of the district did not seem to have extended far beyond", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "146\n\nRONALD C. Y. NG\n\nthe immediate vicinity of the well recognized market towns. The other important factor is probably related to the state of law and order in some of the outlying areas during this period of China's internal upheaval. The complacent mandarin in San On Un would most likely have left Lantau and its adjacent islands to the unlawful elements and concentrated instead on the places with overland contact. In view of the notorious history of piracy on these islands, which were ideally situated in relation to the trade routes focusing on and weaving between the flourishing ports of Portuguese Macau, British Victoria and Chinese Canton, the officials in Nam-tau-shing, the administrative seat of San On district, would have been unable to render the priest much protection had he ventured to these parts. Volonteri, however, was not wanting in courage and in spirit of adventure, but the pirates of the Pearl River estuary were very different men from those he encountered in Swabue, on whom he had written, 'the pirates seem to fear the humble priest and not the priest the pirates; they make some rare appearances but the presence of the padre impels them to retreat at once'. How far this can account for the comparatively poor outline and incorrect location of the off-shore islands as well as for the lack of information on the settlements there must await fresh materials on Volonteri's work in San On, but the villagers on Lantau vouchsafed to me that in the time of their forefathers, piracy, preying on ships and peasants alike, was a greater hazard to the population than the vagrant weather conditions.\n\nFinally, the bilingual feature of the map must be noted. It is apparent that the document was intended primarily for English-speaking users. As there are several current systems of transliteration, in the present case the one based on Williams' Dictionary, the inclusion of the original Chinese names adds to the work that rare, but highly desirable, quality of precision and refinement. In a way, the document is simultaneously a map and a gazetteer of the District. The degree of cooperation between Volonteri and Liang was remarkable and out of the hundreds of villages cited bilingually there was not a single occasion where the name in one language did not correspond to the other. This is probably due to Fr. Volonteri's ability to read, perhaps not so much as to write presentably, the Chinese script which enabled him to check every detail. Credit should also go to his colleague for juxtaposing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n157\n\nTerritories to Great Britain in 1898. It was a one-clan village, then and now, and the clan record shows that the first ancestor arrived in Lantau Island about 1780. Family tradition states that they lived first in the larger older settlement at nearby Pui O before establishing themselves at Shan Shek Wan.\n\nThe principal actor in the removal is still alive, aged 70, and what follows was taken from him and other elderly villagers. The occasion for the removal is said to have been the destruction caused locally by the severe typhoon of 1937, which takes its place with those of 1874 and 1906 as one of the three most severe storms in the preceding near century of British rule.\n\nPrior to this particular typhoon, the village, which stood close to the seashore, was fronted by a line of large old trees. These shut off the sea from the houses and constituted an effective visual screen, which was held to be an essential feature of village Fung Shui. The typhoon blew over many of these trees and made large gaps in the screen. This caused considerable uneasiness among the villagers, who, in pondering the new situation, are said to have considered another current feature of their lives. It is related that, at this time, there was a noticeable shortage of male children in the village, few families possessing more than one living son. The sudden removal of the accustomed leafy screen, together with the lack of male offspring, were interpreted by some as a sign that the place had become unlucky. My principal informant states that he decided to remove to another site about a quarter of a mile away, and that within two or three years, his example had been followed by the other villagers.\n\nConsiderable expense and inconvenience were involved. Their old homes were substantial dwellings of mud-brick on a rubble foundation with granite fittings and tiled roofs. An ancestral hall was included in their number. Removal meant the total loss of these houses; and because they were old—a hundred years or more—and had been damaged by the typhoon, it was not possible, I was told, to recover many of the fittings for use in the new dwellings. For these and general economic reasons, the removal cannot be interpreted as an improvement in housing conditions. As at Shek Pik, it is worth noting that the new houses were not built to the same standard or decorative style. Another feature of this particular case, unlike the others, was that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205878, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "178\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nand clubs, on their families, and on their ties with home. All these contain much of interest, though there are many points small and large on which one might quibble, from the trivial matter of the delusion which the author has that Chinese restaurants in general serve Chinese food which derives its virtue from Cantonese culinary supremacy (p. 28), to the important matter of omitting to mention that many Chinese employees receive in cash their total wage, their employers paying for them their tax, National Insurance, etc. over and above the wage (p. 81).\n\nMore important is the lack of organisation of the approach to this subject. One has the feeling that little attempt was made to extract meaning from the facts with which Mr. Ng presents us. If there had been, then surely they would have been presented differently? Certain basic considerations seem to have been neglected. Why London? for instance. Granted that London is an important centre for Chinese immigrants, why is it so? and how is it possible to study London as a centre without reference to the area of which it is a centre? Would not The Chinese in Britain have been a more valid topic? (Of course, the research worker's time and finances are important factors here, but there should be justification for the choice of field.) Again, was it not possible for Mr. Ng to approach this subject from an angle which would give more meaning to the whole to impose a pattern on it, as it were? To be constructive, could he not have started with the individual and worked outwards from there? the three case studies in Chapter IV are very enlightening.\n\nSince the work for this study was done (in 1963-64) the situation of the Chinese in Britain has changed a great deal. There seems to have been achieved a greater degree of coalescence (particularly in the provincial cities), political awareness has heightened, the Hong Kong Government has attempted to help its people overseas, the Gerrard Street area of London has become more and more clearly defined as a Chinese centre (the world's only new Chinatown?), and so on. There is call now for much more detailed and wide-ranging study of the field; and whoever undertakes it will be fortunate in having Mr. Ng's general survey to start from.\n\nSchool of Oriental and African Studies,\n\nMarch, 1969.\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205886, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "186\n\nCHEN, Tsun-Teh\n\nCHEN, Yih\n\nCHENG, T. C.\n\nCHEUNG, Oswald\n\nCHOA. Dr. Gerald H.\n\nCLARK, Mrs. A. T.\n\nCLARK, Mrs. E. E.\n\nCOHN, Dr. A. J.\n\nCOLLIN, P. H. -\n\n+\n\nCOLLINS, Mrs. D. A.\n\nCOMAN, Miss A. A.\n\n=\n\nCOMBER, L. CORBALLY, E. -\n\nCOSTANTINI, G* -\n\n-\n\n-\n\nRoom 11, 21st Floor, Block B, 395 King's Road, H.K.\n\n406A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K.\n\nUnited College, Chinese University of H.K.\n\n9A, Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nRoom 703, Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nMedical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K.\n\n13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K.\n\nTytam Villa, 30 Tai Tam Road, H.K.\n\n15 Cambridge Road, 2nd Floor, Kowloon Tong, Kowloon\n\nDept. of European Languages, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n53 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nK.P.O. Box 6068, Kowloon\n\nCentral Magistracy, Albert Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K.\n\nCOWPERTHWAITE, Lady - 45 Shouson Hill Road, H.K.\n\nCREMA, M.\n\nCRONE, Dr. D. L.\n\nCUMINE, E.\n\nL\n\nCUMMING, Mrs. D. M.* -\n\nCUMMING, M. S.\n\nCURTIS, Miss S.\n\nDAIKO, P.\n\nDANSEY-BROWNING, Lt. Col. G. C.\n\nDANSEY-BROWNING. Mrs, S. M.\n\nDAVIES, Major G. V.\n\nDAVIS, Dr. S. G. -\n\nc/o Italian Consulate General, Room 705 Chartered Bank Building, H.K.\n\nFlat 2B, 1 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\n14, Embassy Court, H.K.\n\n16 Peak Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Butterfield & Swire. Union House, H.K.\n\n26 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 201, H.K.\n\nGovernment Ophthalmic Centre, Arran St., Mongkok, Kowloon\n\nc/o P. O. Box 5096, Kowloon\n\nMOD Chinese Language School, B.F.P.0.1. H.K.\n\nEast Penthouse, Marina House, 17 Queen's Road. C. H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205894, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "194\n\nMCCRARY, M.*\n\nMcELNEY, B. S.\n\nMcFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S.\n\nMcKEIRNAN, Sister Agnes\n\nMCKEIRNAN,\n\nV. Rev. M. J.\n\n+\n\nL\n\nMcKENNA, Sister M. P.\n\nMCLEVIE, J. G.\n\nMEFFAN, Mrs. I. E.\n\nMEIJER, Dr. M. J.\n\nMICHAELIONES,\n\nMiss E. O.\n\nL\n\n=\n\nMIDDLEBROOK, R. W.\n\nMILBURN, K.\n\nMILLER, A. C.\n\nMILLER, C. F. O.*\n\nMOLTKE-HANSEN,\n\nMrs. O.\n\nMOSLER, Mrs. M. MOYLE, G. C.\n\nNEILD, Mrs. C.\n\nNEWBIGGING, D. K.\n\nNG, Dr. Ronald C. Y.\n\nNICHOLS, E. H.\n\nNIXON, F. A.*\n\nNOLDE, Prof. J. J.\n\nNORONHA, J. E.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n-\n\n-\n\n25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K.\n\nJohnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nMaryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon.\n\nSt. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon.\n\nMaryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon, Dept. of Education, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan,\n\nConsulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K.\n\nc/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England.\n\n165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A.\n\nMarine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K.\n\n34 Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea,\n\nA-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K.\n\n3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K.\n\n64 Mile, Taipo Road, N.T.\n\n1201 Manson House, Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K.\n\nc/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, W.C.1, England.\n\n11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nRoom 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K. Dept. of Chinese, The University to the College of Arts and Science, The University of Maine, Orono, Maine.\n\nc/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205897, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "197\n\nSHARPLEY, Mrs. W. S. M. New Zealand Commission, P.O. Box 2790,\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHING, D. -\n\nSHOEMAKER, J. F. -\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\nSIEGEL, H. W.\n\n+\n\n-\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C..\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSLEVIN, B.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, L.*\n\nSMYTH, Miss L.\n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam\n\nSPANKIE, D. R. A.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.\"\n\nSPOONER, M. G. -\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F. -\n\nT\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTEVENS, Major K. G.*\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONEY, G. S. -\n\nSTONEY, Mrs. G. S.\n\nSTOWE, C.-\n\n+\n\n-\n\n-\n\n+\n\nH.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon,\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. c/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada,\n\nA3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nDental Unit, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 10-8, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\nPhysiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nEconomic Survey Section, British Trade Commission, Room 704 Shell House, H.K.\n\nLime Rock Road, Lakeville, Connecticut, U.S.A.\n\nThe Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K.\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nG. Sy Hq. FARELF, Singapore.\n\nFlat 23, 3 Caldecott Road, Kowloon.\n\nQueen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nFlat No. 112, 75 Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\nSTRICKLAND, Mrs. P. G. c/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., Union House, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205951, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "26\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nBy this time, reads Elgin's record, \"the other vessels of the squadron were within range of the nearest forts, which opened upon them with all the vigor with which they were capable.” The English ships then \"steamed slowly by returning with considerable effect the fire directed against them.”6\n\nOf course, this account may explain more than was intended by Elgin. If the other vessels were so quickly in position to be able to return fire, then the Taiping response to this approach by the British vessels is understandable, for they apparently thought they were being attacked in force. The formation must have appeared provocative to the Taipings. The white flag, of course, had no significance for them, except as the ensign of one of the Manchu banners. Not mentioned in the Elgin account is the fact that a large Imperialist fleet lay in the immediate vicinity.7 In fact, the river at this particular place was completely in the hands of the Imperialist fleet, so that the Taipings were prepared for trouble only from that direction. Since no effort had been made by the British to communicate with the Taipings earlier, and since it had been so long (four and a half years) since British naval vessels had paid a call at Nanking, the confusion among Taiping gunners was understandable. In order to emphasize the lesson, however, the British squadron anchored for the night a short distance away, and before proceeding on their upriver course the following morning, they redescended the stream to Nanking and again bombarded the forts for about an hour and a half. The Taipings “hardly ventured a reply,” or as one of the participating Englishmen commented, \"they seemed determined not to show us any sport.\" Given this lack of response from the Taipings, Captain Barker, the chief naval officer, appears to have exceeded his authority. Elgin had given him a carte blanche on the course to be pursued, which was to \"knock the forts about the ears of the Taepings,\" but this was to be contingent upon their showing \"any more stomach for fighting.\" It seems that another consideration intervened. The British found an opportunity for, as the record reads: \"leaving our mark, and exercising our men at the best of targets for it so happened that quarterly gunnery-returns would be soon required\" so that \"we gave our men a short practice at one or two of the forts.\" Incidentally, this report testified to the advantage taken of the British assault by the Imperialists who took the occasion to press an offensive of their own.10", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205986, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "ASPECTS OF HONG KONG MARINE FAUNA\n\n61\n\nThe University will have a functional Marine Science Laboratory to be completed during the summer of 1970. This establishment will greatly aid and encourage development of marine sciences in the Colony.\n\nTwo aspects of our studies may be of immediate interest to the Colony. First, we are relating bottom fauna with the fishes that feed on such organisms. This approach has been used in other places for the past few decades as an effort to aid fishermen in finding more suitable fishing grounds. We have noted 146 species of fishes in and associated with Tolo Harbour. As some of our information comes from the Taipo office of the Agriculture and Fisheries Department, there is a likelihood that fishes from Mirs Bay and adjacent areas are also included. Another important study is pollution. By investigating the physico-chemical and biological factors important in Tolo Harbour, we intend to aid Government in guiding the development of communities like Shatin and Taipo, which are located on the shores of the Harbour. A sewage treatment plant will be established at the Chinese University site at Ma Liu Shui, and pollution studies will be correlated with the activities of this plant.\n\nThe Future of Marine Resources in Hong Kong\n\nOf great importance for the future of the colony is the conservation of resources available, whether terrestrial or marine. During the spring of 1969, the University of Hong Kong sponsored the Conference on the Development and Conservation of the Countryside. The essence of the outcome of this meeting was that Hong Kong is in a critical state of planning. We must know what we are conserving, and do our best to plan all development with an eye toward future utilization and needs. Every weekend and holiday, thousands of city dwellers flock to the countryside to commune with nature. Just as a receding tide leaves layers of seaweed, these weekend tourists leave their residue. There is a tendency for everyone in Hong Kong to throw away their trash without thought of where it might land. This is true of the city, the countryside, and the beaches—extending into the water by boating enthusiasts and fishermen. This is on an enlarged scale when considering local industries, sanitary conditions, and indeed, land removal and filling processes. The Conservancy Society of Hong Kong has recently been formed. This organization will", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "80\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\ndifficult problems to the governments concerned, and cruel, drastic, but ineffectual attempts were made to halt immigration. The massacres of thousands of Chinese in the Philippines in 1603, 1639, and again after the British occupation of 1763, are the most celebrated of many such occurrences, the last being caused by the Chinese having shown a marked preference for British rather than Spanish rule. In Indonesia the worst massacre took place at Batavia in 1740. Similar pogroms, but on a much smaller scale, continued in the Philippines down to 1820, and post-war Indonesia has shown a disquieting tendency to put the clock back two centuries in their treatment of their Chinese. But although victims of periodic bouts of xenophobia from the local peoples, in most countries of South-east Asia and at most times the Chinese were protected by the colonial governments which recognised the value of Chinese labour for their economies.\n\nBy the early decades of the 19th century the coolie trade between China and South-east Asia had attained substantial proportions -- although still nothing like so great as it was to become later -- and most of the trade was in the hands of Chinese junks of from 300 to 400 tons. Such craft could only sail before the wind and carried crews of up to ninety sailors, enough to man five European ships of the same size. They took anything from twenty to thirty days between south China and the Straits or Bangkok, and the coolies had a very uncomfortable time on the passage. No charts were carried, the only navigational instrument being a very rude compass, and they kept as close to land as possible. In the 1830s up to eighty such junks sailed to Bangkok every year, usually from Swatow, and by the mid 1840s, by which time European steamships were entering the trade, it was estimated that about 15,000 coolies were emigrating to Bangkok every year.\n\nA description of these old trading junks is given in S. Wells Williams, The Middle Kingdom (London, W. H. Allen & Co. revised edition, 1883) vol. 1, p. 753. It shows inter alia that the number of passengers carried on these junks to the Nanyang could be very great. ... \"The cabins look more like niches in a sepulchre than the accommodations for a live passenger. The crew lie upon deck most of the time, and are usually interested in the trade of the vessel or an adventure of their own. The great number of passengers which have been stowed in these vessels entailed a frightful loss of life when they were wrecked. In February, 1822, Capt. Pearl, of the English ship Indiana, coming through Gaspar Straits, fell in with the cargo and crew of a wrecked junk, and saved one hundred and ninety-eight persons (out of one thousand six hundred with whom she had left Amoy).\" Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206025, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "100\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\nFor a Chinese in particular, and in still more particular a Chinese brought up in Hong Kong, I am going to make myself unpopular and say it would be a miracle if any of them really did obtain a thorough grasp of English without first learning Latin, quite a lot of Latin, and some Greek. He needs the Greek because English has (perhaps unconsciously) borrowed a lot of its flexibility from Greek. Then, building on that foundation, he needs to read and read: some Shakespeare and Milton, of course, for they are two cornerstones of the English language, but still more he should read, whatever his religion, large chunks of the Authorized (King James) Version of the Bible, both Old and New Testament. Just as any student of Greek must read Plato, regardless of whether he approves of Plato's philosophy, so any student of English who keeps away from the Bible because he is neither a Christian nor a Jew is throwing away the most fruitful source book: for every English person, even the modern pagans, even those who for Scripture teaching use some other version (e.g., the Revised), still falls back in his ordinary speech on the diction and rhythms of the Authorized Version.\n\nLAT\n\nHaving read and learned by heart the basic speech patterns of the language, it is then safe for him to jump to such modern exponents as G. Bernard Shaw; yes, I would advise jumping all that way, leaping over the 18th and early 19th century writers; you can always go back for them afterwards. But in making this big leap you need an inquiring mind and a patient teacher. Why does Shaw always write ARN'T I? when you have been taught AM I NOT and so forth. At this point I could bewail the lack of an efficient method of writing either (or any) language. Cadmus' alphabet is as unsuitable for any modern language as LI HSIH's: though both were miracles in their day. G. B. Shaw must be grinning wryly at the damp squib his legacy turned out. But although it would be a fine thing if someone would bequeath a few millions to our universities to put a good team working on something of lasting value—a way to record, faithfully, the 15 or so local languages—don't forget that we have a way. The tape recorder makes it possible for the prose or poetry writer of today, in any language whether or not it has a writing, to compose exactly as he wishes it to go. So another piece of advice to the student: ask for a library of recorded radio scripts. But avoid\n\n94\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206059, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\nBeing a local history of the region of Hong Kong and the New Territories before the British occupation\n\nS. F. BALFOUR\n\n(Editor's Note. In recent years the Journal has reprinted selected items of enduring interest to those interested in Hong Kong and its past. The following article first appeared in the T'ien Hsia Monthly, published in Shanghai, in vols. 11-12, 1940-41, pp. 330-352, 440-464. It is reprinted with the kind permission of Mr. Balfour's widow, Mrs. William Glock. Stephen Balfour was a Cadet i.e. Administrative Officer in the Hong Kong Civil Service*. He served here from 1929 until his tragic death in an air raid on the Stanley Internment Camp during the war-time Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong,\n\nThe article is reprinted as it stands in the original, and no gloss has been attempted or additional references given to books cited or to the source of the illustrations).\n\nI. ETHNOGRAPHY OF THE REGION\n\nLocal history in China has always been considered one of the functions of the officials administering each province or district; it has thus come about that there is not a single corner of the Chinese Empire that has not at least one local history, recounting its antiquities and its aspect at the time of writing, and many places have several of these topographies, as they are called, compiled about them at different dates.\n\nThe region in which Hong Kong and the New Territories lie is described in the Topography of the San On (now Po On) District. This book, which is dated 1820, is a revised version of earlier editions stretching back to the 15th century, and it would have been interesting to consult the earlier versions, were they accessible, not so much for the information about local antiquities and traditions, for that has probably all been reproduced in the last edition, as for the details of contemporary life described by the official in charge of the district at that time. However, the topography in its later edition contains a great many valuable texts, reproduced from inscriptions or other books that have since disappeared, authentic information about the district itself and almost everything in local tradition that was considered worth printing.\n\n*See Mr. Lethbridge's article on Hong Kong Cadets, 1862-1941 elsewhere in this issue. Ed.\n\n新安縣誌", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206131, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "204\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nbecause there is a much greater body of pre-war material than the items included here. This criticism could have been turned away by an indication, beyond the qualifications already made in the introduction, that this was a selected bibliography.\n\nThe introduction is a useful and stimulating part of the work. Besides explaining how the bibliography has been brought together, and why, it draws attention to some of the lacunae in Hong Kong studies, especially in the social science field. However this is surely as much due to the lack of a social science faculty at the University of Hong Kong until recently and the small size of the faculties in the colleges of the Chinese University, than, as the writers suggest, to 'purposive decisions..... to avoid issues with important policy overtures'. The complaint that nowhere in Hong Kong is there a full collection of Hongkongiana is still, I believe, justified and should be remedied... perhaps to the extent of compiling a master list of books on the subject available in the main Hong Kong libraries.\n\nAs a publication, it is well produced and printed, though it bears many marks of hasty compilation and checking that were probably due to its issue coinciding with the departure of the joint compilers from Hong Kong. These should be put right on a second issue. And, if I may end on a personal note, I always like to see titles and authors on the spine - it is so much more convenient when looking for a book.\n\nHong Kong, 1970.\n\n+\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nFOLK RELIGION IN AN URBAN SETTING. A STUDY OF HAKKA VILLAGERS IN TRANSITION. Morris I. Berkowitz, Frederick P. Brandauer, John H. Reid. Hong Kong, Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture, 1969.\n\nAs the first book-length study of Chinese religious practices in Hong Kong, this report deserves our careful consideration. Studies of Chinese folk religious practices are rare enough, and those of Hakka villagers are still rarer; therefore this general study of Hakka religion is very welcome indeed. The book represents the first of a series of research projects to be conducted by the Christian Study Centre on Chinese Religion and Culture.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206146, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "219\n\nCHEN, Ching-ho\n\nCHEN, Tsun-teh\n\nCHEN, Yih\n\n·\n\nCHENG, Dr. Siok-hwa\n\nCHENG, T. C. -\n\nCHEUNG, Hon. Oswald -\n\nCHOA, Dr. Gerald H.\n\nCHOA, Robert\n\nCLARK, Mrs. A. T.\n\nCOHN, Dr. A. J.\n\nCOLLIN, P. H.\n\n+\n\n-\n\nCOLLINS, Mrs. D. A.\n\nCOMAN, Miss A. A.\n\nCOMBER, L.\n\n-\n\nCORBALLY, E.\n\n·\n\nCOSTANTINI, G*\n\nc/o New Asia College, C.U.H.K.,\n6 Farm Road, Kowloon.\n\nRoom 11, 21st Floor, Block B, 395 King's\nRoad, H.K.\n\n406 A Bank of East Asia Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of History, University of\nHong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o United College, C.U.H.K.,\n9A, Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nRoom 703, Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens,\nHysan Avenue, H.K.\n\nc/o Sperry Rand, 404-5 Fu House,\nIce House Street, H.K.\n\n13, The Albany, Albany Road, H.K.\n\n15 Cambridge Road, 2nd Floor, Kowloon\nTong, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Dept. of European Language, University\nof Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong\nKong, H.K.\n\n53 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nK.P.O. Box 6086, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Central Magistracy, Albert Road, H.K. 19, Boulevard de Montmorency, 75-Paris,\n16C, France.\n\nCOWPERTHWAITE, Lady 45 Shouson Hill Road, H.K.\n\nCREMA, M.\n\n·\n\nCRONE, Dr. D. L.\n\nCUMINE, E. -\n\nCUMMING, Mrs. D. M.* -\n\nCUMMING, M. S.\n\nCURTIS, Miss S.\n\nDAIKO, P.\n\n+\n\nDANSEY-BROWNING,\nLt. Col. G. C.\n\nDANSEY-BROWNING,\nMrs. S. M. -\n\nT\n\nc/o Italian Consulate General,\nChartered Bank Building, H.K.\n\nFlat 2B, 1 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulum\nRoad, H.K.\n\n14, Embassy Court, H.K.\n\n16, Peak Road, H.K.\n\n16, Peak Road, H.K.\n\n26 Dina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 201. H.K.\n\nP.O. Box 5096, Kowloon.\n\nP.O. Box 5096, Kowloon.\n\n·\n\nLife Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "227\n\nMCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J.\n\nMEFFAN, Mrs. 1. E.\n\nMICHAELIONES, Miss E. O,\n\nMIDDLEBROOK, R. W.*\n\nMILBURN, K.\n\nMILLER, A. C.\n\nMILLER, C. F. 0.*\n\nMOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O.\n\nMOSLER, Mrs. M.\n\nMOYLE, G. C.\n\nMUNN, Mrs. Elizabeth\n\nNEILD, Mrs. C.\n\nNEWBIGGING, D. K.\n\nNG, Dr. Ronald C. Y.\n\nNG, Peter P. K.\n\nNICHOLS, E. H.\n\nNIXON, F. A.*\n\nNOLDE, Prof. J. J.\n\nNORONHA, J. E.\n\nO'BRIEN, Dr. J. P.\n\nOLIVER, J. R.\n\nORR, Jain C.\n\nOU, Miss G.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n-\n\n+\n\nSt. Peter in Chains Catholic Church, Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon.\n\n92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan.\n\nc/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England.\n\n165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A.\n\nc/o Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K.\n\n34 Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea.\n\nA-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, HK.\n\n3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K.\n\n61 Mile, Taipo Road, N.T.\n\nc/o Taikoo Dockyard, Quarry Bay, H.K.\n\n1201 Manson House, Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K.\n\n164 Prince Edward Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon.\n\n304, Man Yee Building, H.K.\n\n11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nRoom 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Chinese, The University to the College of Arts and Science. The University of Maine, Orono, Maine, U.S.A.\n\nc/o W.F. Bollmeyer & Co., (H.K.) Ltd. 408, Yu To Sang Building, H.K.\n\nSandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, Sandy Bay, H.K.\n\nc/o Supreme Court, H.K.\n\n17 Crown Terrace, 3rd Floor, Bisney Villas, H.K.\n\nc/o French Consulate General, P. O. Box 13, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206157, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "230\n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M.\n\nSHANNON, Capt. J. M.\n\nSHEPHARD, A. J.\n\nSHING, David -\n\nSHOEMAKER, J. F.\n\nSHU, Dr. H. T.\n\n+\n\nSIEGEL, H. W. -\n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C. -\n\nSKELSON, Mrs. R. E.\n\nSLEVIN, B. F.\n\nSMALL, Dr. D. H.\n\nSMITH, L.*\n\nSMYTH, Miss L.\n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam\n\nSPANKIE, D. R. A.\n\nSPERRY, H. M.*\n\nSPOONER, M. G.\n\n+\n\nSTANLEY, Major H. F. -\n\nSTANTON, W. T.*\n\nSTEVENS, Major K. G.*\n\nSTEWART, Miss E. M.\n\nSTOKES, J.\n\nSTONE, G. S.\n\nL\n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o M.O.D. Chinese Language School, Lyemun Barracks, B.F.P.O.1, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K.\n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon.\n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K.\n\nApt. No. 406, 1061 Don Mills Road, Don Mills, Ontario, Canada.\n\nA3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K.\n\nc/o Messrs. Glyn Mills & Co., Kirkland House, Whitehall, London, S.W.1, England.\n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Physiotherapy Dept., Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o Economic Survey Section, British Trade Commission, Room 704 Shell House, H.K.\n\nAllied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Tourist Association, Realty Building, H.K.\n\nDina House, Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nG. Sy Hq. FARELF, Singapore.\n\nP\n\nFlat 4, 180 Argyle Street, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Queen's College, Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, \"Ravencourt\", 24 Mount Austin Rd., H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206173, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 253, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "Plate 20. An early map of the region showing the forts and Portuguese ships passing between Cheung Chau and Lantau and the Lama Islands.\n\n(Plates 16-20 are reproduced here by courtesy of Mrs Halfour (now Glock) and with the kind assistance of the Curator, City Museum & Art Gallery)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206192, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "ترا \n\n11 May \n\n22 June \n\nDr. Hu Shiu-ying \n\n\"Flowering Plants of Hong Kong.” \n\nDr. Chiu Ling-yeong \n\n+4 \n\nTwo Views on the Modernization of \n\nChina.\" \n\n21 September Mr. Kwok On \n\n7 November \n\n12 December \n\n(Talk, Demonstration and Performances) \"Puppet Show.\" \n\nMr. James Hayes (Organiser) \n\nExcursion to Tung Lin Kok Yuen, the Tam Kung Temple, Happy Valley and the Tin Hau Temple, Causeway Bay, \n\nMr. David Gilkes (Organiser) \n\nExcursion to Tao Fong Shan, Shatin. (The Christian Mission to Buddhists). \n\nTaking into consideration the variation in the popularity of subjects and in the availability of lecturers, the lectures last year were on the whole as well attended as could be expected, and this raises two points of special interest to our Society. One is the availability of suitable halls at the times we want them, and the other the choice of subjects. \n\nRegarding the former, it is becoming more difficult to make short-notice bookings of lecture halls in Hong Kong and this is due partly to the increasing demand and partly to long-term block booking by some organizations. This is going to remain a permanent difficulty, and an increasing one too, and the only answer I can see to it is the ultimate acquisition of our own premises, which incidentally would solve one of our library problems as well. \n\nRegarding the choice of subjects, popularity of the subject is not the only point taken into consideration by your Committee when arranging the lecture programmes. Our chief aim is to cater during each year for as many tastes among our members as possible, and hence variety of subjects, rather than popularity, is the main criterion. A glance at the above list will, I think, convince you that that is what we are achieving. Your Committee would therefore welcome suggestions or requests from members", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206203, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "14 issues of The Hong Kong Naturalist to complete our set, we received from two London booksellers a total of two complete volumes (VIII and IX) and three other issues (I no. 2 and II nos. 1 & 2). This was arranged through the kindness of Sir John Galvin, and we are extremely grateful to him for this generous gift, which has greatly enhanced our collection. However, we still lack a number of issues of this important set, and anyone locating any parts of The Hong Kong Naturalist, either for sale or exchange, is invited to contact the Hon. Librarian as soon as possible.\n\nAs in previous years, the main problems facing the library are (i) how to encourage members to make more use of it, and (ii) shortage of space. Until the Branch has its own premises in which the whole library may be housed it seems that this will be an annual plaint. Meanwhile, we have to thank both the British Council and the University of Hong Kong for providing space for the collection, and for making it available to members on request.\n\nHong Kong, 26th April, 1970.\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nHon. Librarian,\n\nADDITIONS TO THE LIBRARY, 1970-1971\n\n(Books and pamphlets)\n\nBERKOWITZ, M. I., and others.\n\nFolk religion in an urban setting: a study of Hakka villages in transition, Hong Kong, Christian Study Centre, 1969.\n\nBOK, pseud.\n\nPiracies Ltd. London, Jenkins, 1938.\n\nVampires of the China coast. London, Jenkins, 1932.\n\nCLARK, A. D. and CLARK, D. N.\n\nSeoul, past and present: a guide to Yi T'aejo's capital. Seoul, R. A. S., Korea Branch, 1969. (Its guidebook series, no. 1)\n\nCRANE, P. S.\n\nKorean patterns. 2nd ed. Seoul, Hollym Corp., 1968 reprinted 1969. (R. A. S. Korea Branch. Handbook series, no. 1)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206211, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "22\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nIn Ningpo itself, the preparations were underway. British officials persuaded all missionaries of British nationality to withdraw from the city, a step which Consul Harvey indicated would \"simplify considerably our future relations with the Taipings at Ningpo.\"14 British naval Captain Corbett concurred, reasoning that in the event of any difficulty with the Taipings the missionaries would otherwise \"prove a source of great embarrassment to us.\"15 It is a matter of record that many of the missionaries who did comply and therefore lived apart from the Taipings during the duration of their occupation did come to share the negative or hostile attitude toward the insurgents.16\n\nAs the British intervention policy developed, an anti-Taiping propaganda campaign mounted. One of the most interesting and telling samples of this effort was the reporting of Consul Harvey. His dispatch of March 20, 1862, is perhaps the best example.17 Completely in contradiction to the report of the already noted China Overland Trade Report of less than a month earlier, Harvey declared that although three months had elapsed since the Taiping takeover they had still to take a single step in the direction of good government. Curiously, he repeatedly stressed his lack of bias and dispassionate judgment. He even conceded that “personally I have received every mark of courtesy and proper regard from the Tae-ping Chiefs; and further, I have found in official dealings with them a rough and blunt sort of honesty quite unexpected and surprising, after years of public intercourse with the Imperial mandarins.” But despite such lack of bias, repeatedly emphasized, and such acknowledgment of Taiping honesty and courtesy, Harvey went on to say: \"Nevertheless, the Taepings with their frank demeanour and bluff energy have a fume of blood and a look of carnage about them, from which I, for one, recoil with horror.\" Harvey noted that the occupation of the Taipings, termed an \"experiment\", had produced \"exactly what was expected - ruin, desolation, and the annihilation of every vital principle in all that surrounds the presence, or lies under the bane, of the Taepings.\" Still underlining, undoubtedly, his lack of bias, Harvey noted: \"I now, therefore, take the liberty of declaring, once for all (and for ten years I have fairly adhered to and been consistent in this opinion), that the Taeping rebellion is the greatest delusion, as a political or popular movement, and the Taeping doctrines the most gigantic blasphemous imposition...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206232, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION \n\n43 \n\nway. Money played an important part and so did favouritism. Ho Kai pointed out that some candidates even provided themselves with substitutes who wrote the examination papers for them for a substantial consideration; others took large collections of old essays into the examination hall to copy; while others again ensured their success by valuable presents. Ho Kai strongly believed that officials selected in this way were bound to jeopardize the governmental administration. \n\nHo Kai challenged Tseng on this point by referring to the Foochow fleet.13 He asked: \n\nHas not the Foochow naval engagement which the Marquis alludes to distinctly proved that it is not? Was not the commander-in-chief of the Foochow fleet a literate of the first water, and was not his knowledge of the Chinese classics intimate, and was he not a scholar who had passed his third literary examination with flying colours and finally been admitted a member of the Imperial College? But the defeat was not his fault. He could no more help it than, to use a common phrase, could the man in the moon. Where had he been trained in naval warfare, and where had he got his knowledge of naval engagements? \n\nHo Kai lamented that no one could tell what would be the consequence of this illiberal policy, but he was certain that China had deprived herself in this way of many good and faithful servants who otherwise would have served her with loyalty and distinction. \n\nTseng had expressed his confidence that under the leadership and guidance of (Sir) Sherrard Osborn, the British officer who had been seconded to China, a strong and really efficient Navy could be created. Ho Kai, however, strongly criticised Tseng's lack of insight. He wrote: \n\nThere is scarcely a civilized country in the world which needs a really efficient and strong fortification along her coast more than China. But there is something which she is in greater need of, that is, competent hands to man her forts and attend to and fight her ships. Big guns and forts are all very well in their way, but they are utterly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206260, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND KAIFONGS\n\n71\n\nthey really lack the funds to employ professionally qualified staff. Therefore, many Kaifongs ran into financial problems soon after their establishment. Their activities are therefore not only conducted on a charitable basis. Some have organized recreational and educational classes, charging participation fees for them, and others run large-scale fee-paying schools.\n\nOn the other hand, the work of the Kaifongs is very much under the influence of Government policy, although theoretically the Kaifongs are independent associations. In the 1950s the Hong Kong Government was relying a great deal on the voluntary organizations for providing social welfare, because the Government itself had limited financial resources during the post-war years. However, when a Social Welfare Department was established in 1958, it seemed that the Government was ready to extend its own hand over many branches of welfare work. A special section for Community Organization was formed within the new Department, the specific purpose of which was to organize and assist residents in community development projects. Thus, again with Government encouragement, the Kaifongs began to change their emphasis to community organization in the early 1960s. Both the Government and the Kaifongs' attention was caught by the so-called youth problem, considered to have reached threatening proportions after the 1966 Riots. Earlier the 1961 Census had shown that 50% of Hong Kong's population was below 21 years of age and that 40% were under 15 years of age. The youth programme has thus claimed a good deal of both the Government's and the Kaifongs' effort in the present decade.\n\nIn addition, the Kaifongs have increasingly made representations to the Government. Such representations cover mainly social and economic policies, particularly those concerning local Kaifong districts, such as involving urban renewal, public health and sanitation, and business control. Although the Kaifongs have always claimed to be representatives of public opinion, before the 1960s the Kaifongs mainly transmitted Government policies to the general public. They also helped the Government departments in organizing community drives such as Road Safety, Keep Your City Clean campaigns, Anti-epidemic campaigns etc. But they had seldom exerted any pressure over Government decision-making. But since the mid-60s, particularly since the 1966 and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206268, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n79\n\nauthority and its geographical location made it a base for pirates. One of the stories about the origin of the name of the Tai Ping Shan District on Hong Kong Island is that a pirate named Cheung Po-chai used it as his headquarters. He finally went over to the authorities and left the island. In relief the local population named the mountain side on which he had dwelt \"Great Peace Mountain\". Since it was easy to slip away by boat if government officials came to check on inhabitants, the islands on the edge of San On District were popular haunts for outlaws and the criminal element.\n\nAt the time of the establishment of the British claim to the island, The Canton Register under date of 23 February, 1841, predicted that under British jurisdiction the island would become even more popular with these classes: \"Hongkong will be the resort and rendezvous of all the Chinese smugglers. Opium smoking shops and gambling-houses will soon spread; to those haunts will flock all the discontented and bad spirits of the empire.\" Future developments substantiated this forecast.\n\nFACTORS WHICH IMPEDED THE EMERGENCE OF RESPONSIBLE LEADERS IN THE CHINESE COMMUNITY.\n\nSamuel Fearon, the Census and Registration Officer, in his report dated 24 June 1845, describes the origin of the first settlers of Hong Kong.\n\nThe arrival of the British fleet in the harbour speedily attracted a considerable boat population, and the profits accruing from the supply of provisions and necessaries at once raised many from poverty and infamy to considerable wealth. The shelter and protection afforded by the presence of the fleet soon made our shores the resort of outlaws, opium smugglers, and indeed, of all persons who had rendered themselves obnoxious to the Chinese laws, and had the means of escaping hither. In course of time the demands for labour, for the public and other works, drew some thousands to the island, the majority of whom were Hakkas or gypsies; people whose habits, character and language mark them as a distinct race. Careless of the ties of home and of those moral obligations, the observance of which is deemed absolutely necessary", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "104\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nimposture and contemptible impudence\". He later was part of Chan Lai Tau's ambassadorial staff at Washington, and upon his return to China in 1882, he promoted the organization of the Canton and Hong Kong Telegraph Company.38\n\nAssociated with Ho Shan Chee in the Telegraph Company was a kinsman, Ho Kwan Shan (何崑珊) alias Ho Amei (何阿美),†Œ4 the Secretary of the On Tai Insurance Company in Hong Kong. Ho Kwan Shan had been educated at Dr. Legge's Anglo-Chinese College in Hong Kong, being a schoolmate of the sons of Ho Asun. Upon completing his education, Ho Kwan Shan joined his elder brother, Ho Low Yuk (何陸玉) in Australia in 1858. From Australia in 1865 he went to New Zealand to arrange for the importation of the first Chinese laborers to New Zealand. Returning to Australia, he served for a time as interpreter at Ballarat, Victoria. In 1868 he came back to Hong Kong. Here he became a clerk in the Registrar General's Office. Later he became interested in developing mines on Lan Tau Island as well as at other places in Kwang Tung Province.39\n\nThe most prominent of the Ho clan, however, was the family of Ho Tsun Shin (何遵善) or as he was better known in Christian circles, Ho Fuk Tong (何福堂).† His father had been a block cutter for the press of the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca. Ho Fuk Tong joined him there and became a student at the College. He showed scholastic aptitude and for a time accompanied the son of the senior missionary at the Malacca Station to India for advanced study. Upon the arrival of the Rev. James Legge at the Mission, a close bond was established between the two young men. Ho Fuk Tong was his junior by three years. When Legge removed to Hong Kong in 1843, Ho Fuk Tong accompanied him and was ordained as the Chinese pastor of the London Missionary Society congregation in 1846. He continued as a faithful minister of the congregation (now Hop Yat Church) until his death in 1871. He was conscientious and faithful in his service to the church, but he was also very successful as a financier. After his death there were numerous Court suits over the interpretation of his will and the administration of his estate. Some of the difficulties arose because Ho Fuk Tong held his property under various aliases. In one of the cases a barrister gives his opinion why Ho Fuk Tong followed this procedure:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206298, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n109\n\nWhile abroad he had been baptized and on his return he became a member of the Chinese congregation of the London Missionary Society. One of his benefactors had been Andrew Shortrede, owner and publisher of the China Mail, and for about two years after his return from America he worked for the China Mail. In 1864 mention is made of a Chinese publication known as Assing's Daily General Price Current. This was probably a journalistic venture of Wong Shing. He also served as an interpreter for the Government. In 1853 he was placed in charge of the printing establishment of the Anglo-Chinese College operated by the London Mission. He continued as manager for some ten years, when he left to join the staff of the Chinese Government School being established at Shanghai to teach foreign languages to Chinese students. However, he did not find the work there satisfactory, and after a short time returned to Hong Kong and resumed management of the Mission press. In 1872 he went to Peking to set up a printing office with moveable type for the Tsung Li Yamen. From there he went to the United States with the second group of students in Yung Wing's Educational Mission scheme. In 1858 his was the first Chinese name to appear on the roll of Jurors in Hong Kong. He was a member of the organizing Committee for Tung Wah Hospital. In 1884 he was the second Chinese to be appointed to the Legislative Council, serving until 1890. He died in 1902. His obituary mentioned his frugality and his lack of parsimony: \"His family was poor and he was taught to be frugal. He could save about $1,000 and bought land in Hong Kong... before Hong Kong business flourished....It increased ten times in value. He had the opportunity to raise rent, but he did not do so. Those who had property and could earn more ridiculed him. He had a family of children, and his expenditures increased, so that his income did not take care of his expenditures, but he still held to his idea.\"48 Realizing the advantages he had derived from a foreign education, he was among the first Chinese to privately finance the education of his children abroad.\n\nWhen the Rev. Elijah Bridgman, a missionary of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, moved to Hong Kong from Macao in 1842, he had under his patronage two young men who had been his students. They had also been sponsored by the Morrison Education Society as students at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "120 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nrendered any useful service to the Colony, also whether, as at present controlled, there is any real danger to be apprehended from allowing such a force to be maintained'14 \n\nThe commission concluded that district watchmen performed a useful service for the Chinese community. The system was thus left unchanged and the statutory control of the Registrar General was not tampered with. The Regulation of Chinese Ordinance, No. 13 of 1888, reaffirmed the principle that 'every such watchman shall be under the control of the Registrar General'. Thus the link forged in 1866 between the Registrar General and the District Watch Force was maintained intact until the radical change in the nature of the force brought about by the District Watch Force Ordinance of 1949, which ended the life of the Chinese Committee of Management and the system of voluntary subscriptions. \n\nOsbert Chadwick in his 1882 report on the sanitary conditions of Hong Kong recommended that the duty of enforcing cleanliness should be added to the duties of the district watchmen and that, if necessary, their numbers and pay be increased. Chadwick also informs us that 'the idea was suggested to me by the Chinese'15. Chadwick, the son of the great Edwin Chadwick, recognised the importance of maintaining a body of police auxiliaries, for such watchmen could be detailed to work on tasks not normally undertaken by regular police and used where the presence of European police would engender hostility or lack of co-operation. The Chinese notables also recorded their satisfaction with their own force and in a petition asking for the registration of Chinese partners in Chinese business firms claimed they could weed bad elements out of the force because only Chinese could understand the workings of the Chinese community16. Soon the district watchmen were performing a variety of tasks17—acting as census enumerators, providing guides for census officials, tracing runaway girls for the Po Leung Kuk, intercepting young girls brought into the Colony for purposes of prostitution, engaging in detective work for Chinese welfare societies, and generally just keeping the peace in the Chinese quarters. The Head District Watchman became a figure of some importance and his salary placed him far above the run-of-the-mill Chinese artisan or labourer. Inevitably, there were reports of district watchmen receiving 'tea money' but there is no reason to suppose they were any more...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "134\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nof its history64. The Hong Kong government utilised a number of Chinese associations that had developed independently, gave official status to a few and drew them for the convenience of administration into its orbit. In doing so, to some degree it had to forego total control over the Chinese population and share such control with a small number of Chinese notables. Both benefited from the arrangement. This system has been called one of 'indirect rule' but I feel the phrase conceals more than it reveals, for a committee such as the District Watch could on occasion shape government policy. Government had to play along with a number of Chinese committees for without their support the regulation of the Chinese masses would have been at best an uncertain matter. The heaping of honours on a small number of Chinese notables was, surely, a recognition of the key part they played in promoting stability rather than prizes given for their alienation from Chinese society. Such prominent Chinese, as I have suggested, were as much watchdogs for the Chinese community, and especially the Chinese bourgeoisie, as barking dogs for the colonial government.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Lennox A. Mills, British Rule in Eastern Asia, London, Oxford University Press, 1942, p. 398.\n\n2 i.e., Sir Shouson Chow, Sir Robert Kotewall, Lo Man-kam, Dr. Li Shu-fan, and William Ngartsee Thomas Tam.\n\n3 S. F. Balfour states that Hong Kong Island was owned originally by the Tang (Têng) clan of the New Territories: 'Hong Kong Before the British', Tien Hsia Monthly, vol. xi, 1941, p. 464. A translation of a Chinese notice printed in the Friend of China, 24 July 1858, reads: Tung Wing-Fook-Tong (sic) of the Sun-on district, was formerly sole proprietor of the Island of Hong Kong, and of the hills and coast of the North Side of the Harbour under the general name of Tsin Shat-Choy.... Lately Tung Wing-Fook-Tong petitioned the Magistrate of Sun-on to examine Tung's claim to Tsin Shat-Choy and the Magistrate issued a proclamation declaring that Tung Wing-Fook-Tong is the real owner of the Property. The editor asseverated 'as to his having been a Lord of this Isle, as well as of Tsim-shat-choy, —in a word, we do not believe a word of it'. Barbara Ward writes of fishermen that for reasons probably mainly connected with their spatial mobility and the lack of land, these fishermen do not have a developed lineage system nor any real concept of one'. See Barbara Ward, 'Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong: Their Post-peasant economy', in Maurice Freedman, ed., Social Organisation: Essays Presented to Raymond Firth, London, Frank Cass, 1967, p. 278.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206365, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "166\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nfour or five years after the end of the war, after a period of not unexpected lack of interest in any kind of soldiering, it is recorded by Colonel H. Owen Hughes that an evening spent in the Cricket Club brought forward a whole platoon (No. 1 Platoon of No. 1 Company) \"many of whom had held a Commission in the War\"46 Many of the Volunteers of this time had also served pre-war in Volunteer units elsewhere, and their records of service make interesting reading. As time went on, too, several generations of families, Portuguese, Eurasians, Chinese and also some Europeans with either a home or family continuity in the Colony through business or professional interests, provided several generations of volunteers. This is particularly true of the last 40 years, and many of the present generation of volunteers can give the names of fathers, uncles and cousins who have been volunteers, not just during the period of conscription, but stretching back into the inter-war and even to the pre-1914 period.\n\nAn interesting study could be made of the social composition of the officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the Hong Kong Volunteers, at different periods in their history, to relate recruitment to the various racial groups and classes of persons available and to establish, what, if any, barriers were raised to the entry of any of these at any time.\n\nDRESS AND EQUIPMENT\n\n(a) Dress.\n\nFew photographs have survived from the earlier days of volunteering in Hong Kong. Of two that are mentioned in our records, one is of Volunteers in the 1860s and was shown at the centenary exhibition in 1954.47 Another dates from the 1880s and was sent by H. H. Read, mentioned above, with his letter to the Commandant for the Year Book for 1937. Some light on dress at this period is shed by the Rules and Regulations of 1882 (but not, unfortunately, by those promulgated in 1862). Section 27 of the 1882 Rules and Regulations state that \"the uniform of the Corps will consist of a blue cloth Tunic with\n\n* Plates 11-20 illustrate this article. They relate to the middle period of Volunteer history, 1895-1932.\n\n46 Vol, 1964, p. 42.\n\n47 Vol, 1954, p. 239.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206407, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nROPE-MAKING AND DYEING/\n\nCALENDERING ON AP LEI CHAU, HONG KONG\n\nEditor's note. The following Note describes a visit to Ap Lei Chau in March, 1971 with several members of the Ap Lei Chau Kaifong, namely Messrs. Tam Wah, Tam Keng-fat and Yue Yiu-wah.\n\nWe first visited the shop, Kwong Po Wah (**), at 141 Main Street where Mr. Yue's father, Yue Kou, aged 73 and born on Ap Lei Chau, was waiting for us. Pre-war, Mr. Yue had operated a dyeing manufactory whilst his elder brother, Yue Yip, had operated a rope manufactory.\n\nMr. Yue explained to us how the glazing or calendering part of the dyeing was carried out. The only visible sign of this activity was a large cut-granite slab. (See Fig. 1).* This had been the top part of the equipment. It had been obtained from Kowloon City, where there were many dyers and had been brought by boat and then carried by four coolies to his shop. The lower part, now destroyed, consisted of a wooden block of lai chee wood and a wooden roller of the same wood. (See Fig 1). The cloth, measuring two or three (up to 30 feet) in length and 2.4 ft in breadth was wound round the roller. A man stood with a foot on each end of the granite block and, holding on to a specially made wooden frame with his hands, moved it over the roller.\n\nMr. Yue had not learned this trade from his father but from a partner whom he had financed. They did not buy cloth to sell retail but operated whenever persons brought white cloth to them for dyeing. At that time it was customary to dye dark blue or black. This was a part-time activity, and Mr. Yue supplemented it by rearing pigs and chickens and cultivating fruit trees.\n\nHis elder brother, Yue Yip, had been a rope-maker at a long level platform behind and above the shop, Kwong Po Wah. This space, known as Ta Lam Lo (T), is now occupied by squatter huts. The area was long and wide enough to provide a working space 300 feet by 15 feet. One-sixth of it had a thatch made of palm leaves (). This was to provide cover for storage of materials and completed goods.\n\nRope-making was of two kinds: using mit lam (*) for the trawling ropes of trawlers and wong ma lam (*) in com-\n\n* On p. 197.\n\n† Ap Lei Chau with Aberdeen has always been a home base for a fishing fleet.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206425, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "216\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ncusp of the crescent\" (of the Praya Grande), deserves the derision of every collector.\n\nTheir description of \"the ambroidered (sic) phoenix plastron” conclusively proves the authors know nothing of the eight privileged classes in China. With this lack of knowledge they are in no position to comment on any portrait of a mandarin or hong merchant. To suggest that Gou Qua, a hong merchant, would take to the street as a fortune teller is quite impossible as he would lose face by such an act and never would paint himself in this situation.\n\nThe authors really know very little about Chinnery. They state \"Chinnery's forte was for portraits and these comprise the greater part of his oeuvre\". Pages later they quote him \"I have about 6,000 sketches of Eastern Scenery already - an invaluable collection, I assure you; but you see I am constantly accumulating”. They produce the completely unproven slur that one of the portraits he painted was of “a man of great wealth, an important qualification in the artist's philosophy as he was at his best when a generous fee had been agreed\". They also attempt, again with no proof, to attribute to him “occasional bouts of opium smoking”.\n\nIt is an error to say \"Russell & Co..... in turn came under control of Low Brothers of Salem\". W. H. Low, Senior was a partner 1830-1833. His nephew, A. A. Low, was a clerk 1833-1837, partner 1837-1840. W. H. Low 2nd worked as a clerk but never was a partner. The famous firm of A. A. Low and Bros. of New York, please, not Salem - was founded in 1841 by A. A. Low after he had retired from Russell & Co. It is a solecism to call the firm \"Russells\". It makes a good story only to the authors that \"W. C. Hunter\", later a partner in Russell & Co., “grasped sufficient of the local dialect to act as interpreter\". It is common knowledge that he specifically was sent to Singapore and Malacca to study Chinese.\n\nIt is inaccurate to state that Harriet Low, in her Diary, mentions seeing the double portrait of Dr. & Mrs. Colledge, plate 79, in London at Daniells' on 19 July 1834. She \"saw pictures of Mr. & Mrs. Colledge, not a single picture. Let us read further in the Diary: \"Ayok\" (the Low Chinese servant) \"burst into quite an hysterical laugh when he saw his father's face in Mr. Colledge's picture\". This is an obvious reference to the Chinnery portrait", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206437, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 254, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "228 \n\nBROWNE, Hon. H. J. C. \n\nBRUCE, R. \n\nBRUUN, F. \n\nBUNGER, Dr. K. - \n\nBURNHAM, W. L. \n\nBUTLER, Miss B. A.. \n\nBUTT, Dr. Nancy S. G.. \n\nc/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K. \n\nc/o Prescott College, Prescott, Arizona 86301, U.S.A. \n\nc/o H. Tonkin & Co., 908 Takshing House, H.K. \n\n532 Bad Godesberg, Lukas-Cranach-Str. 14, Germany. \n\n191, Prince Edward Road, Kowloon. \n\nc/o Public Services Commission, Room 573 Central Government Offices, 5th Floor, H.K. \n\nc/o The Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K. \n\nBUTTERFIELD, Mrs. Ellen 5K Bowen Road, Ground Floor, H.K. \n\nCALCINA, P. G.* \n\nCAMERON, N. \n\nCAPLAN, M. · \n\nCAREY-HUGHES, Dr. J. \n\nCARLSON, Miss R. E, - \n\nCATER, Hon. J. - \n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES \n\nCHAMBERS, J. W, \n\nCHAN, Alfred T. \n\nCHAN, Gilbert Fook-lam \n\nCHAN, Sui-Jeung \n\nCHAR, Tin-Yuke \n\nCHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A. \n\nCHEN, Prof. Cheng-siang \n\nCHEN, Ching-ho \n\nCHEN, Tsun-teh \n\nCommercial Investment Co., Ltd., Union House, 12th floor, H.K. \n\nA-9 Repulse Bay Towers, Repulse Bay Road, H.K. \n\n6, Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon. \n\nRoom 315, H.K. & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K. \n\nc/o Education Department, Lee Gardens, Hysan Ave., H.K. \n\nc/o Dept. of Commerce and Industry, Fire Brigade Building, H.K. \n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\nc/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K. \n\nCoronet Court, 14th Floor, \"H\", North Point, H.K. \n\nLa Belle Mansion, 118-120 Argyle Street, 7th floor, Flat A, Kowloon, \n\n33 Tin Hau Temple Road, 3rd floor, H.K. \n\n3898 Diamond Head Road, Honolulu, Hawaii 96816, U.S.A. \n\nB2, Bowen Hill, 12 Peak Road, H.K. \n\nc/o Geographical Research Centre, CUH.K., 545, Nathan Road, Kowloon. \n\nc/o New Asia College, C.U.H.K., 6 Farm Road, Kowloon. \n\nRoom 11, 21st Floor, Block B, 395 King's Road, H.K. \n\n* Life Member \n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206446, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 263, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "237\n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J.\n\nMcCOY, Dr. J.\n\n2\n\nMcDOUALL, J. C.*\n\nMCCRARY, M.*\n\nMcELNEY, B. S.\n\nFlat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K.\n\nDivision of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, USA.\n\nThe Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxfordshire, England.\n\nFlat 6A, United Mansion, 7 Shiu Fai Terrace, H.K.\n\nc/o Johnson Stokes & Master, H.K. Bank Building, H.K.\n\nMcFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. c/o University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nMcGEE, Mrs. Joan S.\n\nMCGEE, Dr. T. G.\n\nFlat 1A, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\nDept. of Geography, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nMcKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. Maryknoll House, Stanley, H.K.\n\nMEFFAN, Mrs. I. E.\n\nMICHAELIONES, Miss E. O.\n\nMIDDLEBROOK, R. W.*\n\nMILBURN, K.\n\nMILLER, A. C.\n\nMILLER, C. F. O.*\n\nMOLTKE-HANSEN, Mrs. O.\n\nMOSLER, Mrs. M.\n\nMOYLE, G. C.\n\nMUNN, Mrs. Elizabeth\n\nNEILD, Mrs. C.\n\nNEWBIGGING, D. K.\n\nNG, Dr. Ronald C. Y.\n\nNG, Peter P. K.\n\nNICHOLS, E. H.\n\nNICOL, C. A. A.\n\nNIXON, F. A.\n\nB10, Repulse Bay Mansion, Repulse Bay, H.K.\n\nThe British Council, Halls Croft, Old Town, Stratford-upon-Avon, England.\n\n165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A.\n\nc/o Marine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K.\n\n34 Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th Floor, H.K. c/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea.\n\nA-4, Repulse Bay Mansions, 117 Repulse Bay Road, H.K.\n\n3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K.\n\n64 Mile, Taipo Road, N.T.\n\nc/o Taikoo Dockyard, Quarry Bay, H.K.\n\n1201 Manson House, Nathan Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 70, H.K.\n\n164 Prince Edward Road, 1st Floor, Kowloon,\n\n304, Man Yee Building, H.K.\n\n11, Queen's Gardens, Old Peak Road, H.K. No. 8 Abermor Court, 15 May Road, H.K. Room 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "239\n\nRAINBIRD, S. W. O'C. -\n\nRASSIM, Mrs. E.\n\nRAYNE, R. N.\n\n-\n\nREAR, John\n\nREDFERN, O'Donnell S.\n\nREES, R. E.\n\nREES. W. H\n\n+\n\nRICHARDS, Mrs. Patricia\n\nRIDE, Sir Lindsay*\n\nRIDE, Lady*\n\nRIGBY, Lady\n\nROBERTSON, Dr. David G.\n\nROBERTSON, Mrs. David G.\n\nROBERTSON, Prof. Jean M.\n\n+\n\nRoom 466 Establishment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\n101 Holland Road, Hove 2, Sussex, England.\n\nc/o Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T.\n\nc/o Dept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n154-158 Caine Road, H.K.\n\n101 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\n4 Coombe Apartments, 15 Coombe Road, H.K.\n\n67 Mount Nicholson Gap, H.K.\n\n23A Tintagel House, Stanley Fort, BFPO 1.\n\nVilla Monte Rosa, Block E2, 11th Floor, 41A Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\n50 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\n18B, Headland Road, H.K.\n\nAs above.\n\nc/o Dept. of Social Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nROBERTSON, Mrs. W. G. Park Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st fl., N.T.\n\nROBINSON, Prof. K. E.* -\n\n+\n\nRÕE, Capt. J. S.\n\nROGERS, Rev. D. L. -\n\nROTHE, U.⭑\n\nROY, Dr. A. T.-\n\nRUMJAHN, S. M.\n\nRUST, H. A.\n\n+\n\nRUTTONJEE, Hon. D.\n\nRYDINGS, H. A.\n\nSALMON, Andrew\n\n+\n\n+\n\nN.T.\n\nc/o The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nc/o Caldbeck Macgregor & Co., Ltd., P.O. Box 350, H.K.\n\nUnion Church, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nErnst-Albers-Str. 2, 2 Hamburg-Wandsbek, Germany.\n\nc/o Chung Chi College, C.U.H.K., Shatin, N.T.\n\nP. O. Box 448, H.K.\n\nc/o Palmer & Turner, Prince's Building, 19th Floor, H.K.\n\nE-7, Woodland Heights, 2 Wongneichong Gap Road, H.K.\n\nc/o The Library, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nSuperintendent's Qtr. H.M.P. Tong Fuk, Lantao, N.T.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206449, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 266, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "240 \n\nSALMON, Mrs. P. A. - \n\nSAUNDERS, J. A. H. \n\nSCHNEIDER, H. \n\nSCHWARZ, Miss M. D.* \n\nSCOTT, J. M. \n\nSELLERS, David S. \n\nSELLETT, G.* \n\nSERSALE, Miss S. M. \n\nSHANNON, Capt. J. M. - \n\nSHEPHARD, A. J. \n\nSHING, David \n\nSHOEMAKER, J. F. \n\nSHU, Dr. H. T. \n\nSIEGEL, H. W. \n\n+ \n\nSINFIELD, G. H. C.* \n\nSJOHOLM, Gunnar A. \n\n- \n\nP \n\nSKELSON, Mrs. R. E. \n\nSLEVIN, B. F. \n\n· \n\nSMITH, L.* \n\nSMYTH, Miss L. \n\nSO, Dr. Chak-lam \n\n- \n\nSOO, Dr. Hoy-Mun \n\nSPERRY, H. M.* \n\nSPOONER, M. G. - \n\nT \n\n■ \n\n· \n\n+ \n\n40 Plantation Road, The Peak, H.K. \n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. \n\nc/o Jebsen & Co., P.O. Box 97, H.K. \n\nc/o Mrs. R. L. Smyth, 1635 Green Street, San Francisco, California, U.S.A. \n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., P.O. Box 64, H.K. \n\nc/o H.K. Govt. Office, 54 Pall Mall, London, S.W.1. England. \n\n\"Pinecrest\", N.K.I.L. 3543, Tai Po Road, Kowloon \n\n11-A, Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. \n\nB-4, Garden Mansions, Repulse Bay, H.K. \n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. \n\nFlorida Mansion, Block C, 11th Floor, Paterson Street, H.K. \n\n73 Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon \n\n70 Mt. Davis Road, Ground floor, H.K. \n\nc/o Bayer China Co., Ltd., Room 1916 Union House, H.K. \n\nUnknown. \n\nTao Fong Shan Christian Institute, Shatin, N.T. \n\nA3 Magazine Heights, 17 Magazine Gap Road, H.K. \n\nc/o Police Headquarters, Arsenal Street, H.K. \n\nFlat 10-B, Dragon View, 39-41 MacDonnell Road, H.K. \n\nUnknown \n\nc/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\n249, Jalan Pekeliling, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. \n\nAllied Bank International, St. George's Building, 10th Floor, H.K. \n\nc/o The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\n* Life Member \n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "Scarth3 \n\nNINETEENTH CENTURY WATER-COLOURS OF CANTON \n\nT \n\n- \n\n23 \n\nan excellent artist by the way (who) told me he once saw 150 people beheaded on the execution ground at Canton”.4 The Bishop of Victoria, the Rev. George Smith has almost the right initials, but neither he nor Scarth were on the Adelaide. None of the artists in the Catalogue of the Chater Collection has the initials G.A.S. \n\nAmong the passengers arriving on the Adelaide, the \"Friend of China\" of December 2nd notes the twenty officers by name, among them Lieutenants Schomberg and Short. \"The Hongkong Shipping List\" of the same date, refers to Major Schomberg, R.A., and Lieut. Short. The artist of the paintings must have been subsequently sent from Hong Kong up the Pearl River to the Bogue before December 16th, to join the troops which had arrived earlier on the Imperador and Imperatrix who had been sent on to the Bogue immediately after their arrival. Indeed the Adelaide, with her troops on board, moved up the river from Hong Kong on December 2nd. The artist presumably was present at the capture of Canton on 29th December, and at any rate was in the city in February 1858. He took part in what he calls the \"Jingal pic-nic\" on the 20th of that month. \n\nThis curious inscription (a jingal being a sort of portable Chinese field-gun hardly conducive to a picnic atmosphere) is explained further, and at some length in Col Fisher's Three Years' Service in China, Col. Fisher relates: \"On the 20th February a pic-nic party went out to see a little of the country and of the people; and as we did not know what sort of reception we should meet with, we made rather a strong muster. There were nine officers and twenty-four men, with a couple of ponies to carry the luncheon. We started before seven o'clock, going out through the north-east gate of the city. \n\n+ \n\n\"After walking for about three hours, we rested in a very pretty spot under some fine trees, and one of the party shot a woodcock, which was hailed as a great event; and we determined to devote some little attention to so good a cause. We did not wish to return by the same road by which we had come out. The valley in which we were, we knew to be divided from the great north plain, by the White Cloud Mountains, a range familiar to our eyes from Canton. We hoped to reach that plain by some pass through the hills, and so return to Canton by way of the North Gate.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "NINETEENTH CENTURY WATER-COLOURS OF CANTON\n\n25\n\nwhilst our original attackers were in our rear. There was no time to be lost, so we skirted along the base of the White Cloud Mountains, for then we knew we had only one flank to watch. In case of being hard pushed, we could get up and make a stand, and the struggle might be seen from the city walls, and relief be sent to us.\n\nThe fellows came out after us with their flags and their jingalls, running along at our side, and following in our rear, and banging away with really wonderfully bad luck they never could hit any one even by chance. Meanwhile we posted on as fast as we could, firing a shot every now and then, and when they came too near, sometimes making a little charge towards them, when, of course, away they scampered. But time was everything to us, and we could not afford to chase them, for as we passed each village we saw armed men turning out, and flags hoisted on the mandarin poles. One or two of the marine artillerymen got knocked up from fatigue and had to be put on the ponies; at last, after some five miles of this fun, on turning the corner of a hill, the pagodas of Canton rose before our eyes to our immense relief. Our pursuers evidently thought they had gone far enough and hauled off, and we sat down on the grass, and finished our cold chickens and beer, determined not to be done out of our pic-nic. We got in about five o'clock, after ten hours' enjoyment of rather mixed feelings.\n\nPresumably the artist was among the officers who took part in the 'picnic'. Unfortunately Col. Fisher does not name them.\n\nContinuing his account of events in Canton in the spring of 1858, Fisher states that \"in the middle of May some troops moved off for the expedition to the Pei-ho under Sir Michael Seymour; a company of Engineers went on the 11th from Canton; the 59th were taken up from Hong Kong, and on the 16th of June a detachment of Marine Artillery was removed from Canton for the same purpose.\" Again he mentions no names, but this corresponds with the departure of the Adventure from Hong Kong for the Peiho river on 22nd June 1858, and with paintings XX, XXV and XXVI of the present collection. The gunboat in painting number XX was the Slaney, commanded by a Lieutenant Hoskens. For the remainder of 1858, it seems, the artist stayed in or around Canton.\n\nFrom the information deduced from the paintings, the artist was almost certainly the Major Schomberg who arrived in Hong Kong on board the Adelaide on December 1st, 1857.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "26\n\nP. H. COLLIN\n\nMajor George Augustus Schomberg was then aged 36, and in command of the artillery company which accompanied the Royal Marine battalions. After staying at the Bogue for some days, the attacking forces moved up towards Canton. The authors of The Royal Marine Artillery, 1804-1923 give the general plan of attack: “It was arranged that the ships should bombard the city on its river front, in conjunction with a bombardment by a battery of heavy mortars, in charge of the marine artillery, which was placed in position on December 24th and 25th on Dutch Folly Island, opposite the southwest front of the city. Under cover of the bombardment the military and naval brigades were to land to the east of Canton and carry by escalade the eastern wall of the city. The First Brigade comprised the two Marine battalions and was led by Colonel Holloway. The mortar battery on Dutch Folly Island was manned by the Royal Marine Artillery Company, under Major Schomberg.”\n\nThe bombardment at first proceeded according to plan, though Wingrove Cooke suggests that Schomberg's battery had difficulty in finding the range of Gough's Fort which was over 4000 yards away, on the other side of the city. After the successful landing of the troops, relates the Royal Marine Artillery history, \"Major Schomberg's gunners, whose task it was to clear the way for the assailants at the point of escalade, began shelling the eastern wall between the two gates, firing across the city, at daylight. They kept up their bombardment until the moment fixed for the assault, just before nine o'clock; until, indeed, after the first scaling ladder parties had reached the walls and the foremost of the stormers had mounted to the ramparts. Major Schomberg was watching with his glass from a crow's nest above the battery, a signaller beside him, but, in spite of that, some of the leading men of the stormers, who had swarmed up the ladders too impetuously and got in advance, were hit by pieces of shell before their presence on the ramparts could be made out from Dutch Folly Island.”\n\nDetails of the casualties occasioned in this incident vary according to the source of information. Cooke simply states that \"the men had been brought up so near the walls, that the shells from our ships were falling among them\", while Fisher says \"the French escaladed on our left, but advanced to the attack a few minutes before the time agreed upon, an act of impatience which caused", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206485, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "NINETEENTH CENTURY WATER-COLOURS OF CANTON\n\n27\n\na loss to them as well as to ourselves, from shells fired by the Navy\". On the other hand, Mr. Loch, Lord Elgin's attaché with the attacking forces, reported back to Lord Elgin on 5th January 1858 that \"by the bombardment being continued till 9 o'clock instead of ceasing at 6 o'clock a.m., as was originally intended, we came under the fire of our own shells from the ships\".12\n\nOnce Canton was taken, the Artillery company formed part of the garrison. The authors of the official history of the Royal Marine Artillery make no reference to the \"Jingal pic-nic\" incident, but do mention a sortie against the Chinese on June 2nd 1858, in which Major Schomberg took part. Col. Fisher also relates this incident, in which the British forces lost several men and suffered from the extreme heat, but again does not give the names of the officers concerned.\n\nFor the rest of the summer after the voyage to the Peiho (not mentioned in The Royal Marine Artillery), Major Schomberg seems to have spent his time amusing himself as best he could in Canton. In September the garrison was enlivened by the visit of \"poor Albert Smith\" as Col. Fisher calls him. Their visitor, who seems to have been permanently suffering from stomach trouble and the heat, was taken on a round of the sights, including the Honan Temple (picture number XXXIII), and on 12th September 1858, notes that he had dinner with \"Captain\" Schomberg.\n\nFisher comments that apart from horse-racing \"cricket was one of the first sports we introduced; and the Tartar parade-ground at the foot of the heights formed really a very good ground\". Major Schomberg was not much of a cricketer, and the \"Hong Kong Register\" for the 9th March 1858, reports that in a match played in Canton between two military teams he scored a duck in both innings.\n\nThe Royal Marine Artillery gives the date of Schomberg's return to England as January 1859, which fits in well with the date on the last of the paintings: curiously, there is no mention of his name on any of the lists of passengers in Hong Kong newspapers for that month, but this may be because he returned on a troop-ship.\n\nIn later life Schomberg went on to be Deputy Adjutant General of the Royal Marines. He was made a general in 1877 and was knighted in 1896. He died at the age of eighty-six in 1907.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206508, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "50\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nYour servants have studied what he said in his memorial and find that this really has been the situation. In future the superintendent of trade at Tientsin, the imperial commissioner at Shanghai and the provincial authorities should all be instructed regularly to send copies to each other of their memorials and the imperial edicts which they receive on these matters, quite apart from the reports which they submit to the Tsungli Yamen. When an official is relieved of his post he must specially hand over the files to his successor, so that the new appointee can examine them and the situation will not be entirely obscure to him. However, it is right that such affairs be secret. We should continue to instruct the provinces to depute trustworthy men to copy and know these documents but not allow them to pass through the hands of clerks in order to take special precautions to prevent a leakage of information.\n\n5. Your servants request that instructions be sent to Canton and Shanghai each to send two persons who understand written and spoken foreign languages to come to the capital on official service to be ready for consulting. It should be noted that in matters arising out of relations with foreign countries one must first know their natures. At present as we do not understand their spoken and written languages so there is a complete lack of understanding. How can we expect things to be managed properly? Previously as regards the Russian language a school was established for the study of the language; this was of significance. Now, after a long time, it is regarded as a mere formality and no one can understand Russian. It seems that we ought to offer some encouragement in order to stimulate them. We have heard that there are merchants in Canton and Shanghai who have specialized in learning the English, French and American languages. We request that instructions be sent to the governors-general and the governors of those provinces to select two honest and reliable men to be sent from each province, a total of four, to come to the capital bringing with them books of those countries. Let four or five boys of good natural ability under thirteen or fourteen years old be selected from each of the Eight Banners in order to study under them. The men sent [from Canton and Shanghai] should be given an adequate salary following the precedent of the Russian bureau. After two years the hard working should be distinguished from the idle ones.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206547, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "A HISTORICAL REVIEW OF\n\nHOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nIntroduction\n\nThe pattern of residential development in Hong Kong today is the cumulative result of historical forces which began to exert their influence almost from the time when the colony came under British jurisdiction in 1842. It is therefore towards an appreciation of the current housing situation that this study outlines Hong Kong's efforts to provide homes for its people over the past 130 years. In tracing the course of history in this particular field it will be found that the dreadful living conditions which persisted in many districts in the last century, and even in more recent years, have been the combined result of an overwhelming demand for and critical shortage of accommodation; the general poverty of the population; the inadequacy of utility services; the exploitation of families desperate for a roof over their heads; and the difficulty of enforcing (and sometimes the lack of) suitable regulations governing standards of building construction, the provision of household facilities and overcrowding. However, on the basis of recent achievements the future seems much brighter.\n\nFounding of the Colony\n\nThe sea routes between Europe and China, first established by the Arabs in the 7th Century A.D., were reopened in the sixteenth century by the Portuguese who settled in Macau in 1557. Spanish, Dutch, English and French traders soon followed but during the eighteenth century the British merchants captured most of the China trade which comprised mainly exports of tea and silk. The East India Company initially held the monopoly of trade and Canton became the centre of business for the British merchants.\n\n*Dr. E. G. Pryor is Senior Planning Officer in the New Territories Planning Section, Crown Lands & Survey Office, Hong Kong. This monograph has been extracted largely from his Ph.D thesis, \"An Assessment of the Need and Scope for Urban Renewal in Hong Kong.\" The views expressed are entirely those of the author and do not necessarily coincide with those of the Government of Hong Kong. Author's copyright.\n\nPlates 8-12 illustrate this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206550, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "92\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nwith the law particularly, also, as the government lacked sufficient staff of adequate competence.\n\nThis situation became a source of some concern to Dr. Murray, the Colonial Surgeon, who in 1859 reported that:\n\nHong Kong presents no feature either in climate or position which should make it peculiarly unhealthy. Because of its situation, its natural advantages and its weather, Hong Kong should be the best drained, the best watered, and in every way, the best regulated of towns from a sanitary point of view.... Ordinance No. 8 of 1856 makes it unlawful to construct or reconstruct a house without a sufficient water closet and ashpit to the satisfaction of the Surveyor General. Houses recently built have been allowed to be erected without the slightest regard to any one of these particulars. The fact is there is legal machinery enough to enforce any and every reasonable requirement and to ensure the sanitary condition of the Colony but there exists an unaccountable objection to putting that machinery into action.\n\nIn 1860, the Kowloon Peninsula up to Boundary Street came under British sovereignty under the Convention of Peking (Figure 1) and this provided more room for urban growth which the prospering trade of the port had stimulated. Yet more Chinese came from the Mainland to seek employment in Hong Kong and, after a few years, to return to their families. Despite the continual outflow of people, the newcomers arrived in such numbers that by 1865 the population had increased to some 125,500 persons of whom 63% were adult males, which reflected the \"frontier\" character of the Colony. Demand for accommodation became more acute and, in the continued absence of the adequate enforcement of building regulations and the general lack of satisfactory water supplies and other public utility services, the general sanitary condition of the Colony became the cause of some concern particularly to Dr. Murray who, during his term of office from 1858 to 1872, repeatedly drew attention to the exceedingly unhealthy state of Hong Kong.\n\nMcCoy took over as Colonial Surgeon in 1872 but died soon after, and his place was filled by Dr. Phineas Ayres in November 1873. Ayres was outspoken over the state of the Colony's public\n\n1 Quoted in Wellington A. R., Public Health in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1930, p. 13.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206573, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "REVIEW OF HOUSING CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG\n\n115\n\nand Kowloon, government housing is found predominantly in the outer districts of Hong Kong Island South, New Kowloon and Tsuen Wan/Kwai Chung (Figure 8 and Table 3).\n\nThe concentration of private housing in the inner districts has been due to a number of factors including the better prospects for the letting or selling of accommodation in localities which are already provided with various services and community facilities. In addition, the established interests of property owners have favoured redevelopment rather than investment in newly developing peripheral areas where large capital outlay is required for both the acquisition of land, and the construction of buildings. Family ties within the main urban areas and reluctance to change jobs have also probably reinforced the inertia of households to decentralise. By comparison, government housing estates have necessitated the development of large areas which, generally, have been available only in the outer districts.\n\nThere is thus a tendency for the peripheral development areas to become \"one class\" towns comprised mainly of lower income groups. Sociological studies indicate that this can result in a lack of community leaders and thus inhibit the formation of a cohesive neighbourhood structure.26 Nevertheless, this problem is not insurmountable as various administrative and fiscal measures could be applied to encourage the decentralisation of private housing and, conversely, to discourage excessive investment in the central districts.\n\nLooking Ahead\n\nThere is no doubt that over the past 130 years Hong Kong has faced many difficult problems in its endeavour to provide housing for its people. Often, these problems have been compounded by other difficulties, such as typhoons, droughts and floods, which have placed severe strains on the resources of private developers and, lately, of the administration. Many of the factors which have contributed to Hong Kong's housing difficulties are still much in evidence but, with the increasing participation of government and\n\n26 Mitchell R. E., Levels of Emotional Strain in S.E. Asian Cities—A Study of Individual Responses to the Stresses of Urbanisation and Industrialisation, Volume II A Project of the Urban Family Life Survey, Hong Kong, 1969, p. 434.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206578, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "I\n\nHKES NOTATION\n\nZARA KATAST BOUNDMANCE 1220 PORTAIMEN, DE BERMUMENT Houded COLLE.CONTAINED) PERMANENT HOUSKO (NOT SELF-CONTAINED)\n\nMON - PE MAAKUNGHT MEUSIVE PERMANENT HOUSING | SG.)\n\n1. MOLE CONCRETE, ONCE DE STING HOUSE.\n\n2 MU-CONTAMED FLAT WA COMCNCT Bake on Stow KOLDING\n\nPERMANENT HOUSING EM_SC | ROOMS CURHOLTS HOOPPACES. BASEMENTS AND VERKLEDING OR ECOLDFTS Lạt T-G EET E SELF-CONTAINED FLAT ME A CONONCTE PRICE OR STONE BALDING\n\nNON-PERMANENT HOUSING\n\nJ WELL POPEN HOUSE ON SARAÇA OR PURI TELMON\n\n2. MGA-BOWESTG LING SHADE IN A WHOLE CONCRETE, BACK ON Font BULONG\n\nKPI Lật H. A ULIE CENSUS METIDIOTS\n\nCENTRAL KHUNG HÌNH\n\n1 C *ST D C 4 H\n\nMID-LEVELS A PROFIL adela MANCHA THE HANG LOWTH PO + ▼ L\n\nABERDEEN SOUTH · Dr Lock TELA + THU NA · ANG MGA + T\n\nป POR Quart LÀ KHE T CHUNG BISA MEN La con ME DROOM LONG L\n\nLu -- 2 MGA TAL KOE LED MUE MEN\n\nNUMBER OF HOUSEHOLDS IN DIFFERENT TYPES OF ACCOMMODATION BY CENSUS CENSUS DISTRICTS IN HONG KONG ISLAND, KOWLOON & NEW KOWLOON AS AT 73.61\n\nFIG. 4\n\nE. G. PRYOR", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206592, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "134\n\nLINDA F. SULLIVAN\n\nthis adaptation of feng shui was much more severe but in most cases the principles were followed. The Chinese sought ways in which to build their houses according to their economic and social conditions but never forgot the principles of feng shui. This paper will now describe the numerous, different examples of regional domestic architecture in an attempt to illustrate the ways in which each family in its own way tried to deal with the problems of privacy, protection, and personal needs in building its living and working space.\n\nEXAMPLES OF REGIONAL DOMESTIC ARCHITECTURE:\n\nNorth: The first homes to be described are the caves of North China. They are not the same as the subterranean pit dwellings of the Late Neolithic Ages but rather are dug at a ninety-degree angle into the sides of mountains. These caves are found in the loess region stretching across Honan, Shansi, Shensi, and Kansu provinces where through vertical cleavage the soil mixed with water has hardened to form steep cliffs. Here the winters are long and bitter with a strong Northwest wind sweeping the region. The extremely limited rainfall is highly variable and often comes as a cloudburst. The land is barren of trees and because of the lack of timber, these cave dwellings have formed the typical dwelling of the region.\n\nThis cave in Honan is based on a plan for a free-standing house but has been built into the side of the cliff. The superstructure is basically a courtyard system with the main gate positioned at the southeast corner (North-South axis). The building on the left within the courtyard is for receiving guests, and thus the privacy of the man's cave is maintained. In other words, as the townhouse courtyard plan had provided for a system of \"graduated privacy\", the cave dweller has adapted this system to his specific location and circumstances. This particular cave complex has two storeys. The first level has three caves of which the left and middle ones each have two rooms which are used for living space, while the right side cave has an additional third room for storage. As one comes out of the left-hand side cave, there is a stairway leading to the second-level platform at the back of which there are two more caves. It should be noted that the Chinese have developed a system of interlocking support in the construction of these caves. The second-level platform is reinforced in front and on its surface and is supported...\n\n* See also Fig. 1 at the rear of this article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206594, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "136\n\n: \n\nLINDA F. SULLIVAN \n\na few free-standing houses and reinforced the fronts of their caves, again there was no fuel (timber or with the scarcity of livestock, animal manure) with which to heat this type of house. These caves suited the climate. They provided a warm shelter in winter without fuel and a cool house in summer. The people of the region took pride in their cave homes which represented to them a way of life with all its social and economic manifestations.\n\nIn contrast, the predominant form of domestic architecture in the countryside of Hopei province is free-standing houses. This house is the most basic unit or type of house in China. It is a three-bay plan. The house is built on a North-South orientation with the main door facing south. As one enters the front door there is a large living room with an ancestral shrine placed on the back wall. On both sides of the living room there are the bedrooms. The k'ang, or platform beds, are placed on the south side of the rooms so that the windows with southern exposure allow the rays of the sun to warm the sleeping platforms. In regions further north, fires are built beneath the k'angs for added warmth in winter. The outside of the house is part brick and stone with a simple thatched roof. The three-bay house, being the simplest form of Chinese architecture, is the most easily adaptable to many types of geographical and economic conditions and is found with modifications in many regions of China.\n\nThe next house in Hopei combines itself with a small store.9 The entrance to the house has been pushed to the southeast corner so that the more auspicious central southern door is given to the shop door. In this way, perhaps, the local geomancers felt that the man's business would be more prosperous. It also would be giving the customers the more honored position. After entering the southeast gate one is forced to turn by the spirit wall before entering the large but private courtyard of the proprietor. The privacy of his house is further seen by the lack of windows on the outside wall. The main door of the house faces south. As one steps in there is again a living room with an ancestral shrine and a bedroom to the left. The kitchen can be reached only by going outside. In the courtyard there is another bedroom. All the buildings in this group are on a foundation requiring two steps to reach the floor level. At the rear of the house there is a vegetable garden. Thus, within this private domain, the individual can find peace from the outside", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206611, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "H.K.'S CENTRAL MARKET AND THE TARRANT AFFAIR\n\n153\n\nto themselves, in the case of Le, interest at 4% on the principal sum of $2,400 (the figure given in the deal between Ying and Le) and, in the case of Chow, at 4% on the sum of $1,000. All disbursements were to be met by them and any balance after all these purposes had been satisfied was to be put to reducing the principal outstanding to them. Once the capital sums were repaid, then the property was to be reconveyed to Hwei Afoon for a nominal $5.\n\nThus, by mid-1847, four different people had different interests in the market. There remains one other who so far has not yet appeared on the scene.\n\nHwei Afoon was a builder and contracted with the Government for some work on Government property at Stanley (Chek Chu). He completed the work and received an order for payment drawn on the Treasury. When he went to the Treasury to collect his money, the Treasury Compradore (Chow Aoan) told him that he would deduct $750 which was owing to Colonel Caine's Compradore (named Lo Een-teen) in respect of the Market. Afoon knew that his brother, Hwei Aqui, had agreed, in consideration of influence being exerted on his behalf to secure the lease of the Market, to make a payment of $150 per month to Lo Een-teen and also to allow him to select meat and produce in the Market without payment. The point was that Lo represented that he could persuade his master, Caine, then the Colonial Secretary, to give the lease to Hwei; apparently made these payments and after his death Afoon paid $400 to have the lease transferred to him but demurred at the payment of $150 per month, considering no doubt that there was little that Lo could do about it if he did not pay. But he was reckoning without Chow Aoan who attempted to dock the arrears of 'squeeze' unpaid by Afoon.\n\nThe arrangement of 28 June 1847 may have been an attempt by the parties to reach an 'honourable' solution. But matters did not stop there for Afoon unadvisedly went to the Surveyor General's Office to complain that he was not receiving all the money due to him under his Government contract and, no doubt, explained why. He told his story to William Tarrant, the Clerk of Deeds and general factotum in the office of the Surveyor General.\n\nTarrant had had a mixed career since arriving in China a few years previously. He had first come as a steward on board ship and, on the establishment of the colony, was able to secure the position of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206613, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "H.K.'S CENTRAL MARKET AND THE TARRANT AFFAIR\n\n155\n\nwhich went into his own pocket. The accusations had, of course, been withdrawn because they were impossible to substantiate but doubts still existed on the expenditure of the money which had undoubtedly been collected—Caine's version was that it had been used to run a voluntary hospital for the women but the Hong Kong Register alleged that a sum of about $500 per month was still being collected. To make matters absolutely plain, the Register reported that Afoon had told them that the Compradore's 'squeeze' was known to the Chinese as \"Caine's rent\" or \"tax.\"20\n\nThe finger was pointing at Caine though it is fair to say that Tarrant, whatever his motives, merely recounted the alleged facts. It was the two newspapers which implicated Caine in the dealings of the two compradores, but it was only Tarrant who found himself arraigned, with Afoon, for conspiring to damage the reputation of Caine. He was committed to trial before the Supreme Court by a bench of Justices. As it happened, the three justices were all Government servants (Campbell, Hillier and C. G. Holdforth) and two of them held to be Caine's protégés. It is probably true that the public was taken aback at this and Tarrant had their sympathy. When his case eventually came before the Supreme Court in October, Tarrant being suspended from duty during this period, the Attorney General moved that the trial be postponed because of the absence of a material witness. Lo Een-teen, Caine's Compradore, had disappeared from the Colony. Tarrant was willing for the trial to proceed but the Chief Justice Hulme ruled that it should be postponed and when it came up again, the Attorney General (now Parker, acting) moved before Campbell, now Acting Chief Justice, that there was no case to answer and did not offer any evidence.21 But, although Tarrant was now a free man, he found himself without a job—during his suspension the Government had combined his post with another. He proceeded to petition the Secretary of State, Earl Grey but he was hampered by lack of evidence.22\n\nIt is at this point that we return to the account of transactions in the Central Market. On 23 November 1847, Hwei's interest in the Central Market ceased when it was sold by the Sheriff to Le Kip-tye, an interpreter in the Government's employ, in execution of a writ of fi. fa.23 in the suit McSwyney v. Hwei Afoon.24 His interest was said to amount to 5/13 of the whole and this must have been his interest under the deed of 28 June of the same year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206616, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "158\n\nDAFYDD EMRYS EVANS\n\nCaine, allegations were repeatedly made of his complicity with persons of ill-repute, in particular with Daniel Caldwell, for many years a Government servant and consort of the 'Jonathan Wild' of Hong Kong, a Chinese called Wong Akee (or Machow Wong).\n\nAfter this incident of the Market extortions, which most wanted to believe anyway, Tarrant turned his attentions towards the Press, becoming—how is unexplained—the owner of the Friend of China on the departure from the Colony of the editor who had taken his side in market dispute, John Carr. Tarrant was able to use the editorial columns to pursue Caine and his subordinates on every possible occasion but in the end it was Caine who won. In 1859 he was forced out into the open and instituted a Crown prosecution for criminal libel against Tarrant. This ended with Tarrant being jailed for one year. When he was released before the end of his sentence Tarrant was a broken man and left the colony for Canton, where he continued to publish the Friend. He paid a visit to Hankow in 1861 and settled later in Shanghai but his journal never flourished thereafter.\n\nIt is, perhaps, a pity that the issue of corruption in government in Hong Kong, some of which was so devastatingly exposed by Sir Hercules Robinson, a later Governor, in 1861 in his Report to the Home Government on Civil Service Abuses in Hong Kong, was so clouded by the personalities of those who concerned themselves with the issue. The undoubted corruption which government servants like Caine permitted, even if they did not actively participate in it themselves, could have at least received a check if the then Governor, Sir John Davis, had had the courage of his own convictions and the confidence of the public and ordered a proper investigation into the Market scandal. Instead, the rumours which had started in 1841 when Caine was alleged to have allowed piratical activities for a price, rumours fed by the Lock Hospital scandal and the Tarrant affair, continued unabated until 1861, by which time most of the objectionable public servants had left the service.\n\nNOTES\n\nA Friend of China, 19 June 1842.\n\n2 The Lower Bazaar, located in the present Bonham Strand area, came into existence when A. R. Johnston, who had control of the administration of the island when Sir Henry Pottinger was absent from the colony prosecuting the war against China, allowed Chinese who had helped the British", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206663, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n205\n\nNew Territories villages. It is well known that Chinese-style restaurants have mushroomed in Britain since the 1950s. By and large, the people in this catering business are former rice peasants who have switched over to culinary activities. Rising costs of living, falling prices of rice, lack of arable land and population growth are factors which created a situation characterized by the feminization of the farm work process, and an increasing abandonment of land. In some instances, villagers have sold off their inherited land holdings to urban speculators and deposited the money in a bank. They claim that the interest gained surpasses the value of the yield of rice of their former holdings. Accompanying this decline in traditional farming is the increasing financing of households by remittances from Britain.\n\nThe other macro process is the chain of major political events in the People's Republic of China. I shall not discuss these here. For our present purpose, it is important, however, to note that one aspect of this drama is a strong immigration from China into the Crown Colony of Hong Kong. In Sha Tin, there had been an increase in population of 345% between 1931 and 1961. Today, there are about 35,000 people in the valley as compared with 4,346 persons counted in the last pre-war census.\n\nIt was in the situation I have just described that the immigrants from China appeared on the scene asking for tenancy rights. By letting land to tenants, the owner makes more money from his holdings than he can by maintaining the traditional rice farming. This simple fact underlies the predominant pattern of land tenure in Sha Tin; native villagers let land to outsiders at rents that equal or surpass the gains from two crops of rice on that land. At the same time, their own energy is directed to other tasks, varying from overseas or urban work and cottage industry to long tea house conversations or gambling. Thus, the native villager's answer to the explosive city development was, in the first place, not an adjustment in his agricultural production to meet the emerging urban demands; instead, he converted the traditional two rice crops into two crops of cash, and reoriented his own efforts towards urban or suburban occupations which provide new external incomes. The change in land use was brought about by the immigrant tenants. A great many of the newcomers to Sha Tin are people of a definite urban background. Those who are not urbanites are generally influenced by men of urban experience. The vegetable market garden is in many ways", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206664, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "206\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nthe businessman's enterprise disguised as a rustic farmstead. The emergence of vegetable cultivation is a spill-over from the urban areas. What we deal with is the city's adjustment to the countryside rather than the adaptation of the rural husbandry to meet urban demands.\n\nThis is not to say that rice peasants have not switched over to vegetable cultivation at all. Obviously this kind of person is not common in Sha Tin, but he occurs and there are a few native vegetable farmers in nearly every village. Still, it is a noteworthy fact that the present village gardeners did not give up their rice cultivation until they had precedent models for action in the form of immigrant garden enterprises. The example of the successful immigrant truck garden was something to be envied and reproduced, and thus a primary incentive for a new agricultural order.\n\nParadoxically, the indigenous villagers have been able to remain in their traditional rice world by giving up rice cultivation. The main sources of change lie in the urban areas, in Hong Kong and overseas. New ideas flowing into the villages will not disrupt traditional notions concerning land, although land use may have changed in that land is rented to outsiders, abandoned or converted into building lots. The few native villagers who have engaged in horticulture did not venture the shift in land use until they had access to models in the form of outsider gardeners. I feel that the general lack of response to city needs for food in the Sha Tin valley is due to the proximity of the valley to the city, a feature which involved people directly in city life. On the other hand, we have found that city people have become involved in rural production.\n\nThus, the change in land use in the New Territories is no simple process generated by the maximization of profits. Only our awareness of the social characteristics of the actors in the drama will allow us to gain some understanding of the complexity of the situation.\n\nUniversity of Gothenburg, 1972.\n\nGORAN AijMER\n\nFootnote: This is an abstract from a report intended to form a chapter in a monograph on social life in the Sha Tin valley. Field work was conducted from June 1967 to February 1968, and in Summer 1969 for three months. The field work was supported by the Humanistic Foundation of Sweden. The writing of the report was carried out at the Harvard-Yenching Institute, Cambridge, Mass., with the support of Carl-Bertel Nathhorst Foundation and Stockholm University. I gratefully acknowledge the generosity of these institutions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206710, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "KAFIEK \n\nPlate 13. Hakka dwellings: a larger block of circular plan, from the outside.\n\n(Reproduced from Andrew Boyd's Chinese Architecture and Town Planning 1500 BC - 1911, London, Alec Tiranti, 1962, plate 131)\n\n-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206728, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1972 -\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1972 -\n\nTHE LIBRARY, 1972 -\n\nARTICLES:\n\n \n Page\n \n \n \n 1\n Transactions of the China Medico-Chirurgical Society, 1845-46 — H. A. RYDINGS\n \n \n 11\n The Yaumatei Typhoon Shelter, Hong Kong, 1900-1915 A. J. S. LACK\n \n \n 13\n The Kam Tin Gates PETER WESLEY-SMITH\n \n \n 28\n Early Steamships in China-A. D. BLUE\n \n \n 41\n \n \n \n 45\n Persians, Arabs and Other Nationals In T’ang China CHIU LING-YEONG\n \n \n 58\n Swatow (Ch'auchow) Horizontal Stick Puppets - HELGA WERLE\n \n \n 73\n Five 19th Century Kwangtung Art Catalogues CHUANG SHEN\n \n \n 85\n \n \n\nREPRINTED ARTICLES\n\n \n Legends and Stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in SUNG HOK-P'ANG (with a memoir of the author by Lo Hsiang-lin)\n 111\n \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n \n Notes on Chinese Temples in Hong Kong — CARL T. SMITH\n 133\n \n \n 'Ling Chih' at Canton, 27th May 1886 Hai Ju; Ming Patriot, Spark for Revolution and God\n 139\n \n \n KEITH STEPHENS\n 144\n \n \n Another Volontieri Map? -\n \n \n \n William Thomas Mercer (1822-1879) Hong Kong's Poet Laureate? HENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE\n 146\n \n \n Old Bills of Lading (McMullen Collection) — H. A. RYDINGS\n 151\n \n \n Visit to the Sukhothai Sites in Thailand — MICHAEL SMITHIES\n 154\n \n \n Deep Bay Marshes\n 163\n \n \n \n 168\n \n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n \n \n 169", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206733, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "or the government, to acquire or build our own premises. Dr. J. R. Jones during his presidency canvassed this subject regularly. Like many cultural societies in this modern world of space shortages and high rents, our hopes of ever obtaining such premises have dwindled and died. It might be worth noting here, that associated with the parent Society's 150th celebration is a special fund appeal to conserve its own library of 85,000 volumes, kept at present for safety at the British Museum in the absence of room for them at its own premises, and an appeal also to re-equip the 200-year-old building now serving as its head office. The parent Society hopes to raise £75,000 through its appeal and I am sure I speak for you all when I wish it well with this venture.\n\nFor ourselves however, your Council has had to consider very seriously what to do about the future. We have been extremely fortunate in having the support of the British Council in Hong Kong right from our 1959 beginnings. The Council has lent us space to hold our meetings, helped us with day-to-day business, housed part of our library—the University of Hong Kong has kindly housed the other part—provided us some of the time with a postal address, and occasionally with the use of a room for our lectures. More and more, lecture rooms in Hong Kong become booked up months ahead. It is now very seldom indeed that we can obtain a booking at the City Hall.\n\nThis threat to the cultural life of Hong Kong has largely prompted a group of concerned individuals to promote the Hong Kong Arts Centre, under the vigorous direction of Mr. Bill Bailey. It seemed to us that the Arts Centre might well meet our needs for a coordinated centre for our activities, and a place to house our full library which is presently restricted in expansion through lack of space. It might also provide space, although this is not yet certain, for our archives, files, and stock of publications. At present, the latter are housed in Watson's Estate, where they were transferred in February 1972 from the University, which itself has great problems of space. I am glad to report that our materials were not affected by the recent fire at the Estate.\n\nThirty-six members attended the Extraordinary Meeting, and Mr. Bailey himself came along to explain the details of the Centre proposals. A majority of twenty-eight members voted in favour of the motion to join, and there were no abstentions. On January 30,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206757, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "YAUMATEI TYPHOON SHELTER, HONG KONG, \n\n1903-1915* \n\nA. J. S. LACK \n\nThere are many things in the port of Hong Kong which are taken for granted. One example which is quite remarkable in its own right is the typhoon shelter at Yaumatei, Kowloon. This shelter has provided refuge for local craft in any number of typhoons since it was completed; but it is not its present use on which I intend to speak to you today, but rather to give an account of the events which led to its construction as these are to be traced in the records of the proceedings of the Legislative Council of Hong Kong†.\n\nThe story goes back to 1900 when a very severe typhoon caused a great deal of damage in the Colony. Following that storm and in the years 1901 and 1902, many demands were made that the Government should do something to afford greater protection to the boat people in Hong Kong during the typhoon season. There were then none of the sophisticated means whereby the course of a typhoon could be accurately plotted several days before striking the Colony. Indeed the nature of these storms was simply not understood at that time, and in the early days of the century and before typhoons would strike without warning and frequently caused extensive damage and loss of life. There were, however, within the harbour some relatively sheltered anchorages and unreclaimed bays in which the fishing people and the boat population in general could take refuge during storms. But there was only one artificial typhoon shelter at that time. This was a small shelter at Causeway Bay, constructed in 1883.\n\n* An Address given to Kowloon Rotary Club on 26th December, 1972. * Mr. Lack is the Principal Marine Officer in the Marine Department, Hong Kong Government, and has lived and worked in Hong Kong since 1953.\n\n† In 1913 when a new edition of the Laws of Hong Kong was published, the Legislative Council of the Colony consisted of the Governor, the Senior Military Officer, the Colonial Secretary, Attorney General and Treasurer, plus up to three other Official Members and up to six Unofficial Members. The work and proceedings of the Council are set out in Instructions (1888) and Additional Instructions (1896) contained in pp. 14-23 of Vol. 3 of the Alabaster Edition of the Laws of Hong Kong, 1913. An up to date account of the work of the Legislative Council and its senior partner, the Executive Council, is given in Hong Kong 1973, Report for the Year 1972, (H.K. Govt. Press, 1973), pp. 200-201. Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "30 \n\nA. J. S. LACK \n\nAt the first intimation of the storm all local craft sought shelter where they could, there was thus a shortage of craft in the harbour available for working ships, and he thought that if ample additional accommodation were provided, preferably on the west side of the harbour, the shipping of the port would be relieved of much of the inconvenience and loss which the present conditions give rise to at such times. \n\nThe official response to this resolution was given by the acting Colonial Secretary who said that the Government was fully aware of the need for new accommodation such as was indicated in the resolution, only lack of funds had been the difficulty hitherto, but steps had now been taken to obtain definite plans for the construction of a harbour of refuge at the west end of the harbour. This was greeted with applause, as was his further statement that the Government had no objection to passing the resolution. \n\nHowever, the subject was not mentioned again in the Legislative Council until the following September, when the Finance Committee was advised it was regretted it had not been possible to include any sum for the construction of a harbour of refuge in the Estimates of Expenditure for the coming year. The matter had received consideration but owing to the large requirements of other works it had not been found possible to include it. \n\nThus 1904 passed without action on the proposed shelter and most of 1905 also, but late in that year things did begin to move. Sir Mathew Nathan*, the Governor at that time, delivered a very long speech to the Legislative Council which gave an estimate of the Colony's probable financial position on 31st December, 1905, in which he listed a large number of projects intended to be embarked upon. Amongst these he referred to the provision of a typhoon shelter for the increasing number of junks which had now prematurely to leave their work to ensure not being shut out of the limited accommodation in Causeway Bay. That reference to the proposed shelter was welcomed by Honourable Members at a subsequent meeting. However, by the early part of 1906 it was clear that the proposed typhoon shelter was likely to remain among the projects to be embarked upon \"only when the financial situation of the Colony allowed it.\" \n\n*1862-1939, Governor of Hong Kong 1904-1907.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206760, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "YAUMATEI TYPHOON SHELTER, HONG KONG\n\n31\n\nOn 13th September, 1906 it again became time for His Excellency to speak on the Estimates of Revenue and Expenditure for the coming year. In the course of that speech he said—\n\nOne of the items which I wished to appear on the Estimates for this year but which does not appear is the typhoon shelter. So long as we have those waterworks on hand to which I have referred there is very little chance of doing anything in connection with the shelter; unless the Chamber of Commerce would suggest raising the light dues to provide funds for its construction, in which case such a reasonable suggestion might be adopted.\n\nEvents were then to take a tragic turn. A week later on 20th September, 1906, His Excellency returned to the Legislative Council and informed the members that (as they well knew)—\n\nHong Kong had just suffered from catastrophe as calamitous, if not more so, than any which had previously befallen the Colony, the loss of life and property between the hours at 9 and 11 on Tuesday morning were as far as can at present be judged greater than those incurred in the great typhoon of 1874.\n\nHe went on to say--\n\nNone of us are likely to forget the scenes of that morning, first of all we saw when the typhoon gun was fired about 9 o'clock crowds of helpless shipping drifting to the east before the wind, then the whole scene was wiped out by the blowing sheets of rain, and an hour later the atmosphere being again clear, we saw that the junks and small craft had disappeared and that many of the larger ships were aground or in distress. What had happened to the Chinese boats was evidenced by the appalling scenes of desolation along the prayas or the Kowloon shore. I need not, however, dwell on those scenes nor account the losses which were witnessed and known to all of you.\n\nHe went on to detail and pay tribute to various acts of heroism which had occurred during the course of the storm.\n\nThis typhoon had occurred just after the budget for 1907 had been presented and before the Council had had an opportunity to comment on the proposed expenditure at its next sitting. Now the Governor had suggested the construction of a typhoon shelter could not be started unless perhaps it were financed out of increased light dues. Despite the typhoon in which an estimated 10,000 people", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206761, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "32 \n\nA. J. S. LACK \n\nhad died the reaction of the Chamber of Commerce to the Governor's suggestion was not perhaps what one might have imagined. \n\nOn 27th September 1906, Mr. E. A. Hewett* the unofficial member of the Legislative Council appointed by the Chamber of Commerce rose to comment upon the budget proposals for the year ahead, and in the course of his speech said— \n\nWith regard to the typhoon shelter, your Excellency referred to the necessity for this which is admitted by all and went on to suggest the Chamber of Commerce might see their way to suggest the means of raising funds, I am sorry to say the Chamber of Commerce do not see their way to meet your Excellency's suggestion. For many years it has been strongly urged by all those interested in shipping that tonnage and light dues should not be levied for the purposes of general revenue. \n\nHe claimed that in 1897 Mr. Chamberlain, the then Secretary of State in reply to a telegram from Sir Wilfred Robinson, “practically admitted that in future light and tonnage dues were not to be raised for such purposes.\" He then said, \n\n\"the shelter benefits all classes of the community and should be borne by the Community and not by the shipping section, we all depend on the native craft, the merchant and the house owner as well as the ship owner and the refuge here is just as much a benefit to the merchant and the house owner as to the ship owner. Consequently, it would be manifestly unfair to ask a portion of the community to raise a large sum of money for the benefit of the whole Colony.\" \n\nMr. Hewett then questioned various sites which had been proposed for a typhoon shelter and raised the possibility of the Colony incurring a loan to pay for it. Then he went on to say that he did not suppose that even had there been a shelter it would have had any effect in avoiding the great loss of life which had occurred on 18th of the month. He considered that a few boats in the immediate vicinity might have gone into the refuge, but it would not have benefitted the native shipping at large. \n\n* Edbert Ansgar Hewett, listed in Who's Who in the Far East as Superintendent, Peninsular and Oriental Steam Navigation Company, b. 1860, member of the Shanghai Municipal Council 1897-1901 and its Chairman in 1900-1901. Chairman of the Hongkong Chamber of Commerce since 1903.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "34 \n\nA. J. S. LACK \n\nshall not to be so met), the question of whether additional taxation should be imposed by higher assessed taxes or light dues will have to be considered. \n\nHe went on, \n\nI hardly think the honourable member who represents the Chamber of Commerce can be allowed to have the last word on that subject. He stated the Colony depends entirely on its shipping, I know that is the usual way of putting the case, but is it really the correct way, does not the colony depend as much on its trade as it does on its shipping, would the shipping exist without its trade. I think not, the shipping makes profits and I imagine they are large ones from the Colony and it is not clear why those profits as well as the profits from trade should not be taxed. At any rate that is not a matter I need to settle at the present moment. \n\nTwo months later, in November, 1906 the Director of Public Works laid upon the table in Legislative Council the report of proceedings of a Committee, together with a chart of the harbour on which were shown possible sites for harbours of refuge and the various locations which the Committee had recommended and the probable cost of the construction of the harbour of refuge at any one of them. These included the possible shelters at, \n\nMong Kok Tsui - a detached breakwater extending from near Tai Kok Tsui to opposite the southern end of Yaumatei enclosing an area of 166 acres at a cost of $600,000. Cheung Sha Wan -- a detached breakwater extending from near Lai Chi Kok to near Shamshuipo enclosing an area of 168 acres, again at a cost of $600,000. \n\nStonecutters—a detached curved breakwater off the east end of \n\nthe island extending from near the northeast point to near the southeast point and enclosing area of 107 acres at a probable cost of $765,000. \n\nKellet Bank -- a breakwater extending northwards from Green Island, curving round and then extending southward to about opposite its point of commencement and enclosing an area of 136 acres, the total cost of $1.1 million. Kennedy Town—a curved breakwater projecting from Belchers Point enclosing alternatively an area of 32 or 75 acres according to the lengths to which it was to be extended. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206765, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "36 \n\nA. J. S. LACK \n\nAt the same meeting another unofficial member, Mr. Osborne,* mounted a quite blistering attack upon Government's past failure to provide adequately for the shelter of the boat people in Hong Kong. He referred to the typhoon of 1841 and to the storm of 1874 in which over 2,000 lives were lost within the space of 6 hours and 35 foreign vessels were wrecked or badly damaged. He claimed that the screaming of those in distress on the water could be heard in the mid levels of the town above the noise of the storm. He went on to refer to subsequent and more recent typhoons, one of which (1906) had exacted a toll of 10,000 lives in two hours. He demanded to know what it was that had been done with the lessons of previous years, and came to the reluctant conclusion that very little had been done. He castigated Government's lavish expenditure on various new public buildings, notably the Supreme Court, the Harbour Office, and the intended Post Office Building, as being quite beyond the bounds of what was required, and ended with these remarks,\n\nDuring a rather long residence in the Colony, I have had exceptional opportunities of coming into contact with the boat population. Though, like most humanity, their character is a blend of the good and the bad, there is one quality they possess in marked degree, which has always commanded my deep admiration, and that is their patience and philosophic bearing under circumstances of trial and suffering. In their name, Sir, and apart from the commercial aspect to which I have alluded, in the name of thousands who have already suffered in silence the misery wrought by these destructive storms, I appeal to your Excellency that there shall be no further delay in giving them the shelter which it is our clear and bounden duty to provide.\n\nThese words put the officials on their mettle. At the next meeting of the Council, the Director of Public Works and His Excellency the Governor were at pains to assure members that something was going to be done about the typhoon shelter: in fact, they had purchased a dredger on which to begin work on the foundations of the shelter. This provoked an unexpected row because some members considered that another dredger also for sale in the harbour at that\n\n* Edward Osborne, listed in Who's Who in the Far East as Secretary of the Hong Kong and Kowloon Wharf and Godown Co., b. 1861, with P & O Steam Navigation Co. in London and Hong Kong 1880-1889. Director of Hong Kong Hotel, Dairy Farm, Steam Laundry, etc.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206767, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "38 \n\nA. J. S. LACK \n\nthat the dredger which they were buying was in every way fitted for the purposes in which it was being put. \n\n. \n\n** \n\nThe Director of Public Works said in reply that he welcomed the opportunity which was given him to contradict the gross mis-statements which appeared in the article to which his Honourable Friend alluded. The \"Canton River\" had been bought by the same firm from which the Government purchased the \"St. Enoch\". It was brought here in 1899 having been acquired as a second-hand vessel from one of the home ports to perform the work which ultimately devolved upon the \"St. Enoch\". He said that the firm in question had paid some £6,000 for repairs and work on the vessel before it was sent to the East, and he thought that in itself was a guarantee that she was not in the best condition when they purchased her. He was unable to give the relative dates of construction of the two vessels but did not think anyone could come to the conclusion that one was a more up-to-date vessel than the other. He reminded members that the \"Canton River\" had been sunk in the typhoon of November, 1900 and had lain for 8 months at the bottom of the harbour, \"a circumstance scarcely calculated to improve the condition of any vessel of that type.\" With regard to the question of price, he hoped that he was not revealing any secrets but he had ascertained that at the present moment the \"Canton River\" was being offered for sale at £22,000 as compared with the £15,000 which the Government required for the \"St. Enoch\". He pointed out that this was practically 15% more instead of $100,000 less. In regard to efficiency, he said that it so happened that the vessels had conducted operations exactly similar in kind in this harbour. The result had been that the \"St. Enoch\" was found to perform 34 trips during which she conveyed 700 tons each time, as compared with the \"Canton River's\" 3 trips with 400 tons each time, a total of 2,100 tons for the \"St. Enoch\", as against 1,200 tons for the \"Canton River\". Having in some triumph quoted these figures he concluded that it was almost unnecessary for him to speak further on the relative merits of the two vessels, but thought that some reference had been made to their inability to dredge Causeway Bay. In that connection, he pointed out that the \"St. Enoch\" drew 13 ft. 5 in. of water when loaded and the \"Canton River\" drew 1 ft. less so that in no case was either of the vessels capable of dredging Causeway Bay \"without performing a vast amount of absolutely unnecessary work\". \n\nHe finally routed the Unofficials by pointing out that the \"St. Enoch\" was capable of dredging a depth of 48 ft. as compared with the \"Canton River's\" 35 feet. It was not of course suggested that their depths would have been appropriate for the typhoon shelter which was to be built, but nevertheless, these figures appeared so to have so bemused the Unofficials that they raised no further comment. \n\nThe Governor had the last word. In the course of a speech at a following meeting, he said: \"I have alluded to the dredger. At the last meeting of Council, in answer to the question from the hon. member on my right (Hon. Mr. Slade), the Hon. Director of Public Works gave full information regarding that purchase. I think we may say it was a good bargain, and I hope that its acquisition will reduce the cost of the typhoon shelter. I may remind you that if the dredger had been sold out of the Colony we should have had to pay monopoly rates for whatever work we had to do, and I have good reason to believe it was likely to be sold out of the Colony. Indeed within 48 hours of our acceptance a firm offer was made. She was however surveyed under working conditions and found to be in every way sound and fit for our purpose. I may add to the figures given by the Hon. Director of Public Works when he contrasted the capacity of the \"St. Enoch\" with the \"Canton River\" that the maintenance of the one compared with the other is as 44 to 7 in favour of the \"St. Enoch\".* \n\n**", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206769, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "40 \n\nA. J. S. LACK \n\nment of the harbour of refuge. This had become but another item in the Public Works' programme and was never again the subject of debate in the Legislative Council. \n\nFinally, on the 16th day of December 1915, twelve years and two days after the Hon. Gershom Stewart moved the motion \"that in the opinion of the Council it is advisable to increase, if possible, the means of shelter for cargo boats and sampans during the typhoon season,\" the completion of the harbour of refuge was commemorated in the laying of a stone by Sir Francis Henry May,* then Governor of Hong Kong. This stone can be seen today as one enters the Yau Ma Tei Harbour of Refuge or Typhoon Shelter from the south. It stands at the southern end of the detached breakwater and the inscription commemorating the event is still clearly legible. \n\n* 1860-1922, Governor of Hong Kong 1912-1919.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206777, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "48\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nThe Forbes completed the last few days of her passage under sail, in order to reserve a few tons of coal for the river passage. When the Chinese pilot came on board to take her up to Lintin she was under steam with wind and tide against her. He showed no astonishment, however, and quietly gave the helmsman his orders as if everything was normal. At last the captain could stand his bland indifference no longer, and asked him if he had ever seen a steamship before. The pilot calmly replied that this mode of propulsion had once been common in many parts of China, but had fallen into disuse. He knew that everything was alright so long as black smoke came from the funnel, but as soon as white steam appeared he was uneasy. Chinese acquainted with 'pidgin English' came to call a paddle steamer like the Forbes \"outside walkee\", and a screw steamer \"inside walkee\".\n\nAlthough this attempt to beat the monsoon failed in terms of the charter, it was still considered a success. During the passage between Singapore and Lintin coal had been transhipped from the Jamesina to the Forbes three times, each transhipment taking 3 to 4 hours. It was thought that 2 or 3 days could have been saved by speedier bunkering at Singapore and speedier transhipment at sea. That the experiment was not repeated was due to several factors. One was the lack of suitable fuel at Canton; the Forbes burned wood on her return passage. Another was the prospect of objections from the Chinese authorities.\n\nThe most important factor, however, was the greatly improved sailing ships which were being built at that particular time. In 1829, just a year before the Forbes-Jamesina experiment, the first and most famous of the opium clippers, the Red Rover, appeared on the scene. In her maiden voyage the Red Rover made the round trip between Calcutta and Macao in 55 days, carrying 800 chests of opium. She had equally successful passages in the next two years, by which time she had at least three rivals on the run. From then no one thought of employing steamships against the north east monsoon in the South China Sea, and the success of the opium clippers kept steamships out of the opium trade for another twenty years. The Red Rover, like many of her successors and rivals was built in India, at the Howra Dock Company's yard. She was launched in September 1829, and for her first few years was owned by her captain, the famous Captain Clifton, in partnership with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206784, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "APPENDIX\n\nEARLY STEAMSHIPS CONNECTED WITH CHINA\n\n \n Vessel\n Material\n Tons\n Builder\n Dimensions\n Engines and Builder\n Remarks\n \n \n Diana\n 1823 Wood\n 89\n Kyd & Co., Kidderpore, India.\n 100'0\" × 16'8” × ?\n 2 of 25 h.p., Paddle. Henry Maudslay, London,\n Materials sent first to Canton, then to India: Diana never operated in China.\n \n \n Corsair\n 1827 Wood\n 186 net\n J. Wood & Co., Port Glasgow, Scotland.\n 136'0\" × 18'0” × 11'9\"\n \n Although built in 1827 did not arrive in China until 1846.\n \n \n Forbes\n 1829 Wood\n 162\n Howra Dock Co., Calcutta.\n 126'10\" × 22'6\" × ?\n 2 of 60 h.p., Paddle, Boulton & Watt, Birmingham.\n Towed barque Jamesina to Lintin in 1830, and was first steamship to be seen in China.\n \n \n Jardine\n 1835 Wood\n 59\n A. Hall & Co., Aberdeen, Scotland.\n 82'0\" × 17'0” × 9'6\"\n 2 of 24 h.p., Paddle, J. Duffus & Co.\n After first arrival in China never operated in Chinese waters.\n \n \n Ann\n 1839 Wood\n 239 gross\n T. Isemonger, Littlehampton, Sussex, England,\n 117'0\" × 19'7” × 13'3\"\n Paddle, Conley & Co., South Shields.\n Built as a schooner, lengthened and fitted with engines in 1846.\n \n\nEARLY STEAMSHIPS IN CHINA\n\n55", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206785, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "Vessel Nemesis\n\nMaterial Tons 1839 Iron 630 gross\n\nBuilder Laird & Co., Birkenhead, England.\n\nDimensions\n\n184'0\" X 29'0\"\n\nX ?\n\nEngines and Builder Paddle, Forrester & Co., Liverpool.\n\nRemarks: First iron steamship to round the Cape of Good Hope, played prominent part in the First China War.\n\nLady Mary\n\nWood\n\n1842 Wood 297 net\n\nT. Wilson, Liverpool. England.\n\nMidas\n\n?\n\n250 h.p., Paddle, Fawcett & Co., Birmingham.\n\n56\n\nRemarks: Inaugurated first regular mail service to China in 1846. First P. and O. ship to visit China.\n\n1844 Wood 145 gross\n\nS. Hall & Co., Boston, Mass.\n\n?\n\nTwin screw, Hogg & Delameter, New York.\n\nRemarks: First American, and first propeller-driven steamer to round the Cape of Good Hope; operated first steamship service in China.\n\nIron Prince\n\n1845 Iron 180 gross\n\nJ. Hodgson & Co., Liverpool,\n\n119'8\" x 17'4\" X 11'8\"\n\nPaddle, by shipbuilders\n\nSir Charles Forbes\n\n1846 Wood 211 gross\n\nMercantile\n\n130'1\" x 18'5\"\n\nDock, Bombay.\n\nX 10'2\"\n\nCanton\n\nRemarks: Chartered by P.\n\n1848 Iron 349 gross\n\nand O., and their second ship on Canton River,\n\nTod &\n\nMacgregor,\n\nGlasgow.\n\n172'7\" x 21'4”\n\nX 10'7\"\n\n150 h.p., Paddle,\n\nby shipbuilders\n\nRemarks: First P. and O. ship on Canton River.\n\nA. D. BLUE", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "74\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nThe Ch'aochow Puppets in Hong Kong\n\nBeing interested in all forms of puppet-theatre, I had heard of the existence of horizontally-moved Ch'aochow stick-puppets in Hong Kong, but it took a long time to have the opportunity to actually see them performed. In the spring of 1973, the leader of the Cantonese rod-puppet troupe, Mak Shiu-tongA, invited me to watch a show near his home, at Block 9 of the Tsz Wan Shan Resettlement Estate. The Ch'aochow people of the estate celebrated the birthday of their patron saint Po-yeh-tan1 on the 27th, 28th and 29th day of the first month.* On a limited rectangular area of about 1,500 square feet there was a bamboo-shed on stilts serving as a puppet-theatre on one end (Plate I), another serving as a make-shift temple opposite to it (Plate II), with an altar on one side and an enormous paper dragon-robe on the other (Plate III).\n\nThe robe complete with boots, belt and lots of neatly folded paper money was to be burned at the end of the celebration, in order to bestow insignia of rank upon the saint in acknowledgement of his merits. The decoration of the robe varies according to the saint to whom it is dedicated. But it is noteworthy that besides the elaborate dragon in relief, pairs of phoenixes and young hornless dragons and the Eight Immortals, three pavilions with eight paper-figures are added. These figures strongly resemble the puppets which I saw later and their heads are also made of plaster. In Ch'aochow the tradition of puppetry and ceremonial figures are very closely related.\n\nThe stilts of the stage were four feet high, with a floor area of 10' x 10' (Plate I), where on the same level the musicians and the puppeteers sit and on which the puppets move (Plate IV). The puppet-stage was very small, with four chairs and a table, all with embroidered covers. The stage is created by five flaps of richly embroidered curtains called chu lien4; the middle one being short to enable the back-stage musicians to follow the performance closely. The two long side-flaps cover a puppeteer each. The decoration of the curtains complement each other to form a cosmical unity: the square middle part shows the lion with four peonies for each direction, representing the earth, the Yin. The Yang is expressed in the dragon design of the other four flaps.\n\nBehind the stage stands a small chest with three drawers—one for puppet-heads, one for headgear and one for arms or pennants\n\n* Lunar calendar.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206809, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "80\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nChing p'eng \"cleaning the matshed\" has to take place before the performance. The puppeteers take a live cock and make an incision in his throat and then carry him over the stage, dropping his blood into every corner, over the backstage and even over the musical instruments. This is done in order to protect themselves against the evil spirits or hungry ghosts, which performing puppets attract. That human actors perform at the Hungry Ghosts Festival is a development of the past 20 years for Ch'aochowese. Originally only puppets were used. The human likeness of the moving puppet fools the ghost, who takes possession of the puppet. Thus humans are protected from their assault and the whole area gets cleared of their evil influence. Puppet-shows are mainly performed as an exorcising ceremony and it therefore does not matter whether there is a public to watch the performance or not.\n\nThe actual performance starts mostly with the 'Birthday of the Eight Immortals', which is a series of good wishes. This introductory piece starts with the Peach Banquet, implying the wish for longevity. The next part is called 'To bestow Rank and Riches'; then comes the fairy who sends sons. The next short play is a ceremony to \"cleanse the matshed\" and the last is called \"the banquet at the capital\", which is to congratulate the troupe for its performance. The main play starts after this introduction.\n\nThe repertory of the two Hong Kong Ch'aochow puppet-groups comprises the following operas, which are part of the Ch'aochow Opera tradition:\n\nHu-li Luan Chou Wang 狐狸亂周王\n\nTuan-Chiao Hui\n\nLi Te-wu 李德武\n\nKuan Wang Miao 闊王廟\n\nYang Tsung-pao\n\nI Chih Mei 一枝梅\n\nThe script/stories of these operas are spoken and sung by the puppeteers. If the opera is a wen-chü or literary play, the text which is in rhymes is fixed and a script is used; but when a wu-chü or military play is performed the puppeteers use their own imagination to enrich the familiar plot.\n\nOne further point should be mentioned. Shadow-puppet theatre was very early a most important part of entertainment and when finally drama became organised, the public eye was so trained on the shadow-puppet movements that they were taken over into the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206811, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "82\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\ndissolved in 1964 when because of lack of business the old leader got so desperate that he threw his puppets literally into a rubbish-bin. The third group Tung-i still exists under the leadership of Wu Mu-sen and Ch'en Yung-ming. Their puppets are older and much larger than those of the Hsin-shun-hsiang troupe, and are very seldom used now.\n\nWhen Wang Chiao-tsou died his eldest son Hsi-ch'in continued the Hsin-shun-hsiang Troupe. He usually plays the Yeh-hu, for which he is very renowned, in the opera-orchestras. This is a two-stringed violin of which the sound box is made of a coconut shell. Five of the seven brothers and sisters Hsi-ch'in, Hsi-tang, Hsi-yü, Hsi-ch'ing and Hsi-hsien are all versatile musicians or singers, joining in the puppet or opera performances. There are also six artists of the older generation with 30-40 years' experience performing with them. They are Li Chen-chiang, Huang Shun-ch'i, Ma Chen-huan, Chang Chung-liang, Li Han-t'an and Chiu Hsüeh-ching.\n\nDuring a typhoon in 1960 Hsi-ch'in's squatter hut was flooded and most of his puppets were destroyed. He travelled to Ch'aochow to replace them, but he could not find any old ones. Fortunately, he found an old-puppet-maker who made a new set which he took to Hong Kong, and it is used now by his troupe and also by the Tung-i Troupe.\n\nToday, there are about sixty puppet-bodies and eighty puppet-heads, belonging to these two troupes, the Hsin-shun-hsiang and the Tung-i. They give no more than seven performances a year between them. They are still called by Ch'aochow associations to perform at the festival of the T'ien-kung Chi on the 5th day of the first month, the festival of Po-kung Fu-te Ta-yeh on the 29th day of the third month and to the ceremony of Hsieh-shen (thanking the gods) in the 12th month. Although the name of either of the groups invited to perform appears on top of the curtain, the puppets, puppeteers, musical instruments and musicians are mostly the same. The fee is handed to the leader of the troupe who, together with the leader of the orchestra, keeps a larger share. The rest is distributed equally among all the other performers, puppeteers and musicians.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206831, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "102 \n\nCHUANG SHEN \n\n2. Wang Yuan-ch'i £ß \n\n3. Wang Yuan-ch'i \n\n4. Wang Yuan-ch'i \n\n5. Wang Chien £ \n\n6. Wang Chien \n\n7. Wang Hui \n\n8. Fang Shih-shu \n\n9. Hua Yen 華嵒 \n\nhanging scroll of the Fu-ch'un Mountain 富春山軸 \n\nhanging scroll of landscape executed in the style of Huang Kung-wang 黄公望 and Ni Tsan 倪瓒 handscroll of landscape in the style \n\nof former masters. \n\nYün-ho sung-yin-t'u *** H \n\n, hanging scroll \n\nTs'êng-luan-sung-ts'ui-t'u \n\n翠圖 hanging scroll \n\nHsia-k'ou tai-tu t'u \n\n#* \n\nalbum of landscape, figure and flower \n\nhanging screens of flower and bird \n\n10. Wang Shih-min E \n\n11. Liang Pei-lan \n\n12. Ch'ien Tsai \n\nhanging scroll executed in the style of Huang Kung-wang \n\nhanging scroll of poems written in the running script \n\nhanging scroll of orchid and bamboo executed in ink monochrome \n\nAmong the three different kinds of edition available today, no matter whether it is hand-written, or wood block printed, or type printed, all the texts in chuan 5 of this T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi have left out ten items of painting and calligraphy; i.e., from the landscape album executed by the Sung and Yüan artists up to Ch'ing-chieh-t'u executed by Ch'ien Hsi-pai of the Sung dynasty. And similarly, all the texts in chuan 2 of the supplement of the same catalogue have omitted record of the 12 items of painting and calligraphy; i.e., from Wang Hui's hanging scroll executed in the style of Wang Meng up to Ch'ien Tsai's hanging scroll of orchid and bamboo executed in ink monochrome. For the same item of painting, the table of contents in this book lists its painter, its title as well as the format, and yet all these details have not been entered into the text. Such inconsistency cannot but be regarded as a shortcoming in compilation, the more so since this shortcoming arises not because of the difference in edition, but entirely due to the carelessness of the compiler.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206833, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "104\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nlogue seems to be smaller than that found in Pan's catalogue. All in all, the lack of record of paintings and calligraphies listed in the table of contents in the text of a catalogue is the second type of deficiency in compilation found in the art catalogues of the Kwang-tung collectors.\n\nB. Carelessness in Proof-reading\n\nThe deficiency in proof-reading is the second type of deficiency in the art catalogue of the Kwangtung collectors. We may begin by examining Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi. The carelessness in the proof-reading of this catalogue can be seen in the two following examples. In the 51st year of the K'ang Hsi era (1712), Wu Shêng completed the 20 chüan of his famous catalogue Ta-kuan-lu. It is not known whether Wu Yung-kuang had read Wu Shêng's Ta-kuan-lu with care or not; however, after acquiring Ni Tsan's Yu-po-t'an-hua-t'u, he had made use of the entry of this painting in Ta-kuan-lu to collate with the inscriptions attached to the painting. Moreover, he mentioned the name of Wu Tzu-min?\n+ in his own colophon. Therefore, having known the literary name of Wu Shêng as Tzũ-min, Wu Yung-kuang could hardly be ignorant of Wu Shêng. Yet in his Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, he was so careless as to record Wu Shêng's name wrongly. In chüan 5 of his catalogue, after entering Ch'iu Ying's Yü-tung hsien-yüan-tu玉洞仙源 he added,\n\nWang Shêng's12 Ta-kuan-lu has also recorded Shih-fu'sTX Yu-tung hsien-yüan-t'u1\n\n12\n+\n\nIn chüan 4 of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi, Wu Yung-kuang had already mentioned that the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu was Wu Tzŭ-min11, yet in chüan 5 of the same book, he recorded the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu as Wang Shêng12. It is thus apparent that the mistake of calling Wu Shêng as Wang Shêng could not be due to Wu Yung-kuang's ignorance. Rather, it resulted from a mistake in his own handwriting, or from a mistake made while cutting the blocks for painting. Moreover, according to Ku Fu's P'ing-sheng chuang-kuan13 there was a calligrapher by the name of Wang Shêng active in the Southern Sung period. Thus, if the reader of Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia-chi has complete faith in Wu Yung-kuang, would it not be very likely for the compiler of Ta-kuan-lu to be taken as a Sung figure of the mid 13th century instead of a Ch’ing figure of the mid 17th century?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206837, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "108\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nobtained under the entry of the 8th year in the Tao Kuang era (1828), \"In the third month, my daughter named Hsi married Yeh Ying-ch'i\". In chuan 2 of Wu Yung-kuang's Hsin-ch'ou hsiao-hsia chi, there is an entry about Mi Yu-jen's Yün-shan tê-l-t'u #4#★#, which according to Kung Kuang-tao's LAM Yüeh-hsüeh-lou shu-hua-lu *****, should bear a square seal, the text of which reads, \"Nan-hai nu-shih Yeh Wu Hsiao-ho hsieh-yün-lou shu-hua-chih-yin” ✯✯✯±‡*+*Z*#‡‡<¢ \"seal of calligraphies and paintings in the Hsieh-yün-lou collection of Madam Yeh Wu Hsiao-ho, native of Nan-hai”. Ho-wu is one of the style names of Wu Yung-kuang, and so he gave his daughter Wu Hsi the style name of Hsiao-ho. Furthermore, above Hsiao-ho's surname, it is added her husband's surname (Yeh). Thus it is evident that the Yün-shan tê-t-t'u was one of the items in her dowry when she was married off to Yeh Ying-ch'i. However, in the opening part of chuan 3 in Wu Yung-kuang's Shih-yün-san-jen fen-t'l-shih-hsuan, it is stated that one of the collators was his son-in-law, whose name, however, was recorded as Yeh Ying-hsin #44.\n\n2 At the end of his Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi chiao-wên ✯TMIERZ - \"Collatery Note of the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi\" Ho Cho put down the date of \"K'ang Hsi kuei-ssu\" which is equivalent to the 52nd year of the K'ang Hsi era (1713). Ho's collatery note can be found in Ku-hsüeh-hui-k'an **✰★, vol. II, No. V, published by Kuo-ts'ui hsüeh-pao shê @##★#, 1923, and reprinted by Li Hsing Book Co. ★1⁄2, Taiwan. (The collatery note is found in pp. 2585-2601 of this reprint.)\n\n3 Pao T'ing-po's colophon, which is attached to the Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi, was completed in the 20th year of the Chien Lung era ✯✯ (1755). Yu Chi's colophon and Lu Wên-ch'ao's preface were both written in the 26th year of the Chien Lung era (1761).\n\n4 There are altogether 18 collections in Chih-pu-tsu-chai ts'ung-shu ÞILIIT. The fourth collection includes only Sun Ch'êng-chê's Hsien-chê-hsüan-tieh-k'ao §**** (which is now attached to the end of Kêng-tzŭ hsiao-hsia-chi. However, it is included in the occasional publication of the Chih-pu-tsu-chai. Nowadays, an edition that was published separately in the 26th year of the Chien Lung era (1761) is available.\n\n5 See Ssŭ-k'u-ch'üan-shu tsung-mu ti-yao **** chuan 113. Only the last sentence in this discussion is quoted here, since it already suffices to reflect the whole situation by this, \"Though the man can be slighted, his writing is however something that we cannot pass over slightly.\"\n\n6 A hand-written copy of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi and its supplement is found in the collection of the Feng Ping-shan library, University of Hong Kong.\n\n7 The Feng Ping-shan library in the University of Hong Kong has in its collection a wood block printed version of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi in 5 chuan and its supplement in 2 chuan, the beginning section of both of which are missing. Therefore, the date and place when this catalogue was printed is now known.\n\n* The type printed version of the T'ing-fan-lou shu-hua-chi and its supplement is available in Mei-shu ts'ung-shu *#*# vol. IV, part VII. This catalogue was first printed by the Kuo-ts'ui hsüeh-shê # in the 3rd year of the Hsuan Tung era ✯ (1911). The second edition came out in 1928. The copy used in this paper is the fourth edition published by Shen-chou kuo-kuang shê **B£* in 1947.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206862, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nNOTES ON CHINESE TEMPLES IN HONG KONG\n\nE. J. Eitel states in his history of Hong Kong, Europe in China, published in 1895, that at the time of the British occupation of Hong Kong there were four Chinese temples on the island: one at Ap Lei Chau dating from 1770, one at Stanley, one in Spring Gardens (Tai Wong Kung) and one at Causeway Bay (Tung Lo Wan). He states (p. 190) that after the occupation the Chinese \"commenced building their City Temple (Sheng-wong-miu) on the site of the present Queen's College\".\n\nThe land on which the Shing Wong Temple was built was included within Inland Lot 91. The lot was sold by Government at a public land auction in 1852. It was bought by Floriano Antonio Rangel, a Portuguese bookkeeper in the employ of Jardine Matheson and Company. Rangel owned the entire block bounded by Hollywood Road to the north, Staunton Street to the south, Aberdeen Street to the east, and what became known as Wong Shing Street to the west. In the interior of the block he erected some fifty inexpensive Chinese houses. The complex was variously called Rangel's Row, Rangel's Alley, or Kow Kong Lane. Surrounded by these humble Chinese dwellings stood the Shing Wong Temple. It was somewhat more pretentious than the Tai Wong Kung Temple on Queen's Road East. In the 1865 Rates Schedule, the latter is valued at $120. The Shing Wong Temple's assessed value was $240. But it was considerably less impressive in size and value than the nearby Man Mo Temple on Hollywood Road which was assessed at $1,320. By 1876, however, the relative assessed value of the three temples had changed. The Queen's Road East temple property was rated at $144, a $24 increase over the 1865 value. The Man Mo Temple was rated at $20 less than its 1865 assessment. The Shing Wong Temple was rated at double its value in 1865. This suggests that sometime between 1865 and 1876 a major renovation of the Temple had been made.\n\nF. A. Rangel retained ownership of the land upon which the Shing Wong Temple was built until his death in 1873. Three years later the Government bought the property as a site for the erection...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206870, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n141 \n\nabout the execution: he did not seem to like talking about it and at last in order to avoid any more he made some excuse to us and went down stairs and waited there. \n\nAt about 9.30 a.m., C. got tired of waiting and left for Shameen, and about the same time A. and W.† started off on a voyage of discovery intending to come back and report how matters were looking. \n\nSoon after we saw them on the roof of a house which overlooked the Execution Ground. This we thought would be a much better place than the ground itself, to see the affair from, giving us, as it would, a chance of not being obliged to look if we did not feel inclined to do so. We were none of us, I fancy, very sure how we would stand the sight, especially after the guide had told us that he did not intend to go on to the ground with us but only to show us in and then leave us until it was all over. We therefore started off and joined A. and W., and right glad we were afterwards that we had done so. The owner of the house—a rice-pounding shop—received us civilly and sent some stools on to the roof for us to sit on.\n\nThe Execution ground is merely a \"blind\" alley about 10 or 12 yards wide and 70 or 80 yards long, having a dead wall on one side and some \"shanties\" on the other, these being the workshops of pottery makers who use the alley for drying their ware. Yesterday when we were here the ground was covered with clay pots being sun-dried but now, in one spot, these had been cleared away and two rudely constructed crosses 5 or 6 feet high had been erected quite close to each other. One end of this alley is crossed by a street but the passage can be blocked on either side by gates. The rice shop on the roof of which we were stationed was at one corner of this wall, so that we looked down on one gateway and across the alley at the other one. When we got on to the roof we found about 200 people assembled in the ground, this number comprising many children—there were also a few people on the neighbouring house tops. In answer to our rather importunate enquiries we were now told that \"it\" would soon take place, that all was ready, and only waiting for the final orders to be given by the Viceroy.\n\nSoon after 10 o'clock there was some confusion at the nearest gateway and then 3 or 4 Mandarins with about a dozen soldiers arrived. The crowd at the same time tried to rush in, but they were\n\n† not identified.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206888, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "30. 1866 May 30\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nSUWONADA\n\nShanghae to Hongkong: Gilman & Co. to order\n\n100 half chests tea\n\n31. 1866 Sept. 26\n\nSUWONADA\n\nShanghai to Hong Kong: Trautmann & Co, to order\n\n189 bales cotton\n\n32. 1867 June 20\n\nGAME COCK\n\n159\n\nNew York to Hong Kong: A. Begodin to Bull Purdon & Co. 2 casks merchandise\n\n\"Goods to be measd and frt collected in Hong Kong\"\n\n33. 1867 Aug. 21\n\nSUWONADA Jayne\n\nShanghae to Hongkong: Russell & Co. to same\n\n4 pkgs Nankeens\n\n3 * Safflower\n\n149 pkgs Oil\n\n6 pkgs Nankeens\n\n20 pkgs Fungus\n\n48 Hemp\n\n12 **\n\n45 5\n\n11 * Nankeens\n\nFungus\n\nMedicine\n\ndo.\n\n303 pkgs in all\n\n34. 1868 May 20\n\nSUWONADA\n\nShanghai to Hong Kong: Holliday, Wise & Co. to same One cask seltzer water\n\n35. 1869 May 4\n\nJEANIE W.C. Dunham\n\nNew York to Hongkong: F.R, & D. Routh to Lieut. Cm. Mackenzie, U.S.S. ? care of U.S. Consul, Hong Kong One box\n\n36. 1869 Nov. 19\n\nAUBURN William Henry Gould\n\nMacao to London: Jardine, Matheson & Co. to Matheson & Co.\n\nOne matted packg. picture\n\n37. 1872 Jan. 3\n\nVENUS\n\nBombay to Hongkong: Abadeen Budroodeen & Co. to Ameeroodeen Jafferbhoy & Co.\n\nOne box of Bombay stone\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206912, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n183\n\nIn making the attempt to study the area, Mr. da Silva has performed a most valuable service. He has brought to the task special talents not often found in combination; local birth, knowledge of written and spoken Chinese, a geographer's training, interest in ethnography, and a sympathetic and discerning eye.\n\nThe book has five chapters, entitled: Chapter I-General Background; Chapter II--Historical Background; Chapter III-Ecological Adaptation and Livelihood; Chapter IV-The Ecology of Padi Cultivation; and Chapter V-Traditional Land Tenure. Of these the three dealing with ecology are the most valuable. Chapter III, in particular, gives a fully integrated account of the traditional means of livelihood in a coastal village area that is not available in any other work, to which he adds a description of the various influences at work on local minds, emphasising how they combine to form a unified cosmological whole (pp. 63-64). This unity of conception is the predominant feature of the local rural scene, and one that imposes itself very strongly on the consciousness of the long-term observer. Chapter IV, which deals with the farming and fishing calendars and describes the sequence and ecological importance of rice cultivation is another valuable contribution to knowledge of the local scene, of a kind and to a degree that, so far as I am aware, has not yet been supplied. In short, these chapters help to repair a deficiency noted by Reischauer and Fairbank, the reconstruction 'with verisimilitude' of 'the daily life of the average Chinese villager in the pre-modern centuries.' (p. 383, Vol. 1 of East Asia, The Great Tradition, Harvard, 1958).\n\nThe third section of the Chapter on Traditional Land Tenure contains some new and interesting information on land measurement and land classification but the rest is rather sketchy and inadequate on what is a notoriously complicated and difficult subject. The historical chapter is too broad to be effective and Mr. da Silva's knowledge of the island from this viewpoint does not match the superior quality of the other sections. He is misleading on family connections, e.g. pp. 28 and 32, whilst the maps and charts before p. 20 and at p. 35 are not as comprehensive as they could be made to be. The unevenness of the information acquired, and the lack of balance between the ethno-botanical treatment and the historical aspects, mar an otherwise very interesting, stimulating, and informative book.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206952, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE PAPER CHASE\n\n17\n\nOne of the areas in which modern archivists are most interested, of course, is that of systematic records disposal.\n\nAll too commonly, offices allow their archives to accumulate until they find them becoming an administrative and financial burden and then reduce their bulk by destructions based on more or less ad hoc decisions about their relative values. Alternatively, they may solve their problem by offering the whole mass of their unwanted records to the luckless archivist, if there is one, who is then faced with the task of sorting out, by whatever scratch means are available to him, what records should be kept. But in the last forty years or so, the larger producers of archives, and in particular governments, have been driven more and more to develop procedures for the systematic and regular destruction of unwanted records, the aim being to keep the total mass at a minimum consistent with the actual needs of the office.\n\nThere is no time to discuss in any detail how this is done, except to say that such disposal systems are based upon the fact that the records of any office will be found, on analysis, to be divisible into a number of classes, the components of each of which are sufficiently similar, as a rule, for the whole of them to be evaluated as one and to be disposed of in due course according to the same set of directions. A schedule can therefore be drawn up listing all of the discernible classes of records generated by an office and giving separate directions, class by class, for their disposal. If the schedule is executed satisfactorily, and updated from time to time as new classes appear and old ones are discontinued or re-appraised, records are enabled to flow steadily either into the incinerators or into archival custody according to their pre-determined values, and the office is left at all times only with the records it actually needs.\n\nWhere disposal is undertaken by these means, it obviously becomes very much the concern of archivists to ensure that the potential research values of the records concerned are not overlooked at the schedule-making stage. For if the administrator is attending strictly to his business, it is not the future uses which his records may have for students which will determine his views on their worth, but their administrative and legal uses now—their continued relevance or otherwise to the work of his office.\n\nAdministrators generally lack both the time and inclination to consider the research ends to which their records may be put, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206962, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE PAPER CHASE\n\n27\n\nHong Kong must have been defeated by lack of storage space and of staff to cope.\n\nNow that the P.R.O. has been established, such reduction as there has been of government's archival resources should come to an end. How soon it does so will depend on how rapidly and effectively the P.R.O. is enabled to develop its services. Departments have already been instructed that in future no records are to be destroyed without P.R.O. sanction; but this will become a dead letter if we fail to give them prompt assistance in the appraisal of their records and ready accommodation for those which are marked for permanent retention.\n\nI believe that much will depend on our ability to develop efficient intermediate records services. The establishment of institutions which relieve departments of the burden of accommodating and administering great masses of non-current records would go far to obviate premature or unauthorised destruction of them.\n\nIn due course it will be appropriate to enact a Public Records Ordinance to provide a legal basis for the P.R.O. and its activities and to settle its relations with other government offices and the public. The character of this legislation, when it is passed, will be important in determining the future development of the Office and the effectiveness of its operations.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "46 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nOn the island Mayréna lived alone in a shack with a French poodle. He did not collect birds' nests, a task he left to his fellow European, but the feathers of birds of paradise. It seems that he took another 'wife—the twelve-year-old daughter of a local village chief. But he soon began to suffer acutely from paranoia, barricading and fortifying his shack and interrogating at the point of a rifle all who approached. He also suffered from delusions; he walked around gesticulating and talking to himself. He was now more than a 'king in exile', he was a 'mad king'. \n\nFor Mayréna's last days we must rely on the testimony of J.F. Owen,46 the Collector of Kuala Rompin on the mainland, who visited Tioman and made friends with Mayréna. In November 1890 Mayréna visited Owen at Kuala Rompin. The morning after he drew up his will, and executed it formally in the presence of Owen, who was a magistrate. Then he called Auguste, his poodle, and set forth for a stroll along a jungle path. Soon he returned in great pain and claimed to have been bitten by a poisonous snake. He died soon afterwards in the presence of Owen. He was buried, Lineham states, at Kampong Jawa on the Rompin and his grave was marked by a plain block of chengal wood.47 There was no inscription. ‘But if you chance to visit Tioman', Sir Hugh Clifford writes, \"the natives of the place will point out to you a number of strange-looking quadrupeds, half-pariah, half-poodle, and with pride will inform you that these are \"ânjing pranchis\" (French dogs); and these uncouth descendants of the well-beloved and redoubtable Auguste are the only traces left upon this little fairy island marking it as the erstwhile refuge of Marie David de Mayréna, Comte de Ray (sic), and King of the Sedangs'.48 \n\nThe Marquis de Morès' nirvana was as strange as Mayréna's. Back in Paris he discovered that he could not go ahead with his scheme to construct a railroad in Tongking because of opposition from Ernest Constans, Minister of the Interior, who had just driven from France another ambitious soldier who, too, had left the French army. This was the sentimental General Boulanger, who was later to commit suicide over his mistress's grave at Brussels. Morès, as a result of what he felt was a personal conspiracy against him, became an implacable enemy not only of Constans but of the regime, the Third Republic, that Constans served. He had also become an anti-semite, principally because of his experiences with the Jews in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206982, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n47\n\nthe Chicago meat trade. Morès soon joined forces with Drumont,49 the brilliant anti-semitic editor of La Libre Parole, served as the paper's official duellist, and created a body of street fighters called 'Morès and His Friends'. These street fighters, the first 'storm-troopers', were recruited from among the butcher boys of the district of La Villette in northeastern Paris. Morès outfitted his 'friends' in cowboy hats, purple shirts and other Wild West accoutrements.\n\n51\n\nIn June 1890 Morès was sentenced to three months imprisonment50 for the publication of inflammatory writings; but this experience did not dampen his ardour as a fervent nationalist, socialist and anti-semite. He fought four duels, in one of which he killed Captain Armand Mayer, a Jewish officer in the French Army; but in 1893 his political position was compromised when Clemenceau revealed that the anti-semitic Morès had borrowed money from Cornelius Herz, a Jew associated with the notorious Panama scandal. In 1894 the impetuous Morès landed in Algeria and immediately embarked on a violent campaign to arouse the Moslems in North Africa.\n\nIn 1895, after a short visit to France, Morès returned to Algeria. His purpose was to create an alliance between Catholic France and Moslem Africa so as to block British expansion in the African continent. His scheme was visionary and it is not clear how he expected to unify Frenchmen and Arabs in a crusade against British imperialism; but we do know he planned an expedition from Tunis through Ghadames and Ghat across the Sahara Desert to Bahr el Ghazal, where the French would be in a strong position on the Upper Nile to throttle British power in Egypt and prevent complete British control of the route from Cape to Cairo.\n\nIn Tunis on 29 April 1896, Morès signed an agreement with a certain El Hadj Ali to guide a caravan from Gabes, Tunisia, to Ghat, a distance of some thousand miles. He left Gabes on the morning of 14 May with a small escort. On the journey south a party of Touaregs attached themselves to the caravan, claiming they would guide the party through the desert. In fact, they were the henchmen of the Touareg Bechaoui, who was waiting to plunder the caravan and kill Morès at a place on the Libyan frontier called Mechiguig.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207007, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "72\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS\n\nThe process of carving a new god begins with the customer approaching the master carver and over tea discussing his requirements. Most customers know the deity they want and all is settled in about half an hour. The details required by the carver are the title of the deity, its size, decoration and finish. However, as would be expected, there are the awkward customers who either know better than the carver and want a regular image with unusual features, or they want a deity who is not commonly carved and therefore possibly unknown to the carver, or want particular features incorporated for their own reasons. The carver accommodates all and after a few sketches and more discussion a price is fixed. The size of images in Singapore nowadays is measured by height in inches; the standard household altar images being six or eight inches and small temple images ten or fourteen inches high. Larger images are carved approximately 3 feet, 6 feet and 8 feet high, but nowadays not all that frequently (Plate 9).\n\nA block of camphor wood of the right height is selected from stock, prayers are said over it and a charm to ward off evil spirits pasted on it (Plate 10). The title of the intended deity is written on the side and the block replaced to await its turn (Plate 11).\n\nOne carver had a special ruler (Plate 12) which he uses for \"measuring the destiny\" of the gods he carves, copied in modern plastic from the wooden one his father had made originally in Fukien province. It is not divided into either Chinese or Western numerical measurements but into sections of equal length labelled “lucky, unlucky, healthy, unhealthy, etc\". This \"secret\" ruler is stood vertically against the image block to ensure that its final height will be such that it will be able to perform the function required of it and is not of a size which will bring bad luck.\n\nOn an auspicious day before a start is made, the master carver says a silent prayer before his own household altar to Lu Pan, the Patron of Carpenters (7) for guidance and help. He sometimes learns whilst in prayer that the basic feature of the image should show him seated or standing, astride a horse or mythical animal, and with or without a weapon. He roughs out with a charcoal pencil the three-dimensional outline; then using the first tool, a small axe, he chops away to produce a rough shaped block (Plates 13 and 14). This he passes over to one of his senior employees who carves the final shape with his western chisels (14\"-1/8\") (See plate", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "CRAFT OF GOD CARVING IN SINGAPORE\n\n73\n\n15). This is sand-papered to produce a finish but not to eliminate all the cut marks of the blades which will be obliterated by the next process.\n\nA bowl of rich golden yellow paste is prepared from a small quantity of powder from a crumbling block bought many years ago from China which the carvers call \"yellow mud\" (huang ni) and an oily substance which presumably is casein based. One coat of this mud bonded with tiny strips of rice paper is brushed over the image patch by patch, the small two-inch squares of rice paper being placed over the bare wood to fill in gaps and cover knots (Plate 16), and allowed to dry overnight before being rubbed down again with sandpaper (Plate 17). This primer of \"yellow mud\" and rice paper dries hard and unglossy, and even fifty to a hundred years later, images accidentally chipped will reveal the hard dull yellow without revealing the bare wood.\n\nThe next stage is the administration of the raised decoration. The most delicate part of the god-making operation is the decoration, the fine definition of armour, the head-dress, the shoulder epaulettes, and the badges of rank worn across the chest by the civil and military mandarins. A mixture of a strong-smelling viscous black-blue wax (tang shan chi), incense ash, and ground charcoal is prepared by rubbing and rolling until it is sufficiently malleable. The god carvers said that the wax was obtained from the sap of an unnamed tree in Fukien and in its raw state will burn the flesh on contact. The mixture is placed, squeezed, or pressed onto the image very carefully and gently. Long threads of rolled wax (Plate 18) are guided into position by the deft fingers of one craftsman who holds a spatula in his left hand; where the threads cross, they are carefully pressed into each other to avoid bumps. Other fine lines are squeezed from a bag, like icing (Plate 19), and pellets of wax are precisely placed in their correct positions (Plates 20, 21, and 22) to depict buttons or parts of the decoration. The wax sticks to the mud-covered image without further adhesive. Once the wax is thoroughly dry, usually after forty-eight hours, it is painted with a white primer.\n\nThe colouring stage is now ready to begin. An entirely different team is employed here, usually the females of the family. The colouring nowadays consists either of modern commercially produced paints or the application of gold leaf. The paints are applied with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207010, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "CRAFT OF GOD CARVING IN SINGAPORE\n\n75\n\nwas usual for silver or golden entrails, a religious tract, or a live insect to be placed ceremonially in a cavity in the image's back and sealed there providing the image with life. Another and more usually a Taoist ceremony, used particularly by the Fukienese, is for blood from a freshly killed cock to be smeared over the breast of the image.\n\nThe carving of an average image takes about twenty working days which necessitates the whole team cooperating and working to a schedule. But as would be expected when order books are full, the actual time from the taking of the order to the handing over of the finished image can be as long as two and a half months. God shops are open most days from 9 am-8 pm, although of late Sunday has tended to be a day off. They may have some half dozen gods on the production line at one time.\n\nGod carvers spend a considerable portion of their time repairing damaged or renovating old images. I have often felt considerable dismay seeing an old image having its handsome gold leaf patina stripped, to be re-painted with the most vivid of modern commercial lacquers.\n\nNew ideas are incorporated into the process. The use of western commercial paints, or the appearance of a spirit astride a bicycle when formerly he only rode a horse, shows originality but most changes have been slow, and as I see it, have been due in the main to misunderstanding.\n\nThe god carvers are teaching their children the craft, but confided that all were at school and should they show promise will be encouraged to enter one of the academic professions. They also feared that at the present rate of change very few Chinese will require the services of god carvers and the craft will disappear; just as surely as the story tellers who, less than ten years ago, gathered their audience about them not more than one hundred yards from the god carvers' shops have been overwhelmed by television.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207017, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "82\n\nROBIN MCLACHLAN\n\nthen a junior officer in Orlando's regiment but later to become the British Minister at Peking and Sir Thomas, was to teach Orlando to play the flute.17 But as Wade was busy with his Chinese language studies the flute lessons had to be postponed indefinitely. About the same time the music lessons were being considered, Orlando met Elijah Coleman Bridgman.18 This Bridgman was the first American missionary in China, arriving in Canton in 1829, and is probably best remembered for his part in the founding and editing of the Chinese Repository. Although the American spelt his name without an \"e\", Orlando still considered it a rare event to meet someone of the same name who was not a relation. It is unlikely though that he would have been anxious to claim a relationship with a man he described in his letter as a \"beast\".\n\nWhen writing of his commander in the war, General Hugh Gough, and the naval commander, Admiral William Parker, Bridgeman was equally caustic in his remarks. Writing in October from Chusan, where the British force had collected before proceeding on to Hong Kong, he commented:\n\nThe whole force is collected here now, with the exception of the Genl. and Admiral who are delaying as long as they can because they are each putting £30 a day into their pocket and as soon as they get to Hong Kong they will cease to receive this.19\n\nUnfortunately, there are very few comments, either favourable or unfavourable, on the Chinese people and their way of life. In his first letter home from China, he complained that he didn't get to see anything of Nanking and the Chinese people he had seen were only the \"lowest of the low.\"20 Later he confessed that what \"pity\" he had for the Chinese, on account of their heavy losses in battle (\"The slaughter was frightful ... .”), was lost \"since they proved so dreadfully treacherous\" with their kidnapping on Chusan.21\n\nDuring his time at Hong Kong, Bridgeman continued this lack of interest in things Chinese and only occasionally commented on Chinese customs and ways. For example, his interest in Chinese tea led him to describe to his sister the Chinese tea stands that dotted the colony and how, according to his observations, no Chinese could pass one without having several tiny cupfuls of tea.22 But such sketches of Chinese life in the colony are rare in his letters; the Chinese inhabitants of Hong Kong seemed scarcely to exist for Bridgeman.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207029, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "94\n\nR. G. IRWIN\n\nCes trois historiens des MING sont particulièrement distingués à la Chine, & personne n'y révoque en doute les faits qu'ils rapportent; c'est sur leur réputation de fidélité & d'exactitude que le Père de Mailla les a adoptés de préférence aux autres. II a encore puisé dans un recueil de discours & instructions de HONG-VOU, fondateur des MING, que Chun-chi des TSING a fait traduire en tartare pour son usage particulier dans le gouvernement de son nouvel empire & pour l'instruction des grands de sa cour. Ce recueil est intitulé, Ming-kou-lou-hong-vou-han-y-oyong-tatsi-yen; c'est-à-dire, Documens importans de l'empereur HONG-VOU, de la dynastie des MING.\n\nThese authors and their works may well have been renowned at the time of de Mailla, but two centuries later their very identification presents a problem, the results of which are herewith summarized:\n\n1. Ku Ying-t'ai (T. Keng-yü),3 who is credited with the authorship of Ming-ch'ao chi-shih pen-moa by the editors of the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu tsung-mu¤$£$#!' was a native of Feng-jun, Pei-Chihli. After taking the chin-shih degree in 1647 he held a secretaryship in the ministry of Revenue, and later in the Chekiang provincial board of education. The history, a work in 80 chüan, each devoted to a separate topic, carries a preface dated 1658.6 On the whole, it is a well-ordered record of the Ming period. Factual errors, which occur, for example, in connection with Chu Yün-wen, who reigned as Emperor Hui (1399-1402), and again with Chang Ma, better known as Empress I-an (consort of Chu Yu-chiao, emperor of the T'ien-ch'i period, 1621-27), are accounted for by the lack of any such standard source as the official history at the time of composition. But the Ssu-k'u editors are of the opinion that the author has handled the available material well.\n\nWhether Ku should be given entire credit for its authorship is open to question, however, since it seems to have been based on Shih-kuei ts'ang-shu♬ §#*, for which he is reported to have paid Chang Tai of Shan-yin, Chekiang, some 500 pieces of gold. Fu I-li# » † (fl. 1862-74), in a colophon, discusses the problem at length, concluding that Chang Tai's material passed through the hands of Hsu Ch'ao-li, who re-wrote it. Ku, in turn, re-worked this, and cannot be accused of out and out plagiarism.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "106\n\nMICHAEL SMITHIES\n\nrepresenting the age of the person who placed the offering in the temple, and also long metal forks offered to priests indicating their age. In the grounds of Vat Vixun is the melon-shaped stupa in memory of a Lao queen, the That Mang Mo and another vihara, unrestored, lies nearby. Vat That Luang is raised on a mound overlooking a sports field and is very sober. The vihara has a two-tiered roof and rises from an ornamental stucco band with medallions on the walls. There is an excellent and large carving of a scene from the Ramayana at the back of the altar, and the temple possesses a number of fine palm-leaf manuscripts which are copied by novices. At each end of the vihara is a chedi; the square one to the south is topped by bronze metal plates and is impressive.\n\nThis is by no means an exhaustive list of the temples of the city; temple building still continues, and Vat Monnorom, which used to consist of nothing except a large torso of an antique Buddha statue, is now being rebuilt around the statue. The energetic may climb to the top of the Phu Si less to visit the shrine, which is without interest, but to admire the magnificent view over the Mekong valley and that of its tributary, the Nam Kam. The Vietnamese temple is in hideous taste but again has fine views over the river. The small modern royal palace may not be visited and the residence of the crown prince is a modest French-style colonial building. A number of side streets are worth strolling down, if only for their tranquility; they are unpaved, the houses are of bamboo matting and atap, the gardens bright with bougainvillias and children look with amazement at westerners.\n\nSome thirty kilometres up the Mekong river are the Pak Ou caves. The scenery becomes ever wilder, the mountains more dramatic and the rapids stronger. Pak Ou consists of a limestone block straddling a bend in the river at the point where the Nam Hu joins it. There are two caves; the first, Tham Tong, contains numerous statues of the Buddha left there by the faithful (and some of which have recently been removed by the unfaithful, which is why it is necessary to report to the police on arrival and to be watched throughout the visit); through the frangipanni trees a path leads upwards to a second cave which goes further into the rock. The entrance to this is of carved wood and it is guarded by a jovial Buddha of Chinese inspiration; remnants of carved and decorated posts are to be found inside, leading one to suppose that there might have been a kind of baldachino.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207049, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "114\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTwo other famous graves are listed for the Hsin-an district, one of them dating from the Sung period and the other from the Ming. The first concerns that ancestor of the Tang clan who married a princess of the Sung royal house. The second is the epitome of the local uncertainty and danger that seems to have threatened its inhabitants down the centuries. This entry dates from the 11th year of Chia Ch'ing in the middle of the Ming period, but similar instances could be quoted from any dynasty. It commemorates two patriots named Yau and Leung who bravely resisted bandits and were buried together in one grave mound.2\n\nThe old records are useful for another reason. They help to remind us that the outer areas of the prefecture, such as Hsin-an, though of little general interest to scholars for their lack of history and culture, were important for officials in the scheme of coastal defence, a subject which engrossed the attention of many writers.\n\nThe importance of the islands springs not from their size or the number of their inhabitants, fields, boats or fisheries, but from their position on the seaways, commanding communications between all parts of the Kwangtung coast and the entrance to Canton, the capital of the province and the centre of the local and foreign trade for over a thousand years. They had to be garrisoned and patrolled in the days of sail because they harboured pirates and could provide supplies of food and water for pirate fleets and those of troublesome outsiders, including 'barbarian' Japanese and Western vessels.3\n\nThe reason for establishing the commandery at Nam Tau in the first Ming emperor's reign, and for elevating it to district status in the first year of the Wan Li reign was the insecurity of which local inhabitants complained and, probably the more decisive factor, the official emphasis on coastal defence in the twin interests of trade and internal security. A point that is often overlooked is that the seaways were far busier in the last century and before than they are today. European accounts of entry into local waters often mention seeing large fleets of fishing junks in the islands, and 1 KTKKCY 15/2. See also Sung in JHKBRAS 13, 1973:121-124. 2 KTKKCY 15/2.\n\n3 KTKKCY 30/3 states 'There were two kinds of pirate on the sea in the Ming period; our own robbers and those of outside barbarians'.\n\n+ e.g. Collingwood p. 16 ('As we approached the coast, great numbers of junks, with mat sails and two masts, appeared the high poops of which gave them the strange aspect of plunging headlong into the water') and Des Voeux II:204 (at Lamma Island.... there was visible a very large number of fishing junks packed closely together\").\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207110, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n175\n\nfound in Wing Lung Wai where his portrait in military officer's uniform is to be seen.\n\nTang Ming Luen, the son of Tang Kuen Hin, was another military officer. He was a very powerful man with exceptional strength in his arms. When he was young and before he studied the military arts, he came across, one day, two water buffaloes fighting in a road. The people standing by were unable to pass and yet could do nothing to separate the animals. Tang Ming Luen, seeing this, seized each buffalo by the horn, wrenched them apart, and stopped the fight. It happened that a newly passed Kui Yan named Tang T'in K'ei, who came from Tung Kwun district, was visiting Kam T'in to worship at the ancestral hall, and, according to old Chinese custom, to report the good news of his degree to his ancestors. He witnessed Tang Ming Luen's feat of strength and greatly admiring him, he encouraged him to study for the army, giving him ten taels of pure silver sycee as a reward. Tang Ming Luen passed his Mo Sau Tsoi in the 25th year of Ka Hing, A.D. 1820, and the Mo Kui Yan in the following year.\n\nThere is another story that Tang Ming Luen dug up some hidden treasure in his orchard, which was near Sui T'au Ts'un. To the North of the garden, there was a large banyan tree and close by it a rock covered with creeping plants. On dark days, it was said that a light used to shine near this rock and at a distance, it appeared like a big white horse. One day, Tang told a labourer to dig a hole for planting a fruit tree in a corner of the garden where a lot of long grass was growing. In doing so, the man dug up a large earthenware jar with a lid on it, which was full of silver sycee. He seized a handful of them and started to carry them home, but at once, his eyes became dim-sighted and he was unable to see his way. Thinking that it must be a punishment for trying to take money that did not belong to him, the man put the coins back in the ground, and his sight recovered at once. When he told Tang of his discovery, Tang had the ground thoroughly dug, and many more jars, each full of silver coins, were found.\n\nTang Kuen Hin was born in the 20th year of Kin Lung, A.D. 1755, and he built a school called So Lau Yuen in Shui Tau Tsuen, one of the Kam T'in villages. This building has a curious carving inside, rather like the face of a clock with Roman lettering on it, the origin of it being unknown. Another building called Ch'eung Tsun Yuen was built by one of his descendants.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207130, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n195 \n\nto protect the under-growth, such as citrus which cannot withstand typhoons occurring in the summer months. \n\nLiquid extracts of tobacco, derris root, and tea seed cake were sprayed by a simple syringe made of bamboo to control insect pests. The other means of control were light traps to catch June beetles and moths, and paper bagging to protect gourds and fruits from damage by wasps and fruit flies. Hand picking was employed to control insects on crops cultivated in smaller areas. Some farmers even used chicks of less than 10 days old to pick aphids and small larvae on young vegetables grown on the bed of the flood furrow irrigation system. Most varieties of rice showed some resistance to rice-stem-borer which was also controlled to some extent by natural parasites. Not much attention was given to the control of plant diseases. Crop rotation was necessary when insect pests and disease damage became serious. \n\nCattle and buffaloes were kept mainly for draught purpose. When the animals were not busy at the farm, they grazed on wild grasses on the hillsides and returned to the cattle sheds in the evening. Cattle manure and bedding materials, mostly straw were collected and piled up in a yard. Thus, the cattle not only helped the farmer in land preparation, but also collected plant nutrients in the form of grass from the hills to enrich the cultivated fields. \n\nPigs were kept for turning kitchen waste and crop refuses into edible meat. Sows and their litters were allowed to range freely in the village. Weaners were fattened in pens from which sunlight was excluded. They produced porkers with soft spareribs to meet the market preference. Some vegetable growers kept a small herd of pigs by utilizing the vegetable wastes as feed, and collected the manure for the crop. Sows were served by travelling boars. The local breed of pig is characterized by short body, fine bone and big belly which have been selected by using feed of low nutritional value such as sweet potato vine, rice bran, vegetable waste and swill. \n\nA farmer in early days could hardly keep a big flock of chickens with the limited surplus of grain produced from his farm. The chickens ran free to search for grass seeds, worms and other insects in the soil around the village. They were fed with some grains shortly before they returned to their nests in the evening. Thus, the growth rate of the chickens, in general, was very slow.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207133, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nDock Company for $150,000. In turn, the Company sold the property in 1883 to a Chinese consortium composed of three members of the Li Family and Chan Kun, with the proviso that the premises were not to be used as a dock or slip except for Chinese style ships. This was to prevent Chinese competition to their Dockyards at Hung Hom and Aberdeen. In time other industries were developed on the site: a soy factory, and a lard manufactury, and godowns were built along the Praya.\n\nThe Li family of Tsat Po Heung, San Wui District, had established its interests in Hong Kong as early as 1854, and under the astute leadership of Li Sing it had become probably the wealthiest family in Hong Kong by the turn of century. Shortly before the death of Li Sing in 1900, he divided his extensive real estate holdings among his eight sons. Marine Lot 239 was included in the share of Li Po Lung (***), also known as Li Wai Tong (*). He sold out most of his interests in the property in 1921.\n\n**\n\nIn 1918 new Crown Leases were granted to Li Po Lung in lieu of the original lease of 1873. The upper part of the original lot was then set off as an Inland Lot numbered 1355. The top left-hand corner of the Lot (as seen when standing on the seafront facing the hillside) had some years previous been given to the Contractor's Guild to build the 'Lo Pan' Temple, and a path led up to it bearing the name of Li Po Lung. The hillside was terraced for building sites. The first row was known as Li Po Lung Terrace, situated between Belcher Street and the present Tai Pak Terrace. Ching Lin Terrace upon which the Temple is located was formerly known as Li Sing Kui Road and To Li Terrace was formerly Tam Woon Tong Road.\n\n44\n\nLi Sing Kiu, Tam Woon Tong, Look Poong Shan, Li Tsz Chung and Chung Sek Fan had purchased the site of the Temple along with other land from Li Po Lung in 1921. They, in turn, in 1923, sold the Temple site as Section E of Inland Lot 1355 for a sum of $4,222.40 to Lam Lau, Lam Sheung, Yu Cheuk, Ng Wah and Ng Tsz Mei, representatives of the Temple, though the conveyance stated they were tenants in common in equal shares rather than Trustees.\n\n44\n\nDue to difficulties over payment of the Crown Rent for Inland Lot 1355, the Government re-entered the lot in 1926 in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207145, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "210\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nWalk along Queen's Road West to the Tak Nam Tea-house and enter the lane between it and the site of the former Ko Shing Theatre (now redeveloped with a nearly-completed multi-storey building). Enter Ko Shing Street. Note the two old buildings housing Chinese medicine wholesalers, at nos. 21 and 23, Ko Shing Street, opposite the lane exit.\n\nEnter Sutherland Street and into the In Ku Lane with its old godowns, five of them occupied by wholesale dealers in Chinese medicine, one with rice in addition.\n\nEnter Li Shing Street and so into Queen's Road West.\n\nProceed to Chi Mei Lane and so into Des Voeux Road (no. 150).\n\nProceed west into Sai Woo Lane. There is a good view of the old shop houses in the lane from the steps at the Queen's Road West end.\n\nThe various lanes contain many box-makers, rattan goods dealers, gummy sack makers etc. The buildings are of various dates, but some of them are very old, particularly those 2-3 storeys high with granite block counters at the shop fronts.\n\nWalk along Queen's Road West observing the high, old retaining wall on the opposite side of the road with the old Sai Ying Pun Hospital buildings above.\n\nPass Eastern Street and enter Miu Fong Street. Note the unusual brick pavement. We shall stop at the premises of the Wo Sang Ho, a dry fish dealer.\n\n(The wrapping round the head of the dry fish is to prevent the sea salt, placed inside, from coming out).\n\nWalk back along Des Voeux Road West to its junction with Ko Shing Street. (Look across the road to the structure on the rooftops of the old houses to the left of the City College of Commerce Grace Lutheran Church—for drying salt fish, & similar to that at Wo Sang Ho in Miu Fong Street which we cannot visit because of its small size, narrow staircases and our large numbers.\n\nWalk along Ko Shing Street to its junction with Queen's Street.\n\nProceed from Queen's Street to Queen's Road West and enter Bonham Strand, and so to the Ching Wah Kok Tea-house where arrangements have been made for us to have Chinese tea and bakeries.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\nTwo Garden Cities; Kowloon Tong and Kadoorie Avenue \n\n223 \n\nIn 1920 a plan was proposed for the redevelopment of a large area east of the Kowloon-Canton Railway between Boundary Street and the Kowloon foothills with Waterloo Road to form its eastern boundary. The Kowloon Tong and New Territories Development Company was registered in 1922 to put into execution a plan for a 'garden city'. The promoters of the Company had a large vision. They proposed a planned community with houses and bungalows surrounded by gardens. There were to be no commercial establishments. Subscribers to the scheme could choose from a variety of plans drawn up by the Company's architect, Mr. E. D. Shank. The houses were to provide pleasant housing for middle-class families. They could be paid for in instalments. Some 250 houses were to be built on a mass scale. Costs were to be kept low as materials were bought in bulk. The Company established its own brick, tile, and cement block factory and a sawing mill on an adjacent site.\n\nThe Company, under the management of C. Montague Ede, entered into an agreement with Government in 1922. Government, for its part, undertook to prepare the sites, levelling them to an agreed height and provide sewers, water, streets, etc. In return, the Company was to pay a premium on the land at stipulated periods as the project was executed.\n\nTo many, the project seemed a bargain, and a boon in the light of the housing shortage which prevailed at the time the Company was formed. There was little difficulty in attracting sufficient subscribers to the scheme. All went well until the middle of 1925, when at least one-fourth of the area had been handed over by Government to the developers according to the agreed time schedule. Soon, however, the preparation of sites lagged more and more. Government claimed it was due to typhoons, strikes, and unexpected difficulties in site formation. The delay in handing over sites put the Company in an increasingly difficult financial position. It was finally forced into bankruptcy, and Government re-entered those portions of the tract not yet held by individual purchasers under Crown Leases. The whole affair became most complicated and put Government in a difficult position. The project was finally completed in 1930, some five years behind schedule.\n\nFrom the standpoint of the original subscribers, the scheme was a success. They acquired pleasant properties at a reasonable price.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207160, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 231, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n225 \n\nand half-caste parentage, and to board, clothe and instruct them with a view to industrial life and the Christian faith according to the Church of England'. (Resolutions of Jan. 18, 1870) \n\nAfter the reorganisation, the Committee came under male domination; local firms were liberal supporters. Some members of Jardine, Matheson and Company were on the Committee from 1869 to 1901, William Keswick serving the longest from 1869 to 1888, except for his absences from the Colony. Sir Catchick Paul Chater served from 1874 to 1925. \n\nThe school was particularly useful in meeting the educational needs of the increasing Eurasian element in Hong Kong and the China Coast. It educated many of the future leading members of these communities. In 1869, it was decided not to admit any more girls as boarders, though they could continue as day students. In 1892, the girls then in attendance were transferred to a Boarding School 'Fairlea' conducted by Miss Margaret Johnstone. \n\nBefore occupying a building especially erected for the school on a lot on Bonham Road at Eastern Street in 1863, the school had been at the Albany, a building loaned to them by the Government. The Bonham Road building was enlarged and improved over the years. In time, however, it became inadequate for the needs of the school, especially as a growing emphasis on the role of sports in the life of the school was frustrated by a lack of proper playing fields. In 1917, a definite decision was made that a new site be secured. The firm of Messrs. Little, Adams and Wood drew up plans for a new school in 1920, but negotiations with the Government for a site were not completed until 1923. Site formation began in 1924. The general strike of 1925 and the resulting financial recession slowed down the construction and necessitated the elimination of certain parts of the original plans. An imposing tower, a feature of the original plan, was never erected. \n\nThe buildings were occupied in 1926, but in 1927, the school somewhat reluctantly released the premises to the Army for a hospital for the Shanghai Defence Force. The school took up temporary quarters in a recently built block of buildings on Nathan Road near Prince Edward Road. In January 1928, the premises were returned to the school. The school faced another crisis in 1932 when suggestions were made that the Government resume the property in default of payments on the debt the School owed and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207164, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n229 \n\nthe building was blessed. There were then 540 pupils in fourteen classes. The first matriculation class was formed in 1933.\n\nWith the beginning of the European War in 1939, the Government interned enemy aliens on the College premises. The Japanese used it as a hospital. The Brothers re-occupied the buildings after the liberation of Hong Kong, but from 1949 the British Army took it over for use as a hospital. During these periods the College was housed in temporary quarters.\n\nToday the school is under the direction of Brother Raphael Egan. There is a student body of some 1,500, the greater majority being Chinese, though there is still in the student body a number of Portuguese boys. They continue the contribution this part of Hong Kong's population has made to the history of the school.\n\nOther Schools in the Area\n\nNorth of Boundary Street between Waterloo Road and La Salle Road is Oxford Road. In one block there are six Middle Schools: Pui Shing Middle School, Tung Wah Hospital No. 1 College, Ying Wa College, Moral Training English School, Jockey Club Government Technical School, and Bishop Hall Jubilee School. Maryknoll Convent School opened in 1936 is nearby at the corner of Boundary Street and Waterloo Road.\n\nOf these schools, three have roots in Hong Kong's early history. While the association of the Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club with education through financial support is of recent origin, the Race Meets were a prominent feature of Hong Kong life from early days.\n\nYing Wa College continues the tradition of the Anglo-Chinese College established by the missionaries Robert Morrison and William Milne at Malacca in 1819. In 1843 it was moved to Hong Kong by the Rev. James Legge. The school was closed in 1856. It had been organised and conducted by representatives of the London Missionary Society. In 1914 the Society opened a school in Kowloon bearing the Chinese version of the English name, of their former school: Ying Wah, that is 'Anglo-Chinese'.\n\nThe Tung Wah No. 1 College opened in 1962 is a part of Tung Wah Hospital efforts to provide education for under-privileged children. This programme began in 1880 when a Free Primary School was opened in the Chung Wah College premises adjoining the Man Mo Temple on Hollywood Road. A school under the direction of the Temple Committee had been operated on these premises for many years previous. A lot had been granted by", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207167, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "232\n\nSam Tung Uk\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe Sam Tung Uk (village), is a small, square-walled lineage village dating back to the 18th century. It was settled by the Chan (陳) family.\n\nBefore the Ch'ien Lung period of the Ch'ing Dynasty (清朝), the Chan clan lived in Ning Fa District, Ting Chow prefecture in Fukien Province (福建省). One of the branches then moved to Lo Fong, of Po On District* in Kwangtung Province (廣東省). Later Chan Yam Shing (the 13th generation) came to Tsuen Wan (old name Chin Wan meaning shallow bay) with four sons. Guided by his uncle (ancestor of Kwan Mun Hau Village, Tsuen Wan), they took up farming. They worked very hard, put up sea walls, reclaiming much land, and were content. Straw huts were built firstly at Lo Uk Cheung (羅屋丈) (where Block 2 of Tai Wo Hau Estate, Tsuen Wan, is now located) in the 22nd year of Ch'ien Lung, (1757). The elder son, Kin Sheung (堅常) was a herbalist doctor, renowned in fung shui and possessed a wealthy home. The other sons, Ying Sheung (應常), Wai Sheung (維常) and Cheuk Sheung (卓常) were farmers, living moderately.\n\nKin Sheung, after settling down, searched around Tsuen Wan hoping to find a suitable site to establish a village. He found that a piece of land situated on the right side of Ngau Kwu Tun (牛牯墩) (present site of Tsuen Wan Government Secondary Technical School) would be the best, but it belonged to the Sun clan of San Tsuen at that time.† His brothers were told to contact the Sun family, hoping for a possibility to purchase it. One day a member of Sun clan turned up being, at that time, urgently in need of money. He offered to sell the much-desired land but no decision could be made as Kin Sheung was not at home. Mr Sun then said that he would go to Shing Mun to consult with other rich men who were likely purchasers. The brothers debated what should be done but in their elder brother's absence were unable to make any decision. When their elder brother returned home and heard of the Sun Clan's proposal, he was delighted and rushed to Wo Yee Hop (old name Woo Lee Hop meaning Fox's Valley), and the bargain was made.\n\n* Strictly speaking, San On (新安) at that time.\n\n†新村孫旗", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "234\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nhouses were built later at the back when they had more descendants. That is the entire village even to this day.\n\nThere are 42 dwelling houses within the village, divided by 5 lanes and ten gates; measuring 162'-3\" in width and 125'9” in depth. The idea of this layout would seem to have been to protect themselves from pirates, when the whole family stayed inside. The Chi Tong is located in the centre with three roofs and two light wells (#). There is a village school 150 feet from the southern corner for primary education of their children, and a Tin Hau Temple within 500 feet to the northeast for worship.\n\nLand Registration took place in 1906 in Tsuen Wan after the Lease of the New Territories. The village was recorded from Lot No. 1528 to 1559 (Lot No. 1546 excluded) in Demarcation District No. 449 in the Block Crown Lease, totalling 0.43 acre of house land and 0.03 acre of waste land, all belonging to the Chan family. It is a pity that 0.135 acre of house land were sold to outsiders since 1937 otherwise the village would still remain solely in the hands of the descendants of the founder.\n\nChan Kin Sheung, the founder of Sam Tung Uk, was awarded a portrait by Chien Lung of Ch'ing Dynasty, worded \"Heung Yam Tai Bun” (means Honourable Guest in Village Parties). To everyone's sorrow and great loss it disappeared during the Japanese Occupation of Hong Kong.\n\nThere have been very many big changes in the area surround-ing the village since re-development of Tsuen Wan. Fung shui trees at the back were felled, village type houses were built around, roads were constructed in front, multi-storeyed buildings were erected with obstruction of the front view. Ngau Kwu Tun, the small hill by the left, was removed to make way for a school building, and the hill at the back was partly cut off for construction of the Rapid Gravity Filter. Even the grave of the village founder was affected as it was in the same line and over-looking the village. The name in fung shui was called \"Lion over-looking the village platform\" (獅子瑩樓台)\n\nIt is to be hoped that the Walled Village can be retained as a historical relic in Tsuen Wan, even if the whole area is to be re-developed. God has blessed it for over two centuries and it is hoped will continue to do so.\n\nText and visits are organized and prepared by Mak Kai Yim, A. H. Mackreth, Brian Liu and Helga Werle.\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207176, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n241\n\nYuan CKT Cheng Ch'en-to has also analysed the chu-kung-tiao literature of three different dynasties in great detail. Furthermore, Cheng again devoted a special chapter to CKT literature in the second volume of his Chung-kuo su-wen-hsüeh shih (i.e. History of Popular Literature in China), at pp. 63-154. This work was first printed in 1938 in Shanghai, and reprinted in 1953 in Peking. As to Liu Chih-yüan CKT in particular, Cheng Ch'en-to has also edited it into his Shih-chiai wen-ku (Library of Literature of the world) volume II (1935, Shanghai) pp. 483-508.\n\nRegrettably, just as Aoki's article in Japanese and its Chinese translation was omitted from Grump and Dolezelova-Velingerova's bibliography, so Cheng's contributions were also ignored.\n\nSecond, the authors' knowledge of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT is not complete. Whilst the edition of this CKT has been correctly regarded by the authors of this book as “a woodblock print which came from a workshop in the region of P'ing-yang in Shansi province\" (p. 5), such an identification would have been far more authoritative and scholarly if the authors had referred to an article written in Chinese by Chao Wan-li, a specialist on Chinese rare books who has served the National Peking Library since the 1930's. The title here referred to is Ch'ung-kao ti yu-i (On the Sublime Friendship). Its subtitle reads chi su-lien cheng-fu tsang-sung ti Liu Chih-yüan chu-kung-tiao ho liao-tsai tu-shuo (Notes on the various-mode of Liu Chih-yüan and the Illustrations of Strange Tales from a Chinese studio as being donated by the Government of the Republic of Soviet). This article appeared in Wen-wu tsan-kao tzu-liao No. 7 (1958, Peking) pp. 15-16, and p. 22. In it Chao Wan-li has not only firmly stated that the printing of the Liu Chih-yüan CKT was woodblocked around the P'ing-yang region at the Shansi province during the Chin period but also specified that the print of this chu-kung-tiao should be identified as the \"P'ing-shui edition\" since the quality of paper, the format of the block, the style of the carving as well as the forms of the blocked characters of this particular chu-kung-tiao are all in conformity to some other books of the Chin period woodblocked at the P'ing-shui area.\n\n3 The title Liao Tsai here referred to follows that of the annotated edition of a selected English translation made by Herbert A. Giles in 1880 (London, Thos de la rue & Co.), and since reprinted in many editions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207188, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 259, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nBUTLER, Miss B. A...\n\nBUTT, Dr. Nancy\n\nCAMERON, Nigel\n\n+\n\nCAPLAN, Malcolm\n\nPublic Services Commission, Room 573, Central Govt. Offices, H.K.\n\n253\n\nThe Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\n11-D, Venice Court, 41, Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Hongkong & Whampoa Dock Co. Ltd. Kowloon Docks, Hung Hom, Kowloon.\n\nCAREY-HUGHES, Dr. John Room 315, Hongkong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K.\n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES\n\nCERNY, Miss Eva\n\nCHAN, Prof. Cheng-siang\n\n·\n\nCHAN, Sui-Jeung\n\nCHAN, Tom\n\nCHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A.\n\nCHERN, Dr. K. S.\n\nCHEUNG, O.\n\nCHIU, Mrs. Carol C.\n\nCHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong\n\nCHOA, Robert\n\nCOCHRANE, Mrs. Valerie\n\nCOCKELL, Miss June V.\n\nCOLBOURNE, Dr. M. J.\n\nCOMBER, Leon\n\nCONNOLLY, Miss Moira\n\nCOTTON, P. C.\n\nCRABBE, P. I.\n\n+\n\nCRAIG, Dr. Dale A.\n\nCRAMER, B. L.\n\nCREMA, Mario\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Anatomy, University of Hong Kong, Li Shu Fan Building, Sassoon Road, H.K.\n\nGeographical Research Centre, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nEnvironment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\n43, Stubbs Road, Flat B-1, 5th floor, H.K.\n\n12, Douglas Apartments, 22, Old Peak Rd., H.K.\n\nDepartment of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n703, Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nTwin Brook, Flat 11B, 43, Repulse Bay Rd., H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nBanque Nationale de Paris, 2nd floor, Central Building, H.K.\n\n3rd floor, 112, Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\n66, Conduit Road, Flat 6B, H.K.\n\nDept. of Preventive & Social Medicine, University of Hong Kong, Li She Fan Building, Sassoon Road, H.K.\n\nP.O. Box 6086, Kowloon.\n\nQueen Mary Hospital, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nc/o Humphreys Estate & Finance Co., P.O. Box 44, H.K.\n\nProperty Dept., Local Property & Printing Co. Ltd., 34/6 Caxton House, 1 Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nMusic Dept., Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\n18, Fenwick Street, 7th floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Italian Consulate General, Chartered Bank Building, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207192, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 263, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nHOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron Ture von\n+\n9A, Stanley Beach Road, H.K.\n\nHUMPLE, Mr. & Mrs. George D.\n17, Conduit Road, Apt. 2A, H.K.\n\nHUTSON, Peter\n257\n\nHUYSMAN, Mrs, J.\nc/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., P.O. Box 64, H.K.\n\nHUYSMAN, J.\n21, Broadwood Road, H.K.\n\nG\nINGLES, Miss J. M.\nc/o Banque Belge pour l'Etranger S.A., 81, Sai Yeung Choi Street, Mongkok Branch, Kowloon,\n\nJEN, Prof. Yu-Wen\n+\nGovernment House Lodge, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nJIN, Mrs. Jane Dong-Fang\n2, Stafford Road, Kowloon.\n\nJONES, G. W. E.\n3, Yun Ping Road, 4th floor, H.K. Govt. Language School, Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K.\n\nJONES-PARRY, R.\nLongman Group (Far East) Ltd., P.O. Box 223, H.K.\n\nKESWICK, Simon L.\n-\nc/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nKEYES, Michael P.\n·\nc/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nKINGWELL, Mr. & Mrs. A. J..\nFlat C/4, Cavendish Heights, 27, Perkins Road, H.K.\n\nKINOSHITA, James H.\n·\n+\nc/o Palmer & Turner, Room 1906, Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nKINSEY, Miss Margaret J.\nDepartment of Social Work, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nKIRKBRIDE, K. M. G.\n+\nc/o The Building Authority, Murray Building, 8th floor, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nKIRKWOOD, Mrs. Jean K.\nMackenny Court, 1st floor, 65, MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\nKNEEBONE, Mrs. Susan Y.\n50, Leighton Hill Flats, 16, Link Road, H.K.\n\nKNISELY, Mr. & Mrs. Jay G.\n68, Chung Hom Kok Road, Flat A-3, H.K.\n\nKNOWLES, Miss Moira G.\nc/o Public Services Examination Unit, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nKWOK, Robert Chin-kung\n+\nc/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nLACK, Alan J.\n1, Peak Pavilions, 12, Mt. Kellet Road, The Peak, H.K.\n\nLAM, Yung-Fai\n-\nc/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6, Duddell St., H.K.\n\nLAMBE, Miss Margaret\n-\n21F, Felix Villa, 10 Happy View Terrace, Broadwood Road, Happy Valley, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207194, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\n259\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nMacCALLUM, I. - c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Rd., H.K.\n\nMacGREGOR, Keith - 19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K.\n\nMacLEAN, R. - 326-8, Tung Ying Building, 100, Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nMAHLKE, William J. - c/o Estates Office, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nMAO, Dr. Philip W. C., F.R.C.S. - P.O. Box 104, Macau.\n\nMARKEY, John C. - 117, Main Road, Kam Tin, N.T.\n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. - 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K.\n\nMATHIAS, John R. G. - Johnson, Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K.\n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J. - Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nMcELNEY, Brian S. - 1206, Shell House, 24, Queen's Road, C., H.K.\n\nMcGOUGH, James P. - 10, Fort Street, 2nd floor, H.K.\n\nMEGGITT, Mrs. B. - 34, Kennedy Road, Block C, 9th floor, H.K.\n\nMIAO, Miss Irene Hung - c/o Miss G. Ou, P.O. Box 6440, Kowloon.\n\nMILLER, A. C. - 36, New Henry House, 10, Ice House St., H.K.\n\nMORGAN, Mrs. Carole - 3, Macdonnell Road, Flat 602, H.K.\n\nMORROW, Miss Sharon E. - c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Insurance Dept., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nMOSLER, Mrs. M. - c/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nMOYLE, G. C. - Anthropology Section, New Asia College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nMUNN, Mrs. E. - Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nMYERS, John T. - 304, Man Yee Building, H.K.\n\nNEWBIGGING, D. K. - 8, Abermor Court, 15 May Road, H.K.\n\nNG, Peter P. K. - Parker Pen Co. (F.E.) Ltd., Caxton House, 1 Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nNICOL, C. A. A. - Sandy Bay Children's Orthopaedic Hospital, Sandy Bay, H.K.\n\nNISHIMURA, Masato - c/o The British Council, Star House, 3rd floor, Kowloon.\n\nO'BRIEN, Dr. John P. - \n\nO'HARA, Mrs. Margaret - Jardine House, 12th floor, H.K.\n\n...\n\nCameraman Ltd., 22A, Westlands Road, 6th floor, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207205, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 276, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "Plate 10.\n\nBlocks of camphor wood awaiting carving. Those ordered and chosen for a specific job have charms pasted on them to prevent evil spirits from entering them.\n\n*\n\n温府三公子\n\nPlate 11. A block of wood awaiting carving, beside a\n\nhalf-completed image.\n\nPlate 12. Hokkien god carver's ruler.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207245, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "5 films have been shown many times. This time—in June—we had a new film on the boat people of Hong Kong \"Dragons of the Sea\" made with Miss Barbara Ward, an anthropologist and also an old friend of our Society. We were invited together with many of the boat people and others in Hong Kong who had helped make the film a success. In July one of Mr. Brian Brake's films \"Borobadur, Cosmic Mountain” was reshown. Borobadur is one of the world's greatest Buddhist monuments, situated in central Java. Mr. Brake is well-known for his documentary art films. In September another of his films \"Ramayana” a major epic of the Far East was shown. Ramayana has culturally influenced Thailand, Cambodia, Indonesia and other parts of the East and has been represented many times in paintings, sculptures, dances and theatrical performances. In December films on Taiwan were shown in connexion with our excursion to Taiwan over the Christmas holidays led by Miss Werle. The Taiwan visit was a great success I understand (I never seem to be able to go on overseas trips myself owing to family commitments during the holiday seasons). Members visited Hualin, Taipei, the National Palace Museum and the Peking Opera School; various temples; and Tainan where a shadow puppet performance was seen. It was with great reluctance that we had to cancel our proposed visit to Borneo over the Easter holidays, owing to insufficient numbers. We realise, of course, that for many people this is not a “free” time and the possible lack of response was due to this fact.\n\nPUBLICATIONS\n\nSeveral of our talks for 1974 will be published in our coming 1974 journal, which will also include, apart from several original articles, two valuable reprints, one on the Tang Family of Kam Tin by the late Sung Hok-pang, and another on place names of Hong Kong and the New Territories by Mr. K. M. A. Barnett. Most of the items have already been passed to the printer and it is hoped the Journal will be ready for distribution by June this year. Also in press now, are the papers relating to the two symposia we held: Hong Kong, Chinese tradition and the Development of a Town; and The Flora of Hong Kong. Professor Lofts' symposium on the Fauna of Hong Kong is also in preparation.\n\nARTS CENTRE\n\nAs old members will recall, the Society is a constituent member of the Hong Kong Arts Centre. For new members our object is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207246, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "mainly to have more permanent venue for lectures, council meetings and even possibly a library—we are inhibited from expanding our book collection mainly from lack of space. The raised subscription for Society membership to $50 was in response to the cost of our membership of the Centre. So far our membership has already brought tangible benefits in the form of increased publicity and joint presentations and it is expected this trend will continue. The Society has also had a representative (your Treasurer) on the Management Committee and he has been in a position to ensure that the Society's interests are taken into account in all decisions about functions and facilities. There have been several constitutional changes in the Hong Kong Arts Centre, details of which need not be elaborated here: suffice to say that the Hong Kong Arts Centre is now established under an Ordinance with a board of management, and that the Committee structure is now more clearly defined. The Hong Kong Arts Centre is now being built and is expected to be completed by early 1977 depending on the financial situation. Your Society hopes to be in a position to rent a small room in the Centre for members to use and to house our library. We are continuing to keep a watch on developments.\n\nTHE PHOTOGRAPHIC SURVEY\n\nOne of our newest ventures has been the photographic survey of old buildings and scenes representing the traditional cultural life of the Colony. A comprehensive report has been tabled at this meeting. Your Council, particularly your Hon. Secretary, Mr. Ian Diamond who provided the impetus for this project, initiated the survey to provide as coherent a pictorial record as possible of the main visual features of urban and rural Hong Kong. It is hoped it will be of value to research workers. The survey has been undertaken in close cooperation with members of the Photographic section of the South China Athletic Association which has not only given generous financial assistance but supplied many volunteers from among its members to undertake the photographic work involved. I would like to take the opportunity of expressing our thanks to them now. A small exhibition consisting of a selection from among the photographs taken during the year has been prepared for this meeting. We hope you will find it interesting and a worthwhile project for us to engage in.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207247, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "7\n\n# MEMBERSHIP\n\nAs a result of reorganisation in the British Council this year we have made alternative arrangements for much of our clerical work to be done. We are happy to have obtained the services here of Mrs. Rowena Lack, member of the Society, and we are grateful to the British Council for continuing to let us use their premises as a venue for our clerical work. Owing to the changeover, however, membership figures are not easily comparable with those of last year which were up to the actual A.G.M. Here I have them up to December 1974 which in a sense is more logical since our membership year runs by the calendar. So in looking at our present figures of 565 against last March's 610 it would be misleading to see this as a drastic drop. In fact we have had 135 new members up to December. The break-down of the 565 is: 37 overseas life members, 55 local life members—many have converted from ordinary to life membership over the year—46 overseas ordinary members and 427 ordinary local members.\n\n# CHANGES IN THE CONSTITUTION AND THE FUTURE\n\nAll our extra activities have brought, as I said, more work. As you will see from our Hon. Librarian's report which he has tabled tonight, his own time has been very much taken up with the photographic survey which we consider, as things stand at the moment, a priority to the library itself which has no permanent home of its own. Our Hon. Secretary has also been involved with this project and both have spent many week-ends tramping Hong Kong and poring over photographs and arranging the exhibition for you tonight. (We are also grateful to the City Hall Management for lending equipment for this exhibition). All of us find increasingly, too, our own professional commitments increasing in the more complex Hong Kong in which we now live. It was for this reason we requested your permission to expand our Council at an Extraordinary General Meeting on March 3, and we are very pleased to welcome our new members—the two additionally voted and one replacement for Mr. Watt.\n\nIt is hoped that with this expanded Council we will be able to meet all our commitments to provide you with a varied programme this coming year. So far several events have been planned by the past Council for the new period: Dr. Wellington Chan in April—on Chinese Patterns of Merchant Organisation—and a trip to Macau\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207249, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "9\n\n# HON. TREASURER'S REPORT\n\nThe Accounts before you have again been audited by Messrs. Wong Tan & Co. and I am very grateful for this service which they continue to render to the Society.\n\nOne of the chief jobs of a Treasurer of a Society such as this is to ensure that there is enough income coming in to meet the expenditure. For the year under review this target has been achieved: there was a surplus of income over expenditure amounting to $7,640; there was a significant increase in annual membership fees from $10,954 to $14,230, reflecting the larger membership. On the other hand, there was a decline in the sale of publications from $4,126 to $1,400 due to the delays in producing the 1973 journal: I am pleased to report that for this year sales of journals to-date are already $2,500. Bank interest received is considerably up, due to the higher rates of interest prevailing in 1974.\n\nOn the expenditure side you will notice that the total expenditure for this year is about the same as last year (i.e. $30,581 as opposed to $30,485). However, this is predominantly due to the fact that in the year 1974 the Society did not incur any extraordinary expenditure as in the previous year when the Society paid its entrance fee to the Hong Kong Arts Centre. This was substituted by higher expenditure on journals and sundries: the latter is due to increased stationery prices, advertising and the fact that more activities has generated more such expenditure.\n\nAnother chief job of the Treasurer is to preserve the assets of the Society. Like all those who have had to make investment decisions over this last year this has been full of hazards: so it may be interesting for you to notice what has happened where virtually no change took place as in this, although this was not due to lack of attention. I should, perhaps point out the market value of the investments of the Society are now at today's date at approximately the same value as cost. Also although the market value at 31st December, 1974 shows a depreciation on cost of approximately $18,246, this should be looked at in the light of the surplus on the realization of investments of $38,763 in the previous year. There is at the moment a reasonable diversification between bank balances and quoted investments, and this will continue to be reviewed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207253, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "# THE LIBRARY OF THE HONG KONG BRANCH\n\n# ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\n# REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1974 - 1975\n\nBecause of preoccupation with the photographic survey, the undersigned has been able to devote much less time to the Library during the past year. One consequence is that no books received have yet been catalogued, and the statistics given below are not complete. Although there have been no purchases of books, a number of volumes have been received as gifts, including three from Professor N. E. Fehl (two written by and one edited by him-self), and two of his own publications from Mr. L. G. Gomes, Macao. Others have come through the Hon. Editor, having been sent for review in the Journal.\n\nA first supplement to the Catalogue of the Library, covering 42 publications in western languages and 20 in Chinese added in 1972-73, was issued to members in 1974. Use of the Library remains at a low level, and the lack of cataloguing since the issue of the supplement is unlikely to have resulted in much hardship. This situation will probably continue until the Branch has more suitable accommodation for its Library, which for several years has been divided between the British Council and the University of Hong Kong.\n\nThree new exchanges with our Journal have been arranged during the year, as follows:\n\nHong Kong Natural History Society, which will send us their Memoirs (all available issues have been received) in return for selected reprints from the Journal;\n\nInstitute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica, Taipei, which will send their Bulletin and those of their Monographs which are in English; and\n\nChinese University of Hong Kong, which will send the Journal of their Institute of Chinese Studies.\n\nSeventeen volumes of periodicals, mostly received as exchanges, were bound during the year.\n\nH. A. Rydings,\n\nHon. Librarian.\n\n15th March, 1975.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207258, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "18\n\nJOHN T. MYERS\n\nEspecially in Fukien, Taiwan, and the eastern extremity of Kwang-tung Province one finds an apparently long-standing tradition of Chinese spirit-mediumship. Among the Western language accounts of that phenomenon the most notable are Doolittle's2 description of its practice in Fukien Province during the waning years of the Ch'ing Dynasty; Elliott's3 discussion of such cults among the Chinese of Singapore; and recent monographs by Jordan and Ahern on mediums in rural sectors of contemporary Taiwan.\n\nWith the exception of an article by Potter on female mediums in a New Territories village, there is an absence of detailed systematic study of spirit-mediumship in the Hong Kong region; and, for that matter, in Kwangtung Province. The dearth of scholarly literature is complemented by an apparent lack of familiarity with mediumship among Hong Kong's Cantonese residents.\" In those few instances when one encounters a knowledgeable informant his knowledge is usually limited to the type of female mediums discussed by Potter. The female medium known in Cantonese as a man sing poHis ordinarily a middle-aged or elderly woman who at the request of clients will contact spirits of the deceased. The man sing po in the urban area invariably act on an individualistic basis and conduct seances in their own homes rather than at temples. This type of medium is seldom, if ever, the central focus of an organized cult.\n\nThe man sing po, however, is not the only type of medium operating in contemporary Hong Kong. A reasonably careful search of resettlement estates and other urban residential complexes having a significant Chiu-Chow, Hokkien, or Hoi-Luk-Fung9 population will reveal the existence of not a few temples which serve as the operational base for another type of medium, the kei tung *E*\n\nUnlike the man sing po the kei tung whom we have encountered in Hong Kong are males who do not hold commerce with the spirits of deceased mortals. Instead, the kei tung claims a special relationship with one or more traditional deities who on occasion utilize his bodily faculties to communicate with mortals. The urban kei tung is also more apt to limit his possession ceremonies to the \n\n*\n\nDespite the reference to non-Cantonese speech groups, romanization follows R. T. Cowles' Pocket Dictionary of Cantonese, 2nd edition, Hong Kong, 1949, this being the common tongue of Hong Kong. Arthur Wolf touches on the difficulties of transcription for Hokkien in the preface to his edited collection Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford 1974).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207264, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "24\n\nJOHN T. MYERS\n\nincantation around the cauldron. On they go for hours in darkness. The voices at times grow louder and the drum beat more vigorous. All at once the medium who has begun to sway his body from side to side as if to invite supernatural influences begins to be violently affected. He dances and leaps in the air, the beat of the drum becomes more rapid, and the voices of the men louder and shriller. The wildest confusion reigns. It seems as though some horrid scene from the infernal regions were being enacted on earth and the devils had been let loose for a time to carry on their orgies among men.\"14\n\nWe have quoted at length the 19th century description because it is our opinion even the most zealously anti-pagan observer may have a difficult time identifying it as essentially the same type of ritual enacted each evening at Tai Wong Ye Temple. Scheduled at 10 p.m. for the convenience of a working class population the ceremony incorporates little of the din and frenzy which characterized its Amoy counterpart.\n\nOn almost any given evening shortly before 10 o'clock petitioners begin arriving at the temple. The number commonly varies from 10 to 15, with a distinct majority being middle-aged and elderly women. After burning joss sticks and offering prayers to the deity, petitioners at the direction of various tan sang who tend the altar, inscribe their name, birthday, and the names of other family members on a red sheet of paper. This accomplished they gather around a red table in the middle of the shrine chamber. The atmosphere is casual as greetings and gossip are exchanged between them. On the red table is a can of red paint, a slender paint brush, a rubber stamp, a stack of yellow paper slips, a rather large compartmentalized box with various types of herbs, and a basin of foo shui or \"sacred water\" #k. Near the table is a red, throne-shaped chair.\n\nAt approximately 10 p.m. the medium enters the temple. After greeting those present he approaches the table and takes a sip of the sacred water. Continuing to stand before the table, he begins to move his head from side to side. He then starts pounding the table with his fists while emitting loud guttural grunts. After a few moments he adopts a stylized posture signifying to all present the identity of the possessing deity. The tan sang provide him with the throne-like chair and he sits to hear the petitions of worshippers. The possession is usually effected within two minutes of his sipping the sacred water.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207269, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA\n\n29\n\nsponsored Western-modelled chambers of commerce (shang-wu hui), merchant leaders accepted them readily, and by 1911 established some eight hundred major and minor chambers throughout China. Clearly a number of changes had taken place to span the chasm which once divided the traditional guilds from the quite modern chambers.\n\nBroadly speaking, three types of guilds existed in traditional China: those organised by craft, by common geographical origin and by trade. I shall here deal in detail with the last two, since the first, such as the carpenters' guilds, was not affected by the kinds of institutional changes which we shall discuss. Indeed, since the chambers of commerce did not take them in, the craft guilds were left relatively unchanged until the 1920's. In earlier times, however, the craft and the trade guilds were similar in many ways. Both began during the Sui Dynasty (A.D. 581-618), and they had comparable rules and rituals. The lack of substantial change in the craft guilds during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries is a reflection of the similar lack of change in status and function of the Chinese artisan.\n\nLandsmannschaften (Hui-kuan)\n\nThe second type—commercial associations based on common geographical origin—had a more recent origin than either craft or trade guilds. To trace their beginnings, we must go back to the early part of the fifteenth century when similar associations were formed by officials in Peking in order to cater to the needs of travelling gentry, official members and scholars who had gone there from their home area on official business or for taking state examinations. Known in Chinese as hui-kuan or \"provincial clubs,\" they resembled the Landsmannschaften of medieval Europe. As they proved their usefulness, they spread to provincial capitals and other major cities. Gradually, merchant sojourners in these cities were accepted as associate members.\n\nIn Peking, the original Landsmannschaften remained strictly official and gentry dominated. Although contributions were accepted from merchants, the latter shared little of the benefits as late as the 1800's. For example, the big tea merchant members of the Hsi-hsien Landsmannschaft in Peking made regular and sizeable contributions toward its upkeep from at least 1741 when the Landsmann", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207273, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "MERCHANT ORGANISATIONS IN IMPERIAL CHINA\n\n33\n\nbuffeted the Chinese state, the need for social services grew rapidly. In the urban areas, merchants organised themselves in new groups with the specific purpose of offering relief and good works. The new organisation was known as a shan-tang charitable hall or hospital. These charitable halls became popular first in the area around Shanghai, where a large number of them were founded during the 1850's and 1860's. From about 1870, they were imitated in Canton and Hong Kong.\n\nAccording to the nineteenth century scholar-official, Feng Kuei-fen, the concept of charitable halls as permanent establishments of private social welfare dated back to the Shang and Chou dynasties.13 Until the mid-nineteenth century, only Shanghai had a few in existence. One traced its origin to 1374 while another, a centre catering to orphaned children, dated back to 1710.14 In Canton there was no charitable hall until 1870, when the Ai-yü shan-t'ang was established by a group of merchants. Its prospectus specifically stated that it was modelled after P'u-yü of Shanghai.15 At about the same time, merchants in Hong Kong, with the local government support, initiated a hospital, the Tung Wah Hospital, to offer Chinese style medical treatment to the poor. Its services were later expanded into famine relief and it became the major centre receiving contributions from overseas Chinese.\n\nBy 1900, eight more charitable halls were built in Canton to form the \"Nine Great Charitable Halls\" of Canton (Chiu-ta shan-t'ang).16 In Hong Kong, one other major merchant charitable hall was opened in 1882. This was called the Po Leung Kuk (Pao-liang chu) or the \"Society for the Protection of Women and Girls.\"18 Other communities followed the pattern. The format of the two Hong Kong organisations was particularly favoured by the overseas Chinese who retained or changed slightly the names Tung Wah Hospital and Po Leung Kuk throughout Southeast Asia.20\n\nMerchants as Community Leaders\n\nThe rise of charitable halls in urban settings meant that merchants had assumed a leadership role which in other times had been held only by the scholar-gentry members. Down to 1949, the latter maintained their commanding position in the villages and small towns. But in the large commercial centres like Canton and Soochow, even though there were no lack of upper gentry members, the merchants took over the lead in providing social services. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207283, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CHINA'S ECONOMIC PLANNING AND CHANGING GEOGRAPHY\n\nCHIAO-MIN HSIEH*\n\nIn the past, every place in the world changed except China. But today there is nothing in China that does not change. In no other country has the past had so much effect on the country as in China, and now no other country has a regime so determined to obliterate that past. The most conservative nation in history has become the most radical one.\n\nDuring its 25 years' rule, the present regime has tried to change the agrarian society of China into an industrialized country and has exercised detailed economic planning. However, two major problems have to be solved before any economic planning can be put into practice. One is the water problem and the other is the problem of transportation. Both problems are closely related to China's geography.\n\nThe Water problem—For centuries, the Chinese have been busy in managing their rivers and have used all kinds of water control methods, including irrigation, drainage, diking, reclamation, and terracing. At the source of a river, the land is so arid that people need more water and irrigation is important. In the middle of its course, people must try to prevent flooding, so diking becomes their main job. In the lower part of the river, the principal task is to drain off the water. No other river in China has had more serious flood problem than the Yellow River.\n\nThe Yellow River is \"China's sorrow\". During the past 3000 years, dikes broke 1,500 times and the river course shifted 26 times. Both natural conditions and human failures were responsible. Among the natural factors were (1) lack of a straight course, (2) abrupt change of gradient where the river enters the North China plain, (3) loose texture of the loess and (4) concentration of rainfall\n\n* Dr. Chiao-min Hsieh is professor in the Department of Geography at the University of Pittsburgh. This year he is in receipt of the Senior Fellowship of the National Endowment for the Humanities in the United States, and is serving as Visiting Professor in the Department of Geography & Geology at the University of Hong Kong, 1974-75.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "44\n\nCHIAO-MIN HSIEH\n\nin only two months. Human factors were (1) failure to provide vegetation cover, and (2) inadequate building of levees or dikes. Successive Chinese governments of different dynasties have considered plans for controlling the river but the only technique used was the building of dikes. There are about 1,200 miles of dikes.\n\nNow with the slogan of \"Turning China's sorrow into China's joy\", the communist regime, using modern techniques for building dams, has set up a comprehensive plan. The plan calls for the building of 46 dams. These dams have the multiple functions of flood prevention, irrigation, power generation, and navigation. During the first phase of the plan, two huge dams will be built; one in Sanmen gorge and the other in Linkia gorge. The Sanmen Gorge is 297 feet high and has a total electricity of 1,100,000 kilowatts—less than the Knibyshev or the Valgagrad power stations in the Soviet, or the Grand Conlee or the Boulder dam in the U.S.A., but more than Beauharmois station in Canada or the Bhakra in India. While the \"staircase\" plan is being carried out, it will be necessary at the same time to undertake extensive water and soil conservation in loess region, especially for the Sammen Gorge scheme. If soil erosion is not checked, the reservoir will be filled with silt in about 25 years and the whole effect of the dam will be lost. The intention is to make the water conservation and soil conservation work so effective that the reservoir will be good for 70 to 100 years.\n\nThe second water control project is the diversion of water from the Yangtze to the Yellow River, which was included in the second Five-year plan, from 1958 to 1962.\n\nThe water problem in China is due not to the total amount of water available, but to the lack of balance in the supply. This lack of balance is of two kinds. One is the uneven seasonal distribution of rainfall. For example, in northern China the rainfall is concentrated in July, August, and September. Hence in Spring droughts occur, and in Autumn floods. The solution to this kind of problem is to build reservoirs. The other problem is the lack of balance in water supply between regions. For example, the northwestern part of China includes 51 percent of the cultivated land of the country, but accounts for only 7 per cent of the surface flow; whereas south-eastern China includes only 33 per cent of the cultivated land, but accounts for 76 per cent of the surface flow. In order to balance the water supply between the northwest and southeast part of China,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "INCIDENT: H.K. MERCHANTS & B.E.I. CO.\n\n53\n\nIn all my intercourse with the Chinese I had observed that, however much they were inclined to oppress, a steady and temperate resistance had never failed to succeed in obtaining redress.\n\nIn Canton strangers are strictly prohibited from entering the city, being only permitted to live in the suburbs; I had, however, frequently observed in my walks, that the guards at the gates were very remiss in their duty, and that in the morning, during the time of breakfast, there was seldom more than one man there. I also knew that the streets in the city, like those in the suburbs, were so narrow that not more than three persons could walk abreast; and I had learned from the Chinese that the Viceroy's palace was about a mile from the great gate, but whether in a direct line or diverging I did not know.\n\nOn leaving Mr. Brown I sent orders to the commanders of the fleet to meet me at eight o'clock next morning, at the Company's factory, with all their officers who were in Canton; and I directed that they should be in full uniform, but without sidearms.\n\nAt the time appointed we assembled,—sixteen commanders and their officers, making in all about sixty persons. I informed them that I had received orders from the chief supercargo to proceed to the great gate of the city to present a petition for the sailing of the fleet, that Captain Craig, Mr. Perry, and myself would lead the van, and that the rest of the body should follow, in files of three abreast, keeping close order.\n\nAbout eight o'clock in the morning there are few Chinese in the streets, we therefore had no difficulty in proceeding to the great gate, and, as I expected, found the guard (one soldier excepted) in the guard house at breakfast. The soldier, on my passing, attempted to stop me, but, on my giving him a push forward, he ran on before me; our party then immediately got through the gate and beyond the guard house before the guard could get out to stop us, in consequence of the narrowness of the street, our files of three filling it completely, they could not pass us, their efforts to do so only pushing us on faster. On, therefore, we went—no one before us attempting to impede our progress.\n\nIn a short time I discovered the soldier who was at the gate, a little way in advance, watching our proceedings; it then occurred to me that, as he could not pass us to return to the guard, he would go on to the Hoppo's palace to give information there of our entry", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207296, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "56\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nhowever, and held another consultation with the Hong merchants, who again informed me that I could not possibly see the Viceroy, and that I must entrust the petition to their care.\n\nOn this I thought it right to consult with Mr. Perry, Captain Craig, and some other senior commanders, whether they advised my yielding the point and giving up the petition. I however gave it as my own decided opinion that we should still persevere in demanding an audience, and in this I was supported by all but Mr. Perry, who thought we ought not to persist any longer. I however determined to resist, and informed the Hong merchants that nothing but force should compel us to leave the palace without an interview.\n\nI was the more inclined to persevere, from one of the junior merchants having whispered in my ear not to give up my point, and that he, and several other of the Hong, did not approve of what the seniors had been doing.\n\nAfter a long pause, Mowqua said to me, if I was resolved to see the Hoppo I must send away all the commanders and officers except one, and that he and I should then be admitted into the palace. To this I instantly agreed, and it was settled that Mr. Perry, the supercargo, should be the person to remain with me, and that Captain Craig and the rest of the party should retire out of the city, which they accordingly did.\n\nMr. Perry and myself were now left in the court of the Hoppo's palace, surrounded by a great number of Mandarins, Hong merchants, and soldiers; the Mandarin who took the lead then showed us into a large and splendid hall in the palace, where we were accompanied by the Hong merchants, who appeared extremely disconcerted at our success. It was now near twelve o'clock, and from that time until four every effort by promises, persuasion, and threats, was made use of by the Hong to prevail on me to give up the desire of seeing the Hoppo, but without effect; I was perfectly decided and firm, although frequently and most anxiously urged by Mr. Perry to yield the point.\n\nFinding that I was not to be moved, Mowqua at last told me I should soon see the Viceroy,—\"And now, Mister Commodore, when great man come, you must knocky head.\"—\"What is knocky head, Mowqua?” said I.—\"You must down on knees, and putty head on ground\", was the reply.—\"That's not my country fashion, Mowqua—I don't do so to my King, therefore will not do so to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "74\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nback of the stage (military and civil hats should be separated, so that those who wear them will not fight with each other!). The costumes are all taken to the left back corner and the other trunks which contain the dressing-tables of the lead-actors (one character of their name is painted on the trunk) are placed wherever space is left. There is one old man in charge to look after the patron-deity of the troupe. He will place the shrine in the middle of the back-stage against the back-wall. The rolled up carpet is taken to the stage.\n\nAll this preparatory work is done in complete silence, everyone is afraid lest their name should be uttered before the ceremonial (P'o-t'ai k'ai-lo “breaking of the stage and opening the gongs\") otherwise they would be unlucky. If one would name an actor, evil spirits not yet cleared from the stage would get hold of him, and during the performance this actor would slip or forget his text, or he would be unable to sing in tune or otherwise damage the success of the presentation.\n\nIn the right back corner of the backstage a space is subdivided for a latrine which is not to be used before the p'o-t'ai ceremony. No outsider is allowed on stage and backstage before the ceremony as they have no knowledge of the strict rules that govern the preparations for a performance. In the afternoon between 3 and 6 o'clock everything is ready for the p'o-t'ai ceremony. All the actors of the troupe are assembled, and all the percussionists sit at their drums and gongs on the left side of the stage.\n\nTwo actors of the troupe who are especially trained for this ceremony go out on the stage and stick a coloured strip of paper-money to the four corners of the stage. Then one of them seizes an enormous trident-fork and the other a live cock, which has been especially chosen for its high comb. The one who holds the cock then bites into the cock's comb until it bleeds. He rushes to the four corners of the stage and, holding the cock's head in one hand, he smears blood on the paper-money he stuck there before. And then they both run madly from the left stage entrance to the front of the stage, from there out through the right exit of the stage, rushing through the backstage to the left entrance of the stage. They then cross the stage to the right side where the string and wind instruments of the orchestra are positioned and then back to the left side, where throughout this ceremony all available percussions are beaten in a frantic rhythm. During this mad rush blood", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207315, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES ON CHIUCHOW OPERA\n\n75\n\nfrom the cock's comb is sprinkled over stage, backstage and musical instruments. These two actors are in military costume and sometimes have painted faces. One is fiercely brandishing his trident against the invisible evil spirits. They are followed by another person holding a red bucket, who throws handfuls of rice mixed with salt and black beans in all the directions in which the cock's blood is dripped.\n\nAfter they visit the percussions they go to the front of the stage, where in the middle a staircase leads down to the auditorium. There they bow three times to the deity sitting in the temple facing the stage. This is the end of the ceremony (see drawing on p. 73).\n\nWhile the 'p'o-t'ai' ceremony is in progress the old man in charge of the patron-deity shrine directs the actors to light joss-sticks and bow and kotow in front of the shrine.\n\nThe cock used in the p'o-t'ai ceremony is either set free or bought at a high price by those who raise chickens, as such a cock guarantees success.\n\nBefore the ceremony starts a warning is given that children should leave the area and avoid seeing the ceremony, as they may be frightened or even terrified. They may be shocked for life or instantly drop dead.\n\nAfter the performance there is also a short ceremony performed by two actors who portray the young man's and young girl's role. There is no music at all, they walk very fast over the stage and utter a text the words of which are known only to the initiated and are taboo to the rest of the actors. The same is true for the words uttered at the p'o-t'ai ceremony.\n\nThis troupe does not eat beef, and should its actors eat beef on a day on which they perform, they may suddenly feel very ill on stage. If this is the case they drink a bowl of water mixed with black vinegar, which will make them vomit the beef. They then bow before the shrine backstage, ask forgiveness for their mistake and promise never to do it again. Whereupon they feel better and can go on performing. The troupe's cook never serves beef, only fish and pork, salted vegetables, peanuts and rice-gruel, typical of the Chiuchow cuisine.\n\nMost Chiuchow opera troupes venerate Tien Yüan Shuai Bi General T'ien, but although the Sang Ngai opera troupe's shrine,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n89\n\nexplore the lives led by members of the European working class and to develop some ideas about the nature of social stratification among Europeans and Chinese in nineteenth century Hong Kong.\n\nThe documentation on working class Europeans in Hong Kong is not extensive. They were often barely literate. Even if they wrote well, they were not inclined to record on paper their thoughts and experiences for posterity. If they wrote letters home, such correspondence was not usually preserved (there are some exceptions) for future generations. It is extremely difficult, therefore, to obtain a clear picture of their social perceptions, of what they felt about Hong Kong. Most accounts of this class must come, inevitably, from middle-class Taipans, colonial civil servants, travellers, journalists, writers of one type or another, many of whom were class-ridden and decidedly unsympathetic to the European hoi polloi of the China coast.\n\nA great deal of information is to be found, of course, in the English language newspapers printed in Hong Kong; but much of it deals solely with court cases, providing only indirect clues to the problems facing working class Europeans and to the social attitudes of their superiors. We do not have much material on their social and private lives for they were not clubmen or members of prestigious associations. Consequently, their everyday activities are not recorded normally in the social columns of local newspapers. Only intermittently, when they acquired local notoriety for delinquent or deviant behaviour, were their lives memorialised in the annals of the press.\n\nScarcity of primary source material and lack of documentation should not stultify all efforts to write about the European working class in Hong Kong, for questions raised by its existence are important sociologically and some attempt must be made to answer them. For example, members of the European uniformed supervisory staff—those whom Cantonese call pong-paân (help-manage)* - had frequent face-to-face contacts with ordinary Chinese and often lived cheek by jowl with them in Chinese residential areas; this fact would suggest that Chinese stereotypes of the European may have derived from, or been heavily influenced by, such contacts. Such a question directs the sociologist to a further problem,\n\n* For this term, and for the maai-paån or managers see Marjorie Topley's definition at p. 105 below.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "96\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nand China Gas Company, the Hong Kong Electric Company, the Hong Kong Distillery Company, all needed skilled European labour.\n\nThe Hong Kong and Whampoa Dock Company employed European foremen, clerks, book-keepers, shipwrights, engineers, boiler-makers, storekeepers, and superintendents. 'Where the eastern seas', J.S. Thomson enthuses, 'bubble up hot to the flame of an equatorial sun, Chinese workmen, with Scotch overseers, turn out six thousand ton steel ships and do battleship repairing worthy of Woolwich or Devonport.' The skilled British mechanic experienced a degree of upward social mobility in Hong Kong: the skilled worker became an overseer, with all the compensations of improved status and salary.\n\n13\n\nApart from any non-qualified engineers, mechanics and artisans, there were a number of Europeans employed in other low status occupations. We should mention lighthouse keepers, employed by the Harbour Master's Department (later Marine Department), tide-waiters in the Chinese Maritime Customs, whose duty it was to board ships and junks at the various treaty ports, some of whom were domiciled in Hong Kong. They were, like the skippers and engineers of the vessels owned by the Hong Kong, Canton, and Macau Steamboat Company, mostly retired A.B.s from the Royal Navy and non-commissioned officers who had served their time. Lastly, there was a sprinkling of European tailors, hairdressers, milliners, confectioners, bakers, booksellers, printers, photographers, owners of sporting-goods shops, livery stable keepers, and gunsmiths. Most bars and tap-rooms employed Europeans as managers and barmen, though many were not of British nationality. As Macmillan concludes:\n\nThe bulk of the foreign population is employed in commerce, but the police, revenue, and sanitary staffs, schools, public works, docks, etc., give employment to a large number of overseers and supervisors, mostly engaged direct from home or from military and naval men whose service with the garrison is completed.1 Macmillan, however, forgot to mention the important beachcomber element in the overseer force.\n\n14\n\nEuropean outcastes were mainly prostitutes, nearly all of whom were of working class origin. Many of these women were professionals from the red light districts of San Francisco, Honolulu, Sydney, and Melbourne, who, for one reason or another (usually", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207339, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n99\n\nadjacent to the European business centre, the so-called Central District (Chung Wan), or, eastwards along Queen's Road, in the district of Wan Chai.\" Once Kowloon was acquired, pong-paân were attracted to this new area of settlement because of low rents and the propinquity of the docks, wharves and godowns soon established there, which in time gave employment to numerous European overseers. At the end of the century, Kowloon had become the principal habitat of lower class Europeans. There were terraces of houses occupied solely by them. A witness wrote:\n\nThese are generally employees in the dockyards, or clerks, or the families of engineers and mates of the small steamers that have their headquarters in Hong Kong... Hong Kong looks down on Kowloon with all the well-bred contempt of Belgravia for Brixton. And even in the despised suburb on the mainland these social differences are not wanting. The wives of the superior dock employees are the leaders of Kowloon society; and the better half of a ship captain or marine engineer is only admitted on sufferance to their exclusive circle.18\n\nBut the part of Victoria most frequented, especially at night, by the European lower orders—soldiers, sailors, merchant seamen, beach-combers and others—was Tai Ping Shan, a densely populated Chinese residential area west of the Central District. In 1875 a visitor to Hong Kong wrote:\n\nPassing westward along Queen's Road, we come upon a quarter of the town much frequented by seamen of all nations. Here spirits are sold in nearly every second shop, and bands of common sailors may be seen spending their time and money on questionable drink in more questionable company, roaring out some rough sea-song in drunken chorus, or dancing to the time of a drum and flute, accordion or cornopean. The piles of Chinese houses which rise above this locality embrace Tai-Ping-Shan, or the hill of great peace. The name is a fine one, but a fine name will not hide the sins of the place. Tai-Ping-Shan is inhabited, for the most part, by Chinamen; but men are found there belonging to all the nations of the East. As for women, these are principally Chinese; they are numerous enough, but of the lowest type. There are strange hotels in this quarter,\n\n* There are a number of 19th century street maps available for early Hong Kong, held in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207342, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "102\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nRow in Tai Ping Shan was then known as 'Samshu Corner' because many Europeans resorted to it for cheap topping. The commissioners ascertained that much drinking went on in barracks, troops sending Chinese 'boys' out to buy bottles of samshu or whisky for them. Drunkenness was a direct consequence of boredom and idleness.\n\nThe problem of venereal disease was related to that of drinking, for bars and brothels clustered together. From 1867 to 1887, the Contagious Diseases Ordinance, patterned on the English act of 1866, was in force in the colony to protect the health of British servicemen. Briefly, the 1867 ordinance made all prostitutes working in licensed brothels for Europeans only (Chinese brothels for Chinese only were exempted) subject to compulsory medical inspection at the Lock Hospital. European prostitutes, on the other hand, could undergo examination at home. It was claimed that the repeal of the Hong Kong ordinance in 1889, following the repeal of the English act in 1886, led to an upsurge in the rates for venereal disease. In 1895, admissions into hospital for venereal infection in the home army were 173.8 per 1,000; in India, 522.3; in Hong Kong, about the same figure.\n\nIt follows, then, that the chance of a male member of the European lower orders becoming infected with venereal disease was always high during the period under review here, 1842-1900. The police, for example, were so prone to catching this social disease, almost an occupational disease for them, that at one time they were also subject to compulsory medical inspection. The practice was stopped in 1873, but before that date, there was a monthly examination of all foreign members of the force.\n\nMiddle-class Europeans did not escape entirely from all these afflictions from alcoholism, syphilis, boredom, and loneliness. Both classes Taipans and pong-paan — also fell victim at times to a variety of diseases, such as malaria, typhus, cholera, and bubonic plague, as the Colonial Cemetery at Happy Valley amply testifies. But the well-to-do could at least escape to the Peak from Hong Kong's enervating summer, or recuperate in cooler latitudes, in Japan or northern China; and since many of the prosperous were respectably married and lived a normal family life, cosseted by a houseful of servants, they were protected to some degree by domestic circumstances from the temptations that soldiers, sailors, seamen, and their kind, had to face day and night in the city.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207395, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n155\n\nin my mind that the Colony could not hold out long against an attack. After France fell in June 1940 the outlook darkened further.\n\nAt this time I was a major of 22 years service but I held a lowly position in the Army List for my Corps, being near the bottom of a block of officers who had been commissioned during the First World War. I had prepared for a career in Surgery and I also had experience of administration. In theatres where the army was expanding, promotion for officers in my position was nearly certain but in Hong Kong there was no such possibility. For a time I hoped I might be posted elsewhere, and while I never thought it possible that I might get home the Middle East seemed just a possibility. The likeliest destination for me if I moved at all seemed to be Singapore where my friends told me of the huge increase of strength in the army there. I was never moved.\n\nI had no part in preparing the army's plans for increased hospital accommodation in Hong Kong in war. Some of the buildings it was sought to use were occupied by religious orders, some of which were Italian and I understood that Colonel John Simson, the Assistant Director of Medical Services, China Command found difficulty inspecting these and met a blank refusal to a request that we might be allowed to make a preliminary accumulation of medical stores in some of these buildings. The Hong Kong Government was, I believe, unwilling on grounds of policy to overrule the objections. The Indian Army Hospital which was in Kowloon and which accommodated some British patients as well, was on the outbreak of hostilities to close, cross the harbour and reopen on the Island of Hong Kong in the Chinese Hospital, Tung Wah East. With the frontier so close to the harbour this would obviously be a difficult operation and I was sorry for the A.D.M.S. who had to plan under these conditions.\n\nI have been able to obtain through the courtesy of Colonel R. H. Freeman and Brigadier John Lapper, a postwar aerial photograph of the Military Hospital buildings in Bowen Road, which I reproduce here (plate 17). The photograph shows that new buildings have been added since the war and does not show the hospital reservoir. The hospital was built in two wings each containing a ground floor and two storeys, and these wings were connected by a central block which held the administrative offices. To the north there was a magnificent view over the harbour to the mountains of the New Territories while in the rear of the building the ground rose", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207396, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "156\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nsteeply to one of the passes, Magazine Gap, through which roads passed from one side of the Island to the other. The hospital had wide shady verandahs but no lifts, and all windows had heavy wooden shutters for use during typhoons. A reservoir for fire fighting purposes had been constructed a little above hospital level and was fed by hill streams. Above that again was the Nursing Sisters Mess. About the same level as the hospital were quarters for warrant officers and a barrack block for male staff, a NAAFI block for recreation and a tennis court together with some lesser outbuildings. Below the hospital was the Sergeants Mess and a residential block for married staff, \"H\" block. There was only one approach road winding up to the hospital, Borrett Road, but there was a subsidiary road, Bowen Road, running along a contour line but not strong enough to take heavy traffic. The hospital was one of the landmarks of the Hong Kong scene when viewed from the mainland. Below the hospital the ground fell steeply to the main road linking the city of Victoria and the Island to the east, and to the Naval Command Headquarters in H.M.S. Tamar, the Naval Dockyard and the headquarters of China Command. The hospital was therefore close to legitimate enemy targets and any margin for error in artillery fire and aerial bombing was reduced still further by the precipitous slope on which it stood.\n\nThe hospital however had nowhere else to go, and Colonel Shackleton the commanding officer used his considerable ingenuity to have two operating theatres with their necessary adjuncts and X-Ray rooms constructed in the basement of the administration block. Engines for generating electricity, one capable of supplying the theatres and X-ray room, the other able to serve part of the hospital as well were installed and were of great value during hostilities and during the long period of captivity. When the hospital was severely damaged and the kitchen totally destroyed very early on by aerial bombs and shell fire, Shackleton speedily got an emergency kitchen operating in the sergeants mess and set up a protective wall of concrete blocks, known to us from a much publicised local court case as \"Mimi Lau's”, on the harbour side of the ground floor wards. Shackleton was a forceful character, apparently not aware of fear, who was ready to cut through any red tape which obstructed his aims. He liked his own way and was not an easy man to have under command, but to those relying upon his administration in war he always provided what was needed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207407, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n167\n\nwall would have been breached and a huge volume of water would have swept down hill. The theatres and X-ray department would have been flooded and put out of action as would have been the emergency kitchen in the sergeants' mess, while the approach roads to the hospital would have been further damaged. Fortunately the shell did not explode and after hostilities our sappers successfully removed it to a place where it could do less harm if it exploded. Even so a crack leak was caused in the reservoir wall which caused us much trouble subsequently.\n\nThere was a surprising laxity about the early Japanese arrangements for guarding the hospital, contrasting with their later stringency. I remember climbing to Magazine Gap for exercise and curiosity's sake with a companion after the surrender and then following the road to the Peak for a considerable distance. A few Japanese patrols and sentries did not try to check us provided they were saluted as befitted the representatives of the Imperial Army. Soon however the hospital was wired in, the barrier at first allowing us access to the Barrack and N.A.A.F.I. Blocks as well as to the tennis court, the minor buildings and the ground round the reservoir. The guard post was in Bowen Road immediately below the hospital while the guard barracks were in our former married quarters in \"H\" Block. The Japanese administrators of the hospital lived in the former sisters' mess. The area allowed to us was therefore generous at the beginning, but was drastically reduced later on. Movement outside the wire was prohibited except when on working parties under guard.\n\nThe A.D.M.S., Colonel John Simson, had joined us in the hospital after surrender. He was a short, powerfully built man who had played rugby football for Scotland and had spent a number of years in the Sudan where he was a noted big game shot. In the hospital we were ordered to salute all Japanese officers, N.C.O.'s and sentries. John Simson's salute was a joy to see; with his cap on the back of his head and tilted to one side he would bring a forefinger up to eye level in much the same manner as a countryman at home might have acknowledged the local squire days gone by, except that the gesture was full of what used to be called dumb insolence in our army. The only way in which the salutation could have been more expressive would have been for him to have applied his thumb to his nose at the same time. While in Bowen Road he helped in a number of communal enterprises but sought no part in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207415, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n175\n\nat the corners of the mouth and scrotal oedema. During August 1942 only 17 cases of deficiency diseases were admitted as such, but the same signs were common among the dysentery and diphtheria admissions. We began an investigation into all the various manifestations and intensive treatment was started. These patients with deficiency diseases were to form a nearly immovable block in our patient population for a long time because improvement came about extremely slowly. An outstanding symptom was burning pain in the feet which sometimes required morphine for its relief. Many sought to ease the pain by plunging their feet into cold water and one patient had to be confined in a place where water was not available in order to avoid maceration of the skin. Some who had had deficiency diseases improved enough to return to P.O.W. camps. Others remained in hospital up to our release in 1945. These last had balancing problems, numbness of limbs and visual defects.\n\nThe hospital had admitted 1225 patients during 1942 and this figure included all patients transferred to us from all the other civil and service hospitals in the Colony. Of the total, 443 were admitted during the five-month period August-December and at 31 December 341 patients remained. Pressure on our accommodation had been severe, and repeated changes in the usage of wards were needed to isolate infectious patients and provide room for all who needed our care. The Canadian P.O.W. camp at North Point closed in October and the troops moved to Kowloon. Perhaps because of the rearrangements required by this move, but almost certainly reinforced by the well-known Japanese fear of infectious disease, we were not allowed to discharge patients whom we considered would suffer by a move to a camp. The pressure on our space and feeding arrangements was therefore intense and this did not begin to ease until April 1943. By the end of 1942, however, the heaviest burden of the infections had become lighter, though the long haul to cope with the deficiencies as the main load had already begun.\n\nThe year 1942 had weighed heavily on the spirits and energies of patients and staff. The departure of the women nurses cast a gloom over the hospital. The future seemed uncertain, the rations were poor, patients flooded in, deaths were frequent, but food gifts to the hospital from friends in Hong Kong and the arrival of a Red Cross parcel per head, to which I shall refer later, together with a natural resilience as the acute epidemics subsided towards the end of the year brought about some lightening of the clouds.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207446, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "206\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nThe Hospital Funds were the main customers, and provided much needed extras for general and for individual consumption. Cigarettes were in great demand and came in various brands. Occasionally what we called Chinese cigarette tobacco was available and when burned this emitted a foul smell making its users extremely unpopular with their neighbours. I had stopped smoking myself many years before the war, so I suffered no deprivation but many men, particularly Canadian soldiers curiously enough, felt the lack of tobacco greatly. Earlier in this account I said that some patients in the early months of my charge were exchanging food issued to them for treatment purposes for cigarettes. We took a strong line on this and the practice soon ended. Another time a soldier received a large number of cigarettes in a parcel from home, though how this got through I do not know. He started to sell some at a level of profit which would have excited envy in most black markets. The business attained the proportions of a scandal in our small community and I confiscated the greater part of his remaining stock and distributed these free to all except officers in the hospital. This met with approval by our population rather than disapproval of the high-handed action, which in fact it was. When funds allowed we bought cigarettes as a general issue for all except officers in the hospital, non-smokers getting a cash allowance instead. In the shop at a later date we set prices to yield small profits though such commonly sought articles as cheap cigarettes were often sold at cost and gradually we built up a fund of some hundreds of yen.\n\nI had the greatest difficulty in getting permission from the Japanese to use this money; they kept a close watch on the store to make sure that unauthorised goods or messages did not come in. Eventually in August 1944 they agreed to refer to their headquarters my request to use our profit. Headquarters then wanted us to buy musical instruments and other goods of this kind. I feel sure that the reason was that these articles could be displayed in our recreation room and provide readily visible evidence to inspecting officers as to Japanese solicitude for patients in the hospital. In the end, though specific permission was never actually given, we began to use this profit to add to our diet. Like many other of our practices this started in a small way and grew to sizeable proportions.\n\nThe range of goods in the shop was astonishingly large early on. In February 1943 when my records of prices start, 58 items were on sale and ranged from corned beef at ¥2.40 per tin to cotton", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207466, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "226\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nwas found and confiscated, and I was told that searches would continue if forbidden articles of this kind were found. We repacked the boxes as best we could but we could only rope them and not lock them. I passed to the Japanese lists of possessions known to have been taken by them which I claimed belonged to people protected by the Geneva Convention. Nobody ever saw these goods again.\n\nOn 26 September the transmitting room used to broadcast music to the wards was dismantled and the bunk used for this purpose reverted to use as a nurse's bunk. Many in the hospital I think were relieved to know that our radio receiver was no longer active. I have referred elsewhere in this account to the rumour that the receiver was still being operated elsewhere in the hospital.\n\nIn September 1943 there arrived as our hospital interpreter Mr. Watanabe, Uncle John to many. This remarkable man was the minister of a Christian Church in Japan but I had few dealings with him outside official business at this time. He hated war, but while he did much work carrying messages of comfort between prisoners and between them and their relatives in the Colony and forwarding the good work being done by Selwyn-Clarke and his helpers he never betrayed his country and sought only to temper the harshness to human beings which resulted from her policies. After the war he was the subject of one of the \"This is your life\" programmes presented on television from London, to the preparation of which Selwyn-Clarke contributed greatly. I have had the pleasure of entertaining this truly Christian man myself in London. His whole family was killed in an air raid in Japan.\n\nWhen hostilities began in 1941 a number of private cars had been parked in the hospital grounds and most of these were damaged, my own very severely by masonry falling from the building which was damaged by bombing and shell fire. One car had been stripped and used by us for study purposes but all cars along with a lorry and an ambulance car had to be pushed by us up the steep hill to the Japanese officers' living quarters and were thus lost to us.\n\nMy diary records that on 9 November we sent a couple of glass eyes to Sham Shui Po for use by our men there so that they obviously continued to pay attention to their appearance. There was a very cold spell of ten days in November during which we needed all our blankets and all our blue hospital uniforms to keep patients warm. A full course of inoculations against typhoid, cho-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207467, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n227\n\nlera, and dysentery using Japanese material was completed in the same months.\n\nIn mid December the first move was made to restrict the area round the hospital in which we were allowed to move and the wire was brought closer in to exclude us from the peacetime N.A.A.F.I. block, the senior warrant officers' quarters and the tennis court. Christmas passed quietly, marked by the issue of extra food which had been prudently accumulated over a long time. The wards were decorated and carols were sung on Christmas Eve. We returned to reality with a night search by Seino in which he confiscated all electric heaters he found.\n\nI JANUARY 1944 23 MARCH 1945\n\nThe British Military Hospital remained in Bowen Road till 23 March 1945 when it moved to the Central British School in Kowloon. It will be convenient therefore to cover the whole of 1944 and the first three months of 1945 in this section, and to leave the remainder of 1945 up to our release in August to be considered in a later section. Conditions in Bowen Road and in Kowloon were quite different.\n\nOn 1 January 1944 we had 234 patients, but by 31 December the number of patients had dropped to 145 and the staff had fallen to 55. During 1944 deaths numbered 14, and between January 1945 and our move to Kowloon in March a further two patients died. For the last ten days of January 1944 we had no patients on our dangerously ill list for the first time since our capture. This happy position did not last.\n\nThe decline in the number of patients was the result of two factors. Firstly, prisoners of war who had survived thus far had constitutions which had become better adjusted to the type of diet which was alone available to them while no further outbreaks of infections disease occurred. The general condition of our patients and staff upon whom our observations were made drifted slowly down, and in 1944 and early 1945 more of our staff were admitted for hospital treatment than at any other period during our imprisonment. The second cause was a Japanese order to me by Saito on 19 November 1944 to reduce our total of patients and staff to 200, and during that month two drafts totalling 9 staff and 96 patients left for camp. The timing of this decision should be seen against our predicament in Bowen Road resulting from growing shortages", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207468, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "228\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nof electricity and water supplies and firewood, increasingly frequent air attacks and I suppose the general problems faced by the Japanese in retaining a small unit isolated from other P.O.W. camps which they had to supply and guard.\n\nThe fifteen months which remained to us in occupation of Bowen Road proved to be a long drawn-out test of our endurance. We knew from the local newspaper about the Normandy landing by the allies and thereafter we traced on our school atlases subsequent progress in Europe. We gauged progress on the Russian front from the place names, while the names that appeared in the accounts of the Pacific war betrayed the progress being made there against the Japanese even though they always emphasised the staggering losses claimed to have been inflicted on their enemy in all their encounters.\n\nProgress was more rapid than I for one had thought possible, but our own existence in Bowen Road became increasingly circumscribed as the boundary wire was brought even closer to the main hospital building. In January 1944 our staff were removed from their barrack block to occupy the fair-sized Ward 3 on the top floor of the hospital. Gates in the wire allowed our men to get to their own gardens for a few hours by day; by November the wire was brought even closer so that all buildings were excluded from us except for the cookhouse and the mortuary,\n\nDuring January 1944 we had to cut the rice ration from 383 to 354 in order to conserve stocks, and by now rice was being weighed out at the steward's store into the utensils of each ward and mess. All staff under commissioned rank began to receive Japanese pay, 25 sen for a warrant officer, 15 for a sergeant or corporals and 10 for a lance corporal or private, so it had taken three years before our captors allowed this trivial right. Pay for commissioned officers arrived pretty regularly and in June all received their Japanese banking accounts to check. All contributed fixed proportions of their pay to the Central Hospital Fund from which small monthly payments of five or six yen were made to staff and N.C.O.'s in charge of wards. Disbursements continued to be made from the fund to provide extras for patients in need, supplements to improve the general diet and cigarettes or cash instead to all except commissioned officers. Small purchases of various stores needed in the hospital were also made. In April 1944 the contributions to our fund which had been coming from our officers in P.O.W. camp in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n241\n\nin the operating theatre had about 15 hours in hand and all instruments except those in constant use were vaselined and stored in airy places. Typically, after all the fuss, mains electricity was restored on 10 September for two hours in the morning and one hour in the evening and we were again allowed to use our remaining generator. By 19 October our allowance of current for lighting was subjected to a further 40% cut and our power to an 80% cut. We now used the theatre on one day a week using our own generator, but the need for individual diets and surgical procedures had dropped very substantially. By 25 October all mains electricity was cut off and thence forward we used our small generator for short periods on Tuesdays and arranged our work to coincide with these periods.\n\nDuring 1943 we heard regularly the sounds of American bombers passing overhead but Hong Kong itself was rarely attacked. In February 1944 came the raid after which we had to crop our hair short, and by August raids and alerts were frequent and I noted eleven in my diary for that month. In the hospital our air raid precautions worked well enough and no accidents occurred as a result of patients being hustled downstairs by guards in the pitch dark. As I could not influence the guards myself I tried to get our administrators to send someone down during air raids to help to calm the guards. No one ever came, though eventually we got a telephone line between the hospital and the Japanese administrative quarters which I could use when I wanted, though it proved to be of little practical value. During September and October raids and alerts by day and by night were frequent and there was a particularly heavy raid on 16 October. In November and December the alerts and raids continued and on Christmas Eve we had three raids between noon and seven o'clock, four on Christmas Day and three on Boxing Day and the spate of alerts continued till the end of the year. One raid occurred, as I have noted earlier during a Red Cross inspection on 22 December and there had been raids also on each of the preceding three days.\n\nAt 31 December 1944 our total ration strength in the hospital was 200 and my sketch of the events of the year illustrates the increasing pressures being brought to bear on the Japanese by the allies, mainly of course the Americans. In the hospital the general feeling by the end of the year was one of buoyancy since the evidence of an approaching end to the war was clear. I shared", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 251, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n243\n\nRed Cross X-ray films but by then we had no developer. We were very glad to receive from the Japanese some bars of coarse washing soap which we badly needed. We were also given 200 envelopes of tooth powder, some material for sewing and for boot repairs and some drugs including T.A.B. for inoculations.\n\nIn January 1945 we had to render yet another list of patients suffering from serious visual defects, arranged by nationalities, and this list recorded a total of 65. No mail had come in for some time but some did arrive on 18 and 19 January, my latest letter from home being dated August 1944. Christmas and New Year messages were delivered to us from Red Cross Societies in many of the allied countries.\n\nThe month however was dominated by American air attacks on Hong Kong. By 8 January we had had 17 air alerts without a raid and on 15 January we had a two-hour raid. On 16 January occurred the most spectacular and effective of all our raids. It began about 8 a.m., went on till noon, was resumed during the afternoon and continued until dark. The all-clear was sounded at 9:30 p.m. During raids, all movement in the hospital was prohibited but we had to go out of doors to reach our kitchen and as the morning went on, I went out myself, as of course there was no interpreter about and by signs got the agreement of the guard to draw breakfast, which we eventually got about 11 a.m. It was 2 p.m. before we got dinner and not till after 6 o'clock was it possible to draw tea. All bearers of food had to hasten to get under cover with the greatest possible despatch.\n\nIn the hospital, Japanese standing orders were to keep all shutters closed during raids or run the risk of being shot at. My little bunk in a converted lavatory overlooked the harbour and it was not difficult to open a shutter far enough to get glimpses of what was going on. Three large Japanese cargo ships were anchored in the harbour and the American air attack was pressed by dive-bombing through very heavy fire in the most courageous fashion. At times the whole atmosphere seemed full of the sound of sustained gunfire and bomb explosions and the amount of ammunition used in the defence must have made a serious inroad on Japanese stocks. I did not see any aircraft brought down though there must have been casualties, but at the end of the day three cargo ships were badly listing and clearly unseaworthy for a long time to come. Fires were left burning in oil storage tanks on Stonecutters Island and elsewhere, and this day was to us a most impressive...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "244\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nsive demonstration of American air power. I do not know if any Japanese planes took part in the defence. After the raid we picked up a great many jagged fragments of bombs and shells in our grounds though the hospital itself suffered no obvious damage. The history of the war shows that this raid came from Admiral Halsey's Sixth Fleet which had passed to the north of the Philippine Islands and approached the China coast searching for some remaining ships of the Japanese fleet. On this occasion the attackers failed to find the ships which at the time were lying up much further to the south but we got enormous encouragement from the successes we saw. The bombing was very accurate but during one raid on another occasion a fleet of large American bombers came in from the sea aiming from high altitude no doubt at dockyards and Japanese headquarters. Unfortunately their bombs fell short and damaged a large part of Wan Chai. As maybe imagined we had no newspapers for some days after these occasions.\n\nOn 21 January bombs from another raid fell very close to the hospital and we lost a good deal of glass and plaster and picked up many fragments of shells and bombs in the grounds. Our guards never overcame their excitement during air raids and added their own defence contribution by rapid fire from their rifles at the attacking aeroplanes. It would be interesting to learn how much ammunition the Japanese had left at the date of their surrender.\n\nFrom the end of January 140 men from Sham Shui Po camp were accommodated on the top floor of the hospital which was wired off from the rest of the building. They were marched off daily to prepare ground in Happy Valley to grow vegetables there and were accompanied each day by one of our nursing orderlies. The original orders to me were to house the working party in the now vacant barrack block from which the hospital was by now wired off, but when these orders were changed Seino quite courteously apologised for the alteration. We cooked for the newcomers and helped their own 10 maintenance men to draw and hoist water daily to their quarters. The work in Happy Valley was arduous at first and the weather was cold and wet. Later the conditions were easier and the hours of work were less. The ration scale allowed by the Japanese for the working party was on a substantially higher level than that in the hospital in rice, fish, vegetables, beans, oil and sugar. I pressed this precedent and I got our official rice ration raised by 30 grammes to 510 grammes; the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 256, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "248\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nThere was no lift. By now we were caring for 15 patients with active pulmonary tuberculosis. The medical officer staff was slightly different from what it had been in Bowen Road (See Appendix C) and contained one new member, Captain Coombs. The changes had been made by the Japanese and I was not consulted, though Coombs was a valued and welcome member of the staff.\n\nThe building was arranged in two wings, and looked at from the front the left hand wing was given over to Japanese quarters. In the centre was a large Assembly Hall while our hospital occupied the right hand wing. The Assembly Hall was out of bounds to us except on special occasions. I had hoped to get a member of the Hong Kong Volunteers to come with us from Sham Shui Po as a rice cook, but he did not turn up, and Corporal J. O'Grady took charge. Our practice was now to cook all our food in bulk and not by wards and messes in their own containers as in the past. The kitchens had shallow rice boilers and our rice from now on improved considerably. The electricity generator had been damaged during the move but repairs were started by our engineers. The church was sited in the Central Clock Tower room. Saito gave us a Hongkong News from which on the 14 April we learned of the death of President Roosevelt and we held a memorial service for him on the following day.\n\nA refrigerator was converted to act as a steamer, steam being delivered through the top, and the cooks baked some very good so-called cake and made some experimental bread without flour which turned out to be excellent when judged by our standards. We even began to fry the bread sometimes when we had enough oil. On 19 April four blinded men and two old men arrived, the former with attendants to look after their needs. On 20 April Colonel Tokunaga made an afternoon inspection and we were ordered to remove all beds from verandahs and all staff except the steward and one cook were required to sleep in the barrack room. Visitors arrived to deliver parcels the same day but they had to leave them for collection by us some distance away from our front door. With 134 patients and no beds on verandahs our space was pretty crowded. By now our non-medical staff was building up and we had one shoemaker, two tailors, one barber, two cooks, three rice grinders, four vegetable men and three wood men. We also used two men for pots and pans and two appear in my diary as having duties connected with beds though I cannot now remember", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 259, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n251\n\n1056 packets of cigarettes costing 1.50 yen each and we sold them at a 10 sen profit on each packet. This allowed six packets per head for 176 patients and staff and all were taken up. We lost a clock from the kitchen on 19 May and concluded that trading was still going on. On 22 May we admitted an acutely ill officer from Sham Shui Po and on 24 May a Canadian soldier died and was buried at once. At this time we were very short of both Japanese and Red Cross food stores and though the compradore came on 26 May and took money he was not allowed to bring goods to us or to the other camps.\n\nOn 28 May the Japanese warrant officer in charge of rations gave Mr. Campbell a new scale to be effective from 1 June.\n\n \n \n Staff and Employed\n Patients and Non-employed\n \n \n Rice\n G.510 + 30\n 32 + 32\n \n \n Meat\n G.660 = + 60\n \n \n \n Vegetable\n 540 = + 140\n 360 = + 70\n \n \n Salt\n 10 =\n 8\n \n \n \n No change\n ** + 3\n \n \n Sugar\n 10\n 5\n \n \n Tea\n 8\n 2\n \n \n \n \n 1\n \n \n \n Nil =\n \n \n \n \n \n + 3\n \n \n Oil\n 3\n 3\n \n \n \n 9\n 9\n \n \n \n 31\n I\n \n \n Curry\n 20 + 20\n 15\n \n \n \n \n +15\n \n \n Beans\n Nil\n Nil\n \n \n \n 60\n -\n \n \n \n \n 31\n \n\nI imagine that these figures were target or even show figures for the Japanese, for the issues we could afford to make were always lower in practice.\n\nOn 29 May I was passing the R.E. shop with Saito when he went in and Q.M.S. Tyas told him how badly we needed diesel oil and cement. I remarked that I was being pressed every day for these stores, to which Saito very fairly responded that I was troubling him every day too on the same subject. We were very short of cooking oil and I reported that our present stock allowed only 0.85 litre for the whole hospital daily. Saito also promised to look into the supply of beans which I told him had vanished from our rations. I pressed him about canteen goods and said we were exceedingly short of salt, and of wood for fuel and that we fed our cooking fires only on wood which we had stripped from buildings in Bowen Road.\n\nThe same day Saito produced the old undertaking not to escape which all the staff and patients had signed in Bowen Road on 26", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207496, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "256\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nOn 4 August Mr. Zindel carried out a Red Cross inspection of the hospital together with Colonel Tokunaga and his staff, the whole lasting only about twenty minutes and I had no conversation with him. At this time we had been receiving small quantities of fresh meat at weekends and this had gone on for a few weeks before meat was replaced by salted fish, the first fish we had had for a long time. In early August the weather was remarkably cool, dull and showery with the wind varying from S.W. to N.E. The barbed wire was now being brought closer to the hospital and excluded the playing field. We had two dangerously ill patients on 7 August and we received a drum of diesel oil from Saito via our engineers.\n\nMr. Sims was able to repair a burned out high tension cable on our X-ray set and I noted that we put an extra lock on the linen store, a further indication that active trading was still going on. The last Red Cross supplies we had received came in on 29 June and we were running short. Our wheat stock was exhausted and we stopped cooking buns but continued to produce a so-called cake each week and bread made from rice and beans was issued every second day. The Japanese issue of cigarettes for workers which had been due on 20 July arrived on 8 August and Saito told me that wood for fuel was very difficult to get and asked me to economise. We had made two attempts without success to make a wood saw from iron bedsteads. We had now a working party wiring and installing a water supply and a lavatory in the school sports pavilion for the use of the Japanese. We were given 186 small towels, enough for one to each person in hospital and the remainder were raffled. By now the hospital was tired of the lack of news, but remained fairly cheerful except for the blight of three patients on the dangerously ill list. On 15 August one British patient died, thus making the fifth death which had occurred in the Central British School. On 16 August we had a funeral, and a young bull was sighted in the hospital compound but just escaped us. On the same day my diary contains a note to the effect that the war was over, news which reached us via the guards. It is rather remarkable that the official surrender had been made only the previous day in Tokyo. I tackled Saito directly, asking for news but he replied that he had none, though he did promise to tell me as soon as any was available. Next day I asked Saito again in the morning for news and was answered very brusquely that he did not understand my question.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207515, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n275\n\nA direct assault on the Japanese homeland using conventional weapons was being prepared at the time the bombs were dropped. In spite of their reduced nutrition and lack of supplies of all kinds, there seems little doubt that an Allied invasion of Japan would have been bitterly resisted and would have proved very costly. The cost of the invasion of the sacred territory will now never be known. It seems quite possible that in the prevailing mood at that time, reprisals of all kinds might have been ordered to be taken upon any Allied personnel in Japanese hands. The execution of the airmen captured in the Doolittle air raid on Japan in 1942 comes to mind.\n\nI do not intend to examine the morality or the political implications of the use of the atomic bomb at all, nor the fact that two were dropped. Opinions on these matters will always differ. I confine myself here to what I see as the facts as they affected us. A Japanese-Chinese war in the neighbourhood of Hong Kong would have been prolonged; situations would certainly have arisen in which our safety would have been jeopardised, and at best, many of us might not have survived at all. The decision by President Truman to use the atomic bombs resulted in our release almost overnight. Seen in contrast with the other possibilities which might have been envisaged, this was a wonderful outcome.\n\nA VIEW IN PERSPECTIVE\n\nThirty years after the events and after making allowances for the discreet phrasing of my diaries and for the effects of the passage of time in scaling down the few peaks of elation and levelling up the much more numerous troughs of depression, I conclude that we, the staff and patients in the British Military Hospital, Hong Kong, fared better than many other prisoners in Japanese hands. The published accounts of others, most of them written nearer to the events than my present story and so perhaps more influenced by passion, are far too numerous and ring true. I am allowing myself now to speculate on the somewhat privileged position we enjoyed, privileged that is by the standards of those who were Japanese prisoners.\n\nFirstly, our unit fell into Japanese hands as a fully equipped and staffed hospital with a full complement of patients seriously wounded in action, and hence, perhaps, in the eyes of our captors, more worthy of consideration than men who had surrendered, even though", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207532, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 300, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "292\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ntablets showing a major repair or reconstruction in 1897-98 and 1925-26. A large Roman Catholic chapel, now in ruins, once stood close by. It is shown as being in existence in Father Volonteri's 1866 map of the San On District—see JHKBRAS Vols 9 & 10 (1969 & 1970), pp. 141-148 and 193-196 respectively—but unfortunately receives no mention in Father Ryan's The Story of A Hundred Years. The Pontifical Institute of Foreign Missions (P.I.M.E.) in Hong Kong 1858-1958.\n\nHong Kong 1975\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nTHE NOON DAY GUN\n\nThe following extract from the Hong Kong Daily Press, January 3, 1870, is not without a historical and for present day residents faced with an increase in our defense contribution—topical interest:\n\nIt is interesting and just to note that the renewing of the twelve o'clock gun firing is due to liberality of Mr. Magniac of Messrs. Jardine, Matheson and Company, who when the Home Government ceased to provide this small return for the heavy Military Contribution forwarded annually from this Colony, purchased a gun, etc., and had it fixed up at Messrs. Jardine's, where it is fired daily.\n\nNOTE: Herbert St. Leger Magniac was admitted a partner in the firm of Jardine, Matheson and Company, July 1, 1862.\n\nHong Kong, 1975\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nTHE GERMAN CONGREGATION IN HONG KONG UNTIL 1914\n\nA note on \"Bethesda\" and the \"Berliner Frauenverein für China” by Pastor Albrecht Plag appeared in vol. 9 (1969) of this Journal. He there asks where Bethesda was located.\n\nEarly maps of Hong Kong and a search of title in the Land Registry indicates it occupied the site of the present Mid-levels Police Station on the north side of High Street at its junction with Bonham Road. The original lot extended down to Hospital Road. The plot consisted of two Inland Lots numbered 624 and 607.\n\nPage 300\n\nPage 301", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207544, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 312, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "304\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\npatrons of musicians and sketched them without either crab decorations or the dog. The main brother was shown holding a fan in each hand whilst the other two stood beside him with two attendants. Later in this Note, you will see that one of Chief Marshal T'ien's titles is Wu Tai Yuan Shuai. Père Doré described Wu Tai separately and sketched him as a young man with green twigs behind the ears, a large crab on his forehead, a tiny Taoist crown on his bald head and dressed in loose-fitting robes. Wu Tai, according to Doré, was accompanied by two male and two female attendants. This would appear to be the southern provinces' temple version which Doré did not realize was a manifestation of Marshal T'ien.\n\nThere are, as one would expect, many variations in characteristics in Ch'aochow and Fukienese carvings. For instance, occasionally he is represented as bald, or the front of his hair is shaven in Ch'ing fashion making him half-bald; in others he has a long queue or two long pigtails; sometimes he wears a military helmet or a scholar's cap, and in some images he has a black cock under his other foot. In several places he is represented as a youth standing on one foot with both arms raised in a dramatic, theatrical stance, and in others he is standing stolidly, with both feet together holding one or two swords. A sketch of T'ien To Yuan Shuai by a Singaporean Fukienese god carver depicted him with a red face, staring eyes and dressed in scholar's robes. (Plate 21). An actor, one of a company of Ch'aochow players in Bangkok, explained that they only had a tablet in their portable shrine, and that their image with only one crab painted on his forehead, was permanently in a temple. He told me that the single crab on the forehead meant that T'ien was the patron of actors, whereas others with the crab on the mouth represented the middle brother of the T'ien trio who is only prayed to for good health.\n\nIn one sighting in Ipoh, in North Malaya, Marshal T'ien was wearing armour, carried a sword and bell, but was barefoot and had a crab painted on his mouth. He was known to the temple priests to have been a vegetarian monk from Ch'aochow, insane as a child who had cured himself and is now worshipped for a similar cure by parents of the mentally sick. (Plate 22).\n\nAbove his image on a small backstage altar of a Foochow opera troupe in Singapore, was the carved inscription ‘Ministry of Wind", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207558, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 326, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "318\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\neverlasting as the Southern Mountain (a classical allusion symbolizing the “realm of longevity”). Providence has showered blessings of prosperity upon the family and bestowed her posterity with divine qualities. Here are gathered the young and the old to offer her their greetings and celebrations. May she live long like the evergreen pine-trees. Her descendants, who devote themselves to academic studies or engage in husbandry, have come forth with their fervent blessings of the \"Nine Similes\" [a psalm from the Book of Poetry].* Your mother, sitting in the North Hall, is presented with auspicious peaches [the \"fruit of longevity\" in Chinese legend]. She radiates with the spirit of the Dragon and the vigour of the Horse. Assembled at this Birthday party in this sumptuously decorated hall are honourable guests, all from noble and dignified families (Scribbled by Sun Ying-suet).\n\nHong Kong, 1976.\n\nFRANCIS SHAM AND JAMES HAYES\n\nHƯNG HȮM (£): AN EARLY INDUSTRIAL VILLAGE IN OLD BRITISH KOWLOON.\n\nBritish Kowloon was ceded in March 1860. Its population at that time was around the few thousand mark, and its growth was steady over the next twenty years. In 1881 the population numbered 9,021. Thereafter the population rose sharply and by 1897 it was 26,402, of which 19,202 were male, (Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485).\n\nThe increase in the Kowloon population from 1860 on may be attributed to the establishment of industrial and manufacturing concerns, that undoubtedly owed their existence to the presence of nearby Hong Kong, then making great strides towards its establishment as a great entrepôt and commercial and financial centre. Among them the Hong Kong Whampoa Dock Company set up its yard at Hung Hom in the 1860's, the Cosmopolitan Dock began at\n\n*The \"9 Similes\" (*) from the Book of Poetry()\n\n(1) (2) (3) (4) (5)\n\n如山如阜,如同如陵,如川之方至,以莫不增,\n\n(6)\n\n(7)\n\n(8)\n\n如月之恒,如日之升,如南山之壽,不騫不崩,\n\n(9)\n\n如松柏之茂,無不爾或承 [FSYS]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207559, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 327, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n319 \n\nTai Kok Tsui in 1880 and in 1898 the Green Island Cement Company moved its works from Macao to Hung Hom. This fact helps to explain the predominantly male population in the census.\n\nThe Hung Hom community was among the largest of these new commercial and industrial settlements. By 1897, its population was 5,876, standing second only to Yau Ma Tei with 8,051 (SP1897 p.485).\n\n(1) Details of the earliest settlement up to 1898\n\nThe first list of occupants of Hung Hom is the 1867 Return of Squatter's Licences.* This shows that the village was composed of forty-four premises held under licence by thirty-four individuals, of whom eleven bore the surname Tsang and nine Lee. Near the village was 31 mow of land under cultivation. These also were largely held by the Tsang and Lee families. As the village grew, due to the growth of the Hong Kong and Whampoa Dock Yard with its opportunities for employment and for providing services for its ever-growing staff of employees, the amount of land under cultivation declined; only three years after the 1867 list, the amount of cultivated land had been cut in half. Between 1867 and 1874 the number of listed properties remained fairly constant, but in 1875 there was an increase from fifty-four to seventy-five. In succeeding years, however, the number of individuals occupying land by squatter's licences slowly declined.\n\nThe first collection book for Village Rates in Kowloon is dated 1873.† It lists the occupant of the premise, with the use of the premise, its value, and the owner. Aside from the Dock Company's extensive establishment, thirty-nine buildings are listed. These included the Police Station (at the time unoccupied), a dwelling used as a school, six chandlery shops, one shop dealing in sundries, two carpenter's establishments, a fruit seller, and a barber. Of the shops, only three were rented out; the others were occupied by their owners. The remaining premises were all small family residences occupied by their owners.\n\nIn two years, the properties upon which rates were collected had increased by twenty-five. Among the new premises listed was a Joss House rated at $50 and a house for the Joss House keeper,\n\n* H.K. Public Records Office, H.K. Record Series 183. † H.K. Public Records Office, H.K. Record Series 83.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207560, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 328, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "320\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nFoo Akow. In 1877 some of the premises were listed by streets; viz Main Street with forty houses and shops, Back Street with twenty small family residences, the Praya with five substantial buildings recently built, and six wooden houses near the Dock.\n\nIn 1880 the use of the premises are again given, though not all premises used for business purposes may be so recorded. The following summary, however, gives some indication of the business development of the settlement. There were seven chandlers, two eating houses, three barbers, and one each of druggist, rice shop, fruit dealer, and painter. By this date there were four more buildings on the Praya, and a fairly new group of houses opposite the entrance to the Dock premises. It might also be of interest to list the buildings contained within the Dock company's compound: the West Dock, ‘sheer legs', caisson, timber sheds on stone pillars and tiled offices, boiler maker's engine shop, moulder's shop and smith, the East Dock, pumping house, coal sheds, work shop, dwelling house, mat sheds, saw mill, boat building sheds, a new house with stores and new shops.\n\nThe business of the village in 1884 consisted of thirteen grocers, three eating houses, six barbers, two opium shops, two druggists, and on the beach to the west of the village four boat-building establishments. In addition there were single individuals listed as carpenter, fishmonger, shoe dealer, fruiterer, vegetable seller, and painter. This is probably not an exhaustive list of business and trades carried on, but it gives a fair picture of the local tradesmen at that time.\n\nThis year 1884 was a turning point in the physical development of the village, for in December of that year two fires within five days destroyed the major part of the settlement. The first fire broke out in a mat shed on December 11, and twenty-two timber houses with tile roofs for the temporary occupation of workers at the dock were consumed, whilst some dozen other buildings were pulled down to stop the progress of the fire. The newspaper notice (Daily Press, Dec. 12, 1884) remarks that \"the loss of property sustained was not very great, but a number of pigs were burned to death.\" The more serious fire was on December 16th, \"among the matsheds and shanties of a swarm of squatters who have settled down there.” The sight of the flames leaping into the sky seen from the Hong Kong side caused “a decidedly uncomfortable time to some of the shareholders of the Dock Company by the doubt as to whether the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207561, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 329, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "N + HOK UN } POLICE TEMPLE STATION MARSA MARKET – STREET STATION ST '16 DOCK BULKELEY STREET 1 1 1 I HILL HUNG HOM, 1892\n\nTAI WAN WAR DEPARTMENT NOTES AND QUERIES 321", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207562, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 330, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "322\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ngreat blaze they saw was not being fed by the engine sheds and the numerous and extensive buildings of the Company there.\" (Daily Press, Dec. 17, 1884).\n\nAfter the fire, the area was laid out into regular lots and the government began disposing of them at public auction. It was at this time that the building sites were regularized and the streets were officially named. Fronting the Dock Company's property and the sea was Bulkely Street, with buildings only on the north side. Behind it was Market Street (now Wuhu Street). The Public Market built in 1886 occupied a block on the north side of this street in the centre of the laid out portion of the village. These were the two main streets running east and west. At the east end of the village was Hill Street, (now Tientsin Street) running north and south, next to the west was Dock Street, then Station Street leading up to the Police Station situated on a hill behind the village, then an unnamed street (now Marsh Street) and finally Temple Street leading up to the Kun Yam Temple nestled under the hill behind Market Street. Also behind Market Street both on the east and west side of the village were rows of small family houses.*\n\nIn the 1890's the area of Hung Hom near the present Chatham Road was being developed for industrial establishments. The area was known as West Hung Hom. At the turn of the century, there was at Hung Hom a match factory, a sugar candy factory, a glass factory, and a dozen or so boat building yards. There was also a Hotel and Tavern, owned by an Indian who left a will.\n\nVarious Hong Kong capitalists invested in Hung Hom lots. The partners of Lapraik and Company owned several blocks in front of the Market House. These were later sold to the Hong Kong Land Company. When new lots were laid out to the west in the 1890's, Ho Tung and later Lau Chu Pak, of the Yaumati Ferry Company, bought several of the blocks. Li Kwong also owned valuable lots at Yaumati.\n\n(b) Some local institutions: Schools\n\nA Government-subsidized village school was established under the direction of the local community, and several Christian schools were opened. The Church Missionary Society had lots at the east end of the village, the London Missionary Society in 1883 applied\n\n* Two maps showing Hung Hom in 1892 and 1901 are printed respectively at p. 321 and between pp. 322 and 323.\n\nPage 330\n\nPage 331", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207565, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 333, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "324\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nsite to which it was removed in 1929. The first, and larger, of these was the Kwun Yam Temple already noted, with its associated public buildings. The bell and the earliest presentation boards (*) are dated 1873-74. The main entrance of the temple was rebuilt in 1889-90, and the undated Kung Sor (公所) or public office built onto one side of the central structure may also be attributed to this time. A separate clinic or public dispensary building was added in 1910, according to a memorial tablet of that year, which bears the names of very many subscribers.\n\nThe second of the Hung Hom temples is almost as old as the first. According to a plaque recently placed inside the building by the Chinese Temples Committee, this Pak Tai temple dates from the 2nd year of Kuang Hsü (1876-77) when it was built at the eastern end of Ching Chau Street, Hung Hom, but as stated above, was later removed for development. The oldest dated items in the present building are a bell dated 1893 presented by a Wo Hing Tong (*) and a set of incense burners dated 1901-02 presented by 'the whole community of Hung Hom Dockyard Village (紅磡澳通圍).\n\nThis temple development, and the basis it provided for local community effort, is reminiscent of the similar developments in Yau Ma Tei reported in this Journal some time ago.† The Kaifong (街坊) or neighbourhood organisation centering as in Yau Ma Tei on a local temple is credited with these community services; references to a Kaifong school and a volunteer fire brigade are also available. This self-help and enterprise of the local community, was, however, not a new phenomenon but one created to a pattern long familiar in Chinese urban communities. Hong Kong, 1976.\n\nCARL T. SMITH\nJAMES HAYES\n\nHONG KONG: TYPHOON PREPARATIONS IN 1903\n\nReaders will recall Mr. A. J. S. Lack's article 'Yaumatei Typhoon Shelter, Hong Kong, 1903-1915' in the 1973 Journal. The following description is of interest in this connection. It is taken from the Memoirs of Robert Dollar, pp. 55-56 published privately in America in 1927, and describes a visit to Hong Kong in 1903. Ed.\n\nCommonly styled in Cantonese,\n+ JHKBRAS, 6, 1966: pp. 129-131.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207566, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 334, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n325\n\nWhile we were anchored in the harbor at Hong Kong a red cone was displayed one morning from the observatory, which indicated that there was a typhoon three hundred miles distant. As soon as it was seen, junks, sampans, lighters, and every other kind of craft began to make for the harbors of refuge, of which there are three in this harbor. There was one near where we were anchored, so we had a good chance to see the sights. In three hours the harbor was full of vessels under sail, all heading past us for the little bay. They kept passing us in this way for three or four hours when the wind ceased and then small tugs were employed. They would make four junks fast on each side, six to eight wide, then others attached behind until they had from fifty to sixty in tow like a great floating island. They kept this up until after dark, and at 10 o'clock that night they were still passing. The next morning the harbor was clear of all small craft, only large steamers remaining at their anchorages. As soon as the signal was hoisted the lighters alongside of our ship quit work at once and scurried away. I think there were about twelve there, and in a couple of hours there was not a thing near us. All this time there was only a light breeze. The approach of a typhoon seems to terrify them, and they have good cause, as during one storm over one thousand boats were wrecked and six thousand people lost their lives. All the families live on board, and, with women and children, they average from six to fifty people to a boat.\n\nAlthough the signals were still up the next day no typhoon came, but every one was watching for it. I went ashore to the Typhoon Bay, as it was called, to see how so many boats would look. I found it landlocked on three sides and perfectly sheltered, something over eighty acres in extent. The boats had been put in the bay in perfect order, all in rows and as tight as they could be packed, the end rows made fast to the shore and the others all tied to them. The whole bay was packed so full there was not room for another. It would be impossible to tell how many boats there were but I estimated that there were over two thousand, which, averaging ten people to a boat, would make twenty thousand souls. This seems incredible, but I am sure I am under the mark. Peddlers were busy on shore and on the boats and were doing a lively business, and so they might, when one thinks of a town of twenty thousand people and no store in it. This was only one harbor, and\n\n* From the description, surely sampans rather than 'junks'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207567, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 335, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "326\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nwith two others like it, you can imagine the people there must have been all crowded together. I was told that in Hong Kong harbor and Canton River, below Canton, there are over three hundred thousand people living on these boats.\n\nAll we got of the typhoon was a heavy rain storm, the wind having passed twenty miles north of us.\n\nMr. Lack comments as follows:\n\nI believe the writer refers to the original Causeway Bay Typhoon Shelter, but over-estimates the acreage—nearer to 60 than “over 80\" — and to the two anchorages of 'Mongkok' and ‘Cheung Sha Wan'.\n\nThese two anchorages headed the list of 'possibles' for the new shelter discussed from 1903 onwards. I would suggest that it was in recognition that they were used to give some shelter in typhoons that they headed that list. Mongkok of course became Yaumatei Typhoon Shelter, and Cheung Sha Wan continued to be used for shelter until it was reclaimed in the nineteen fifties/sixties.\n\nCertainly, only Causeway Bay was regarded as an official harbour of refuge and was the only one afforded breakwater protection in 1903.\n\nHong Kong, 1976.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "167\n\nit was unsafe to keep so much money on his own boat, he deposited the remainder at the shop. All went well until the owner of San Ue T'aai, one Wong Tai Ying, a San On county military sau-ts'oi, learnt of the robbery, and that the Naval Commander-in-Chief of Kwangtung Province had despatched Second Captain Chau Kwok Ying to investigate into the case. The shop owner knew the captain personally, and he reported the money that was paid to him, emphasizing the point that it was paid in clean silver dollars. The captain offered a bounty of a hundred dollars, and Tanka boatmen in the area had no difficulty tracking down Lai, his brother, and two boatmen employed by him, all of whom were involved in the robbery. The bare facts of this case suggest that Leung Shuen Wan, too, in the nineteenth century, was a moorage inlet.17 For all we know, Leung Shuen Wan could have been the more important moorage inlet in those days.\n\nNonetheless, Sai Kung and Hang Hau were moorage inlets where eventually more shops opened. In the early 1900's, there were fifty shops and four boat-building sheds in Sai Kung, eighteen shops and four boat-building sheds in Hang Hau.18 Ferries connected Sai Kung to Nam Tau Sha, a short walk from Hang Hau, and then from Hang Hau there were ferries to Shaukiwan. To the east, there were daily ferries from Sai Kung to Pak Tam Chung and Lan Nei Wan. From Pak Tam Chung, villagers walked to To Kwa Ping and other villages to the north, and from Lan Nei Wan, to Long Ke, Sai Wan, and Tai Long. As late as the 1920's, nonetheless, there was only one daily ferry on each route (Sai Kung-Pak Tam Chung, Sai Kung-Lan Nei Wan), and this left the village in the morning at approximately 10 o'clock, and Sai Kung Market in the afternoon, at 2. There were also ferries between Sai Kung and Tai Mong Tsai.19\n\nOccasionally, the ferry boat might be delayed in Sai Kung, and it would be dark when it arrived at Pak Tam Chung. Villagers from the villages to the north would then come down to the pier with lanterns to meet their own family members on their return.20\n\nVillagers from the Tai Mong Tsai area also walked to Sai Kung. Other footpaths ran from Sha Kok Mei, past Sai Kung, Pak Kong, Ho Chung, and Tseng Lan Shue, into Kowloon,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207641, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "14\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nforeign military aid reaped few long-term gains. Western officers from \"Chinese\" Gordon to Constantin von Hanneken introduced a measure of modernity to at least a few armies in the late Ch'ing period, but none of these individuals was able to promote more basic institutional reform.10 The effects of Japan's success and China's failure in this regard were far-reaching.\n\nGenerally speaking, China's approach to military reform in the years from 1860 to 1895 may be compared with that of Japan in the years from 1853 to 1868. In each instance, foreign assistance was acquired piecemeal by both the central government and local governments, with no real coordination between the two. Similar rationales were offered, and similar results obtained, although in the case of China the new knowledge and technology acquired was used to bolster rather than to undermine the existing central government.11\n\nA high priority for both pre-Meiji Japan and late Ch'ing China was the training of troops and officers in Western techniques. In each country, the use of foreign military assistance followed similar lines. The training program established for the Bakufu by the French Minister, Leon Roches, at Yokohama during the mid-1860's, for example, may be compared with the central government training program set up by the British Minister, Frederick Bruce, at Tientsin in the early 1860's.12 Similarly, the various foreign-training efforts begun in Chōshu and other han during the 1860's bear a basic resemblance to the post-Taiping training camps established at Shanghai, Canton, Foochow and elsewhere.13 The Japanese even had their own rough equivalent of China's famous Ever-Victorious Army.14 Common problems in these early military improvement programs included language difficulties, foreign rivalries, financial limitations, lack of standardization in arms and training, and foreign meddling.15\n\nChina never overcame these problems. From the 1860's to the early 1890's, a handful of foresighted individuals, most notably Li Hung-chang, undertook a variety of modernizing enterprises aimed at building up China's “wealth and power.” Their efforts succeeded in a limited way, but were severely hindered by obscurantism, official opposition, bureaucratic inertia, and the deliberate policies of the Empress Dowager, Tz'u-hsi, who carefully manipulated political factions in order to maintain and enhance her own power.16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207645, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "18\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nWestern attire in Japan, although never complete, undoubtedly received some of its impetus from the military. Likewise, the wearing of Western-style military caps necessitated the cutting of top-knots, which quickly became a mark of \"enlightenment\" in Japanese society generally. As early as the 1870's, the emperor began wearing a military uniform in the fashion of European royalty.39 One can hardly imagine a Chinese emperor doing the same.\n\nAnother socio-cultural effect of military modernization was the boost given to music, drama, art, literature, and even the use of the Japanese vernacular by the Sino-Japanese War. Donald Keene has brilliantly summarized the impact of the war on these areas of Japanese life, emphasizing also the change in Japanese attitudes toward China, the growth of Japanese national pride, and the altered perceptions of Westerners toward Japan as a result of the war and Japan's resounding victory.40\n\nIn economic terms, the modernizing effect of the military is more difficult to judge. Ogawa's study of conscription, for example, sees the military as a mixed blessing in nearly every sphere of economic life, including labor, productivity, and consumption.41 Yet on balance, military development seems to have benefited the economy. Even the most outspoken critics of the military and its costs, such as Ono Giichi and H. T. Oshima, concede that there were at least some economic advantages to the Meiji program of military modernization—especially in the creation of military and military-related industries, which served as model plants, and in the increased demand for products through inter-industry linkages.42 Military needs, in other words, generated a demand for modern products produced by modern means, and contributed to the growth of economies of scale. The Sino-Japanese War brought Japan numerous economic benefits and a huge indemnity (231 million taels; nearly 368 million yen), which was put to effective modernizing use, although war expenditures and the indemnity did contribute to economic problems such as business fluctuations and inflation.43\n\nFor China, much of the foregoing discussion can be stated in reverse. Although the lack of a centralized military did not appreciably impair the Ch'ing government's authority as long as \"regional\" leaders remained loyal to the throne, it did prevent China from contending effectively with foreign aggression, and eventually undermined support of the dynasty. Furthermore, the fragmentation", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207646, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA & JAPAN\n\n19\n\nof the army hindered the growth of nationalistic sentiment among Chinese soldiers. Locally raised, armed, and trained, most Chinese troops had little sense of national identification.44 The great majority of Chinese soldiers remained illiterate and uninformed.\n\nNot surprisingly, the Chinese military contributed little bureaucratic talent to the civil sector. In fact, the Manchus actively discouraged this tendency. With few notable exceptions (e.g., Liu Ming-ch'uan), the Ch'ing government avoided the appointment of military men to high posts in the bureaucracy. Throughout the nineteenth century, the virtually unchanged civil service examination system remained the accepted channel of bureaucratic mobility. Only after the Sino-Japanese War did this begin to change.45\n\nThe Ch'ing military did nothing to promote social change. Indeed, it tended to reflect the least modern aspects of Chinese society. Even in the new-style armies of Li Hung-chang and others, personal ties of blood, friendship, or local affinity often counted for more than expertise, thus helping to militate against the introduction of new ideas and influences.46\n\nThere is no evidence to suggest that the Chinese military contributed significantly to urbanization or to the cultural transformation of Chinese soldiers. Although some troops received exposure to limited Western influences through contact with foreign instructors or temporary residence in treaty port areas, the lifestyle of most Chinese soldiers changed imperceptively. Manchu troops remained isolated in Banner garrisons, and Chinese troops continued to wear Chinese uniforms and the Manchu-imposed queue. Ch'ing military forces ate Chinese food, lived in Chinese housing, and often even reverted to Chinese-style weapons.47 The existence of widespread corruption and opium smoking, coupled with the lack of modern medical and other facilities, neither improved the living conditions of the average Chinese soldier nor altered his expectations.48\n\nThe disastrous effects of the Sino-Japanese War on China are too well-known to require elaboration.49 Ironically, however, Japan contributed substantially to China's military modernization and political transformation in the post-war era, providing large numbers of advisers and instructors, as well as a variety of educational opportunities for Chinese students in Japan.50 Mutatis mutandis, we may say that Japan in late nineteenth century China", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207647, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "20\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nplayed an historic role similar to that played in the West in late Tokugawa Japan, first precipitating a political crisis, and then helping to resolve it in favor of revolution. It would not be the last time Japan would play the part in China.\n\nViewed from the perspective of military modernization in China and Japan, two factors seem crucial to Meiji Japan's domestic and international success: (1) A sustained sense of crisis, sufficient to justify fundamental institutional change; and (2) strong central government leadership and support in implementing reform, together with the systematic use of foreign assistance. Paul Cohen is obviously correct in pointing out that pre-Meiji Japan enjoyed a number of distinct advantages in responding quickly and creatively to the Western \"impact.\"51 But we may question whether without the self-conscious and concerted modernizing policies of the Meiji central government Japan could have achieved \"wealth and power\" so quickly, even with these advantages. An examination of military change in Japan during the period 1853-1868 indicates, for example, that Bakumatsu military reform efforts were in fact no more effective than those of the T'ung-chih era.52\n\nIn China, the Manchus refused to sponsor basic institutional change, fearful of upsetting the system of military checks and balances that had preserved their rule in China for over two hundred years. More concerned with the maintenance of internal control than with the problem of external defense, the Manchus had little incentive to go beyond the limited military changes that had enabled them to suppress the major rebellions of the 1860's and 70's. It was not until 1907 that the throne took the first concrete steps to dismantle the costly, cumbersome and worthless Manchu Banner system-steps that even then were soon retraced.53\n\nIt should be noted that Manchu rule was less significant in other areas of Chinese life, notably the economy. Dwight Perkins insists, for example, that the Ch'ing government's sins in the economic realm were less those of commission than of omission, that the policies of the Chinese government \"were not so much wrong as inadequate.\"54 But in comparing Japan's economic success with China's failure, Perkins attributes China's difficulties primarily to \"lack of funds.\" Sapped of money by foreign and domestic wars, heavy indemnities, the sustenance of huge and useless \"regular\" standing armies, and the high cost of maintaining irregularly financed \"temporary\" imperial armies, the Ch'ing government...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207652, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "The Teochiu: Ethnicity in Urban Hong Kong\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS*\n\nThe Teochiu1 are a highly visible ethnic group2 in Hong Kong. They are aggressive, belligerent, likely to be involved in triads or narcotics, highly organized and shrewd businessmen. This is the stereotype of Teochiu that is widely held by non-Teochiu in Hong Kong. Emotional reactions to Teochiu at times seem to approach the vehemence of racist beliefs, although the diacritics signalling identity are not phenotypic but linguistic, cultural (food, emphasis placed on certain rituals rather than others) and most importantly for this article an individual's self-identification as Teochiu and concomitant involvement in largely Teochiu social networks and possibly in Teochiu organizations. It is difficult, however, to explicate the meaning of this identity in that there is tremendous diversity in the Teochiu population of Hong Kong. Some estimates of this population suggest that it is as high as one-fifth of the total population (see below). There is no clear-cut relationship between ethnicity and occupation in urban Hong Kong, much less between ethnicity and class. Teochiu are found in all sectors of the economy and at all socio-economic levels.\n\n* The author is a postgraduate research student from The Department of Anthropology, University of Texas at Austin, who recently carried out 18 months field work in Hong Kong. This research was supported by a National Science Foundation Dissertation Research Grant, for which he expresses his indebtedness and appreciation.\n\n1 The most widely recognized romanization for this ethnic group in Hong Kong is \"Chiu Chow\" which is the Cantonese pronunciation of the characters 潮州. Newspapers, government publications and even Teochiu associations in Hong Kong use this romanization. “Teochiu\" and other variants (Taechew, Tiochew) represent the romanization corresponding to the pronunciation of the characters in the Teochiu language and are widely used by Western scholars in South East Asia.\n\n2 The Teochiu as well as other Chinese ethnic groups in South East Asia and Hong Kong have until recently been labelled \"dialect groups\" and their languages considered to be dialects of \"the\" Chinese language. This terminology is inappropriate in that these so-called dialects are quite clearly languages, being for the most part mutually unintelligible. The use of the term \"dialect group\" not only reflects the lack of interest and possibly the unawareness of the importance of ethnicity as a variable in studies of overseas Chinese, but has also served to obscure and minimize that importance.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207666, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "The Teochiu: Ethnicity in Urban Hong Kong\n\nTeochiu Associational Structure\n\n39\n\nTeochiu are reputed to be highly organized, much more so than other ethnic groups. The proliferation of Teochiu associations in Hong Kong must certainly give the impression to outsiders that the Teochiu community is a hierarchically organized, monolithic structure. Teochiu themselves, however, are well aware of internal divisions and the lack of communication between different \"levels\" within the formal organizational structure.\n\nThere are a number of different kinds of formal and informal Teochiu organizations in Hong Kong. A preliminary distinction can be made between what will be called \"higher level\" and \"lower level\" associations. This distinction is based partially on the primary functions or activities of particular associations and partially on the influence of an association as a group and the influence of individual leaders and members. \"Higher level\" associations include commercial organizations of various kinds ranging from the most influential and powerful Chiu-Chow Chamber of Commerce to associations whose membership is limited to certain occupations such as the wholesale rice trade or ownership of plastic factories. \"Lower level\" associations include surname, district, and Hungry Ghost Festival organizations.\n\nThere are probably at least 150 Teochiu organizations in Hong Kong, including 58 Hungry Ghost Festival organizations, a number of other religious organizations, and numerous Teochiu Christian organizations. These organizations are not tightly interconnected through formal communication channels, nor are the \"lower level\" associations controlled by \"higher level\" associations. Many organizations are fairly autonomous, with few formal links to other organizations, and are largely concerned with activities pertinent to their own sphere of interest. This is reflected in the failure of an attempt by some Teochiu leaders several years ago to establish a general Teochiu association to be composed of representatives of all Teochiu organizations. This kind of association would presumably have been a very potent special interest group. The attempt failed because of an apparent lack of interest on the part of many elite Teochiu, the feeling that \"higher level\" Teochiu associations already sufficiently fulfilled the functions of such an association, and, according to one informant, the dominant concern of some leaders with their own limited sphere of interest.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207667, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "40\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nAnother example was an attempt, again several years ago, initially promoted by several very prominent Teochiu elites, to use some of the money donated for the three-day Hungry Ghost Festival for charitable purposes. Total expenditures on each of these 58 festivals range from HK$150,000 to more than HK$200,000. The minimum total annual expenditure is at least HK$9,000,000. The attempt was unsuccessful in that the organizers were unable to convince local-level leaders to set aside part of the collected funds for a general fund for certain charitable purposes.\n\nThere is considerable diversity among Teochiu leaders in attitudes toward this particular festival which, as a three-day public ritual, is largely performed by Teochiu (though many non-Teochiu families also make individual offerings to the hungry ghosts on the 15th day of the 7th lunar month). Some leaders regard the festival as a “superstitious” waste of money, and this attitude was one of the motivations behind the attempt to siphon donated funds into charitable purposes. This example illustrates the lack of agreement among Teochiu organizations and leaders at different levels concerning attitudes toward religious beliefs and ritual in general and this important Teochiu festival in particular. It is important in that it is the ritual focus of a number of locally organized informal groups and is considered by many Teochiu and non-Teochiu as the cultural symbol par excellence of Teochiu ethnic viability. Although it is possible to argue that this huge expenditure is a waste of money and effort, it is my belief that local-level leaders would not be able to generate sufficient enthusiasm for the donation of money and physical labor for purposes other than those which non-elite would choose to participate in. The festival organizations are largely autonomous and locally organized informal groups which would not exert such effort for goals originating at higher levels within the Teochiu community.\n\nIf Teochiu organizations are not tightly inter-linked by formal mechanisms, they are of course interconnected by personal networks. These are the threads tying together the Teochiu community and literally run up and down socio-economic levels and have contact points with the formal organizations. Ego-centric networks also cross-cut ethnic boundaries, a reflection of numerous friendship, commercial, and political ties across ethnic categories. There is of course considerable variation in the extent to which ego-centric networks include non-Teochiu linkages.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207671, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "44\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nThese changes may have future implications for the continued growth and viability of Teochiu religious organizations. Present growth in number and size of Hungry Ghost festival organizations, the majority of which are located in resettlement estates, suggests that Teochiu local leaders have been successful in mobilizing support for this festival within the lower socio-economic levels of the Teochiu population. This mobilization has obviously been carried out and expressed in terms of ethnic solidarity and a common cultural heritage, and has been successful partially because it has utilized and, in fact, worked through the extensive and dense friendship and kinship networks that have developed within the housing estates. These festival organizations can be viewed as extensions of these networks into the organization of rituals which express Teochiu cultural solidarity to others and reflect underlying inter-ethnic rivalry and hostility in the local area.\n\nOne purpose of this article is to derive a preliminary conceptualization of ethnicity in the urban areas of Hong Kong. Such a conceptualization should involve more than an analysis of ethnic groups residing in a city. It should also indicate in what ways urban ethnicity is different from rural or non-urban ethnicity as a result of particularly urban processes and urban structure. This would involve the consideration of such factors as urbanization and urban planning, transportation networks, available housing and different types of residential settlements, the extent of housing segregation, occupational structure, and occupational specialization by particular groups, differential access to, and ethnic competition for, economic resources.\n\nThis paper has briefly discussed some of these factors with reference to urban areas of Hong Kong; in particular, the relative lack of Teochiu occupational specialization, the absence of housing segregation but the tendency of many Teochiu to segregate themselves in squatter settlements, the general absence of restrictions on social mobility based on ethnic group membership, the effects of urban housing policies on ethnic identity in resettling large ethnic concentrations to housing estates. Certain features of the urban system have thus clearly influenced the expression of ethnic identity and hostility. It is questionable, however, whether any part of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207688, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n61\n\nThe companion article provides a description of ethnic stereotypes in Hong Kong, indicates social distance between ethnic groups as perceived by Teochiu, and generally discusses interethnic interaction. Within the housing estate studied, the Teochiu are clearly the most insulated in that they are a sizeable minority with long established friend and kinship networks. But this does not mean that there is little or no interaction with other groups. Resettlement has caused an increase in the frequency of interethnic interaction, although it is doubtful whether this has led to an increase in the intensity of such relationships, particularly between Teochiu and non-Teochiu. There is daily contact and interaction between all ethnic groups. Squatters were randomly moved into the estate so that there is no concentration of a particular ethnic group on a certain floor or in a particular block of the estate. Thus one's neighbors are likely to be of a different ethnic group. Some families have developed reciprocal helping relationships with nearby neighbors which involves looking after children and providing assistance with household matters. There is constant interethnic interaction in the marketplace, although people will often buy food or other items from a shop managed by someone of the same ethnic group if it is convenient.\n\nThe work place is another arena of interethnic interaction in that virtually everyone, regardless of occupation, has work colleagues who are of another ethnic group. There is no positive correlation, however, between the frequency of such interaction and the likelihood that such contact will develop into close friendship. Most Teochiu that I know who work in factories state that they have non-Teochiu friends at work, but they further indicate that these friends are not close friends. It is clear from my own observations that few efforts are made to meet with non-Teochiu friends outside of the work place, aside from random meetings in the housing estate. Some individuals do of course have close friends who are of a different ethnic group but these are exceptions in that most close friendships are formed with people of the same group. Among Teochiu it is very likely that many close friends will be from one's village or nearby village in China: this is a function of the dense friendship networks that have developed within the estate.\n\nThus there is a constant inter-mixing between ethnic groups, but for most residents who immigrated to Hong Kong these relationships are of secondary importance. Interethnic interaction is much", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207693, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "66\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\nlack of familiarity with Teochiu history, this is important when current Teochiu feelings of hostility and social separation from Hoi Luk Fung in the housing estate are considered. (2) Kap Jih has always been an administrative unit of Luk Fung and Hoi Fung throughout Chinese history, and even during the period in the 1900's when Hoi Luk Fung was combined with Teochiu, Kap Jih was not administered by Hui Lai. This is not to say that villagers in the border area were restricted or contained by administrative boundaries. Hui Lai, Kap Jih and Luk Fung residents of the housing estate have told me that there was considerable interaction across boundaries, including marriage and economic ties. Yet within the housing estate, strict cognitive boundaries have been established between Teochiu and Luk Fung people and considerable confusion exists as to the social identity of people from Kap Jih villages. The latter should technically very clearly be categorized as Luk Fung, a categorization which, if universally applied, would have drastic effects on Teochiu-Kap Jih interaction,\n\nTeochiu, Hoi Luk Fung and Kap Jih in the Housing Estate: Stereotypes and Interaction\n\nAs mentioned above, the housing estate which I studied has a large number of Teochiu. There are several major networks of individuals which to some extent overlap and are primarily composed of individuals from the same village or nearby villages. Some individuals are from villages with small numbers of descendants in the estate and are active in the major networks or cliques because of friendships established during a long period of residence in the estate. Certain individuals have close contact with key people in each of the several networks, as well as with other Teochiu and non-Teochiu, and serve as informal leaders and conflict mediators. As briefly described in the companion article, most Teochiu in the estate have intense relationships with fellow Teochiu and spend most leisure time with their fellow countrymen and kinsmen. With a few exceptions, there is virtually no intended interaction between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung. There appears to be less interaction between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung than between Teochiu and Cantonese. These patterns in behavior also extend to organizational and ritual concerns in that similar Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung organizations and similar rituals and ritual preparation are kept clearly distinct and separate. Cognitive conceptions also function", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207698, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n71\n\neastern Kwangtung, cannot of course distinguish the two and usually are unaware of any difference in speech. Most Teochiu in the housing estate cannot differentiate the speech of Kap Jih people and Teochiu originally from Hui Lai villages near to Kap Jih. Thus Kap Jih are known to be Kap Jih only as a result of a person's self identification or participation in the local Kap Jih organization.\n\nAlthough most Teochiu in the housing estate have no close friendships or significant contact with Hoi Luk Fung, there are exceptions which are interesting in that such interaction does occur, albeit not frequently, and they serve to explicate the distance between the two groups. A few Teochiu do have friendship relationships with Hoi Luk Fung which are of course similar to Teochiu-Teochiu friendships; that is, each of the actors has expectations and responsibilities within the relationship which are appropriate for any such relationship, regardless of ethnic background. The major difference between a Teochiu-Hoi Luk Fung relationship and a Teochiu-Teochiu relationship is that in the latter the two people are likely to be very involved in a common network and norms concerning friend loyalty are reinforced and at times interpreted in terms of a loyalty to the local Teochiu group vis-a-vis other groups.\n\nThe first example of a Teochiu-Hoi Luk Fung relationship concerns an elderly Teochiu (C) who runs a small ground floor shop in one of the blocks within the estate. This man's shop sells mostly candy, soda, beer and other small items and also has a mahjong game continuously going in the back. A number of Hoi Luk Fung live in this particular housing block, and (C) has joking and acquaintance relationships with several who buy beer, etc. from his shop. One Hoi Luk Fung (D) calls (C) the honorific title \"uncle\" and usually stops and chats with the old man when passing the store. I met (D) on such an occasion and learned that his great great grandfather was originally from the old man's village in Hui Lai and that he moved to Hoi Luk Fung. Thus the old man and (D) consider themselves very distantly related as \"fellow villagers\". Both (D) and the old man label (D) as Hoi Luk Fung, and (D) speaks Hoi Luk Fung rather than Teochiu. He is involved in the local Hoi Luk Fung festival organization and in the only major Hoi Luk Fung temple organization in Tsun Wan (which is not in the immediate vicinity of the housing estate). The old man (C) had heard of this temple but had never been there. (C) and (D)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207702, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n75\n\nonly a few cases in which a Kap Jih person has done so. One example involves a very charismatic and locally powerful man who has cultivated ties in both communities and is involved in the festival organizations of both. Not everyone could successfully do so; it is unlikely that Kap Jih involved in Teochiu networks would be tolerated if they became intensely involved in Hoi Luk Fung activities and relationships. The two sets of relationships would be contradictory in that membership in one requires that one behaves \"loyally\", and the latter is partially defined in terms of specified action vis-a-vis outside groups. Those individuals who do successfully operate in both communities are in effect manipulating the normative system in breaking some norms, but are possessed of certain attributes that can negate the misbehavior. In the example mentioned here, the individual is sufficiently powerful within the local area so as to demand and obtain the allegiance of Teochiu despite his known involvement with Hoi Luk Fung.\n\nConclusion\n\nCognitive classifications and interactional patterns are often treated as distinct analytical entities in anthropological research and theorizing. When viewing the way people act and conceive of things at a lower level of abstraction, the two are obviously inseparable. The study of process, as opposed to the study of frequencies, form and structure, forces attention to be focused upon the interplay between the two, to explain categorizations of groups or individuals in terms of interactional patterns, as in the case of Teochiu classification of Kap Jih in the housing estate. In the latter, the lack of consensus concerning Kap Jih is only confusing for the outsider, in this case the researcher, and has never been a public issue that had to be \"resolved\". Variation in classification is acceptable and not threatening. This is partly because Kap Jih have loosely modified their history to establish an historical link with Hui Lai and thus become \"Teochiu\" if they choose to do so. On the other hand, interactional patterns may be influenced by generally accepted and acknowledged conceptualizations of other groups, as in the case of Teochiu-Hoi Luk Fung relationships. In the latter, there is consensus concerning the classification and there is much less variability in interaction with Hoi Luk Fung. Viewed in a simplistic manner, interethnic interaction is a matter of definition — one must decide which category a person belongs to and then\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207750, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 123\n\nIn a word, everything is very uncertain. We must lay the future of the whole mission, even as our own, into the hands of God.2\n\nHamberg's earthly future was quite short for he died nine days after writing the above.\n\nThe fortunes of Hung Jen-kan and Li Tsin-kau in their efforts to reach Nanking by way of Shanghai were also unfortunate. Hamberg had given them a letter of recommendation to the London Missionary Society agent at Shanghai, the Rev. W. H. Medhurst. Medhurst housed them on their arrival in the Mission Hospital. In Shanghai they met a friend from Canton whom they invited to share these quarters. This friend smoked opium, and when Medhurst happened to come into the room and saw his opium pipe on the bed, they were all told to leave. A dispute arose between Jen-kan and Tsin-kau, with Jen-kan charging Tsin-kau with carelessness and sensuality. Tsin-kau remarks:\n\nAt that time, I was truly in distress, for I had no friend in the world and no money with which to return to Hong Kong. I felt I must certainly come to misfortune. But this was the point when a change occurred in my heart. I was altogether fallen into the depth, then God took me in judgment of my sins, and the Spirit of God did its powerful work in me. The Shepherd of my life took over and from now on I gave my life to him. The Lord changed Medhurst's heart and he gave me money to return to Hong Kong.3\n\nJen-kan also returned to Hong Kong, no way being open to pass through the Imperial lines to reach Nanking.\n\nWhen Li Tsin-kau arrived back in Hong Kong, he immediately sought out the Rev. Lechler, who gave him two dollars to return to his home up-country. After visiting his family, he came down to the Basel Mission station at Pu-kit and was taken on as a helper. When hostilities broke out in 1856 over the Arrow-lorcha incident, Lechler had to leave Pu-kit and retire to Hong Kong. He brought with him Li Tsin-kau whom he placed in the newly opened hospital of the Berlin Missionary Society operated by Dr. Heinrich Göcking. Li served as an overseer and doctor's assistant until the hospital was forced to close in 1859 for lack of funds.\n\nMeanwhile his former travelling companion, Hung Jen-kan had made a second and successful effort to reach Nanking. Being estab-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207775, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "148\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\ncoal burners. By cannibalising trucks it was possible to have 3 engines for every 2 trucks so that each engine would be stripped down and rebuilt every 2,000 km. This may appear excessive but the engines, due to the low power on gas, required bottom gear for gradients that on petrol would need third gear. The revolutions per kilometre were therefore high. Despite filtering of the charcoal gas, dust carried through to the engine and gave heavy cylinder and bearing wear.\n\nThe lack of replacement parts and lubricating oil was a major problem since neither could be purchased in China except at very high prices and of doubtful origin. Brake and clutch linings, hydraulic brake components and fluid, and electrical components could not be satisfactorily substituted. The problem, especially that of lubricating oil, was not solved until late 1944 when an allocation of 1 ton air freight per month from Calcutta to Kunming was obtained especially for the import of spare parts.\n\nCharcoal Gas Power for Road Transport\n\nThe gas engine was a common source of power for factory installation between 1880 and 1920 in Europe and America. The usual form was a single horizontal cylinder with sliding crosshead and connecting rod turning a large flywheel. Flame or spark ignition was used and the fuel was coal gas or producer gas. Because of the fuel characteristics a long stroke and a high compression ratio (of the order of 15:1) are required for maximum efficiency.\n\nDuring World War I town gas was used as a fuel for motor vehicles in the UK, and from 1931 onwards research in the subject was carried out at Birmingham in both the Mechanical Engineering Department of the University and the Industrial Research Laboratory of the City of Birmingham Gas Department. This is described by Clarke (Ref. 2). The use of town gas depends on containers, either high pressure cylinders or 'gas bags' which are refilled from the main supply.\n\nAn alternative system is to use producer gas, generated from a carbon-base fuel in an apparatus attached to the vehicle. This method received much attention in the 1930's and different systems are described by Goldman and Clarke Jones (Ref. 3). Producer gas is made by burning carbon in the form of peat, wood, anthracite,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207785, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "158\n\nW. A. REYNOLDS\n\nTABLE IX\n\nSpares & Equipment for Chevrolet Charcoal Truck No. 21 1944/45 On 500 Km. Runs\n\nTruck No. 21. List of Tools Spares and Equipment: 23:3:45\n\n \n Truck Equipment\n \n \n \n 1 Pair wheel chains\n 1 Tow Chain\n \n \n 18 charcoal sacks\n 5 new filter bags\n \n \n Truck Spares\n \n \n \n 1 coil lock\n 1 ignition switch cable key and\n \n \n 1 set manifold gaskets\n 14 used filter bags\n \n \n 1 clutch plate (used)\n 5 lengths rope\n \n \n 1 cylinder head gasket\n 1 scoop\n \n \n 1 tin hot patches\n 1 funnel\n \n \n 1 tin rubber solution\n 1 water can\n \n \n 1 box carburettor parts\n 1 5 gal. engine oil tin\n \n \n 1 tyre repair outfit\n 1 2 gal. gear oil tin\n \n \n 2 tins radiator cement\n 1 1 gal. gear oil tin\n \n \n 10 ft. 10 amp electric wire\n 1 1 qt. tin brake fluid\n \n \n 10 sq. in. 0.002 shim metal\n 1 1 qt. tin paraffin\n \n \n 1 fuel pump repair kit\n 1 1 qt. tin old engine oil\n \n \n 2 front wheel grease retainers\n 1 bottle distilled water\n \n \n 1 distributor top\n 1 front wheel inner bearing\n \n \n 1 front wheel outer bearing\n 3 universal needle bearing assemblies\n \n \n 1 headlamp bulb\n 2 exhaust pipe gaskets\n \n \n 1 set new ignition points\n 2 sets old ignition points\n \n \n 6 old spark plugs\n 1 rotor arm\n \n \n 1 condenser\n 2 fuses\n \n \n Truck Tools\n \n \n \n 1 sentinel jack plus handle\n 1 screw jack plus handle\n \n \n 1 blower handle\n 1 chev. tyre lever\n \n \n 1 plug lead\n 2 spring tyre levers\n \n \n 1 wheel wrench\n 1 starting handle\n \n \n 1 3 lb. hammer\n 1 chev grease gun\n \n \n 1 blower handle\n 2 old fan belts\n \n \n 1 new fan belt\n 1 '41 stub axle plus king pin\n \n \n 1 compressed air line\n 2 rocker arms\n \n \n 1 '39 stub axle\n 1 each front and rear wheel studs\n \n \n 1 bar white metal solder\n 1 blower belt (gasogene)\n \n \n 1 each master cyl. front and rear brake cups.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207790, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "LAND AND RIVER ROUTES TO WEST CHINA\n\n163\n\nValley. A tea committee was formed whose findings were favourable, and experimental tea gardens were opened at Jaipur in Upper Assam. By 1859 over 4,000 acres were under cultivation, and the industry was assured of a bright future. Ample British capital was available for expansion, the British public's appetite for tea seemed inexhaustible; but scarcity of labour was a serious handicap. Assam was thinly populated, and the planters were dependent on Bengalis, who took a long time to get acclimatised. The idea of importing Chinese labour by the overland route was suggested, as at this time Chinese labour was considered indispensable to economic development in the tropics, and the Indian government was sympathetic. There were several possible land routes between India and West China, some passing through Burma, and Article 9 of the 1862 Commercial Treaty between Britain and Burma allowed entry into British territory from the Burmese side. The tea planters, however, failed to recruit Chinese workers, and blamed their lack of success upon the difficulties and hardships of the overland routes. This led to pressure on the government to improve the major land routes, and to several expeditions across the debatable borderlands between India, Burma, and China.\n\nFrom the 1860s until near the end of the century, therefore, there was rivalry between British commercial circles in India and those in China, over access to West China. In addition to these two approaches, from India and from the Yangtze, there were others from the south; by the Mekong or Red River from Indo-China, and by the West River from Canton and Hong Kong. Anglo-French colonial rivalry was acute during the second half of the nineteenth century, especially in the Far East. The French were keen to find and exploit a trade route to West China; and while Britain was investigating routes from Burma, the Yangtze, and the West River, France was investigating possible routes from the Mekong and Red Rivers.\n\nAs became widely known by the end of the century, and suspected by realists before then, West China and its borderlands comprise some of the most difficult regions of the world in which to build roads or railways, or in which to improve river navigation. There are high mountain ranges divided by deep valleys, densely forested in many places; and all the great rivers—the Yangtze, Irrawaddy, Mekong, Red River, and Salween—are seriously impeded by rapids", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "166 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nIn 1868 T. T. Cooper, a British merchant in Burma, came to Shanghai and attempted to improve on Blakiston's feat. His venture was partly financed by the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce. Cooper went up the Yangtze to Chungking, and then overland to Chengtu, the capital of Szechwan. Here he received permission from the Governor General to travel on through Szechwan and Tibet to India; but he met such determined opposition and hostility from the lamas on the Tibetan border, where he was imprisoned for five weeks, that he was forced to turn back. \n\nIn the following year, Sir Rutherford Alcock, British Minister at Peking, sent Robert Swinhoe of the China Consular Service to investigate trade prospects on the Upper Yangtze. Vice-Admiral Keppel, R.N. was making a survey of the river, and Swinhoe's party, which included Alexander Michie and Robert Francis of the Shanghai Chamber of Commerce and two naval surveyors, travelled to Ichang on H.M.S. Opussum. This was the first time a steamship had reached Ichang, and the Chinese pilot refused to go any further. A junk was hired for the passage through the Gorges to Chungking, and soundings and surveys taken en route. The surveyors, however, gave an unfavourable report on the feasibility of steam navigation on the Upper Yangtze. They particularly commented on the force of the current, lack of suitable anchorages, intricacy of navigation because of the changeable channel, and so on. They also thought descent would be even more difficult than ascent. The chief engineer of Opossum described a sample of coal obtained half way between Ichang and Chungking as resembling good anthracite in appearance, but requiring large furnaces and a long time for combustion. \n\nThis was the most thorough navigational survey of the Upper Yangtze, and many of the factors militating against steam navigation between Ichang and Chungking were investigated and made known. The bed of the river falls 470 feet in the 360 miles between the two places, and this fall of one and a third feet per mile is the cause of the strong currents and rapids in this section of the river. The most difficult stretch is the first half of the Upper River between Ichang and Wanhsien, where the most difficult rapids and gorges are encountered. The Ichang Gorge begins five miles above Ichang, and then come the Ox Liver and Horse's Lung Gorges, and the Hsintan Rapid immediately after the latter. The most spectacular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207795, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "168\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nMeanwhile exploration continued from the south. Between 1866 and 1868 the French under Doudart de Lagrée and Francis Garnier made their famous expedition from Saigon by the Mekong River through Cambodia, Thailand, and Laos to Talifu and Kunming in Yunnan. The Panthay Rebellion was then at its height, and the Chinese authorities refused them permission to proceed further up the Mekong. Garnier, who had succeeded to the leadership after Lagrée's death, had to abandon his plan to explore the sources of the Mekong, and turned east across Yunnan to the Upper Yangtze at Iping. Here boats were obtained to take them on the four weeks journey to Hankow. Garnier saw enough of the Mekong to realise that it could never rival the Irawaddy, let alone the Yangtze, as a trade route to West China, and French interest shifted to the Red River route from Haiphong through Tongking. During an enforced delay on the Siamese border, Garnier made the first thorough survey of the ruins of Angkor, and his expedition is important in that it encouraged French ambitions for an Indo-Chinese Empire.\n\nThere was no clear policy on the part of the various British parties concerned with developing trade with West China, nor over the best way to reach this region of supposed inexhaustible wealth. Lack of accurate information is also a constant theme in the history of British relations with West China. However, penetration and exploitation from the West, that is from India and Burma, attracted greater public and official support in Britain than that from the Yangtze by the China traders, though by 1874, a combination of circumstances led to a co-operative effort being made from both East and West, the aforementioned Dual Mission of 1874-75, which I shall now describe.\n\nThe Panthay Rebellion finally came to an end in May 1873 when the Imperial troops captured Momein, this completing the reconquest of Yunnan after eighteen years of civil war. During the ensuing period of rehabilitation the provincial authorities tried to revive the Burma-Yunnan overland route, and caravans reappeared after nearly twenty years' absence, undeterred by disbanded soldiers and lawless hillmen. By May 1874 the British Political Agent at Bhamo reported that more caravans were passing between Burma and Yunnan than for many years, and that British and Chinese merchants were sending such large consignments of goods", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207816, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "The Ancient Mon-Pagan, Peru & Nakorn Pathom 189\n\n(Rama VI) complete with Shakespearian house and a statue to his dog whom he suspected had been poisoned by jealous courtiers.\n\nThe Pagan theme of temple paintings, though of a different period, may also be taken up again in Dhonburi, across the river from Bangkok. Dhonburi was the capital between the fall of Ayuthaya in 1757 and the establishment of Bangkok in 1782 and boasts a number of old temples, many still having their original mural paintings. The little visited Wat Wai Thepnimit is lost amid sluggish canals and has paintings in good condition dating from the late 18th century. Like many of such temples, the scene above the main door inside represents the victory of the Buddha over the temptations of Mara; the scene behind the altar shows the division of the world into paradise, earth, and hell; and at the lower levels on the sides, between the windows, are the stories from the last ten Jataka tales, while above are serried rows of alternating orahan, or devotees, and yaksa or giants. In better condition, though in not so charmingly dilapidated a building, is the temple of Wat Chaiyathit, which can only be reached by a walk by narrow canals and a railway track. The well-known paintings at the fine Wat Suwannaram on Klong Bangkok Noi need little introduction. The small dual buildings of Wat Rumarin Ratchapaksi near Wat Dusit, bombed by accident in the last war, are now at last being repaired, though not before the weather has caused considerable damage to the quality of the paintings. One of the most impressive buildings to survive the passage of time and weather is the old library at Wat Rakhang, the Ho Trai. This has three rooms and was formerly part of a dwelling of General Chakri, the founder of the present dynasty, in the 18th century. He had it converted into a library for the temple after he became king. The carved entrance doors are magnificent, and the Ayuthia period lacquered library cupboards are in very good condition. The paintings, which had been much damaged by time and smoke from a fire at the temple, are now being restored. The scenes depict barely recognisable episodes from the Thai version of the Ramayana.\n\nBangkok does not lack evening entertainment, but there is not much that can rival the setting of Krisnavara House, with its collection of antiques beside the Chao Praya River, for a performance of the now rarely presented hoon krabawk, or stick puppet theatre. The figures are clothed in 19th-century court dresses and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207850, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 223\n\nscientists or technicians. From this view of fung shui there follow two consequences. One is that geomancers are held in an esteem not shared by other practitioners of Chinese religion. They are gentlemen, unlike priests (naam moh lo), spirit mediums, and Buddhists who perform ordinary rites for laymen, for these, whatever the need for their services, are looked down upon as being, in a sense, unclean. Some geomancers are in fact gentlemen in a very specific sense: they do not make their living by their craft, but practice it as a learned hobby (albeit a rewarded one on occasion). The Colony is the home of many weekend geomancers. It is highly respectable to be a fung shui sin shaang and it is a matter for pride to be known to seek their company and profit by their learning. The second consequence is that a Chinese may cease to believe in and practise his traditional religion without abandoning his faith in geomancy. Be he Christian or atheist, fung shui retains for him its meaning and its appeal. (I am not asserting, of course, that geomancy is in fact compatible with Christianity or atheism; my point is that many Chinese Christians think that their religion does not bar faith in fung shui; and I daresay, although I have not discussed the matter with one of them, that Chinese atheists would deny that geomancy is anything with which their lack of religion could conflict). Geomancy is 'science' for those who would have it so. The Administration, to my knowledge, has had to contend with fung shui objections by Christians and presumably also by atheists.\n\n55. Fung shui is primarily concerned with siting graves and houses. But not all graves and houses are geomantically placed. Fung shui is a preoccupation with success, and since an appetite for success must be stimulated by a taste of it, those who lack hope are not involved in geomantic striving. Fung shui is not for the very poor. It is when a man begins to think of the possibility of increased success for himself and his issue, a measure of prosperity already having been achieved, that he takes to a concern with geomancy. And those who are fully successful cannot afford to ignore the need to ensure their continuing prosperity by taking geomantic precautions. Underlying fung shui is a fundamental assumption of Chinese society: all men (that is, all Chinese who are fully accepted within society) are in principle equal and may legitimately strive to improve their station in life. The peasant in his cottage has as much right to hope for advancement as the mandarin in his yamen or, to take a more contemporary example.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207855, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 243, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "228 \n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN \n\na stretch of water (the sea). The Green Dragon is satisfactory, but the White Tiger is imperfect; there is a break in the line of the hills through which too much wind can pass; so that the whole configuration, while being good, falls short of being a perfect embrace. For that reason Sun enjoyed power but not for long. A stream runs obliquely across the valley robbing the grave of its virtue in respect of money; Sun was poor. In the sea below there are several small islands which are to be taken as warships, some of them sailing out into the open sea, showing Sun's desertion by his armed forces. Finally, there appears in the distance just over the line of the White Tiger, the peak of another hill; such a feature means robbery-Sun was kidnapped. The site explains Sun's career (or some version of it) and justifies the geomancer who predicted that Mrs. Sun's son would be a king. \n\nThis simple case illustrates two systems of analysis being employed together; the system of metaphysical forces composing a site, and the system of resemblances, the latter being invoked to interpret the islands. But the chief interest of the case lies in the example it offers of retrospective interpretation. Geomancy is a self-reinforcing system of ideas. What is predicted must always come true, because what is foretold is vague, or inevitable, or subject to frustrations which deny a part of the system or the competence of a particular practitioner without damaging the system as a whole. Retrospectively it can be demonstrated to be valid because the material can be read in a number of different ways to justify any collection of events. Moreover, the existence of prosperity by itself presupposes that it has been produced by fung shui, and failure to detect the precise reasons why the fung shui has operated so well leaves it in the realm of knowledge which in principle can be obtained but for the moment, because of lack of expertise, remains inaccessible. (One geomancer told me that Mr. Mao Tse-tung's mother is buried in a good fung shui. And he added, perhaps for political symmetry, that General Chiang Kai-shek also enjoys geomantic benefits, the fall in his fortunes being due to the operation of the cycle which governs all affairs. Retrospective fung shui is illustrated also in the traditions of the Tang clan. When the Sung princess who married a Tang in the twelfth century became old a famous geomancer chose a fung shui for her which resembled a lion, asking her whether she preferred to be buried in the lion's head or tail. 'She asked what difference it would make, and she was told that if", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "230\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nrich man from Hong Kong). Similarly, the fung shui of buildings plays a less important role in the city than the country. There are naturally severe limits to what can be done in the urban area to extract the best geomantic possibilities from a given site and to avoid places which have been labelled as bad fung shui risks. By and large, I think we may say that in the city fung shui is a retrospective explanation of fortune rather than a prediction of it, and that in urban conditions far more reliance is placed on the dominant geomantic effects of crucial sites (government offices and other public and semi-public buildings). City-dwellers conducting a stranger around their streets point out to him the residences of rich men which have brought them good fortune or the houses which, because of their unfavourable sites, have exerted a malignant influence on their inhabitants. (A new road, pointing like a deadly arrow to Mr. A's house, brought him disaster. Mr. B enjoys the protection of wind and excluded and static water). In the countryside, in contrast, the geomancy of buildings is both forward-and backward-looking. The height of a new village house must take into account the height and position of the ancestral halls and other houses, in order that the fortunes of other people may not be prejudiced by one's efforts to improve one's own. In a remarkably interesting case being argued out during my stay in the New Territories a disproportion in the two halves of the roofs of new houses was the cause of an agitation which cost the people responsible for the houses much money and frustration. It was held that, the front sections of the roofs being longer than the rear, the future of the inhabitants would be cut short. As for retrospective geomancy, misfortune - disease, death, lack of male children, poor harvests, and so on - may come to be attributed to faults in fung shui which are then put right. The entrance to a wall round the village (wai) may need to be protected by new 'arms' or skewed to alter the orientation of the whole village. A building thought to be too high may be lowered. Again, good or bad fortune may be attributed to earlier fung shui actions for which in fact there is no evidence. It is a common feature of New Territories village organisation that communities which are now solidly or predominantly composed of one clan were in time past made up of several. The disappearance of the weaker ones, through emigration or failure to reproduce, is often said to have followed from their geomantic indiscretion or, as in a case which has impressed itself on me, from the superior geomantic techniques of the survivors. In this case the sole clan", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207858, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n231\n\ninhabiting the village point to the ruined ancestral halls of their late rivals and ascribe their own fortune to the cunning of their ancestor who, at the time when all the ancestral halls were being built in a line, surreptitiously made a slight alteration to the direction in which his own hall was to face. If ever there was such an incident, which I take leave to doubt, the alignment now to be seen bears no trace of it. The jubilant survivors cannot detect it either; they merely assume it to be there.\n\n64. Just as the fung shui (and in consequence the status) of people may be attacked by poaching on grave-sites, so conflict can arise over buildings. X's attempt to build higher than my house is an affront. I say he is ruining my fung shui. I am implying that he has no right to put himself above me. Y has pierced his wall to make a new window. It has caused sickness in the village. We protest against his lack of consideration; he should have taken precautions. Perhaps we are also saying that he should not have done what others do not do. And fung shui objections become intensified when those who have been held to be at fault are outsiders: strangers or the government. For then the community as a whole can be united in its determination to defend its interests.\n\n65. A village is not just the ground on which its fields are made and its houses stand. It is the whole area which, by custom, falls within the control of the community. When the British arrived they acknowledged rights not only to building sites and cultivations, registering these rights in the land records, but also to a wider village territory within which the local population had certain privileges, especially for burying their dead, grazing their beasts, and collecting fuel. Villagers stand by these rights in the sense that intrusion is resented and attempts made to force trespassers to pay for their boldness if they cannot, or it is not desirable that they be, excluded. The immigrant vegetable-grower or poultry-farmer may think that he has acquired the right to put up a shack but he may find himself the centre of a dispute from which he can extricate himself only by paying a sum of money. An industrialist may have all the necessary permits but he may be forced to come to terms with the people in whose area he wishes to operate. The wise immigrant and the wise industrialist make their terms before they begin to build. Similarly, the government undertaking public works may fall foul of objections which are phrased in fung shui language. A hole is being drilled; a child falls sick; the work must stop.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207868, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 256, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\nT\n\n241\n\ntions on foreigners will block any spectacular expansion. It may be that New Territories Chinese in Britain will gradually diversify their occupations – they have begun to do so finding their way step by step into a multitude of industries and jobs. And it is possible that a disintegration of the restaurant pattern of settlement will have important consequences for the assimilation of the migrants and their ties with home. So far the tendency has been for the unsuccessful to lose touch with their people at home (by failing to send money back and to return), and for the successful to maintain close ties. A man works a few years, sending money home, especially when his fare has been paid off, and saving for a trip back to Hong Kong. He then goes home for a while. If he is unmarried he uses his holiday as an opportunity for getting a wife. The break over, he returns to the United Kingdom to resume work. (I have seen emigrants' passports which show this pattern of work and return. Now that passports have to be produced in Hong Kong in connection with applications to be admitted to the United Kingdom it would be a comparatively simple matter for the authorities to keep statistics showing how long men stay abroad and where they have been. It would be very useful information.) The restaurant business itself acts as an insulation between the migrants and the people among whom they make their living. They are caught up in their own forms of social grouping (domestically and otherwise). Many of them return to Hong Kong knowing no more than a few words of English (as kitchen-workers they will not have needed to speak to a non-Chinese); most of them cannot conduct a conversation in that language. A few hundred young women have gone to Britain from the New Territories in recent years to join their men (I have been given a figure of 300), so that a measure of isolation is assured for even some of those who set up family life. A few men have married, some bigamously, or formed liaisons with local women in Britain. If what is true for many minority groups in present-day Britain holds also for the Chinese, then such unions are not necessarily a link with the wider society, for the women often become a part of the small social island into which they have moved without throwing a bridge across to the mainland.\n\n79. I have heard speculations about the role to be played by returned migrants in the social life of the New Territories. There is talk of their being so worldly-wise and sophisticated that they may come to form a difficult category of people to deal with. My im-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 263, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "248\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\ncommon ownership. How do such systems work? What economic consequences follow from the building up and breaking down of common properties? It would appear, for example, that a shift to new uses of land must often wait upon the dissolution of the tso which holds it, and there are sometimes long drawn-out disputes over the manner in which the division is to be made—as when the tso consists of two or more branches of unequal size such that a per stirpes distribution would benefit some people and a per capita one others. Again, detailed field studies would be able to show not simply how much land in a given area is being rented out to tenants, but also the different classes of tenancy and their rules, implicit as well as explicit. In this connexion, I may refer once more to the uncertainty which appears to surround the terms governing short tenancies by vegetable-growers.\n\n86. There is, of course, a larger land matter at stake in the New Territories. Recent development has done more than merely put pressure on common holdings and convert paddies to vegetable gardens; it has created an urban market for country land and encouraged the idea that it is the landowner's right to convert his property to non-agricultural uses. No modern government can allow country land to be turned haphazardly into building sites, and it is not to be wondered at that, in their desire to put their land to new uses, New Territories people have had to face an official land policy which sometimes appears to them to be perverse. And a disinterested outsider might well comment that in this difference, the government appears to be the guardian of a rural integrity which the country people themselves are content to see disappear. Many small landowners would prefer to stop being peasants and either sell what they have to a dealer or develop it themselves by putting up accommodation for rent. The situation breeds misunderstandings. I recall, to take an example from official restrictions on housing—how, at the beginning of my work, I had great difficulty in extracting from what I was told the small kernel of truth about government policy. The fact that village houses up to a certain height and area are exempt from certain burdensome requirements becomes distorted into the belief that a limit is being imposed on the dimensions of houses; and complaints are heard about the lack of freedom to design houses according to the wishes of the inhabitants. It is certainly not easy to see how the Administration can overcome the difficulties arising from misunderstanding, but a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207914, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 302, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n287\n\nof incorruptness. The last name of Ho Chung's studio was T’ing-yü-hsien, that is, a pavilion for listening to the rain. The melancholy atmosphere of a rainy day, from the point-of-view of Chinese literary life, has been a special but poetic mood favoured by poets of Sung China in the 13th century. Transferring this sad feeling of listening to the rain as one of Ho Chung's studio names showed that this late 19th century Kwangtung artist certainly shared the Sung poets' feeling of melancholy.\n\nWith regard to Ho Chung's biography, due to the lack of information his life as an artist is not completely clear, although according to an art history written in 1927 and devoted to Chinese artists in Kwangtung, Ho Chung was over seventy years old when he died. Based on this clue, the chronology of this artist can be ascertained in general. There are 34 pictures all by Ho Chung in the Luis de Camoes Museum in Macau. Among them, a circular fan painting has been inscribed by the artist with the date Keng-tze ✯; a year corresponding to the 26th year in the Kwang-shü * era during the Ch'ing Dynasty, which in turn corresponds to the year 1900. This is a very helpful discovery, since if Ho Chung died around 1900 at the age of seventy-five, he might have been born around 1825. At any rate, Ho Chung must have been an artist chiefly active in the second half of the 19th century and presumably his late years touched at least the first one or two years of the 20th century.\n\nFrom the 17th to the 19th centuries, Chinese painting in Kwangtung certainly developed into a more fruitful stage than in the preceding centuries. Nevertheless, the artistic quality of these Kwangtung paintings was not only less significant than those of the Chiang-nan area, the centre of Chinese painting of that time\n\n- but also can hardly be compared with the standard of her neighbouring province, Fukien. For this reason, within these three centuries, artists who were not natives of Kwangtung and were also not first class artists of the Chiang-nan area, but whenever and wherever settled in Kwangtung, were always regarded by Kwangtung art historians as Kwangtung artists. For instance, Wang Hou-lai, a native of An-hui province settled at Pan-yü during the 18th century, was treated as a representative artist for Kwangtung landscape painting. Similarly, Sung Kwang-pao and Meng Chin-i, two artists of the Kiangsu province, lived in Kwang-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207918, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 306, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n291\n\n* This poetic feeling can be reflected by a Tzu poem written by Chiang Chieh # which reads:\n\n\"The rain song in youth I heard from song bedroom 樓上\n\nred candle setting behind a satin screen *****\n\nolder and travelling I heard rain in a boat #\n\nhuge river, low clouds, ***›\n\na goose crying in the west wind parted from the flock. $$$\n\nK\n\nNow when I hear the rain, in a hermit's cell MET\n\nmy hair has long turned grey 11\n\nsorrow, happiness, parting, joining are all neutral #46BAH raindrops all night long on the stone steps. Ħ¶¤àa¤N ·\n\nFor the English translation, see John Scott: Love and Protest (1972, London), p. 118.\n\n9 see Wang Chao-yung, op.cit. p.7.\n\n10 Its registration number in the Luis de Camoes Museum is AL 1 No. 10.\n\n11 Chiang-nan is a conventionalized geographic term referring to the vast area of Kiangsu, Chekiang, An-hui and Fukien provinces.\n\n12 See Chuang Shen op.cit. pp. 14-18. There I have pointed out that in the 19th century, the painting styles of Hua Yen and Huang Shen, two artists of Fukien, were followed by the Kwangtung artists.\n\n13 See Chu-tsing Li: \"Landscape painting in Kwangtung during Ming and Ch'ing\", in Landscape paintings by Kwangtung Masters during the Ming and Ch'ing Period (published in 1973 by the Art Gallery of The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong), p. 4.\n\n14 Sung Kwang-pao and Meng Chuii were both artists of Kiangsu province. Followed Li Ping-shou, they came to Kwangtung during the first half of the 19th century. Later, Sung was regarded as the founder of a more laborious and decorative school, while Meng became the forerunner of a different school, less decorative, and mainly stressing the artist's inner self.\n\n15 See Lin Po-ting *** \"Brief Notes on the Taiwan painters during the Ch'ing Dynasty”滑朝台灣畫人輯系 history selected in Central Chinese culture and Taiwan AXLA÷ (1971, Taipei), pp. 531-539,\n\n16 See Lin Po-ting: ibid, p. 535.\n\n**MFIL\n\n17 See Sohokaku Shogaki **M***, Descriptive catalogue of Chinese paintings and calligraphies in the possession of Bardo Asano (1864-1880), (published in 1973 by the Kansai University in Japan), pp. 143 - 144.\n\nAs to this catalogue and its editor, see also Kokuro Wakimono + A 'Notes on paintings and calligraphy in the Shohokaku Shogaki Collection and its Author Asano Baido\", *NTORE *o****** The Bijutsu Kenkyu ✯ (Journal of Art Studies), No. 35 (1973, Tokyo), pp. 531 - 544.\n\n18 See Chuang Shen: op.cit. p. 21.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong,\n\nMarch 1977.\n\nCHUANG SHEN", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207991, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "14\n\nLEIGH WRIGHT\n\nAt the height of Brunei's \"golden age\" the earliest contacts with Europeans occurred. The best records of the early contacts are found in the account of Antonio Pigafetta, the chronicler of Magellan's circumnavigation voyage. In 1521 Magellan's fleet visited Brunei. I quote at some length a description of Brunei under Sultan Bulkiah.4\n\nWhen we reached the city, we had to wait two hours in the prau, until there had arrived two elephants, caparisoned in silk-cloth, and twelve men, each furnished with a porcelain vase, covered with silk, to receive and to cover our presents. We mounted the elephants, the twelve men going before, carrying the presents. The present for the king consisted of a vest velvet in the Turkish fashion, a chair of purple velvet, five yards of red broad-cloth, one cap (beretoo), a gilded goblet, a glass vase with a lid, three quires of paper, and gilded inkstand. We brought for the queen three yards of yellow broad-cloth, a pair of silver-embroidered shoes, and a silver case filled with pins. We thus proceeded to the house of the governor, who gave us a supper of many dishes. Here we slept for the night on mattresses stuffed with cotton (Bambagic), and cased with silk. Next day, we were left at our leisure until twelve o'clock when we proceeded to the king's palace. We were mounted, as before, on elephants, the men bearing the gifts going before us. From the governor's house to the palace the streets were full of people armed with swords, lances and targets: the king had so ordered it. Still mounted on the elephants we entered the court of the palace. We then dismounted, ascended a stair, accompanied by the governor and some chiefs, and entered a great hall full of courtiers, whom we shall call barons of the realm (Baroni del regno). Here we were seated on carpets, the presents being placed near to us.\n\nAt the end of the great hall, but raised above it, there was one of less extent hung with silken cloth, in which were two curtains, on raising which, there appeared two windows, which lighted the hall. Here, as a guard to the king, there were 300 men with naked rapiers (stochi nudi) in hand resting on their thighs, at the further end of this smaller hall, there was a great window with a brocade curtain before it, on raising which, we saw the king seated at a table masticating betel, and a little boy,\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207996, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "BRUNEI: A HISTORICAL RELIC\n\n19\n\nin insurrection; but being disunited, they have not thereby improved their condition: the Bornean Government always threatening them with calling in the Kayans to subdue any opposition. The Muruts and Bisayas of Limbang are the most impoverished people I have ever met,\n\nMy own findings concerning the sultans of Brunei during this period show quite conclusively that they supported and frequently had financial interests in pirate fleets.\n\nBrunei throughout the nineteenth century is pictured by most authorities as a decrepit principality whose chief characteristics are political weakness and anarchy.\n\nBrunei is in a state of anarchy and the sultan too mixed up with trading affairs and piracy to care for administration of justice or the welfare of the country.8\n\nThat less than sanguine description was written in 1854. Almost twenty years later the situation remained generally unchanged:\n\nThe picture that has been presented to us is of an aged prince devoting the last years of his life to the unscrupulous pursuit of wealth... ruled by his petty rajas, whose first aim is their own aggrandizement.9\n\nBy the middle of the 19th century the physical look of Brunei, built over the mud flats of the Brunei River, had changed only in terms of its now lack of pretension and prosperity from what Pigafetta had observed three hundred years before. The following is a description of the place by Raja James Brooke of Sarawak—taken from an 1841 entry in his journals. It describes the town and Brooke's reception by the sultan's court, and contrasts rather vividly with that of Pigafetta.\n\n**24th At 7 A.M. the state-boat, a shabby concern, decorated with yellow flags, arrived; at eight the letters were borne away under a salute. Thus we had a second time the satisfaction of getting rid of the mob at an early hour.\n\n\"25th At 9 A.M. I started with Williamson in the gig, with the long-boat in company, carrying the presents. On approaching the town, before the ebb had run long, it appeared to be a very Venice of hovels, a river Cybele rising from the water. For those who like it, the locality is not ill chosen. The hills recede from the river, and form an amphitheatre; and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208004, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "BRUNEI: A HISTORICAL RELIC\n\n27\n\nMalaya a \"new nationalism” has not yet emerged. It is in a sense \"bought off\" by the prosperity and good times made possible by the oil revenues.\n\nA recent account of Brunei in a well-known western journal began this way: 21\n\nThere are moments when visitors feel this sleepy state on Borneo island's northern shore is something dreamed-up in a Hollywood script conference.\n\nOur film opens in some place wild like the South China Sea coast. It's a place run by a sultan — you know, a chap with a turban and a name like Sir Omar Ali Saifuddin. He lives in this big box of a palace with a flock of cars and a bunch of hungry relatives.\n\nAnd get this, the country sits atop a huge pool of oil so nobody wants to work. In fact, most everyone just kinda mooch-es off the government, which sits back and collects millions from the oil company.\n\nThen we need something spectacular like a huge mosque with a gold-plated dome that's lit with coloured floodlights at night.\n\nExcept for the presence of the opulent gold-domed Sultan Omar Ali Saifuddin mosque which now towers on the skyline Pigafetta of Magellan's crew would still recognize Brunei if he were able to sail up the river to the town today,22\n\nThe \"Water Village” (Kampong Ayer) has changed little in character. More than half the people in the capital live in houses built on piles above the water of the river, and it is said that some old women in the kampong have never set foot on land, having spent their whole lives in the river village. Today, however, Kampong Ayer is dominated by the mosque, constructed at the water's edge and opened in 1958. This dignified building, the pride of the present and the fulfilment of the hopes of the past, approached from water on one side and land on the other, seems to stand symbolically where tradition and progress meet. For although the water village changes little, on the landward side Brunei Town grows, encouraged by the easy wealth obtained from oil revenues and by the fervent desire, both patriotic and religious, to outdo its neighbours,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "STANLEY INTERNMENT CAMP, HONG KONG 1942-1945\n\n31\n\nAfter 17 days in appallingly overcrowded, filthy conditions with very poor food, those in these hotels were taken by boat from the western waterfront, around past Aberdeen and Repulse Bay, to Stanley,\n\nIt is not known exactly why the Japanese chose Stanley as the site, as others were suggested, e.g. the Peak, the University and La Salle College, Kowloon, but probably it was chosen because of its isolation and the buildings for housing which were there. The camp area consisted of the grounds of St. Stephen's College and the grounds of Stanley Prison, excluding the prison itself.\n\nAt St. Stephen's College were a number of buildings including classrooms, an assembly hall and bungalows for the teachers. Several hundred internees eventually lived at St. Stephen's, more than twenty occupying bungalows built for one family, and many more in science laboratories living between partitions of sacking and old blankets. In August 1942, a number of nurses who had been allowed to remain at work at St. Theresa's Hospital, Kowloon, were made to move to Stanley. They joined other nurses and VADs (Volunteer Aid Detachment) women in a classroom block. On their way to camp, the buses carrying them stopped in central and they were addressed by a Japanese officer who said:\n\nYou are now going to Stanley Internment Camp. All things there will be good - food will be plentiful, conditions will be pleasant. I hope you appreciate this kindness from the Imperial Japanese Army.\n\nSeveral hundred internees lived at St. Stephen's, but the majority lived on the prison grounds. Looking at the map, you will see a building marked 'Dutch'. In this building lived the Dutch, Belgian and later Norwegian internees. Next to it was the Prison Officers' Club, used as a canteen, kindergarten, Catholic church and recreation centre during internment.\n\nLooking further at the map, you see two main divisions of quarters - the Warders' Quarters and Indian Quarters. The first, the Warders' Quarters, were for European warders and were large flats of several rooms; designed for one family, an average of thirty internees lived in each during internment. The Indian Quarters had housed Indian prison guards; they consisted of small flats consisting of two 14 x 10' rooms with a small verandah with a kitchen,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208010, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "STANLEY INTERNMENT CAMP, HONG KONG 1942-1945 33\n\nTweed Bay Beach provided pleasure for many internees. During the summer months they were allowed to swim there, under guard. During the summers of 1944 and particularly 1945, however, many had to forego this pleasure as it required walking down and up a very steep flight of stairs and many simply did not have the energy due to lack of food.\n\nAlthough the Japanese had meticulously planned their capture of the Colony, apparently they had not formulated plans for dealing with the enemy civilians. Not only was it several weeks after the surrender until the internees were interned in Stanley Camp, but once they had been interned, the Japanese had little to do with them. A few necessities, namely a minimal amount of food, were provided, but the internees were left to run the Camp themselves. They soon began forming committees. The three main national groups — American, British, and Dutch — remained independent but did cooperate on such matters as welfare and medicine. At the beginning of internment, there were approximately 2400 British internees, 300 Americans, and 60 Dutch. Being such a large majority (and after repatriation in June 1942, only about twenty Americans remained), the British really ran the Camp. Five committees were elected, and each struggled with similar problems of food, housing, medical matters, etc. It is of interest to note that very few Government servants were elected to serve on these committees because there was strong anti-Government feeling in the Camp, largely due to the blame most internees put on the Government for the quick surrender of the Colony. An internee wrote:\n\nThe first impulse that ran through camp would, on a larger social stage, have been called revolutionary. On every side, by almost every mouth, the former leading men of the colony were bitterly denounced. They were held to blame for what had happened in Hong Kong. Along the camp roadways where people gathered to gossip, one heard the same angry talk of the government servants' complacency, stupidity, and shortsightedness.*\n\nThe Governor, Sir Mark Young, was not interned in Hong Kong. The next highest Government official in the Colony was the Colonial Secretary, Franklin C. Gimson, who remained in the city for the first few weeks but did go to Camp to attend meetings from time to time.\n\n* See also H. J. Lethbridge's article.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208016, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "STANLEY INTERNMENT CAMP, HONG KONG 1942-1945\n\n39\n\nThe pursuit and preparation of food occupied a lot of time for most, and many had jobs of a sort, working on committees, in kitchens, workshops, etc. In addition, there were diversions such as education and dramatic or musical activities. With more than 200 children in Camp as well as teachers and administrators from the Government's Education Department, the University and a number of primary, middle and other schools, education flourished. There were primary, as well as secondary classes, which although greatly hampered by lack of books and equipment, managed to provide lessons for the children. Matriculation examinations were held in 1943 and 1944, with another planned for 1945, but liberation came first. After the war ended, five Stanley students were admitted directly into English universities: two into London and three into Oxford. For the adults in Camp, there were extensive \"adult education\" courses, lectures and programmes ranging from the study of foreign languages such as Chinese, Malayan and French, to lectures on photography, yachting, journalism and poultry-keeping.\n\nAt St. Stephen's College was a large hall with a stage. This was used for the school and also put to active use by those internees interested in dramatic pursuits - plays, musicals, recitals, pantomimes, variety shows, etc. Plays such as \"Private Lives\" and \"Midsummer Night's Dream\" were presented. \"Cinderella\" appeared as a pantomime, and a full-length ballet based on the life of Genghis Khan also provided the internees with moments of pleasant diversion. There were two pianos in Camp which saw a great amount of use, and every Christmas a nativity play and a Christmas concert were presented. In addition, a number of exhibitions were held including art, handicrafts and hobbies.\n\nThroughout the years of internment, there was never a lack of rumours, particularly concerning repatriation and the end of the war. In 1945, rumours multiplied like wildfire, especially following the surrender of Germany in May. News of the Potsdam Proclamation of 26th July, calling for the unconditional surrender of Japan and threatening the destruction of the Japanese homeland, reached the internees through a newspaper stolen from some Chinese workers delivering rations to Camp. Anxious days passed and then on Wednesday, 15th August, the Emperor broadcast his acceptance of the Potsdam Proclamation. The following day, Mr. Gimson", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208017, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "40\n\nG. C. EMERSON\n\nwas summoned to Japanese Headquarters in Camp and informed of the surrender.\n\nThe first days after the surrender were tremendously exciting ones as friends and relatives arrived from the city and prisoners-of-war came from the two Kowloon P.O.W. camps. On 23rd August, Mr. Gimson moved into the city and began re-establishing the Government. Nearly two weeks passed after the surrender before the British fleet arrived on 30th August. At 5.00 p.m. that afternoon, the Commander of the Fleet, Rear Admiral Cecil Harcourt, came to Camp and attended a very moving flag-raising ceremony. It was several weeks before the Camp was finally closed. Many ventured into the city to begin picking up the lost threads of their lives but many, particularly those whose health was poor, remained in Camp waiting to board the ships which took them away from Hong Kong.\n\nFrom this brief account, it may sound as if internment was not a particularly bad experience. Such an impression would be far from the truth. Internment was a dreadful experience. Not only were the physical aspects - lack of food and of clothing, the over-crowding, the insufficient food, etc.- most unpleasant, but the mental aspects were extremely bad also. The humiliation of defeat, the separation from loved ones and the years of waiting for release are impossible to imagine for those of us who have never had such experiences. While the horrors of the German concentration camps fortunately never were experienced in Hong Kong, internment in Stanley Camp was a terrible experience for almost all the internees.\n\nI would like to finish by reading you a few lines from a poem written by Mr. C. J. Norman, later Commissioner of Prisons, Hong Kong, in 1954. The poem is entitled “A Farewell to Stanley”.\n\nA Farewell to Stanley! It's over.\n\nOf Internees there isn't a sign. They've left for Newhaven & Dover\n\nFor Hull & Newcastle-on-Tyne.\n\nNo tales where the rumours once started.\n\nThe kitchen's devoid of its queues.\n\nThe strategists all have departed\n\nWith the lies which they peddled as 'news'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208073, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "96 \n\nK. G. STEVENS \n\npasted up on the upper lintel of the altar, or across the sides, where they remain until Spring-cleaning, or just drop off with time. They are called petitions, Pang (#). Another form of charm connected with the Green Horse is a simple postcard-sized piece of rice paper, block-printed in three colours, depicting a galloping green horse and his groom, on which is the petition (****). This is only used during the lunar New Year and, too, is burnt. One temple keeper very carefully folded such a paper inside a piece of red paper, producing a package no larger than a cigarette, ready for devotees to burn. \n\nOccasionally, green and red paper cut-outs are pasted on the Under Altar, or tied to the Green Horse's nose, head or back. These are said to represent \"messages\" from humans to the Gods asking for general benefits, and passed directly on by the Green Horse without going through a spirit medium or being dispatched by incineration. These \"messages\" without inscription are entrusted to the Green Horse at all times of the year. Although borne aloft to the Gods by the Green Horse, he is never expected to bring back a reply; the general benefits doubtless will manifest themselves in time. \n\nPaper charms obtained from the temple keepers, bearing printed prayers and pictures begging the Gods for safety, protection and blessings, are thrust into the belt or hands of the Local Wealth God or again tied to the back of the Green Horse. \n\nThe slips themselves go under the generic title for red ones of \"the Nobleman\", and for green ones of “Green Horse\". These are also regarded by many as charms to ward off demonic influence and not as messages, and are therefore pasted on certain altars and figures. \n\nOccasionally street shrines, such as the one on the corner on Taipingshan Street and Pound Lane, dedicated to the local Earth God (), have a further role as an Under Altar. The roof of the shrine and wall above it are heavily coated in red and green Green Horse and Nobleman slips which normally should be burnt. Many of the slips of paper are, in this case, pasted over the top of white or black cut-out papers which represent the Mean Ones, the Hsiao Jen. These appear in two forms; as individual human figures with large ears in black paper, and as white or black cut-out slips which look like carnival masks for a man with five eyes!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208090, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "\"LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)”\n\n113\n\nlocal communities. \"Ethnic neighborhood\" can potentially refer to either or both concepts. If this were not so, if we could not separate neighborhood from sub-neighborhood or neighborhood from community, how else could we explain the appellation of North Point, a neighborhood over 2/3 Guangdongese,2 not only as \"Little Fujian\" but as \"Little Shanghai\" as well?\n\nFrom \"Little Shanghai\"\n\nAlthough it is hard to imagine now, North Point 50 years ago was a semi-rural area. Extensive landfill projects, however, soon led to North Point's emergence by the end of the 1930s as a center of light industry and commerce as well as of entertainment. The population remained small, however, and prior to the Second World War North Point was the least crowded spot on the northern side of Hong Kong Island (Wai 1957: 2-5).\n\nMuch of the area was destroyed during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong. Post-war reconstruction coincided with the late 1940s arrival of the first wave of Central Chinese to North Point: those who had the means to flee the Civil War raging in the north of China and had chosen to come to Hong Kong for a \"temporary\" stay while they waited for the fighting to cease. As a newly developing, uncrowded and semi-exclusive area, North Point appealed to these relatively affluent immigrants.\n\nWhen Shanghai and the surrounding provinces of Zhejiang (Chekiang) and Jiangsu (Kiangsu) were overrun by Chinese Communist forces in 1949, a new wave of \"Shanghaiese\" descended upon Hong Kong although even at this early date North Point was not the destination of all Shanghaiese; the wealthiest went to the most exclusive areas of the colony while the bulk of the predominantly middle-class Shanghaiese proceeded to North Point and lent a decidedly bourgeois flavor to the area.\n\nBy 1950 \"Little Shanghai\" was well established. Restaurants, tailor shops, beauty parlors and other businesses were all set up by Shanghaiese to serve the area's essentially Shanghaiese population. Even today on a walk around North Point one can spot many old and fading signboards of a \"Shanghai Tailor,\" a \"Shanghai Beautiful Woman\" Beauty Parlor, a \"Shanghai Peacock Laundry Service\" as well as a couple of well-known and well-frequented Shanghai restaurants. The Shanghai population clustered within a block or so of King's Road, North Point's main thoroughfare, both Fort Street", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208095, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "% of Total\n\nHK Population\n\n118\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nFig. 3-Hong Kong and North Point Population by Place of Origin—19758\n\n \n Place of Origin\n % of North Point Population\n % of Total HK Population\n \n \n Guang Zhou area\n 54%\n 46%\n \n \n Sae Yup\n 17%\n ...\n \n \n \n 82%\n 16%\n \n \n \n \n 69%\n \n \n Hong Kong, Macao area\n 5%\n ...\n \n \n Guangdongese9\n 1%\n ...\n \n \n Guangdongese9\n \n ...\n \n \n Elsewhere in Guangdong\n 6%\n 6%\n \n \n Chao Zhou\n 10%\n 5%\n \n \n Shanghaiese (including Jiangsu and Zhejiang prov.)\n 3%\n 6%\n \n \n Fujianese\n 3%\n 18%\n \n \n Northern and Central Chinese (excluding Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces and Shanghai)\n 1%\n 1%\n \n \n Others\n 2%\n 1%\n \n \n TOTAL\n 100%\n 100%\n \n\nChinese led to the further expansion of the Fujianese sub-neighborhood across Tong Shui Road for the first time. Since then Little Fujian's explosive growth has slackened a bit although the last decade or so has seen the Fujianese move a block or two further east across Quarry Bay.\n\nThis intra-North Point history makes today's ethnic settlement pattern understandable. Figure 1 maps out the spatial distribution of both Fujianese and Shanghaiese in North Point and indicates the location of today's Little Fujian sub-neighborhood as well as the boundaries of the 1950s Little Shanghai area. As suggested by the over-lapping boundaries, Little Fujian has supplanted Little Shanghai as North Point's major sub-neighborhood. Indeed, we can even go so far as to maintain that Little Shanghai no longer exists in North Point as a distinct sub-neighborhood, although a diminished and outwardly directed sense of Shanghaiese community does persist. There are more to these ethnic enclaves though than a few street blocks; equally important are the social ties that bind a community together. Since the Shanghaiese community no longer centers in North Point let us turn to the Fujianese community of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "# “LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)”\n\n127\n\nKong's North Point feel more familiar and therefore more comfortable. Overhearing a conversation between friends in the accents of the homeland while listening to a soft Fujianese melody wafting gently from a shop, one could close one's eyes and imagine being back in Fujian. With eyes open again, though, Little Fujian would have to suffice.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 E.g. Fujianese (Fukienese) and Shanghaiese in North Point; Shanghaiese in Tsim Tsa Tsui; Chau Zhou (Chiu Chau, Teochiu) in Chai Wan, Western District and Kwun Tong; Boat People in Aberdeen and Tai Po. See Guldin (1977) for a discussion of Han Chinese ethnicity and identity levels.\n\n2 See below, fig. 3.\n\n3 In the parlance of the times, and to a lesser extent even today, \"Shanghaiese\" often referred broadly to all Central (and sometimes even Northern) Chinese.\n\n4 Accurate figures are lacking; no detailed colony-wide or North Point censuses were conducted between 1930 and 1960.\n\n5 Based on analyses of Census Block Tally Sheets from 1971 Census made available to me through the kindness of the Commissioner.\n\n6 By \"Fujianese\" I refer specifically to \"Southern Fujianese,\" the Min-Nan speaking Fujianese of Xiamen (Amoy), Quan Zhou (Chuan Chow), Zhang Zhou (Chang Chow) and the surrounding counties. Other Fujianese are present in Hong Kong but Southern Fujianese are the overwhelming majority.\n\n7 Based on 1971 Census: table 4; Wai 1957:5; Lam 1967:35; 1975 Census Update.\n\n8 Based on 1971 Census, immigration statistics, and 1975 Census Update.\n\n9 A problem with these categories is the Hakka, a distinct ethnic group, whose places of origin often overlap with those of ethnic Guangdongese. One source though (Kuo 1964:65) has estimated the Hakka population of Hong Kong as 12% of the total. For urban North Point the percentage of the predominantly rural Hakka would be substantially lower than for Hong Kong as a whole.\n\n10 Although membership in these \"Fujian\" associations is theoretically open to all Hong Kong Fujianese and some non-Southern Fujianese do indeed belong, the Northern Fujianese of the Fuzhou (Foochow) area have set up their own associations.\n\n11 Fujianese organizations not aligned with the PRC do exist in Hong Kong but are mostly \"paper\" associations.\n\n12 Few Fujianese in Hong Kong are Christians (perhaps 4 or 5%), but those that are mostly arrived in Hong Kong earlier than the bulk of late 1950s and later immigrants and have been largely isolated (both physically and socially) from most aspects of life in Little Fujian.\n\n13 Aidan Southall (1973) makes a related point in using the concept of interaction intensity as key to a definition of \"urban.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208113, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "136 \n\nW. J. HINTON \n\non sanitation and the care of a little system of hill tracks which might serve as a model to the New Territories. Their King is the District Officer South, the \"Lord of the Isles,\" but Kaifong and Residents Association alike show a praiseworthy spirit of independence, and a capacity for governing themselves; moreover, the injunction “Agree with thine adversary quickly\" is well understood and followed in China, even under British rule. \n\nBut we have drifted from geography into politics, like better men before us, and it would be well to pass back to the native community, through the terraced fields dotted with blue-clad figures bowed over the hoe, or shuffling along the narrow paths with a yoke of watering buckets, or cutting and pulling the beetroots, carrots, and cabbages. We will go back to the Eastern end of the village and then traverse its length, completing our brief survey by passing out to our waiting boat over the harbour, and so back to Hongkong. On the stage thus set, it may be that we or someone more competent may stage scenes from the life of the island folk from time to time. There is a strange and interesting feast in the Spring, well worth describing, and at the New Year when the whole fishing fleet lies at anchor in the bay, the little town is all alive. A sitting in the Court of the District Magistrate would be worth describing too, and a meeting of the City Fathers, the Kaifong. We must write, for lack of better witnesses, yet how true it is that those who know do not say, and those who say do not know! \n\nBut to our walk. There lies our little yacht that brought us from Hongkong, white and strange among the high-sterned junks with their brown mat sails. We have all the afternoon to wander, and half the night to lie in the Harbour before the tide turns and we must up anchor and away. \n\nStrolling through the Town \n\nWe have landed on the beach near the Temple of Kwan Yin and find ourselves among the Hakka people who inhabit this end of the town. Their small, sturdy figures are to be seen clustered about the well where the women are drawing water, or bending over the boats in the boat-building yard that slopes to the water's edge. There is material for a whole study in the types of boat and the methods of building alone, but we cannot stop to watch for more than a few minutes while the skilful ship's carpenters fix the ribs and planking of a brand new sampan. A word of greeting to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208114, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHOW - \n\nLONG ISLAND\n\n137\n\nthe top sawyer in the neighbouring sawpit, and we pass towards that smithy beneath a banyan tree. The sinuous roots of the tree clutch the rock and strain like the arms of some vegetable octopus, and there just below the hanging threads of aerial roots is a tilt, and a furnace. The anvil is curious enough. There is one of the orthodox Chinese pattern but the other is a shell from some field-gun, goodness knows where it was found.\n\nNow we are in the main street at its more irregular Eastern end, interrupted here and there by sharp right-angled turns, and small shops begin to line the way. On our right a coffin maker plies his trade, and his workshop has a most attractive \"line\" of coffins on exhibition which seem to tempt that Chinese grandfather getting on in life, and thinking of providing for the future. Europeans unconsciously avert our eyes from the varnished glory of huge specimens that look like four tree trunks grown into one, but grand-father regards it with quiet pleasure. Some more blacksmith's shops, and a flight of irregular steps, and we are on the terrace of the temple of the Heavenly Queen, already referred to. This terrace overlooks the bay, and is put to practical use, not only as a point of vantage, but also to dry fish and sweet potatoes, and some strange ambiguous stuff. We can see a junk hauled up on the slip-way which was screened by the houses-hitherto. For all the clumsy upperworks her lines are clean and smooth below water, and her big lifting rudder and centre board appeal to the yachts-men. Those cannon in the bows are not for ornament only, for these seas swarm with pirate junks.\n\nJust now we will not stop to examine the dusty interior of this temple. Instead we descend into the street once more and continue our westward way. Near this place is a small hospital, a series of clean and pleasant courts and pavilions supported by the Kai Fong. This body is the real ruler of the town, elected by street committees and containing representatives of each of the four tribes. In the street a good-natured crowd drifts along. There is a brown-faced fisherman ashore for a stroll, and to buy cordage or food. He loiters before the chandlers shops, and discusses all topics before coming to the real question of the price of that double block and sheave hanging in the dim place under the ceiling. There are villagers carrying loads of vegetables to the pier, shuffling along with two great loads, one at each end of a bamboo resting on a great callous patch on their shoulders. Women are carrying water", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208115, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "138 \n\nW. J. HINTON \n\nfrom the wells, in the ubiquitous kerosene tin. A pig or two investigate the gutters with deliberation, and entire disregard of anyone's convenience. Dogs prowl everywhere, mostly \"chows,\" but here and there evidences may be seen of deplorable inter-racial amours by the terriers of the Europeans. And everywhere there are children. In the shops, on the floor, on the counters, in their fathers' and grandfathers' arms, on their mothers' backs. They walk, run, and crawl in the streets—and those too small to do any such thing are tied in a great kerchief on their sisters' backs, their solemn sleepy little heads lolling and shaking over the edge of the red cloth. No race suicide here—but what is the infant mortality? No one knows, but it is probably very high for the average ratio of inhabitants to family in China seems to be about five, and there must be a fearful infant mortality to keep it at so low a figure, when so many children are born. However, they seem happy and well fed, these people, and healthy enough, though somewhat dirty. Not so the dogs and cats who seem starved and diseased almost without exception.\n\nThis is a tinsmith's shop, where kerosene tins undergo reincarnation as lamp, or dipper at the skilful hand of the craftsman. Outside the next shop is a block on which a boy makes fish hooks from wire with a deft twist and a couple of blows, passing the rough hook to a companion to be barbed and tanged. The fisherman before us picks one up and looks it over with an eye of infinite experience and he and the maker speak as one expert with another. A few steps on and there is an idol shop. Little clay images for the shrines on the junks—larger images, all ready with the hole through which some small living creature is to be introduced and sealed up. Models which can be set to sail away from a junk beset by wind or tide or cursed with ill luck and so bear off the evil with them. There are charms and paraphernalia in plenty, but it is all a hidden and mysterious business to us. More's the pity. Now we come to a cross street continually wet and slippery from the salt which is carried in baskets by women, their necks bowed under the burdens, but their bodies moving strongly resilient beneath the load. What a glorious column of rippling muscle must be then so modestly hidden beneath the blue coat. But we shall not see it, for, however hard they work, the women of China keep themselves covered. Only when they wade in the ricefields planting the small shoots in the soft mud, or weeding between the plants", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208125, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "148 \n\nW. SCHOFIELD \n\nto nearness to the market in Hong Kong, partly to the presence of coral in the shallow and then comparatively clean waters of the western approaches: in fact the sea near Ping Chau was officially divided into two Marine Lots, Nos. 1 and 2. Not long after, with constant raking of the sea bed for raw material, growing pollution of water from rubbish dumping by the Sanitary Department and increasing sewerage from Hong Kong by increase of the water carriage system, the industry declined for lack of coral to burn: complaints were made about this to me at one time. In Ping Chau this industry employed numbers of Hoklo lime burners and in 1925 they staged a clan fight which cost several men their lives. There was no police station on the island, so investigations were delayed and no evidence of murder could be got: so after taking a lot of evidence in my 'court' in the Hong Kong office, I simply bound everybody over, which at any rate gave a period of peace to Ping Chau. It must not be thought that the decline of lime burning ruined Ping Chau, for the islanders had thoughtfully provided themselves with a lucrative light industry in the shape of six or seven flourishing gambling houses, which naturally emptied whenever a D.O.'s or Water Police launch appeared. \n\nCommunications with the outside world were then pretty elementary. A junk left Ping Chau about 8 a.m. for Hong Kong and returned to the island in the evening; no more encouraging to anyone wishing to 'Come to sunny Ping Chau' than the clouds of smoke and lime dust that rose perpetually from the kilns. Another industry for which Ping Chau and the other western islands were well adapted was distilling, as their inaccessibility was a great assistance to undertakings wishing to short-circuit the revenue regulations. \n\nYet another industry flourished at one time in this group of islands. The small islet of Kau Yi Tsai, between Ping Chau and Kau Yi Chau, has a cleft in its granite cliffs which opens inwards into a cave of some size. About 1922 this was the scene of the greatest opium seizure in the Colony's history up till then: 8 tons of Persian opium came from the cave, and the crew of the sampan guarding it were put up for banishment. Only the banishees appeared before me, as I was then in the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, but what became of them I cannot remember. \n\nThe increasing population and prosperity of the Colony caused similar developments at Cheung Chau: building land was greatly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208140, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n163 \n\nneat grave on the far side of the burnt-out area; where the fire may have started. \n\nh) The cutting beside Tai Mo Shan Road (about 100 metres up hill from the car park) shows the parent rock quite well. The soils in this region, and from here to the summit, are red-yellow podzols. \n\ni) Small mammals that have been identified from the adjacent countryside in recent years include: Paguma larvata (masked palm civet or 果子狸), Melogale moschata (ferret-badger or 獾) and Rattus rattus sladeni (Sladen's roof rat or 司氏屋顶鼠(田鼠)). \n\n3. Stop B-car park near summit (altitude ca 700 m.) \n\nOn many days of the year, as on the day of the RAS visit, this site is covered with drifting cloud or mist which undoubtedly increases the effective precipitation. The vegetation here is a grassland, probably maintained by fire and lack of seed etc. of other life forms. However, improvement is feasible, as may be seen from the reasonable growth of planted trees. \n\na) Extensive views can be obtained from this site: see inset on the sketch map. In order to see Deep Bay (后海灣) it is necessary to walk ca 100 m. down the road & on to the knoll beyond the signals hut. \n\nb) To the west of Tsing Yi Island can be seen the badly eroded hills surrounding the Tai Lam Chung (大欖涌) reservoir. These hills are composed of granite of several kinds. Granite weathers much more readily than the volcanic rock of which Tai Mo Shan is composed, so that the hills are denuded of vegetation and are pale brown in color. \n\nc) The sloping terraces on the far hillside and close beside this car park are intriguing because their original purpose is seemingly unknown. However, recent investigation suggests they were concerned with control of water flow, either retention of water or control of run-off; a record of these terraces is being prepared for submission to the JHKBRAS. Tea bushes (Camellia sinensis) were formerly cultivated on Tai Mo Shan and the sloping terraces", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208164, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n187 \n\nThe villagers turned to a variety of other employment; in Govt. service (because of obligations felt to and claimed by the villagers), in Kowloon, locally and even abroad. \n\nThe villagers decreased in numbers after the move and this was attributed to ill-fortune (bad fung-shui in their new houses), disease, and the rigours of the Japanese occupation and probably, too, to the traumatic shock of the uprooting from their old houses. It led directly to the neglect of the 3 ancestral halls erected to one side of the new village and to the establishment of a church of the Hong Kong Basel Mission in a converted village house just after the war. The halls were requisitioned by the Japanese during the Occupation and the altars and ancestral tablets put out, but thereafter they were not replaced in the period of pessimism, eroded spirits and lack of faith (and of hard cash), and they have not been put back since. Consequently, there have long been no ancestral halls in operation, despite the existence in a reasonable state of these large and carefully constructed buildings which now house the kindergarten of the village school. \n\nThe halls still show, in good preservation, much of the decoration worked by skilled craftsmen in stucco and paint on the interior and exterior of the buildings and are evidence not only of the conservatism and loving care of the village leadership of the time but also of the continued existence at that time in the Hong Kong region of a body of craftsmen capable of fine work in the traditional local style. \n\nThe old village houses number some 120. As many of them are still in their original or slightly altered state, they too, show the interesting style and extensive decoration of the masons and craftsmen who built these to the demands of the villagers. In contrast to this tasteful and substantial style of reprovisioning, there is a group of single-storey white walled structures to the S.W. of the main settlement. This is said to have predated the houses built by the villagers and to have been constructed by the Hong Kong Government to serve as examples of a planned rehousing programme. The offer was declined, and the present 2 storey houses were constructed instead with public funds (and perhaps additional money from the village). Today, these earlier buildings are used to house Govt. workers still employed in the locality.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208197, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "220\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe borrower then pays that amount weekly until his loan is paid off, while the other depositors reduce their weekly payments by the amount of interest. However, their share value remains.\n\nThe bidding occurs at a meeting to which all depositors are invited. If no one bids, the banker finds a single borrower from the list of depositors and the funds are thus dispersed. Borrowers must have another person vouch for their integrity and be considered solvent themselves, but no loans are secured by property or recorded in courthouse files as liens.\n\nAfter the loan is made, regular deposits resume until a new round of bidding occurs. After a period of time agreed to by the group, the \"bank\" stops making loans. After all loans are paid back, the depositors receive their money, and the bank is closed. Then a new one is formed and the process begins again.\n\nIn this system there is no policing as such. The operation is run by a \"banker\" chosen by the organizers. The banker accepts deposits, keeps the books (usually handwritten in Chinese characters), keeps the money in a safe place (invariably cash, never in a regular bank account), dispenses the loans and ultimately pays the depositors.\n\nWhen it came time to close the four banks in late 1976, the money was not there to pay the depositors. The lack of that money, according to those involved, is related to the financial difficulties of [name] one of the bankers and head of the local Chinese Free Masons.....\n\nThis interesting piece was supplied by one of our Members, Captain Charles S. Mill, United States Marine Corps. The account by Eugene Meyer, Washington Post Staff Writer, clearly relates to the traditional Chinese money loan association, not something \"created long ago in this country by enterprising Chinese immigrants\" as Mr. Meyer supposed. Accounts of it as practised in China may be found in J. Dyer Ball's Things Chinese, 4th edition, Kelly and Walsh, Hong Kong 1903: 632-645 and as Appendix E to G. N. Orme's Report on the New Territories [of Hong Kong] for the years 1899 to 1912 in Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers, 1912.\n\nTWO LETTERS FROM WARTIME CHINA\n\nThe two letters which follow were passed to me by the late Walter Schofield (Hong Kong Civil Service 1911-1938) They are from the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208203, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "226\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ndeaths that day and at least 70 badly injured. With the exception of one nurse who found the situation too trying and ran away, the hospital staff worked gallantly and well together, and from the doctor down to the coolies we were kept busy till late in the night. We were grateful for the timely help of Archdeacon Mo who found time to come and organise the rather panic-stricken crowd who arrived with their injured friends and relatives. It has been a great comfort to find that in this time of real danger the courage and unity of our Mission Community is increased rather than destroyed.\n\nThe cause of so many casualties may be due to the fact that people had returned from the country that same morning, and instead of staying in their houses during the attack crammed and blocked the streets in their panic-stricken attempt to escape again. We had a lady from our maternity who insisted on getting up and running into the country. She tied her small new-born baby onto her back and left us; later on during the day we heard she got as far as the Magistracy and was killed by a bomb, the baby could not be found anywhere.\n\nSome officials from Limchow came down to inquire into the welfare of the wounded etc. They said they thought that the disaster had occurred 1) because of the approaching thunderstorm which disguised the noise of the approaching planes, 2) that the communication wire between Pakhoi and the lookout station 6 miles away had been cut that morning and that there had been no time to repair the damage.\n\nWe are now preparing for a possible \"worst\", which may never happen but for which we must make some preparation, and in the event of the destruction of the hospital we are making dugouts and shelters under the pine trees which grow so generously and kindly in various parts of our compound.\n\nAugust 26th 1939 - At 6 o'clock on August 25th sounded the first alarm. Shortly afterwards there appeared a large seaplane which circled round the vicinity of Pakhoi. At the same time we heard cannon shots, which we presumed were from gunboats quite near by and sounded at regular intervals of a few minutes. The explosions shook our houses. At about 8 a large gunboat and 2 small motor launches steamed right up the harbour, carefully taking soundings as they came and finally drew alongside the steps at Lung Wong Miu, which is in the centre of the town; this they are", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208227, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 266, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "250\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nCHEUNG, O.\n\nCHIAO. Dr. Chien.\n\n+\n\nCHILVERS, Mrs. A.\n\nCHIU, Mrs. C.\n\nCHOA, R.\n\nCHU, Lee\n\nCHUA, Miss Fi-lan\n\nCHUNG, Ms. S.\n\nCLIMAS. Mr. & Mrs. D. J.\n\nCOCHRANE, Mrs. V.\n\nCOCKELL, Miss J. V.\n\nCOLBOURNE, Prof. M. J.\n\nCONNOLLY, Miss M. CRABBE, P. I.\n\nCRISSWELL, Dr. C. N. CROSBY, A. R.. CUMINE, E., J.P.\n\nDABORN, Miss Carol\n\nDAIKO, P.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs. L. R.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs. Mona\n\nDAVIES, Mr. & Mrs. S. J.\n\nDAWSON, Prof. J. L. M.\n\nDAWSON GROVE, Dr. A. W.\n\nDE BURE, Mrs. U.\n\n703 Prince's Building, Hong Kong. Residence No. 8, Flat 1A, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\n3, Mount Nicholson Road, 1/F1, Hong Kong.\n\nTwin Brook 11B, 43 Repulse Bay Road, Hong Kong.\n\nBanque Nationale de Paris, Central Building 2/Fl, Hong Kong.\n\n48, Haven St., 4/Fl, Causeway Bay, Hong Kong.\n\n1903 Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road, C., Hong Kong.\n\nMail Collection, H.K. & S. Bank, P.O. Box 64. Hong Kong.\n\nFlat A1, Pearl Gardens, 7 Conduit Road, Hong Kong.\n\nApt. 9, 23B Shouson Hill Road, Hong Kong.\n\nApt. 6009, Cape Mansions, Mount Davis Road, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Community Medicine, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\n5, Wylie Gardens, King's Park, Kowloon. Property Dept., Local Property & Printing Co. Ltd., 54/6 Caxton House, 1 Duddell St., Hong Kong.\n\nKing George V School, Kowloon.\n\nFlat B23, 7 Homantin Hill Road, Kowloon.\n\n28, Yun Ping Road 2/Fl, Hong Kong.\n\nMountain View, 31 Plantation Road, The Peak, Hong Kong.\n\nP.O. Box 201, Hong Kong.\n\n75 Perkins Road, Jardine's Lookout, Hong Kong.\n\n\"Sailing Look\", Lloyd Path, Barker Road, Hong Kong.\n\n1201 Luginsland, 18 Old Peak Road, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Psychology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\n1, Headland Road, Repulse Bay, Hong Kong.\n\n550 Victoria Road, Block 2, Floor 30, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208230, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nHUYSMAN, Mrs. J.\n\nHUYSMAN, J.\n\nINGLES, Miss J. M.\n\nJEN, Prof. Yu-wen\n\nJOHNSON, B. D.\n\nJOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. P. K.\n\nJONES, G. W. E.\n\nJONES, Major M. C.\n\nJONES, S. D.\n\nJONES, Miss S. M.\n\nJONES-PARRY, R.\n\nKAYE, Miss M. J.\n\nKINMONT, Miss A.\n\nKIRKBRIDE, K. M. G.\n\nKNEEBONE, Mrs. S.\n\n253\n\nBanque Belge pour L'etranger S.A., Belgian Bank Building, 721-725 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nBanque Belge pour L'etranger S.A., Belgian Bank Building, 721-725 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Government House Lodge, Garden Road, Hong Kong.\n\n2 Stafford Road, Kowloon.\n\nFlat 18B Rhenish Mansion, 84 Bonham Road, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o A.LA., P.O. Box 444, Hong Kong.\n\nFlat 42, Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, Hong Kong.\n\n6, Race Club Towers, 49 Shan Kwong Road, Happy Valley, Hong Kong.\n\nDistrict Office, Taipo, N.T.\n\nKennedy Road Junior School, 26 Kennedy Road, Hong Kong.\n\nLongman Group (Far East) Ltd., P.O. Box 223, Hong Kong\n\n57 Buxey Lodge, 37 Conduit Road, Hong Kong.\n\nThe Helena May, Garden Road, Hong Kong.\n\nThe Building Authority, Murray Building 8/F, Garden Road, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Law, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nKNISLEY, Mr. & Mrs. J. G.\n\n5 Shouson Hill Road, East G/F, Hong Kong.\n\nKOEHLER, K.\n\nKOWALSKI, Ms. U.\n\nKWOK, Ping-leong\n\nLACK, A. J.\n\nLAMBE, Miss M. M.\n\nLAM, Yung-fai\n\nLATHAM, Capt. R.\n\nLAWRENCE, A. I.\n\nDeep Water Bay, Hong Kong.\n\n45 Bisney Road G/F, Hong Kong.\n\nKerry Trading Co. Ltd., 25/F American International Tower, 16-18 Queen's Road C., Hong Kong.\n\nFlat 1, Peak Pavilion, 12 Mount Kellett Road, Hong Kong.\n\n21F Felix Villa, 10 Happy View Terrace, Broadwood Road, Hong Kong.\n\nYe Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell Street, Hong Kong.\n\n43, Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon.\n\nU.S.D. L.O., American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road, Hong Kong.\n\n3 Ravenscourt, 24 Mount Austin Road, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208232, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 271, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nMAO, Dr. P. W. C. -\n\nMARKEY, J. C.-\n\nMATHEW, D.\n\nMATHEWS, D. A. MATHEWS, J. F.\n\nMARTIN, Miss R. M.\n\nMCCABLE, Mrs. S. J.\n\nMCCAHILL, W. -\n\nMCELNEY, B. S.\n\nMCKINNON, J. W.\n\nMELLOR, Mrs. M. -\n\nMINERS, Dr. N. J.\n\nMINTER, C. J. W. -\n\nMORRIS, M. G.\n\nMORROW, Miss S. E.\n\nMOYLE, G. C. -\n\nMULLOY, G. N.\n\nNEWBIGGING, D. K.\n\nNG, Miss Tonia\n\nNG, P. P. K.\n\nNGUYET, Mrs. T.\n\nNISHIMURA, M.\n\nO'HARA, R.\n\nONG, Dr. G. B. -\n\nOXLEY, C. W. B. -\n\n+\n\n+\n\nPALMER, Mrs. R. M.\n\n+\n\n1\n\n-\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n-\n\n+\n\n255\n\n326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Rd.,\n\nKowloon.\n\nEstates Office, University of Hong Kong,\n\nPokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nJardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., World Trade\n\nCentre, Hong Kong.\n\nSM Bowen Road, 3/Fl, Hong Kong,\n\nc/o Legal Dept., Central Government\n\nOffices, Hong Kong.\n\nFlat B 1, 10 Dianthus Road, Yau Yat\n\nChuen, Kowloon.\n\nPenthouse 2, Valverde, 11 May Road,\n\nHong Kong.\n\nAmerican Consulate, 26 Garden Road,\n\nHong Kong.\n\nJohnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank\n\nBuilding, Hong Kong.\n\nNew Zealand Commission, 3414 Connaught\n\nCentre, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o The Secretary's Office, University of\n\nHong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. 69 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road,\n\nHong Kong.\n\nSurvey Research Hong Kong Ltd., 10F\n\nDevelopment House, 30-32 Queen's Road East, Hong Kong.\n\n504 Tower Court, Hysan Avenue,\n\nHong Kong.\n\nFlat 8C, Cambridge Villa, 8-10 Chancery\n\nLane, Hong Kong.\n\n64 Mile Taipo Road, N.T.\n\n6 King's Park, Kowloon,\n\nJardine Matheson & Co. Ltd., Jardine\n\nHouse, Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong Tourist Association, Connaught\n\nCentre 35/F, Hong Kong.\n\n304 Man Yee Building, Hong Kong. Arts of Asia, Metropole Building Rooms\n\n1002-3, 5/F1, Peking Road, Kowloon. Fook On Building, Block 3, 11th FL, 2, Wan Tau Street, Tai Po Market, N.T. City Hall Library, Edinburgh Place,\n\nHong Kong.\n\n10A Skyline Mansion, 51 Conduit Road,\n\nHong Kong.\n\nc/o District Office Tai Po, Tai Po, N.T.\n\n2, Old Peak Road 2/F Front, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208281, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 5, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "184\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nnée Yau, of Mang Kung Uk is not untypical. She grew up in Tseng Lan Shue, was betrothed at 4 years old, but continued to live in her father's village. At 7 she helped to look after three cows, driving them up the hill early in the morning, returning at approximately 8.00 am or 9.00 am for breakfast, and going back to the hill to drive them home in the early afternoon. At 10, she began to help her mother to carry firewood into Kowloon, carrying approximately 30 catties on each trip. She married at 19, and worked under the supervision of her mother-in-law. Her husband was a seaman, and received only 8 dollars per month. Her mother-in-law looked after the children, and she cooked, farmed, raised pigs, cut firewood and grass, and carried water. She often had to rise at 4.00 in the morning and work till late at night.64\n\nUp to the eve of World War II, daily life in Sai Kung did not change significantly from the description given in this chapter. This background is needed for an understanding of the impact of the War on Sai Kung's residents.\n\nTHE WAR YEARS\n\nThe coming of the Japanese\n\nIt was 3.00 o'clock in the morning, December 10, 1941. Mr. Chung P'oon was awakened by loud banging on his door. Thinking that these might be bandits, he answered the door with knife in hand. He opened the door to find several guns pointing at him. The Japanese army had arrived at Wong Chuk Shan Village. For him and for the rest of the Sai Kung population, the occupation had begun....\n\nThrough an interpreter, the Japanese told him they wanted to be taken to Kowloon. Mr. Chung did not know it then, but we now know that two days earlier, the Japanese army had overrun Tai Po and Sha Tin, and the day before had taken what was known as the \"Shingmun redoubt\". British forces were withdrawing from the New Territories to Hong Kong Island, and a contingent of Sepoy soldiers were covering the retreat at Devil's Peak. The Japanese soldiers in Wong Chuk Shan had probably strayed into the village by mistake. They had come over from Shap Sz Heung, intending to find their way into Kowloon. Now,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n17\n\nspecial kind of society of its own, and men who had not experienced from the outset the hardships of military life were unable to handle the common soldiers.\n\nThe question remains: What kind of training was available to military men in traditional Chinese armies? All the evidence suggests that by the beginning of the nineteenth century, and in fact well before, military education in China was woefully inadequate by almost any standard. Officers were unacquainted with even the rudiments of warfare, and the rank and file received only the most perfunctory drill. As early as the mid-eighteenth century, an investigation ordered by the Ch'ien-lung emperor revealed the lack of basic training in Banner forces everywhere in China Proper. The situation was no better for the degenerate Army of the Green Standard. Yet prior to the twin challenges of internal rebellion and external aggression in the mid-nineteenth century, there was comparatively little incentive for military men to engage in serious professional study, and even less incentive for most Ch'ing scholars to concern themselves with military affairs. As the redoubtable scholar-general Hu Lin-i remarked in the Hsien-feng period: \"Under the established system of the dynasty, the military is controlled by the civil, but the civil often disesteems the military.\" The late Ch'ing period was perhaps the highwater mark of what Lei Hai-tsung describes as China's “a-military culture\" (wu-ping ti wen-hua),\n\nThe Opium War jolted at least some Ch'ing officials out of their complacency and ignorance. Unfortunately, however, many of those individuals who knew most about the Western military challenge and China's need to reform were least free to speak with complete candor. Lin Tse-hsü is, of course, the best-known example. One official who did speak his mind openly was Ch'i-shan's ill-fated and little-known successor as governor-general of Liang-kuang, Ch'i Kung. In 1842, Ch'i Kung memorialized the throne, suggesting that if China wanted the services of capable men in military affairs, it would be necessary to secure scholarly talent. The way to do this, he proposed, was to reform the traditional civil service examinations. Ch'i's plan was to test advanced candidates in five areas of military expertise: history, strategy and tactics, instrument-making and mathematics, meteorology, and geography as the final exercise (“discourses on policy,” ts'e-lun) in the three-part examination", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208312, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "20 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\ntingents such as the Ever-Victorious Army (Ch'ang-sheng chün) brought Western drill and tactics to literally thousands of Chinese soldiers. Officers from these forces not only instructed their own men, but also trained large numbers of troops for Chinese officials, most notably Li Hung-chang.23 At about the same time, foreign-training programs arose in several port areas, including Tientsin, Shanghai, Ningpo, Foochow and Canton. A number of Green Standard forces at the capital (and eventually elsewhere) were transformed into Western-armed \"retrained armies\" (lien-chün) on the yung-ying model, and several thousand Bannermen were molded into the famous Peking Field Force (Shen-chi ying), established by Wen-hsiang and others.24 \n\nThe Peking Field Force was an especially interesting experiment. Until the late 1860's, selected members of the force were drilled by foreign instructors using English words of command but thereafter, Western-trained Bannermen carried on instruction independently in Manchu. Nominally 20,000 strong throughout most of the late nineteenth century, the Peking Field Force usually numbered closer to half that amount. According to Major A. E. J. Cavendish, a British military attaché in China, the force as late as 1894 was considered to be an elite organization with \"higher pay and quicker promotion\" than in any other Banner units at the capital. Officers in the force were described as \"the pick of the Banners,\" and posts in it were \"eagerly sought after.\" Yet Cavendish formed a decidedly negative opinion of the force, which he described as poorly armed and superficially trained, with emphasis on form rather than content. One can imagine the shape of the rest of the traditional Ch'ing military establishment.25 \n\nA major deficiency in all of the early foreign-training efforts was lack of centralized direction and support. In the absence of adequate central government guidelines, drill procedures, arms, and even the language of instruction varied widely from force to force and area to area. There was virtually no effort on the part of the Ch'ing government to co-ordinate its military programs, or to expand foreign-training in a systematic way.26 In fact, the Manchus seem to have been intent on compartmentalizing Western military knowledge as much as possible—presumably for reasons of internal control. In 1863, for example, the Tsungli Yamen stated explicitly that in the provinces only Bannermen should learn to make", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "26 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\nweaknesses. Inspired by a vibrant form of nationalism, the Japanese were assured of widespread popular support at home, and heroic dedication on the part of both officers and men in battle. It was a truly national war. Overseas Japanese also rallied to the cause, establishing patriotic associations to discuss the issues, collect contributions, and even to train brigades of student soldiers.68 China's immediate response to the conflict, which has not been as fully studied,69 appears to have been less uniform and extensive, both in China and abroad. To be sure, patriotic voices could be heard even prior to news of China's humiliating capitulation, and Chinese forces occasionally performed heroic deeds on the battlefield. But in the main, China lacked the national cohesiveness of Japan, and her officers were not inspired by the same sense of national duty and self-sacrifice.70 \n\nOwing partially to abysmal lack of preparation and poor internal communications, but also to the natural hesitation of \"province-minded\" Chinese officials, the mobilization of China's military forces during the war was agonizingly slow. Many Chinese troops summoned from the south arrived in the north only tardily or not at all. Li Hung-chang complained bitterly that \"one province, Chihli, is dealing with the whole nation of Japan.\" Ch'en Pi-kuang's effort to secure the release of the captured warship Kuang-ping after the battle at Wei-hai-wei, on grounds that the ship belonged to the Canton squadron which had not taken part in the war, is perhaps the most dramatic illustration of Chinese provincialism; but it is not the only one.72 The preponderance of Ch'ing forces sent against the Japanese in Korea, Manchuria and China Proper were individual yung-ying, each with its own particularistic loyalties and provincial identifications. These diverse military forces, differently armed, trained and led, often had difficulty cooperating with one another.73 In the navy, provincial rivalries and lack of cooperation between Admiral Ting and his subordinates obviously hindered operations at sea, in addition to adversely affecting morale.74 Uniform military and naval education undoubtedly would have diminished these problems. \n\nJapan's rapid and demoralizing offensive drive into Manchuria and China Proper was aided immeasurably by an extremely efficient General Staff, excellent transport facilities, and a well-organized commissariat service.75 China, however, lacked all three. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n27\n\nestablishment of a Directorate for Military Affairs (Tu-pan chün-wu ch'u) in early November, 1894, did virtually nothing to alter the course of the war, and the nearly useless Naval Board (Hai-chün ya-men) was disbanded even prior to the end of the fighting. Neither body found it possible to effectively coordinate land fighting or to insure cooperation between the army and navy.76 Meanwhile, poor field communications and transport facilities, inadequate preparation, faulty intelligence, and widespread corruption in pay and supply, made it virtually impossible for Chinese forces to fight efficiently.77 Ammunition shortages, worthless shells, and lack of standardization in weapons proved especially troublesome at sea. On land, ammunition shortages seem to have been less acute, but morale undoubtedly suffered from the absence of a modern hospital corps and ambulance service such as Japan possessed.78\n\nSurprisingly, Chinese forces did not always do poorly, in spite of these handicaps. Portions of Li Hung-chang's Anhwei Army under Chang Kao-yüan, for example, performed admirably during the war, as they had done a decade earlier under Chang on Taiwan during the Sino-French hostilities. Chang, who had once served with the Ever-Victorious Army, received the praise of foreign observers not only prior to Sino-Japanese War but also during and after the conflict for his tactical ability and the training, discipline, and effective weapons of the troops under his command.79 I-k'o-tang-a, a Manchu general, also gained plaudits from foreigners, including the Japanese, who acknowledged that he had surprising tactical talent for \"a Chinese warrior of the old school.\"80 A few other Ch'ing commanders, such as Tso Pao-kuei, at least received praise for their bravery against the Japanese. But overall, Chinese troops were poorly-led and unsuitably trained. Lack of effective leadership exacerbated all of China's military problems and undermined both discipline and morale. The overwhelming majority of China's field commanders and middle-grade officers were not graduates of China's two infant military academies, and although some such individuals served with distinction in low-ranking positions, their mere presence within a given army was seldom enough to inspire confidence among either officers or the rank and file.81\n\nGenerally, the Chinese were extremely timid on land and sea, encouraging the Japanese to attempt daring and highly successful tactics that would ordinarily be considered too hazardous for use", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "28\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nagainst a more aggressive enemy.82 Furthermore, in the absence of strict discipline and competent middle-grade officers, the elaborate military evolutions of the parade ground could not be preserved on the battlefield, Chinese tactics were often absurdly simple, or outlandishly naive. One general reportedly planned to arm his men with bags of pepper to be thrown in the faces of the advancing Japanese, whereupon they would be attacked by spearmen.84 Chinese commanders were continually baffled by Japanese tactics, indicating a general lack of acquaintance with even the rudiments of modern warfare. A pincer attack by the Japanese, which threatened the rear of Chinese troops, was almost invariably successful. Even when solidly entrenched and well-armed, Ch'ing forces seldom held their ground for as long as they should have.85 Demoralization and lack of leadership were the root causes.\n\nAnother serious problem was the almost incredibly poor marksmanship of the Chinese in rifle and artillery fire.86 This problem was unquestionably related to inadequate training and discipline, and false economy in drill. During the war there were numerous reports of naval officers being thrown off the bridge by the concussion from their own guns, indicating either the lack of regular practice, the failure of superior officers to supervise gun drill, or both.87 The military commander-in-chief at Shan-hai-kuan undoubtedly spoke for many commanders in informing the British military attaché that he did not believe in musketry instruction for all his troops, since \"it was quite sufficient to have ten good shots in each ying [battalion] to pick off the Japanese officers.\"88 In the early defense of Wei-hai-wei, Liu Ch'ao-p'ei of the Anhwei Army resorted to newly-mounted quick-firing cannon only after two of his older, less effective pieces had jammed.89 In the absence of adequate leadership and training, the Chinese found, contrary to normal experience in war, that although they were on the defensive most of the time, and usually had numerical superiority, they almost invariably suffered much heavier casualties than the Japanese. According to one estimate, China lost over 56,000 men in the fighting to Japan's paltry 4,117.90\n\nAt sea the situation was little better. Although Admiral Ting, a former Anhwei Army cavalry officer, won the praise of virtually all foreign observers, the Peiyang navy proved totally incapable of contending with the Japanese fleet. At the battle off the mouth of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n29\n\nthe Yalu River in mid-September, 1894, China and Japan each had twelve ships, but the encounter was no contest. China's problem was less the quality of her ships than the lack of an effective command structure, poor communications, cowardice (on the part of Liu Pu-ch'an), poor training, and ammunition shortages.\" Chinese firing was comparatively effective, especially in the early stages of the fighting, but too often the shells were faulty. At Wei-hai-wei, in early 1895, the situation was even more grim. By this time, the war had been lost, and Chinese naval forces were completely demoralized, even mutinous.92\n\nChina's use of foreign talent could not remedy her military deficiencies. Unlike the Japanese, who succeeded in eliminating reliance on foreigners entirely by the outbreak of the war, the Chinese were forced to continue using them on both land and sea. A surprising number served, in spite of the existence of various neutrality ordinances and foreign enlistment acts.93 At one point, the Ch'ing government even contemplated establishing an army of 100,000 Chinese troops under 2,000 foreign officers—an effort, in the words of the North-China Herald to \"re-create an Ever-Victorious Army” under Constantin von Hanneken.94 Predictably, however, the plan met heavy opposition from Ch'ing officials, including Li Hung-chang, and it was never implemented.95\n\nIn all, the Sino-Japanese War was a disaster for China. Yet there were optimistic voices to be heard even in the midst of China's despair. The journalist, Wang T'ao—as shocked as anyone by Japan's sudden victory—undoubtedly spoke for many reform-minded Chinese in expressing the hope that defeat by the Japanese would finally shake China out of her lethargy. National humiliation was a prelude, he felt, to meaningful change,\n\nThe alliance between Chinese nationalism and agitation for reform, was evident in many sectors of Chinese society during the first few years following the Treaty of Shimonoseki. The writings of newly-politicized Chinese intellectuals, as well as the publications of the burgeoning Chinese periodical press, reflected these related concerns.97 The immediate post-war era also witnessed the proliferation of Chinese reform associations and study groups. Even remote Szechwan was touched by the reform spirit. In late 1896, a group of gentry members issued a manifesto which called for the abolition of footbinding and argued with tortured but telling logic: \"The present is no time of peace. Foreign women have natural feet,\n\nPage 30 is missing, actual page number in original text is \"45\" and \"46\"\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "32 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\npractice of \"interchangeable commanders\"--a striking departure from the personalistic command structure of yung-ying armies such as Chou's. Moreover, the Tientsin academy provided a large pool of new talent for modernizing purposes, men whose \"careers were grounded in change\" and whose \"qualifying education and . . . prominence were owed to reform.\"112 Many Tientsin Military Academy graduates became instructors in other military schools established after 1895;113 several prominent engineers were produced by the academy;114 and of course many of the most famous political and military leaders of the early Republic—including Tuan Ch'i-jui, Feng Juo-chang, Wang Shih-chen, Ts'ao K'un, Chang Huai-chih and many others—were Tientsin Military Academy graduates.\n\n \nIn short, significant changes in Chinese military education took place prior to 1895, despite the absence of meaningful reform in either the civil or military examinations and numerous other problems.116 Nonetheless, it took the successive humiliations of the Sino-Japanese War, the \"Scramble for Concessions,\" and the Boxer fiasco to prompt the Ch'ing dynasty into fundamental military reform,117 And even then, \"national\" policies were often implemented piecemeal at the local level.118 \n\nIn retrospect, it seems evident that the obstacles to meaningful reform in Chinese military education were less ideological than institutional. To be certain, Confucian critics of new-style training programs could always be found, especially after the establishment of modern military academies in China during the 1880's.120 But the throne's lack of enthusiasm for military reform along Western lines certainly cannot be explained in terms of ideology alone. In the first place, it must be remembered that little if anything in the way of Confucian learning had ever been expected of regular Ch'ing military officers. Paradoxically, it was in the innovative yung-ying armies, about which the throne had very mixed feelings, rather than the Green Standard and Banner forces of the empire, that the inculcation of Confucian virtues received special stress. Moreover, officials such as Chang Chih-tung, and even the pragmatic Li Hung-chang, emphasized the importance of Confucian education not only in their own \"personal\" armies but also in their new-style military academies.12 Surely, the subordinate officers of Chang and Li were no less \"Confucian\" than their Green Standard and Banner counterparts.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n33\n\nThe major stumbling block to more pervasive reform was simply the lack of sufficient central government incentive to change, and above all, a fear of upsetting vested interests at all levels of the military. Li Hung-chang himself had such fears, but they might easily have been overcome had the throne given wholehearted support to military reform through financial assistance and other forms of official encouragement, including adequate institutional rewards for the acquisition of new military skills.122 It is true, of course, that state revenues were extremely meager, and that Peking's fears over the threat of foreign interference in Chinese military affairs were not wholly unwarranted.123 But it is also evident that the Manchus, as alien rulers, had no desire to establish a systematic, centralized program of modern military education in China-particularly when it became apparent that Western arms and training could not be confined to the traditional Banner and Green Standard forces.\n\nIronically, had the Manchus undertaken meaningful, centralized reform during the late 1860's and early 1870's, when anti-Manchu sentiment was no longer a political problem and imperialist pressure was minimal, the dynasty might have been able to build a Meiji-style system of military education and dispense with foreign instructors by the early-1890's, as did Japan.124 Instead, the Ch'ing government by stages alienated patriotic Chinese and disappointed the foreign powers by its failure to build a modern, Western-style military force capable of doing more than simply keeping a lid on internal rebellion. Most ironic of all, in seeking foreign talent after the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese turned to the one-time \"dwarf bandits\" of Japan, who now began training large numbers of Chinese soldiers in modern military methods both at home and abroad. This new education, and the nationalism that inspired it, had revolutionary consequences.\n\nNOTES\n\nAbbreviations:\n\nCJCC - Chung-Jih chan-cheng\n\nCWCK - Ch'ou Wu-chuang-kung i-shu\n\nFRUS - Foreign Relations of the United States\n\nIWSM - Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo\n\nLWCK - Li Wen-chung-kung ch'üan-chi\n\nNCH - North-China Herald\n\nYWYT - Yang-wu yün-tung", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208326, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "34\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n1 Throughout the latter half of the nineteenth century, informed Western observers repeatedly pointed to the lack of a modern, Western-trained officer corps as the key deficiency of the Chinese army. See, for example, Mary Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism (New York, 1967), 201; Major A. E. J. Cavendish, \"The Armed Strength of China,” Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 42.244 (June, 1898), 720-722; NCH, July 6, 1880; Chinese Times, December 3, 1887; etc. For an interesting and informative discussion of officer education in the West, consult Correlli Barnett, \"The Education of Military Elites,\" Journal of Contemporary History, 2.3 (July, 1967).\n\n2 Cited in Chang Chung-li, The Chinese Gentry (Seattle, 1955), 174.\n\n3 Helmutt Wilhelm, \"Chinese Confucianism on the Eve of the Great Encounter,\" in Marius Jansen, ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Modernization (Princeton, 1965), 288-289.\n\n4 Etienne Zi, Pratique des examens militaires en Chine (Shanghai, 1896), 111-112. For other critiques of the traditional military examinations, see Chang Chung-li, 181, 187-190; William Ayers, Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 178-182; Ichisada Miyazaki, China's Examination Hell (New York and Tokyo, 1976), chapter 8.\n\n5 Richard J. Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850-1860,\" Journal of Asian History, 8.2 (1974), 128.\n\n6 Hsieh Pao Chao, The Government of China, 1644-1911 (Baltimore, 1925), 311-312; Chang Chung-li, 187.\n\n7 Cited in Chang Chung-li, 181.\n\n8 Miyazaki, 106. See also Robert Marsh, The Mandarins, (New York, 1961), 149-151.\n\n9 Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions,\" 135.\n\n10 Wu Wei-p'ing, \"The Development and Decline of the Eight Banners\" (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania), 1969), 84-88.\n\n11 Lo Erh-kang, Li-ying ping-chih (Chungking, 1945), 199-200.\n\n12 Cited in ibid., 53.\n\n13 Lei Hai-tsung, Chung-kuo wen-hua yi Chung-kuo ti ping (Changsha, 1940).\n\n14 W. T. deBary, et. al., eds., Sources of Chinese Tradition (New York and London, 1960), 2: 9-10.\n\n15 IWSM, Hsien-feng, 28: 46b-47.\n\n16 Ibid., 28: 47a-b.\n\n17 Ibid., 28: 47b-49.\n\n18 Zi, 112.\n\n19 Chang Chung-li, 181 and note 69. See also Chang Pe'i-lun's reform proposals in 1889, YWYT, 3: 527-530, and Chang Chih-tung's in 1898, Ayers, 178-182.\n\n20 Ralph Powell, The Rise of Chinese Military Power 1895-1912 (Princeton, 1955), 93.\n\n21 Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions,\" 150-156; see also Wang Erh-min, Huai-chün chik (Taipei, 1967) 191-193, 207-208.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n59 Ibid. (Wang), 8.\n\n37\n\n60 Ibid. Wang notes that branch schools of the Tientsin Military Academy were established at Shan-hai-kuan and Wei-hai-wei.\n\n61 Ibid., citing LWCK, Memorials, 74: 25.\n\n62 Ibid., 8-9.\n\n63 Ibid., 7. On Li's financial difficulties, consult Wang, Hual-chin, 275-290; Spector, chapter 7.\n\n64 Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang,\" 9-12. The major problems, according to Wang, were: (1) The administrators of the academy were not well suited to their tasks (non-specialists); (2) the foreign instructors were arrogant, overpaid, unappreciative, and remiss in their teaching responsibilities; (3) heavy reliance on interpreters was inefficient and confusing; and (4) both academic and practical training tended to degenerate into formalism. Other problems included capricious grading, reports of cheating, and shortages and lack of standardization in equipment. For problems in China's other military and naval schools, consult Ayers, 108-113, 179-180, and John Rawlinson, China's Struggle for Naval Development (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), passim.\n\n65 Rawlinson, 163, 169; Ernst Presseisen, Before Aggression (Tucson, 1965), 140-141; NCH, September 21, 1894.\n\n66 For a summary of the fighting on land and sea, consult Liu and Smith, \"The Military Challenge.\"\n\n**\n\n67 See, for example, E. Bujac, Précis de quelques campagnes contemporaines (Paris, 1896), vol. 2; N.W.H. Du Boulay, An Epitome of the China-Japanese War, 1894-95 (London, 1896); Lieutenant Sauvage, La guerre Sino-Japonaise 1894-1895 (Paris, 1897); Richard Wallach, \"The War in the East,\" Proceedings of the United States Naval Institute, 21, 4 (1895); T. A. Brassey, ed., The Naval Annual (Portsmouth, 1895); Vladimir (pseudonym for Zenone Volpicelli), The China-Japan War (London, 1896).\n\n68 On the Japanese response to the war, see Donald Keene, \"The Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95 and Its Cultural Effects in Japan,\" in Donald Shively, ed., Tradition and Modernization in Japanese Culture (Princeton, 1971); also Jeffery Dorwart, The Pigtail War: American Involvement in the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 (Amherst, Mass., 1975), 94-96.\n\n69 Professor Samuel Chu of Ohio State University is currently studying the Chinese response to the war, and has produced several illuminating but as yet unpublished papers on the subject. For the time being, the best available discussion of Chinese attitudes is Kuo Sung-p'ing, \"The Chinese Reaction to Foreign Encroachment\" (unpublished dissertation, Columbia University, 1953).\n\n70 See Liang Ch'i-ch'ao's critique, cited in Joseph Levenson, Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967), 111; consult also Kuo, 49-50, 81-83, etc.\n\n71 Cited in Li Chien-nung, The Political History of China 1840-1928, translated and edited by S. Y. Teng and Jeremy Ingalls (Princeton, Toronto, London and New York, 1956). See also Japanese Imperial General Staff, eds., History of the War between Japan and China (Tokyo, 1904), 1; 30-32.\n\n72 Rawlinson, 190.\n\n73 Liu Feng-han, \"Chia-wu chan-cheng shuang-fang ping-li ti fen-hsi,\" Chung-kuo i-chou, 829 (March 14, 1966) and 830 (March 21, 1966); CJCC,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208346, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "54\n\nMARGARET N. NG\n\nHowever, face aims at preserving harmony on the surface by preventing conflicts from becoming open; whereas li aims at achieving social harmony through the individual's efforts of self-discipline to conform to a common social ideal in which no conflict could arise.\n\nThe resemblance between face and li, and the prevalence of the concern with face and the dominance of Confucianism in traditional Chinese society, are not accidental. They are both reflections of the aspirations of a pride-shame culture. I suggest, in answer to the question, how are face and li related, that li is the ideal, and face is a subterfuge due to the severe demands of that ideal, and the delay of the realization of that ideal which may, of course, never be completely realizable. The ideal is the social harmony and stability and the individual's perfect adjustment in society so well expressed in Confucianism. In the Confucian aspiration, personal or material interest is never allowed precedence over social stability and harmony, and Confucianism is prepared to sacrifice anything to maintain that. It teaches that material comfort is not as valuable as contentment, that it is right and fitting for the learned man to 'roll up his talents like a painting scroll' should the times or the prince be adverse to making proper use of them.19 It teaches that without self-discipline there is no internal harmony for the individual, and without internal harmony of the individual there is no harmony and orderliness in society and state. And so one must watch out for the social aspect of one's every act; no action is entirely a private matter, and every sin a public offence.\n\nThe concern with face stems from the same anxiety for social harmony and preservation of a smooth-running stream of social transactions. But face tries to evade the sacrifices considered by Confucianism to be necessary to bring about that state of affairs. It is precisely to rescue some material progress that face takes the place of li, not to block it completely as Agassi and Jarvie think. Face is cunning and impromptu as li is planned and principled. Face only comes up when suddenly something becomes public; it is forever concerned with patchwork remedies. Face is compatible with greed and selfishness; the person who is concerned about face does not sacrifice opportunities for material gain because he fears to lose face by it; he tries to look for ways to get his gain and preserve his face by some means or other, and the system of face allows plenty of devices for such occasions. Face is adaptable and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208348, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "56\n\nMARGARET N. NG\n\nthan to cultivate inner piety, to attempt to pacify an uneasy conscience with external acts of penance rather than to uproot the evil in their hearts, to make up for the lack of feeling of charity in occasional works of mercy or donations of money. In short, the subterfuge of internal saintliness is external acts of conventional piety,\n\nClearly, just as Confucian scholars are aware of the subterfuge of the small man, the Catholic Church has been aware of this as a problem. The setting up such images as St. Thérèse the Little Flower who never did an extraordinary thing but converted all her ordinary actions into acts of devotion by her pious intentions, is possibly an attempt to counter it. But the Little Flower, for all her inwardness, is a pressure to attain a high standard, and so cannot remove the need for a subterfuge. To achieve this, what is needed is perhaps to lower the standards to some more easily attainable level. Here Catholicism is in a better position than Confucianism, since it is not essentially elitist, and has no need to maintain superiority by maintaining a superior ideal of conduct.\n\nFace, Li and the Two Levels of Pride-Shame\n\nWhat I have been arguing, I hope, also bears upon a broader question: how far is pride-shame an external sanction? It has been pointed out, thus refuting the earlier and very popular theory that shame is an external sanction in operation only when there is an audience, that shame can be internalized. Without recognizing internalized pride-shame we cannot understand Confucian or elitist Chinese culture as a pride-shame culture, because Confucian Chinese culture depends on the loyalty to li, not face, and li is internalized, not only an external sanction. That li is felt to be honorable by the modern Chinese who are quite willing to attack face as something silly and obstructive shows us how much more deep-seated is the pride in li.\n\nIn the light of the main thesis of Agassi and Jarvie, this loyalty to li is also much more dangerous. The main thesis of the paper is, what hinders a Chinese society such as Hong Kong from westernization, and thus progress, is the sense of cultural superiority of the Chinese. The another locate this sense in their complacency in upholding this very troublesome system of face, and so hold implicitly the optimistic thesis that if face goes, progress will be possible.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208354, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "62\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER\n\nactivities Qingming is well correlated in time with the important phase of sowing in the annual agricultural cycle.\n\nThe Dongting basin in Hubei and Hunan is regarded as a single crop area. Only one gazetteer mentions a different arrangement; this is the 1872 edition of Baling xian zhi which states:\n\nthe first crop of paddy is sown at the second halfmoon. In the third moon it is transplanted. In the sixth moon it is reaped. The late crop of paddy is sown in the middle of the third moon. In the fourth moon it is transplanted. In the seventh moon it is reaped.7\n\nIn this case the two crops were not successive ones. Apparently the same seedbeds were used. The two rounds of seedlings were transplanted to two different sets of fields, or otherwise the peasants must have practiced a scheme of intercropping. There is a possibility that either arrangement was a response to a situation characterized by a lack of labour at peak seasons; to spread the sowing in time would ease the 'bottlenecks' in rice production, the intensive work periods at transplantation and harvest. In this Baling case the late crop seems to correspond to the main rice production cycle of the Dongting area. To the extent that double cropping existed in the middle Yangzi basin, it was a late introduction, probably not earlier than the Sung dynasty.8\n\nBefore the sowing, the seedbeds are carefully cleaned and fertilized; water is conducted to flood the beds and the grain grows in mud. The earlier shoots are protected from low night temperatures by the cover of water. In sunny weather the beds are drained to allow the grain to root and grow faster. Qingming falls into this first phase of the rice cycle. On the basis of this circumstance we may take it as a part of our hypothesis that there is a positive semantic relationship between Qingming and sowing.\n\nThe essay elaborates further some very general propositions on the Chinese calendrical system I offered some years ago.9 I suggested that one dominant principle in the structure regulating the annual events embedded a notion of social exchange. Visits and return visits are important acts of social ceremonialism all over China. This is especially so during the lunar New Year. Again, the New Year rites told about the visit of the dead ancestors to their living progeny. The ancestors made a similar visit during the Duanwu festival in the fifth moon. Their appearance on this occasion", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208364, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "GÖRAN AIJMER\n\nfor wine are used, jiu H, and it's 'sweet wine'. It is hard to tell from the data whether different kinds of wine were used on different occasions. More generally, we may remember that wine is manufactured from rice; in fact, it is rice transmuted into liquid form.\n\n7. Food\n\nFood was sacrificed and eaten on the graves after they had been swept. Again, the lack of detailed data makes it difficult to interpret the presenting of food as a ritual act. Some notes could be observed here. In Yiyang people ate 'stalks and grass', which, being unusual food, probably signified 'non-rice' or 'non-food'.65 We are told that in Anxiang officials prepared 'cattle'. The term may have a more narrow sense of 'beef'. Meat seems to have been paired with rice wine in many sacrifices throughout the area: on the Lantern Festival (in the first moon) in Jiangling, on Earth God Day in Wuling and Zhongxiang,7 on the Dragon Boat Festival (in the fifth moon) in the Yozhou prefecture (around Baling), and Yunmeng #,68 on Zhongyuan (in the seventh moon) in Wuling,69 and on Churia, New Year Eve, in Jiangling, Hanzhou, Jingshan, Chongyang, and Yingshan.70\n\nAgain, in the temple dedicated to General Goan in Mienyang, mentioned above, the offerings on the 13th day of the fifth moon consisted of 'cattle' meat and sweet wine. A chronicler mentions that in Tauyuan, at mourning, there was an 'excess' of slaughtering.71\n\nIf we assume that the wide category of sheng-cattle-indicates that cows, oxen and buffalos, and such bovine animals were of primary interest as slaughtering animals on Qingming (although pigs may have been included in the category), it may be interesting to associate that circumstance not only with the excessive slaughtering which was part of the mourning practices in Tauyuan, but also with the display of a clay oxen at the Lichum 'Establishment of Spring' festival around the 5th of February in the solar calendar.72 In Chongyang the 5th day of the fifth moon was called niu ri ✈ a Ox Day. Then the buffalos or cows were fed, and it was not allowed to whip the beasts or swear at them on this day.73 These practices seem all to have a close link with agriculture.74\n\nThe fact that cattle was modelled in clay seems to indicate that the nature of cattle was earthly. The breaking of the clay oxen may,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208369, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "QINGMING FESTIVAL IN CENTRAL CHINA\n\n77\n\nOur findings lend support to my earlier suggestions as to the nature of the Qingming festival and its place in the annual calendar. What is new is a vague hunch that the yin and yang aspects of the ancestors, manifest in graves and tablets, are less clearcut categories than we have hitherto assumed. I even suggested as a guideline for future research that the bones needed the animation of the ancestral force associated with the tablets to be productive.\n\nWhat remains puzzling is the distribution of ritual events in time. It is as if there was a 'vocabulary' of complex signs which conveyed some sort of basic messages; but there is no clear fixed order between the ceremonies. In our survey of the Dongting area we have found that, for instance, grave worship was part of the New Year celebrations, Earth God Day, Qingming, and occurred further in the sixth, eighth, and tenth lunar months. In the Chinese 'standard' calendar as we know it from late imperial times, Qingming is the grave day—although, in some parts of the country, Chongyang forms a counterpart. Unless we satisfy ourselves with a reference to the ever-present diversity of local custom, we should attempt at explaining the distribution of ritual events within the annual cycle.\n\nThe oldest record of customs from the Dongting area I know of is the Jingchu shuishi ji, compiled in the Liang dynasty of the early 6th century. It is a calendar which describes the annual festivals and in which is added a philosophical commentary to explain the popular customs in terms of celestial phenomena, and so on. This work gives us a picture of the ritual year which may serve as a baseline for an understanding of historical processes affecting the system. It is possible, of course, that there was just as much variation in the Liang dynasty; still, the source may be useful in forming a hypothesis about the calendar system.\n\nIf we look at spring in the seasonal records of Jingchu, we may say that this season is ritually introduced on the Spring Equinox when sowing was started. On that day people did not burn grass. The avoidance of fire marks that the day was under special yin influences. On the Earth God Day there were offerings of meat and wine. People moved out to huts among the trees'. Meat was offered also to the shen spirits of the deceased. Then comes Cold Food when it was forbidden to make fires for three days — again a marker of a yin dominated period. The source mentions ritual cock fighting and swinging.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "92\n\nEUGENE COOPER\n\ninstilling old social forms with new revolutionary content, making them serve new purposes.\n\nThe current premises of the union are in an apartment block in Tokwawan in Kowloon. They occupy a flat decorated with Communist slogans and a picture of Chairman Mao Tse-tung flanked by two Chinese flags. The Federation of Trade Unions runs a small school for children of \"patriotic\" workers in the union headquarters, although the children are not generally those of art-carved furniture workers. The union premises are seldom used by the workers before the evening as they are all off working; thus the flat was made available to the Federation for the operation of the school. Curricular and extra-curricular activities are structured around revolutionary and pro-Peking themes with texts and reading materials published in Peking. Shortly before my departure from Hong Kong this school was discontinued and the teacher, a middle school graduate, went to work in a factory.\n\nOther Federation affiliated unions have also used the union's premises for meetings and other activities such as preparing for the celebrations of October 1, the anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic. The premises are, however, under the control of the Woodwork Carvers' Union, and it is my impression that any such use of their premises by affiliated Federation unions must be agreed to by them.\n\nThe flat serves as a place where workers without means to afford a private apartment in Hong Kong's over-inflated real estate market, and without family in Hong Kong to take care of them, may sleep at night. However, one must be prepared to put up with the regulations, which include lights out and lock up at 11:00 p.m. One worker friend of mine, forced by circumstances to stay temporarily at the union, had a serious falling out with the union because of these regulations. Nevertheless, during the year that I was acquainted with the union, two or three workers made the union premises their more or less permanent dwelling place. There were no bunk beds in the Woodwork Carvers' Union premises, although I observed them built into the walls of other union halls I visited in Hong Kong. Workers just unrolled their bed-rolls across boards which had been laid across the students' desks.\n\nOnce every week or two these same desks were pulled together to form a long table and the officers and activists in the union", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208385, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "POLITICIZATION OF CHINESE CRAFT ORGANIZATION\n\n93\n\nwould hold a meeting. Attendance usually ran upwards of twenty people and various items of business to which the union had to see were dealt with, such as: a response to a letter from the Registry of Trade Unions of the Hong Kong government; preparations for the October 1st celebration; discussion of the wage raise to be demanded and ultimately attained in 1973, planning of a picnic which was to take place on the birthday of the historic founder of the carpentry and carving trades, Lupan (discussed below), etc.\n\nOn occasion a representative from the Federation of Trade Unions would sit in on a meeting to see how the union was doing, bringing with him or her news of significance to the labor movement in general for workers to discuss, and these discussions were usually fairly lively, most participants doing their best to give a favorable impression of the workings of their union.\n\nOnce a month the union receives copies of a Federation of Trade Union newspaper entitled Hong Kong Worker (*1st) in which various sorts of articles concerning the working class in Hong Kong appear. There are also articles about China, explanations of current policy initiatives, sports news, a regular women's column and political cartoons as well. On March 29, 1973 I was invited to sit in on a discussion of the articles in the latest issue. The headline article concerned the death of several construction workers who had fallen from scaffolding during the construction of the new Connaught Center Building on Hong Kong island. A free-ranging discussion followed the reading aloud of the article, with those workers who could read with facility taking turns reading successive paragraphs. Industrial safety and industrial accidents in Hong Kong were the main topic of the discussion and the question of how this topic applied to workers in the art carved furniture industry was raised and discussed as well. Lest one think the extrapolation to the furniture industry a bit strained, Labor Department figures for industrial accidents for the first four months of 1973 \"were the worst in Hong Kong's history, with an average of one death and 70 injuries every day\" (Hong Kong Standard, June 29, 1973).\n\nA high degree of class identity was expressed by the workers during the discussion and the question of industrial safety linked to relations between workers and capitalists, the drive for profit, lack of concern for workers' welfare, etc. The sessions occur on a regular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208406, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "114\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nThe greatest obstacle, which confronts the student of rural government in China, therefore, is the lack of adequate, accurate information. In the first place, information from Chinese sources is scanty in comparison to the whole body of the literature. Chinese writers, generally speaking, have shared with Western students an indifference to the customs and mode of life of the people themselves. The difficulties attendant upon discovering such information as does reside in Chinese books will be well appreciated by anyone who has attempted it. Fortunately, modern Chinese students have done some work upon the subject, as will be seen from the bibliography of their studies appended to this work. These should be of considerable value for study in the future.\n\nWestern material, aside from random observations and one or two careful works, is entirely lacking. In fact, the writer has seen only one study, that of Bazin in 1854, which attempts to cover the same field as does this essay. And Bazin seems entirely to have been dependent upon a very few official Chinese literary sources and one Chinese informant with whom he corresponded. Men like S. Wells Williams, Parker, Doolittle, and Huc give extended accounts of the organization of the central government and limit their observations on rural government to a few paragraphs or pages only.\n\nIn the absence of much accurate information, it has been possible in the present study only to break ground. The attempt has been at a general consideration of a single institution, rather than a detailed study of this institution in one locality under particular circumstances. In this, it falls under all the dangers attendant to generalization. Unfortunately, generalizations about China are entirely too numerous, and the writer is aware that he may be criticized for adding to their number. But, since this was the only method open to him, he undertakes the risk because it allows him to make a start upon a subject which he believes must be studied. It has been said that China should be compared, not with any one country of Europe, but with the whole of it. Thus, a social institution such as village government may be as widely diversified in different parts of the whole territory as would be the case in Europe. The geographic conditions of China vary widely; its peoples do not all come from the same racial stock, unless we speak in the loosest terms; and the country, or much of it, has been inhabited for several thousand years. These are all factors leading to a wide diversity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208408, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "116\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nMuch of the urgency for a thorough study of the historical form of village government rests upon the fact that in the near future changes are certain to come. In some cases the trend is already evident. This metamorphosis, which at present is only starting, the writer had planned to make the subject of a special chapter. For lack of enough reliable information, however, this plan had to be abandoned. Instead, those facts which could be ascertained have been incorporated into the body of the first four chapters and plainly indicated.\n\nThe final chapter of this essay deals, in a general way, with the historical evolution of village government in China.1 In this section the writer has merely attempted to plot the course of this social institution throughout the history of the developing race. Even this preparatory and inadequate survey of a single institution indicates how fruitful a field for research the social history of the Chinese people might be.\n\nThe appendix includes a bibliography of those Western sources which have been found useful in this study, and a bibliography of recent investigations into rural condition written in Chinese. For this latter the author is indebted to Mr. T. L. Yuan, acting director of the National Library of Peiping.\n\n(Chapter 1) THE FAMILY\n\nThe basic nature of the traditional family system to all social and political institutions in China has often been pointed out. It should be emphasized that in this chapter only those elements of the family system which seem most to have influenced, if not indeed produced, the Chinese mode of village government will be examined. No attempt is made at a complete analysis.2 In connection with this description two important cultural phenomena will be considered, namely, mutual responsibility and the filial piety-ancestor worship pattern. These phenomena form a psychological background both for the family system and for village government, reinforcing and being reinforced by them.\n\n1 Not printed here\n\n* For a fairly complete, if not thoroughly critical study of the family system in China see Su, Sing Ging; The Chinese Family System, which also has a good bibliography of Chinese and Western sources. The work which was of most value for this paper is Kulp's Country Life in South China, Vol. I: Phenix Village, which is a survey of actual conditions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208428, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "136 \n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR \n\nmunity.1 Kin status is for all practical purposes also a prerequisite. To be a village elder a man must stand at the head of a large clan or family, and the more powerful the group behind him, the greater will be his influence. Age is a second value which custom requires, although this is losing its force in many places today. Ability, specifically scholarship, is the third desirable quality for village leadership. Scholarship, whether of the old or the modern style, almost universally brings leadership, both because of the traditional reverence for learning, and because the man of letters is able to talk on a plane of ease and familiarity with officials of the government higher up, a thing which the common villager can never do. \n\nThe traditional village leaders have behind them several very powerful psychological supports for their authority. The first of these is custom: all that is carried over from the familist system such as reverence for age, respect for status, and the habit of obeying vested authority. The central government, at least up until very recently, recognized them as the responsible authority in the village, and thus added to their prestige. Also, they hold their position partly because of their practical ability, their wisdom, and their popularity. At the same time these leaders are constantly protecting and reinforcing the customary values to which they owe their influence. \n\nOne of the most obvious indications of change in village government today is the emergence of a new type of leader in rural affairs. In villages where the influence of new forces has begun to penetrate, men who lack the traditional qualifications for leadership are beginning to assume an importance in village polity. These are men of natural ability who are able to exert power by inspiring and leading small, discontented groups, or the mob generally, to an opposition of \n\n+ \n\n1 Maybon, B.; Essai sur les Associations en Chine, p. 192 points out that throughout all associations in China runs this common trait of “particularism”. He says: \"Entre les members d'une association existe toujours un lien de communauté. la commune n'est ouverte qu'aux habitants originaires des villages, à l'exclusion des aubains.\" From the point of view of the central government, speaking historically, it was only possible for a man to change his political residence (i.e. to become a member of a village other than that of his ancestral home) if the family from which he came had been destroyed. Then if he were the head of a family of his own, had been a registered land owner for twenty years in his new home, could speak the dialect properly, and were an honorable character, his name might be transferred to the local Yüan Chi (§#) or register which fixed his political residence. Bazin; \"Recherches sur les Institutions Administrative et Municipales de la Chine\" II, p. 258. On this point see also Boulais, Guy: Manuel du Code Chinois, p. 161-162.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208432, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "140\n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nrally, the uses of these funds from public property are not ceremonial but practical, in that they contribute to the maintenance of the village and its growth in material equipment and in prestige.”\n\nThe village elders, as differentiated from the council of the village temple, are responsible for the morals and morale of the villages as a whole. This responsibility falls upon them both from the fact that their position is the culmination of a familist type of social organization, and because the government higher up holds them responsible. They maintain the \"face\" of the village, and they jealously guard the traditional way of doing things, the traditional virtue. In this sense they are the most conservative force in village life today.\n\nIn village judicial matters the elders act as a court of appeal when quarrels or crimes cannot be settled within the various kin groups, or when trouble arises involving members of more than one group. Although they lack official judiciary power, and outside their kin groups have no familist jurisdiction, they do derive authority from one important factor: they are the last court of appeal; beyond them is the official court of the magistrate. Every Chinese villager has a healthy fear of the official courts, and counts himself lucky never to see the inside of one. This fear is a very deep-rooted one, and has been encouraged by the government even officially.2 Without wishing to reinforce the accepted Western view of Chinese\n\n1 Kulp; op. cit., p. 124. Phenix village is really of the single clan rather than the multiple clan sort, but in this case the distinction does not matter.\n\n+\n\n2 A lively quotation from Huc illustrates this point, and is worth giving in full. Edict of Emperor \"Tchang-hi\": \"The Emperor, considering the immense population of the Empire, the great division of territorial property, and the notoriously law-loving character of the Chinese, is of the opinion that law-suits would tend to increase, to a frightful amount, if people were not afraid of the tribunals, and if they felt confident of always finding in them ready and perfect justice. ..I desire, therefore, that those who have recourse to the tribunals should be treated without any pity, and in such a manner that they shall be disgusted with law, and tremble to appear before a magistrate. In this manner the evil will be cut up by the roots; the good citizens, who may have difficulties among themselves, will settle them like brothers, by referring to the arbitration of some old man, or the mayor of the commune. As for those who are troublesome, obstinate, and quarrelsome, let them be ruined in the law-courts that is the justice that is due them.\" Huc, M.; The Chinese Empire, vol. I, p. 105-106. \"Tchang-h\" is given \"Khang-hi\" in the original French and therefore certainly represents K'ang Hsi (1662-1723).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208437, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n145\n\nsuch as a broken bridge or a bandit raid. Even such judicial duties as settling disputes between private individuals, spoken of above as the particular duty of the elders, is mentioned by that author as a function of the Ti-pao. Officially he has no such right, and unless he happens to be a village elder he would lack the customary authority which accrues to the accepted leaders of the sib and village group.\n\nVillage government would be able to get on quite well without the Ti-pao, for it has an adequate machinery for almost any internal governmental circumstance. What he does in village affairs, therefore, mostly replaces a function which some one else would do if he did not. It is his position as a link between the village and the state that makes the Ti-pao significant. This will be discussed in the next chapter.\n\n(Chapter 4) THE VILLAGE EXTERNALLY\n\nNo village is completely an isolated unit. On the one hand there are contacts and relations with outsiders and with neighboring villages; on the other, the village is forced to have relations with the Central Government. These external contacts and how they are fitted into or provided for by the scheme of village government are the subject of the present chapter.\n\nI\n\nRelations with outsiders or with other villages are carried on in a thoroughly customary manner, chiefly through the agency of the village temple. It is one of the duties of the temple to form inter-village alliances and treaties, a whole network of which will radiate out from one to many similar temples in other villages.3 Often these treaties are in a true sense alliances, especially in the South, where there have occurred inter-village wars, based upon hereditary feuds. In the main, however, the treaties are economic, relating\n\n1 Jamieson; op. cit., p. 72.\n\n2 Ibid.\n\n3 Leong and Tao; Village and Town Life in China, p. 33.\n\n4 These clan fights are frequently mentioned in the Peking Gazette, and are accorded special treatment in the law. See: Alabaster, Ernest; Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law, p. 451, 459-462. For specific examples see ibid., p. 461-462, and Chinese Repository, vol. IV, 1836, p. 411-415. Smith also gives accounts of sporadic \"wars\" in Shantung as late as the end of the last century, though these were not blood feuds, Smith, Arthur H.; Village Life in China, p. 176-178.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208471, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "# WOODBLOCK PRINTING\n\n179\n\nthan eight thousand volumes together with the world's oldest wood-block printed book are now kept by the British Museum in London. In 1908 a Frenchman, Professor Paul Pelliot, took away two thousand five hundred more volumes. What remained in the library, around eight thousand volumes, were sent to Peking in 1911 and are now kept in the Peking Library.\n\nBuddhism came to China along the Old Silk Road first from Central Asia at the end of the last millennium BC and again in 67 AD when a mission sent to India by the Han Emperor Ming Ti (***) returned with two learned Indian scholars. Chinese pilgrims, notably Fa-hsien (3); §) 399-424 AD and Hsuan-tsang (✯✯) 625-645 AD, used the Old Silk Road. All went through Tun-huang,\n\nBy the time of the Tang Dynasty, 618-905 AD, woodblock printing had already developed to a high state of artistry. Buddhists made full use of the printing technique to popularize their religion. Buddhism was very prosperous at that time. There were more than five thousand temples in existence, and around three million people became monks or nuns. The temple authorities and their followers engaged in publishing Buddhist texts or sutras with great enthusiasm, as they believed that the more texts or sutras that could be published and circulated the more merit would be rewarded. Most of the sutras were printed with images and illustrations so that they could be better understood by those followers with only little education.\n\nIn the year 931 AD the government of Late Tang (k) set up a special printing section under the Education Department (§76) to engage scholars, carvers, and printers to make woodblocks to print all classical texts copied from the stone texts, the first official textbook printing in Chinese history. It took twenty-two years to accomplish the whole series, consisting of nine classical texts totalling one hundred and thirty volumes and finished in the year 953 AD, Late Chou (£§).\n\nThe great advance in wood engraving skill should be credited to Northern Sung Dynasty (a). In the period of the tenth or twelfth centuries, the production of both classical texts and illustrated novels, including imprints of stone and woodblock folk prints, increased in quantity and quality. Books of fiction printed in the Sung Dynasty 960-1179 AD were amply illustrated, with illustrations\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208476, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "184\n\nDAVID H. S. CHAU\n\nthem might have. Prints of images might help to bring luck or protection, and as agencies might represent both personal and impersonal beings; such as ancestors, nature spirits, saints, heroes, gods, or goddess. Because the chief attitudes of the devotees towards these agencies were fear, awe, love or affection, loyalty, reverence, obligation, and aspiration, prints of the images would be the very core of the ceremonial through which the devotee hoped to secure the benefits which he was seeking such as food and drink; protection from natural dangers like thunder, lightning, flood, disease, plague; or victory in wars; long life; riches; prosperity; and counsel in emergencies. Some of the block printed folk prints were in the form of applications to the heavenly authorities conveying all sort of messages or containing prayers for the benefits which the devotees hoped to secure. These talisman-like prints were either burnt together with other paper-made religious offerings or pasted on the walls.\n\nSome Chinese folk prints in the form of character-styled charms were created by Taoist priests for either warding off evils or curing diseases. These Taoist charms were usually written or printed in red colour on yellowish medicated papers by Taoist priests. Taoist priests were both occultists and herbalists. They used their secret formulas like vermilion (b) red orpiment (*) etc. to write or print charms, and these charms could produce some sort of medical effect to lighten diseases when sick persons drank them with water. Taoist priests had long been using these special practices to promote their religion and to make people believe that magic came from their religious power and through the design of the charms they created. Today these charms have become merely a superstition. Those we can find are printed in ordinary ink by the print makers instead of by the priests. Even contemporary priests have little knowledge about the use of formulas. The old formulas are mostly lost through many generations. Yet though charms no longer have the magic power, they still can give psychological comfort to ignorant believers.\n\nSince Late Ming most of the folk prints were printed in colours. The colour used are traditionally believed to have beneficial effects. Each colour has its meaning: red for happiness, joy or prosperity; green for peace and eternity; white also for peace but for mourning as well; gold and yellow for royalty, strength and wealth. They", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "# WOODBLOCK PRINTING \n\n185\n\nwere not entirely devoted to the depiction of divinities and pictorial symbols. Illustrations of popular tales, the opera and historical events were often designed to inspire good behaviour. As a wonderfully simple means of communication, it became an educational and propaganda media.\n\nChinese folk prints became known to the world only in the twentieth century. However, in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries a large number of Chinese block-printed fancy paper, together with other decorative art works, were exported to Europe. The fancy papers, chiefly featuring flower and bird motifs, provided much inspiration for decorative art in Europe. Their influence was not as significant as that of the figure prints of Japanese Ukiyo-e which had so impressed nineteenth-century painters in France. But we can still find European upholstery fabric and wallpaper bearing Chinese symbolic motifs. As most of the Chinese folk prints were either used for burning or pasting on the walls, they were printed on low-cost thin and fragile paper, and since, after a few months of being pasted on walls or doors they faded and tore, very few of them have lasted to the present day. Not until the twentieth century did these woodblock-printed folk prints become a collector's item.\n\nThe processes of woodblock printing\n\nThe process of woodblock printing was actually not a simple one. A writing or design was carved on a block of wood. Ink was applied to this, paper placed over it and the back of the paper rubbed by a hand press made of a piece of wood wrapped with rags and covered with fibre from palm tree or bamboo sheath. Finger tip, nail or hand were also used as press by the printer of Ten Bamboo Studio to produce colour shading of the picture or detail of the prints. Chop printing method was also used in some of the folk paper printing.\n\nThe designers, carvers and printers cooperated in a division of labour to complete a book or print. Usually a text was written by a good calligrapher, or a picture was drawn by an artist, on semi-transparent paper. Flour paste was then smeared over the face of the block. The paper with the text or picture drawn on it was placed face down on the block and then the lines of the characters or picture showing through the back of the paper were cut into the wood. The carver was an important link in the printing process, perhaps not less important than the painter or writer. Many blocks", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "186\n\nDAVID H. S. CHAU\n\nof different sizes had then to be made in order to produce different colours in colour picture printing. Whether the final picture came to life or not depended upon the right colour separation. The original painter could use colours quite freely, but the carvers must analyse them carefully and separate them by making any number of blocks each of which would provide only one colour or shade. It can be said that it was the carver who really determined the quality of the reproduction of the artist's picture.\n\nFor this reason it is appropriate to place the names of the carvers side by side with the painters. But in Chinese society the carvers were treated not as artists, but only as artisans. In very few cases does the carver's name appear in the picture: it usually carries only the name of the painter or calligrapher.\n\nWoodblock printing is a kind of relief printing, but there are two kinds of carving. When a block is printed, the areas which appear as white will be those that have been carved out of the face of the block with a chisel or knife. This is called positive carving. Almost all Chinese block printing used positive carving. If the process of carving is reversed and only the lines are carved out, they will appear white, when such a block is printed. When the black and white are reversed, this is called negative carving. Few Chinese works or prints used negative carving although sometimes we can find both positive and negative carving together in one picture in some of the fiction books printed in the mid Ch'ing period.\n\nChinese characters changed their style through centuries whenever new carving material was introduced. The shape of the scripts was strongly affected by the physical condition of the material being used for carving. The present style of Chinese characters belongs to the Formal Script (##) which was developed when woodblock printing was first introduced. Every stroke of the character is sharply formed and looks as though it has been cut by a knife. We do not see any sharp strokes from ancient classical scripts as sharp strokes could hardly be engraved on stones. The Drafting Script (*) and the Running Script (*) are simplified forms of the Classical Scripts and the Formal Script, and were developed for quick writing purposes.\n\nWoodblocks are of two types. Those cut with the grain are called plank blocks; and those cut across the grain are called end-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208479, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "WOODBLOCK PRINTING\n\n187\n\ngrain blocks. End-grain blocks are suitable for fine close cutting and are also well suited to bear up under the pressure of printing. Large number of prints can be produced from them. End-grain blocks were widely used in mediaeval Europe, and only end-grain blocks can stand the pressure of an iron press.\n\nIn China, only plank blocks had been used for printing. The plank block is softer and easier to carve and is also easier to procure, and it can be obtained in larger sizes. Various kinds of wood can be used for blocks so long as it is not too hard, too soft, too knotty or too fine-grained. In order to withstand prolonged soaking without warping or splitting, most of the blocks used for printing in China were made from the wood of fruit trees like the date, pear, lychee etc. Woods with fine grain and obtainable locally.\n\nThe Studio of Wing Po Chai in Peking uses blocks of poplar wood (...) while Japanese use cherry wood for printing of Ukiyo-i. Poplar wood and cherry wood are too soft and easily worn out, so the printing editions are limited to a few hundreds only.\n\nFor mass quantity printing, the wood blocks should be left in water for several days until they are completely soaked before the printing process is carried out.\n\nThe ink used in the book printing was made from the soot of pine wood. Old pines were selected and cut into pieces of manageable size and put in a kiln. Soot was collected after several days of slow burning. Gum extracted from buffalo horn was then mixed thoroughly with soot. Sometimes pearl powder, the skin of pomegranate and pig's gall were added to make better ink. The best ink was made by the soot or lampblack collected from the far end of the kiln. The farther from the fire, the better soot can be obtained. At the end of Ming Dynasty, most low-cost books were printed by coal powder mixed with flour paste. Nowadays, the ink we use is mostly made from the soot of vegetable oil mixed with glue. The colours used for colour picture printing were the colours used in Chinese picture painting. They are all water-base pigments. Most of them were made from specific flowers, plants or vegetables. A few mineral colours were also used.\n\nPaper was expensive at first. It became cheaper when new cheaper material like rice or wheat stalks and bamboo shoots had been introduced after the Tang Dynasty. Usually, better quality", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "WOODBLOCK PRINTING\n\n189\n\nyears\n\nving the wisdom of the Chinese people for the past thousand and more. However, since its existence was too familiar to the Chinese, it was so easy to neglect it in times of change. It is often a little too late when people became aware of their treasures. The craft of woodblock printing has already vanished, but the wood-block printed books, prints and other matters still in existence, constituting a hidden heritage, continually serve as inspiration for those in the various areas of cultural pursuits. They provide an endless quest for collectors, and an equally endless fascination for historians.\n\nHowever, to follow the exact instructions given and to correct the provided text according to the rules:\n\n1. The original text seems to be missing a word or has an incomplete sentence starting with \"ving\". It should likely start with \"Having\" to make sense.\n\n2. Correcting \"ving\" to \"Having\" to make the sentence grammatically correct.\n\nHere is the corrected version in HTML format as requested:\n\nWOODBLOCK PRINTING\n\n189\n\nyears\n\nHaving the wisdom of the Chinese people for the past thousand and more. However, since its existence was too familiar to the Chinese, it was so easy to neglect it in times of change. It is often a little too late when people became aware of their treasures. The craft of woodblock printing has already vanished, but the wood-block printed books, prints and other matters still in existence, constituting a hidden heritage, continually serve as inspiration for those in the various areas of cultural pursuits. They provide an endless quest for collectors, and an equally endless fascination for historians.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208496, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "204\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nlict until demolition commenced in November 1953 and a block of government flats was erected. This more modern and far less attractive building was originally to be known as \"Marble Hall Flats\" but is now called Chater Hall. What seems to be some of the brickwork associated with Sir Paul Chater's home can still be seen near the site.\n\nHong Kong, June 1979\n\nA Note on Sources\n\nPETER WESLEY-SMITH\n\nThe photographs were contained in the Governor's despatch to the Colonial Office written when the gift of Marble Hall to the Hong Kong Government seemed to be about to take effect. See Clementi to Amery, No. 475, 23 Nov. 1926: C.O.129/498. Also included with the despatch were extensive plans of the house and a description provided by the Public Works Department, Hong Kong. Short biographical notices of Sir Paul Chater appear in Arnold Wright (ed.), Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai etc. (London: Lloyd's Greater Britain Publishing Co., Ltd., 1908), pp. 107-8 (there is a photograph of Marble Hall at p. 156) and W. Feldwick (ed.), Present Day Impressions of the Far East etc. (London: The Globe Encyclopedia Co., 1917), pp. 518-20. See also Nigel Cameron's brief history of The Hong Kong Land Company Ltd., published in 1979. Further (though scanty) information can be discovered in the various reported cases on Chater's much-litigated will; see (1927) 22 H.K.L.R. 80; (1927) 22 H.K.L.R. 89; (1930) 24 H.K.L.R. 43; (1936) 28 H.K.L.R. 1; (1937) 157 T.L.R. 376 (on appeal to the Privy Council); (1949) 33 H.K.L.R. 283. Chater was authorised to embark on pier and wharf schemes by ordinances Nos. 4 and 19 of 1884. After his death, the Chater Masonic Scholarship Fund Ordinance (No. 25 of 1929, now cap. 1007, L.H.K. 1975 ed.) was passed. His collection of pictures is catalogued in James Orange, The Chater Collection: Pictures Relating to China, Hong Kong, Macao, 1655-1860 (London: Thornton Butterworth Ltd., 1924).\n\nI am much indebted to Mr. J. F. G. Marshall, of the Public Works Department, Hong Kong, for information he painstakingly gathered several years ago on the postwar history of Marble Hall. Hong Kong, September, 1979\n\nPETER WESLEY-SMITH", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208581, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE U.S. AND THE QUESTION OF HONG KONG 1941-45\n\n11\n\nBritain of Hong Kong, and the development by Great Britain of a great port which he felt had benefited the whole world. He said that it was British territory and he saw no good reason why it should cease to be such. He went on to say that perhaps some arrangement could be made with the Chinese whereby the question of sovereignty could be adjusted but the political control and administrative responsibility remain with Great Britain. He referred to public utterances of his own to the effect that he was not Prime Minister for the purpose of being a party to a liquidation of the British Empire. He said that he had convictions on that subject and that he was perfectly willing to say so frankly to anybody.\"45\n\nIt might well have been his own weak performance in London, among other things, which prompted Hornbeck early in January 1944 to urge the Secretary of State not to repeat Woodrow Wilson's mistake in being too much of a \"gentleman\". The American government must obtain from Britain agreement and cooperation in any reasonable course of action upon which the United States might choose to insist, especially in relation to colonial matters, before the defeat of Germany when Britain still depended on the Americans for their preservation.46\n\nThe Secretary's reaction to the advice is not known. But it appears from his memoirs that he was not in favour of coercion in dealing with the Anglo-American differences, and specifically with the question of Hong Kong.47 In any case, the Department of State had become less and less consulted by the President with regard to general war and foreign policies. The War and Navy Departments and the Treasury were far more important in the President's mind. On the personal level, moreover, Hull was certainly not one of Roosevelt's trusted few. Hull himself was conscious and sensitive of the truth: that FDR was his own Secretary of State.\"48 In fact, many of Roosevelt's utterances at the major Allied conferences, beginning with the Cairo Conference late in 1943, were made without prior reference to and consultation with the Department of State. Hull resigned late in 1944, frustrated and in poor health.\n\nDespite Roosevelt's well-known anti-imperialist and anti-colonial stand and his interest in Hong Kong, his behaviour regarding the future of the British colony was generally characterized by weakness and the lack of persistent and direct pressure on Britain. At the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208603, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\nNOVEMBER\n\n33\n\nPat Wong, an old Maryknoll friend from our first days in Hong Kong, and now visiting the Colony from his new home in Honolulu, took the new men to their first Chinese banquet with no casualties reported.\n\nThe Kongmoon contingent among the new men, with Father O'Melia as guide and teacher, take off for the Tan Chuk Seminary in the Wuchow Mission as the new site for the Language School; a safety precaution in view of the worsening conditions between the Japanese and the British-American bloc. Father Siebert, assigned to Kaying, will leave for there later on.\n\nThe Stanley staff went to the dock to greet the S.S. Van Buren and the other new missioners but they were not on board - a mystery!\n\nBrother William arrived from Shanghai where he has been staying with Father Whitlow for some time. He is unable to return to Korea at present.\n\nFather Don Hessler arrived from Kweilin by plane for a rest after his recent bout with typhoid. Father Barney Meyer goes to the Paris Foreign Mission compound, \"Nazareth,\" for a retreat preparatory to his coming jubilee. Father Feeney and Father Bauer arrive, the latter for treatment at St. Paul's for a bad case of dysentery. The end of the month brought Passionist Bishop Cuthbert O'Gara by plane from Kweilin.\n\nPART II: WAR AND OCCUPATION, DECEMBER 1941 -- AUGUST 1945\n\nWith the proximity of the Japanese across the border, the atmosphere in the Colony was rather tense. When Canton fell to the Japanese, there was a mass flight of refugees to Hong Kong. It was then estimated that some one hundred thousand came in 1939, bringing the population of the Colony at the outbreak of hostilities to approximately one million six hundred thousand, and it was thought that at the height of the influx, some half a million were sleeping on the streets.\n\nThen, on the fateful date of December 8th, the quiet of the Maryknoll House was rudely broken by the events of what was, no...\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208606, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "36 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\ntions were flying thick and fast from both sides. Everybody was happy and elated, and when we retired it was with the thought of arising the next day to celebrate the glorious Feast of our Blessed Lady, Her Immaculate Conception, and to make preparations for our trip to the missions. \n\nDecember eighth in the Far East and December seventh in the Western world! Maryknoll at Stanley rose as usual. Masses and breakfast followed and shortly after we were electrified by the report that Kai Tak airport had been bombed at 7:45 and that the Pan American Clipper which brought our new missioners had been destroyed. WAR! And Hong Kong is in the news! Being eleven miles over the mountains from Hong Kong we had, of course, heard nothing of the bombing, and were inclined to believe that the whole thing was a hoax of some kind. But soon we were entirely disillusioned when the radio flashed news of Pearl Harbor and when shortly after tiffin the planes flew over Stanley and dropped a few bombs to the west of us, apparently over the sea. We tried to get news from Hong Kong over the telephone but nobody seemed to know just what was happening. We anxiously gathered around the radio and tried to pick up what news we could. Evidently, war was on in earnest and America and we were involved. \n\nAbout five o'clock in the afternoon, our telephone jangled and we heard the voice of His Excellency, Bishop Valtorta, saying that all his Italian priests had been interned by the British Government, and that he would like to have Father Downs come to help him out at the Cathedral. His priests were given only a short time in which to pack up their personal belongings and were immediately taken away to a destination which was not disclosed to the Bishop. Father Downs hastily packed his suit case and caught the half past five bus for Hong Kong, and it must be confessed, with no little trepidation. The trip to the city was a tense one. Along the route the bus was stopped periodically by the British sentries, inspected and finally diverted by way of Aberdeen, instead of the usual Happy Valley route. The whole city, too, was tense, and though the downtown streets were crowded, there was fear and uneasiness everywhere. \n\nAt the Cathedral were His Excellency, Father Rosello, a Spanish priest attached to the Cathedral and Father Craig S.J., from Wah Yan College, as also a few young Chinese priests. His Chancellor,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208607, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n37\n\nSecretary, Procurator, and all his priests in the other parishes of the City were interned, he did not know where at that moment, but later on he was informed that they were at Stanley, in the prison. That evening our belated supper was eaten in more or less silence, as with guns booming in the distance and the suspense in the air, we did not have much heart for conversation. We retired early, but about eleven o'clock were awakened by the air raid siren, only to find that it was a false alarm. Incidentally, during the hostilities of Hong Kong there were no night air raids. However, after that false alarm, Father Downs in the city, at the Cathedral Rectory, could not get to sleep, and heard the clock strike every quarter of the hour until daybreak. And the next morning at about eight o'clock, the fun began! At that time planes appeared overhead, bombs were dropped at various points and wherever these bombs fell, anti-aircraft guns in the vicinity started barking. A couple of these anti-aircraft guns were set up in a small depression just below the Italian Sisters' Hospital on the hill to the east and south of the Cathedral, and when they began popping we thought they were in our backyard. During the day and those that followed, there were perhaps an average of four or five daily air raids, the targets being mainly gun emplacements, shipping and forts.\n\nHowever, on the very first day, as narrated by Fr. Downs a couple of bombs hit a portion of the Central Police Station, a block or two just west of the Cathedral. Guns were booming over on the Kowloon side and out in the New Territories along the Pearl River estuary where the Japanese landed, having come down the river from Canton. Whether these guns were land or naval batteries, of course we could not judge, but no doubt the shells came from both sources at times. On the night of the second day, after we had retired, the booming of guns seemed to be nearer, and finally we were awakened by a crash which seemed to be in the Rectory. As the booming kept up we were not desirous of making any personal investigation, and as we waited, another crash shook our building, and then another, a little farther away. The next morning we learned that the Japanese were evidently trying to get the range of the anti-aircraft guns just above us near the Sisters' Hospital, for the shells seemed to fall in a straight line; the first struck to the west of us, the second hit the edge of the roof of the house next door, the third crashed through the roof of the Cathedral, cutting a neat hole", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208612, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "42\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nrelease, at least of a few of his most important helpers. In the meantime, Father Craig had taken up his residence with the Italian Sisters at their Canossian Convent where, in addition to their large family, there was a large number of refugees and orphans. More people were crowding into the Bishop's house as a place of comparative safety and were loath to return to their homes. Little children kept close to their mothers, and fathers walked around distractedly, not knowing what to do or to expect. All heard Mass every morning, which was celebrated in the Bishop's house after daylight, as we were not allowed to have any lights showing. We said Mass as early as we could, but very often during one's Mass planes were roaring overhead, bombs dropped, shells screeching and anti-aircraft batteries popping all around, so that Father Downs confessed that more than once his knees were pretty wobbly as he celebrated the Holy Sacrifice.\n\nNaturally during these first days of the war, all sorts of rumors were abroad. Of course we knew that the Japanese had landed somewhere in the New Territories and that the British troops had engaged them in battle, as we could hear the distant boom of guns, but with what success we knew not, until reports began to come in that the Japanese were in Shamshuipo on the outskirts of Kowloon. This heightened the fears of the populace of Hong Kong, but still everyone hoped that the British troops would succeed in holding back the enemy. However, the booming of heavy guns came nearer and nearer and finally news came that the Japanese were actually in Kowloon.\n\nOn Thursday, and on the following morning, we distinctly heard machine guns rat-a-tatting away not far from the Kowloon Star Ferry landing. We later learned that Indian troops were fighting a rearguard action at this point, and from then on all communication with Kowloon ceased, the last ferry being scuttled on the Hong Kong side.\n\nAbout this time, during an air raid, a bomb struck one of the many godowns or warehouses along the Kowloon dock area, and immediately a huge volume of yellowish-green smoke rose up from the ruins. Evidently some sort of chemicals were stored there and the fire burned for several days, casting a lurid light at night on the surrounding buildings. Shortly after, also, a string of small barges was seen slowly drifting away from the Kowloon docks and out", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208613, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n43\n\ninto the harbor fairway. Our first thought was that the Japanese were attempting a landing on Hong Kong, especially as soon after the barges left the docks, shells began falling all around them. One or two of the barges were hit and immediately the same kind of smoke came from the burning barge. Shells kept falling all around, but few of the boats were hit or sunk and they continued drifting until they came to a standstill some hundreds of yards away from the docks, and where they remained for several days. Apparently the British were trying to destroy their own supplies lest they fall into the hands of the Japanese.\n\nFriday, bringing the news of the Japanese occupation of Kowloon, was a tense day for the citizens of Hong Kong. Many of the Kowloon residents had already moved over to Hong Kong, others were caught in Hong Kong and now could not return to their homes or families on the other side. From our vantage point in the Bishop's house we could look across the harbor and pick out familiar buildings and spots, but all along the dock area and at the Kowloon Ferry wharf there was not a sign of life, and Kowloon seemed a wholly deserted city. However, at one time, a few British shells from Hong Kong batteries spattered against the buildings near the Star Ferry, but nothing could be seen moving in that area. Later on we learned that the Japanese were setting up big mobile guns in the streets just back from the Ferry. We also learned later that when British lorries tried to move through the streets of Kowloon, Fifth Columnists often obstructed their passage, and as soon as the Japanese began to infiltrate into the city, looting began. It was also said, but we cannot vouch for the truth of the statement, that a number of British and Chinese police remained in Kowloon to attempt to maintain order, even when the Japanese had arrived. The regular troops, of course, had all crossed to Hong Kong. During all this time the daily papers were printing communications from the Governor's Office that the situation was well in hand and that there need be no anxiety for the future.\n\nThe next day, Saturday, there was a lull in fighting, and out of the silence and gloom which had settled over Kowloon a lone ferry or tug boat could be seen slowly leaving the Star Ferry Wharf and heading for Hong Kong. At its mast was a white flag, and it bore a peace mission, consisting of a few Japanese officers, who had with them as hostages, two British women. They were met at Blake Pier", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208614, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "44\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nand apparently their proposals were rejected, as upon their return firing recommenced, and in earnest. Shells again came whizzing into Hong Kong and onto the Peak. Looking out of our rear windows, we could see these shells strike the bald rocky face of Hong Kong's famous Peak, and amid a cloud of smoke, rocks began hurtling down the sheer sides of the mountain.\n\nThe Bishop's letter of appeal to the Governor evidently bore fruit, for today four of his priests, Fathers Spada, Grampa, Riganti and Ziliolli were released from their internment. And they had their own tales to tell. As they were hustled off on the outbreak of the war, they were taken to Stanley Prison and placed in the southernmost block of cells, with a garden space attached, in which they were allowed to walk. For the first day or so their food rations were very meagre and some were treated rather roughly, but as things began to get organized their treatment improved. At one time a bomb fell quite near their quarters. With them also interned were about thirty Japanese civilians, The Bishop rejoiced at their return, but was much concerned with the others still detained.\n\nWith the return of these priests to the Cathedral, Father Downs began to think of ways and means of getting back to Stanley. He had come to the Cathedral at the request of the Bishop, mainly to take over the procurator's work in the absence of Father Bruzzoni, but with conditions as they were, there was little business to be transacted, and at best, Italian bookkeeping was a terra incognita to him. But how to get to Stanley, in these days of topsy-turvy. Application was made to the Food Distribution Bureau, but they had no immediate solution. Father Toomey was consulted by telephone as to the possibilities from his end, but to no avail. Finally, on the sixteenth, Father Toomey did arrange with a Mr. Brown, a civil contractor working with the British Royal Engineers, who were in fact living in our House at Stanley, to call for him at the Cathedral and take him and his handbag to Stanley. They left after tiffin, and what a ride! It was during an air raid, and our car was the only one in motion. We literally tore through Wanchai and up the torturous Happy Valley Road, with brakes screeching at every turn, and occasionally we had to retrace our steps in order to make a turn properly. Just over the top of Wongneichong Gap we came upon a spot in the road covered with dirt and debris. Just a few moments previous a bomb had landed on the hillside just above", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208621, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n51\n\nnest from the spurt of British fire at that point. Then almost instantly a Japanese shell could fall dangerously close, but the machine gun would continue to sputter. But the time came when they ceased to sputter. Perhaps they had moved their positions, or perhaps were silenced. The British had some mobile guns in the roadway leading to the Prison, and the flash from their muzzles could be easily seen. Fortunately, all during this time no bullets struck our house, it being on an eminence out of the range of fire, but the Carmelite Convent below was in the very midst of the battle. Its walls were pelted with machine gun and rifle bullets, but by the great mercy of God no one was either injured or molested, save Father Hessler, and the extent of his punishment was merely a slap or two in the face on Christmas morning.\n\nAt midnight, the battle seemed to be raging fiercely, and we could hear distinctly the blood-curdling yells of the attacking Japanese as they swarmed down the road past the Convent and reached the defending positions. So it must have been when the American savages attacked a frontier outpost when the world was not quite as civilized as it is supposed to be today. As the night wore on, the din of battle seemed to grow less and less. The defenders were slowly yielding ground, and the Japanese advanced towards the Prison and the Fort, so that when dawn began to break, the firing became more desultory, and the Japanese were in possession of Stanley Village and St. Stephen's Hill. They were not yet in the Prison, nor had they attempted the assault of the Fort, some distance out on the Stanley promontory.\n\nOn Christmas Day, needless to say, there were no Midnight Masses at Stanley to herald the birth of the new-born King, but as there seemed to be a lull in the battle raging all around us, we began saying our Masses at about five o'clock, on the portable altars in the corridors. We used but one candle, and even with that, we were in trepidation lest that tiny flame draw the fire of some lurking soldier. Some of us managed to say our three Masses, others two, and still others but one, while a few never got the opportunity, for about seven o'clock in the morning, there was a great hubbub at our front entrance, and we soon heard the sound of crashing glass. Most of us got as far as the second floor and tried to figure out what was happening. Finally, Father Meyer went down to the front entrance and there saw a group of Japanese soldiers who had gotten", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208628, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "58\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nand he helped others to loosen theirs, at least to some extent. Some, though, spent the whole night with hands tied, but how they managed I do not know. Later the marks on their hands showed for weeks.\n\nTo cap it all, poor Father Bauer still had dysentery, and Father Madison also developed a similar malady. Well, we used the water jar, which so fortunately had been left in the garage. Thus passed our first night in the garage—the Christmas night of 1941.\n\nAltogether we were thirty-four—a Bishop, a Salesian Seminarian, Brother Bernard, two laymen, Mr. Brown and Michael, and Fathers Benson and Norris, C. P., Szeliga, the Polish Salesian, Toomey, Troesch, Meyer, Downs, Keelan, Quinn, Bauer, Reardon, Callan, Allie, Madison, Gaiero, Siebert, McKeirnan, Walter, Moore, O'Connell, Tackney, Knotek, O'Connor, C. M., Charles Murphy, from Scarboro Bluffs, Canada, and our Brothers Michael, Anselm, Lawrence, Thaddeus and William.\n\nDawn finally came, and we welcomed the new day. Fortunately for us the weather was mild, and despite the fact that all except Father Szeliga slept without their cassocks, and some just in trousers and underwear, we felt no ill effects, except a natural stiffness in our joints and bones from the hard floor. The ominous silence of the preceding night continued, and we began to wonder if in reality the war was over or what was brewing. Later we learned that an armistice had been agreed upon about five o'clock Christmas afternoon, though at Stanley sporadic fighting continued until around seven, when the few men still defending the prison surrendered. On receiving telephonic instructions from Hong Kong the big guns at the Fort also ceased firing and the Fort was soon in Japanese hands.\n\nAs the morning wore on we began to think of food and drink since we had nothing in our stomachs since eleven o'clock the preceding day, but nothing seemed to be forthcoming. The sentry peeked in from time to time, and whenever he did so we always managed to turn our faces towards him and slip our hands back into their nooses. About ten o'clock we tried to make signs to the sentry that we were hungry and thirsty but to no avail. Finally, after repeated representations and the offering of a very valuable wrist watch by Father Toomey, the sentry handed in through the crack in the door, his canteen which was about half full of water.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208642, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "72\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\ngot together. Father Toomey went on ahead to arrange for our quarters, and all bid good-bye to Maryknoll on the hill. Just as we are leaving, His Excellency Bishop Valtorta walks up our hill, not knowing that we were being evacuated. At the foot of the hill, we meet a truck, and are surprised to find sitting on it, Father Norris, C. P., who has been brought out from town. The truck was on its way to the refugee camp just below our house, in order to pick up a few rice caldrons and some firewood for our kitchen equipment at the camp. At any rate, we are going to have rice!\n\nWe pass the Carmelite Convent, struggling under our burdens; go through the village of Stanley, which looks deserted and desolate, and we continue on our way, after having first been stopped by a group of soldiers, to the Prison Warders' apartments. We find we are to be billeted in Blocks “E”, “F” and “G” and the British and Dutch, some of whom have already arrived, are to occupy the other Blocks as well as St. Stephen's College buildings and the Indian Quarters below. We are directed to the top or third floor of Block \"E\", and as there was no order or assignment of rooms, we took the first available space and put our belongings on the floor. We also find that we have been allotted two flats on this third floor, each consisting of three rooms, with a small bath and an equally small kitchen and pantry. In these six rooms, there will be eventually (Father Bauer, with Brothers Michael and Thaddeus still being in Queen Mary Hospital, and Father Feeney still in Kowloon) thirty-two people, we having lost His Excellency, Bishop O'Gara and Father Charles Murphy; they, being Canadians, going to the British quarters, and gaining Brothers Cornelius and Anthony, two Christian Brothers who, with Fathers Norris and Benson, were here ahead of us. We are billeted four to seven in a room and have camp cots for beds. There is little other furniture save a chair here and there, or a small table and a wardrobe or bureau in some of the rooms. We have the whole top floor of our Block, except the servants' quarters, very tiny rooms at either end. After stowing away our belongings under camp cots and in corners, we make up our cots and prepare to retire.\n\nAs we have no electricity, we sleep until daylight and then rise to begin our first day in an Internment Camp. Having brought with us a number of Mass kits, we immediately set about putting up some temporary altars. For these, we use some tables and bureaus", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208643, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n73\n\nand soon the Holy Sacrifice is being celebrated on four makeshift altars, each of us taking his turn. After Mass, Father Troesch manages to get a little fire going in our kitchen and soon we have a cup of coffee and a dish of oatmeal. We have already been informed that the Japanese authorities will give us rice, meat, vegetables, tea, salt, and sugar—all of which will be strictly rationed and that we may be allowed to purchase other foods, such as fish and vegetables from hawkers who will come into the Camp. We are to have two meals a day, from the Camp kitchen, now merely a large rice caldron set up on some cement blocks in an area-way on the ground floor of our Block. Our cooks in this general kitchen seem to be some stranded American sailors, whose captain scuttled his ship when the war began.\n\nAs we take stock of our surroundings, we find that there are already some two hundred Americans here, and more expected. Some of these who arrived early began, with typical American aggressiveness, to clean up the place, and when we arrived, our rooms were in a very presentable state. In the other Blocks, there are over a thousand British, and more arriving, in trucks and buses, with more or less baggage. We likewise find five Maryknoll Sisters in Block \"G\". These are the Holy Spirit School staff, who in the beginning of hostilities had been evacuated to the Queen Mary Hospital, where they also served as nurses. The Japanese have taken over the Queen Mary Hospital, also all the other British Hospitals in the Colony and the staffs are rapidly being brought to Stanley. Our sick, Father Bauer and the two Brothers, have also arrived in Camp, Father Bauer being not much improved. In the course of this afternoon, nine Canadian Immaculate Conception Sisters arrived, and were given quarters in one of the British Blocks. We suppose the Kowloon contingent of Maryknoll Sisters will soon appear as well, along with Father Feeney. We are saving a cot for him.\n\nImmediately upon our vacating the House, the Japanese Gendarmerie moved in, and at night, we can see a few lights in the building.\n\nJanuary 22nd—A call for able-bodied seamen on deck for manual labor; some to help in the kitchen, cutting wood and preparing food, others for carrying baggage of new arrivals, and others are set to work carrying cement blocks for the construction of a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208645, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n75\n\nAh Fung and Ah Chin return but bring us the sad news that they cannot stay in Camp with us. We are sorry to see them go, as they had been of great help to us, and Ah Fung especially, thoroughly loyal. So from now on, we wash our own dishes, wash our own clothes, and keep the deck in ship-shape condition ourselves. Our newly elected Council decides on having patrol duty around our building. Our new kitchen stove, built of brick and cement blocks, is nearly finished, thanks to the engineering and spade work of Brother William and his co-workers. Just in front of our building, there is a fourteen-car garage, and we hope to fix this up for our needs, one of which is said to be a Community Dining Room. A few more arrivals from Hong Kong. Smokers queue up for cigarettes and pay $1.00 a pack.\n\nJanuary 30th — Father Raymond Quinn celebrated a Missa Cantata of Requiem for the fallen soldiers in Hong Kong. Some two hundred people were present in the Club rooms and Bishop O'Gara spoke. Father Allie and his choir rendered the music.\n\nJanuary 31st — A canteen opens on the \"Hill\"—the distributing center for our Camp supplies—and canned milk is offered for sale to those who have the wherewithal. We Americans are living in four blocks, and today we elect our Block representative. We occupy Block \"A\" and we elect Mr. Paul Malone. Beans for supper.\n\nFEBRUARY\n\n1-Sunday-Three Masses as on the previous Sunday, and there were from 70 to 80 Communions. We play baseball, or rather soft-ball, as we find enough material for the game. Result, Maryknollers 14, the rest of the Americans, 13, in a ten-inning game. While we have Sunday Mass in the former Prison Warders' Club (now re-named \"The American Club\"), we have also made arrangements for an afternoon service in St. Stephen's Hall, consisting at the present of Rosary, Litany and discourse by Bishop O'Gara. At six o'clock, Americans and others gathered in the new American Club for a song-fest. The Rev. Mr. Higgins led with his cornet and everybody sang various popular songs. Father Allie presided at the piano, and all voted the occasion a happy one. In a letter received from Bishop Valtorta, Bishop O'Gara is appointed his Vicar General in Camp.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208646, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "76\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\n2 Feast of the Presentation: Once again, we start classes in the language, but under manifest difficulties. One classroom is our tiny, six by six combination chapel, laundry and kitchen. The other classes held forth in rooms occupied by from four to seven people. The fish we received today for our rations was spoiled and as a result, we had only rice and vegetables. Some of the internees went to \"The Hill\" this afternoon for various purposes, and while waiting to transact their business with the authorities, sat on the low wall at the edge of the road, which incidentally happens to overlook the prison below, now occupied by Japanese. As a result, three Sisters had their faces rudely slapped, and one or two were kicked around, because of their behavior. In the evening, just in front of our Block “A”, a number of internees gathered around a piano impromptu and began singing popular songs. This was immediately stopped, as no permission had been requested.\n\n3-Fathers Keelan and Downs bless throats at the little chapel at the Maryknoll Sisters quarters. Misty weather. Meat ration spoiled and unacceptable. We organize ourselves into morning duty squads and sweep and dust and help out in the kitchen by turn. (Our private kitchen, by the way, where Father Troesch has an iron range, and for which Father Meyer \"scrounges” faggots and coal dust, the latter being made into coal briquettes on the roof). Before leaving Stanley, Father Meyer had purchased a pig and had salted it down in a small barrel. This we managed to bring with us, and today when our meat ration failed, we fell back on this piece of fat, hairy salt pork, and we were glad to even eat the hide. On the Hong Kong Prison grounds (now within our Camp confines) there is a small field of alfalfa, which was grown as an experiment in feeding the prisoners. I do not know whether the experiment worked or not, but at the present time, we are eating alfalfa with our rice and other short rations, and “like” it. Father Meyer has also given us some \"grass\" tea, and we find anything goes these days.\n\n4-Bishop O'Gara called a meeting of his priests and appoints a Council: namely, His Excellency himself, and Fathers Toomey, Charles Murphy and Haughey, the latter a Salesian. Father Meyer is Pro-Vicar, and Father Keelan, Chancellor. Bishop Valtorta gives everyone all faculties. A series of sermons is also to be given.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208648, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "78\n\nREYS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nA word about our quarters may now be in order. Within the Camp confines are the Hong Kong Prison Warders' apartments, consisting of some seven blocks of buildings, each building having about six flats or apartments, of three living rooms each, plus a tiny kitchen and pantry and bath. Across the road, there is St. Stephen's College, with two main buildings and a few small bungalows. Down in the valley near the seashore are about six blocks of flats formerly occupied by the Indian Prison guards and their families. Also a block of apartments for bachelor Warders, a Prison Officers' club and another building occupied by the Indians, which is now Tweed Bay Hospital for Camp use. Likewise a small leprosarium, now inhabited by some English doctors. The Americans are housed in three separate blocks of the Warders' apartments and the British are in the other buildings, except that the Americans also have the former Prison Officers' Club, the main hall of which is used for church services, for recreation and for plays and songfests. The camp is situated on a peninsula jutting out between Tytam and Stanley Bays, and we have a splendid view of the sea on three sides. During hostilities, of course, all the buildings were looted and there remain only odd pieces of furniture here and there. The Japanese have provided some camp cots, but these are far from enough to supply the actual need, and as a result, a great many of the internees, men, women and children, are living in crowded quarters with no beds, chairs or tables. They sleep on the floor, which, in the Indian Quarters and in some parts of St. Stephen's College, is cement. The Americans, having been brought to Camp rather early, were given quarters having at least camp cots and a few articles of furniture. Many internees have only what they could bring in as hand luggage, and some have only what they were wearing at the time. As soon as the doctors and nurses arrived, one building was set apart as a hospital and a few iron cots and camp cots secured. The emergency operating table is an old door on two saw horses, and the stock of medicines is practically nil. We have been given no cooking utensils or supplies of any sort, except our daily rations of rice, a little meat and vegetables, and many are eating their food out of tin cans and whatever they have managed to pick up.\n\nAlready many cases of dysentery are appearing, and Tweed Bay Hospital is filling up. It has, I should say, about sixty or eighty beds. Father Reardon seems to be improving.\n\nT\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208649, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n79\n\n8-Sunday Masses, as usual, with Fathers Keelan, Bauer and Charles Murphy officiating. It rained in the afternoon, but a fair crowd attended Rosary, Litany and private Benediction at St. Stephen's Great Hall; Bishop O'Gara spoke. Seventy Communions in the morning at Masses. An attempt is to be made to start some sort of school tomorrow for the children, but with the lack of desks, chairs and books, not much can be done. The Sisters also plan a catechism class. So far, we have five Maryknoll Sisters in Camp, as also nine Canadian Sisters of the Immaculate Conception, but at five this afternoon during a drizzle, some 18 more Maryknoll Sisters, with Sister Paul at their head, arrived by truck, with bag and baggage as only Sisters know how to travel. As the American Blocks were pretty well filled up, temporary quarters were found for them in one of the British blocks. They find two or three rooms at their disposal, and the 18 promptly unroll their blankets and stretch out on the floor, for the night. The Portuguese and Chinese Sisters remain in Kowloon, but not in their own convent, which has long since been taken over by the Japanese military as a hospital. The Blessed Sacrament is reserved temporarily in the Maryknoll Sisters' apartment in the American block. Maryknoll again wins a softball match.\n\n9-Mr. Gullinan, former Hong Kong Police sergeant and a good friend of ours, goes to Tweed Bay Hospital for treatment. He had been in the Queen Mary Hospital for some months previous to the war. The American Community meets at 2.00 p.m. in the Club House Rooms and hear various reports read. The question of bank accounts in the Hong Kong banks came up and it seems the Japanese authorities have offered each one with a bank account the sum of $50.00 for his food. This offer was refused by the Americans. Our newly-built kitchen finally opened.\n\n10-The blackout is over and we again have electric lights in the evening. Today also there is a change in our meal hours. The first repast is 9.30, with a cup of soup at 12.30 and the second meal at 5.00 p.m. It has turned cold and rainy and our meager rations of rice and fixings leave us hungry. A robbery is reported in the Dutch quarters.\n\n11-Another attempt to open a canteen in the American Club, and each person is limited to the purchase of one article. As there wasn't very much, the supply was soon sold out. One could buy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208652, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "82 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\ntake over the civil administration. News has seeped into the Camp that Bishop Paschang, with Fathers Paulhus, Jim Smith, North, together with Sisters Patricia Coughlin and Beatrice Meyer are in Macao, having been deported by the Japanese from Kongmoon. \n\n22-Sunday and, Washington's Birthday. Father Norris, C. P., the day's preacher. At one o'clock a party for children is arranged, but for Americans only. The Camp cook comes across with a cup of coffee, two doughnuts and some popcorn for all, adult Americans included. At three p.m. at St. Stephen's, Stations of the Cross and Benediction with a sermon by Bishop O'Gara. In the evening at 6, Fathers Quinn and Madison direct the songfest. Warmer weather. For some days now, Brother Thaddeus has had his eagle eye on two pigeons which have been roosting on our roof and tonight he manages to catch one with its eyes shut. As a result, the members of his room, No. 9 no less (the unlucky number in China), had a cup of pigeon soup apiece. Incidentally, there are seven in Room 9. \n\n23-The Maryknoll Sisters finally move from their temporary quarters to the American Block. Maryknollers help carry baggage, and to secure a few iron cots from the Hospital. The Sisters now have three rooms on the ground floor and one room on the third floor of Block A-3. \n\n24-As previously mentioned, the British Government had built in various parts of the island a considerable number of godowns or storage depots for rice, peanut oil and canned goods, in case of a long siege. A few of these godowns are very close to our Camp—in fact, they might be considered to be within our confines, and today the Japanese authorities asked for volunteers among the internees to help in loading these supplies on trucks to be moved elsewhere. From the Maryknollers, Fathers Gaiero and Siebert join up, as also Father O'Connor, C. M., and Brother Anthony, one of the two Christian Brothers living on our floor. After working several hours in the morning, each volunteer was given for his dinner, as much canned milk, hardtack and butter as he could eat, and when the day's work was over, each received four cans of goods, such as butter, milk and pork and beans. Ten cases of goods were also given to the Community kitchens. Brother Michael comes down with a form of diarrhea. \n\n25-The Blessed Sacrament is now reserved in the Sisters' Chapel. More volunteers asked for today for loading food; as the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208654, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "84 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\nthe drums. It is surprising what can be found in this Camp! Sister Rose Olive also gave a few piano selections. The latest wrinkle is the raffling of $100 notes at a discount of eighty. There has been a severe shortage of cigarettes for some time, and the smokers are becoming desperate with the result that discarded tea leaves, dried and treated with oil, are being tried. Incidentally, they have a vile odor. \n\nMARCH \n\n1—Our printer's devil has made a slight error: our songfest has been changed to Saturday evening, so yesterday was Saturday and today is Sunday. We had no afternoon services, as we received orders to remain indoors from 10 a.m. to 6 p.m., since the inferior white race is not permitted to gaze on the face of the new Civil Governor, who is expected out this way during the day. Brother Michael much improved. Of late, there has been growing dissatisfaction with the food and with the cooks. At times the rice has been under-cooked and the meat and vegetables either infinitesimal or tasteless and, in all, the people throughout the Camp are feeling the pinch of hunger. It is also asserted that the cooks, especially in the American kitchen, are living off the fat of the land, and that means off our fat. Everybody feels that he could eat twice or three times what he gets, and while the rice satisfies for the moment, it is quickly digested and one is soon hungry. We greatly miss the more substantial bread and also feel the lack of sugar and fruits. Repeated representations have been made to the authorities on the score of increased rations, but to no avail. It is also suspected that the Chinese comprador in charge of the rations is also using \"the hatchet\" or, in other words, \"squeezing our rations,\" and complaints have been made, with the apparent result that during the past few days we have been given a few slices of bread. \n\n2—Martial law is again on from twelve to five, but it was later called off. That meant we had to stay indoors during that period. Evidently some of the august sons of the Son of Heaven must have been in the vicinity. \n\nJust a word or two about our own quarters. We Maryknollers, that is priests and Brothers, together with Fathers O'Connor, C. M., Benson and Norris, C. P., and Brothers Anthony and Cornelius, Christian Brothers, have the whole top floor of Block A-1, that is,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208656, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "86 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\nBritish in St. Stephen's Hall. Another piece of bread. Maryknollers win another game of softball. The British seem to be taking to softball and it is becoming quite popular. \n\n8- Sunday. Father Toomey, preacher. Stations of the Cross and Benediction, with sermon by Bishop O'Gara in the afternoon. Special menu today: morning, 3 hot cakes with a little syrup and butter; a cup of okra soup at noon; and in the evening, rice, hash and beans, but no bread. The Hong Kong News (now published by the Japanese in English, and sold in the Camp) says that the Shanghai Americans may be repatriated, if they desire. We? We arrange our language classes. Father Meyer is also teaching the Sisters Cantonese. \n\n9- The American Community holds its usual monthly meeting in the Club and listens to various reports and resolutions, regarding our conditions and prospects. Continual representations are being made by our president, Mr. Hunt and the British heads, to the Japanese for improvement in our rations, especially milk for babies and children, for medicines, for clothing, and for any number of things considered necessary for a decent living. A great many people are still sleeping on concrete floors. It is now announced that there are 324 Americans in Camp; that we get for that family from 80 to 100 pounds of meat daily (bones and fat included), about 80 pounds of green vegetables, and 4 ounces of rice per meal, and now at length, some 8 or 9 loaves of bread. This latter item means that each one gets a slice or half a slice daily, and of the above rations, some are kept out for increased rations for babies and growing children, and the convalescent. Glutinous rice for supper today. \n\n10- Brother Anthony and Father Bauer go to Tweed Bay Hospital. Father Bauer's long-standing case of dysentery does not yield to treatment, and the doctors are perplexed. Of course, it is also a question of proper medicine in the Camp. \n\n11- Eighty pounds of meat, forty-five pounds of cabbage and eight loaves of bread for 324 people. For the past few weeks, considerable activity has been noticed around St. Stephen's Primary School building, hitherto unoccupied. A cement block wall has been built around the compound and guard-houses placed at each corner. Today the American Consular staff from Hong Kong took up their quarters there, and incommunicado. No one may visit them and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208658, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "88\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nsoya bean supply in the Colony is exhausted or it is being diverted to other uses. It can hardly be exhausted, as the British Government must have put in an immense supply. American communal meeting, at which people either stand or sit on the floor, as we have no chairs. Roll call at twelve noon in each Block, to be repeated every 48 hours.\n\n19 Feast of St. Joseph. Benediction at Maryknoll Sisters' Chapel. Good supper tonight—hamburg steak, soya beans, vegetable, rice and one slice of bread. From now on we are allowed only one electric light in each room, and no fans allowed.\n\n20—No soup at noon today, because we have no salt in the Camp kitchen. EXTRA! SENSATIONAL ESCAPE! The whole Camp was electrified this morning by the whispered report that at least five, possibly eleven, internees, have escaped. As reprisals, we are to have a roll call twice a day, at 8 a.m. and 10 p.m., with all lights out at 11, and there are to be Japanese gendarmes on duty throughout the Camp. Our own American patrol is automatically dismissed. No public gatherings allowed. There is to be no diminution of our food rations, however. We understand that when some of the interned soldiers escaped recently from the Shumshuipo Camp, the rest of the internees were put on a diet of rice and water for a week. Brother Anthony ill again. No cigarettes as yet, and the brethren are resorting to all sorts of concoctions, made of pine needles, ginger and other leaves, for tobacco. Internees are seen walking around with their eyes glued to the ground, looking for cast-off cigarettes. How low have the mighty fallen!\n\n21—Latest official instructions: all typewriters and flashlights to be turned in to the authorities; also, we are not allowed to stand on our verandahs or on any eminence overlooking the Prison and look down on the superior beings quartered there, nor may we look on groups drilling. With the ban on public meetings, our proposed American spelling bee has been cancelled. Father Vincent Walsh improved and no operation seems necessary. The new regime on \"The Hill\" brings no relief or betterment in our food situation, though today we each got one duck egg and a slice of bread.\n\n22—Sunday. As usual, with the Bishop and Father Norris preaching. Father Benson has not been well for some time and today goes to the Tweed Bay Hospital, with diabetes and rather...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208666, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "96\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\ndried fruit and cream of wheat for Father Bauer from his personal supply. Efforts are also being made to have Fathers Bauer and Benson either repatriated or sent to Shanghai for better medical care, as the medicines and equipment here are wholly inadequate for proper treatment. Father Walter improved.\n\n19-Due to our increased flour rations, we have two scones and coffee for breakfast (the coffee, of course, from our own private store). For tiffin, we had one WHOLE sweet potato, cooked lettuce, meat gravy, one small piece of bread, and, of course, rice!\n\nSunday. Masses now at 8:15 and 9:30 and 10:00, with Father Haughey preacher at all three and the Bishop as usual in the afternoon. His Excellency is giving a very splendid course of scriptural sermons and they are being well received. An old man (British) died in Tweed Bay Hospital, of dysentery.\n\n20-Another death, from tuberculosis, in the Hospital. At the monthly meeting of the American community, the question of the forthcoming credit of $105.00 was discussed; also the question of repatriation. The authorities are alleged to have dropped the remark that there are some now in the Camp who should not be here!!! A few Norwegians allowed to leave for Hong Kong; also the two American women previously mentioned. The Hong Kong News, our only English paper now, fails to arrive in Camp, which causes the usual rumors and speculation. Later, we learned that Tokyo was bombed today by American fliers.\n\n21-About 9 o'clock today, the neutral Maryknoll Sisters, Sister Paul, with Sisters Famula, Marie Regis and Ann Mary, received word that they may leave for Hong Kong by 12 o'clock. At that time, they bade goodbye and got on the food truck returning to the city. Now that the ice has actually been broken, and people are being dis-interned, our hopes are high, as we think that perhaps we are the ones \"who should not be in the Camp.\" Meals seem to be improving slightly, with a duck egg occasionally. Today we had two small pieces of bread, a little stew, spinach, which together with our side of alfalfa, made a fair meal. Canteen open again.\n\n22-Mr. Albert Simmons, Catholic, and former resident of Erinvile near Stanley, died of heart failure, brought on, the doctors say, by malnutrition. Burial took place at 6 p.m. in the local cemetery, where the row of new graves is steadily lengthening.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208668, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "98\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nNow that we are getting a decent ration of flour we shall have to figure out ways and means to bake our own bread, for now the little we used to get from Hong Kong has ceased. The American council accordingly called a meeting in our community garage and discussed the question. In our community kitchen there was, of course, no oven made for baking purposes, so the best we can do is to use the few electric stoves scattered throughout the apartments. A few of these are set up in the kitchen and the baking begun. The Maryknoll Sisters and we each have an electric oven, and they start forthwith in turning out luscious loaves of bread. Father Meyer, too, in our block, starts experimenting with yeast and bread baking formulae, and soon has a tasty loaf set before us. Father Meyer's fame is extending throughout the Camp, and many are now coming to us for instructions on how to bake bread. Recently, Father Troesch managed to buy a few dried apples at the Canteen and, lo and behold, he shortly presented us with an apple pie! And a very creditable piece of the great American dessert!\n\n25—News received of the death on December 7th of Father Toomey's mother, R.I.P. Father Madison presides at an \"Information, Please\" at the Club Hall. After the recent escapes from the Camp, the construction of a barbed wire fence all around was begun and today it was completed. We lose a little more of our freedom, and are now quite interned. Electric lights are also being put up along our borders. We understand that this is in accordance with international law governing internment camps. A new masonry gateway is also being built across the main road leading into Camp, with a guard post outside.\n\n26 Sunday, Father Charles Murphy preached at all the Masses today. There were no afternoon services because of a heavy rain storm, our first real storm of the season. A Bridge and Games tournament opens. One duck egg in our rations this morning, and this evening we get our first \"seconds\" under the new arrangement, which, with a saucer of cornstarch from Father Troesch's larder, left us quite sated.\n\n27—The Dutch internees are told that they may be repatriated either to Holland or other Dutch possessions. A few Belgians and Norwegians also included. After some discussions, we Maryknollers get from our community kitchen our rations of flour, but three", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208671, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n101\n\ncouple of tiny cookies for breakfast. Our coffee, too, is getting weak, for in order to conserve our supply we are using the grounds again and again. Bamboo Wireless has it that Bishop Paschang is in touch with Maryknoll, and that Bishop Ford is receiving funds from Maryknoll.\n\n3-Sunday. Services are as usual, with Father Norris as preacher. Coffee and a bun this morning from our own kitchen. However, Father Meyer now promises us bread three times a day, that is, at least a bun, out of his five-ounce allotment.\n\n4--Our present A-1 Block representative, Mr. Malone, seems to be in disfavor in the minds of many of that block, and finally today at a meeting in the garage, grievances were aired and as a result we have a new representative in the person of Mr. Steiner, a Protestant minister, formerly in charge of the Foreign Auxiliary in Hong Kong. He promises to be efficient, as he is a very conscientious man. Rain interfered with the outdoor May Devotions and they were held in the tiny Maryknoll Sisters' Chapel with the congregation overflowing into the tiny corridors. The Sisters have typed copies of the more popular hymns, and the people join in the singing.\n\n5- Chess tournament begins with Fathers Vincent Walsh and Norris, from our ranks, participating. Father Bauer not so well these days. Tonight we again have “seconds\" on food. Some of us sent 10-word telegrams today, as allowed by authorities. We wonder if they and our previous post cards will ever reach their destination.\n\n6-Father Toomey resigns as Treasurer of the American communal council.\n\nFather Hessler called to \"The Hill\" in regard to his letter requesting release from the Camp as a third national, Bishop Valtorta vouching for him. No decision reached, however. Corregidor falls and with it many of our hopes! As we gaze out to sea and see Japanese ships enter and leave the harbor, we feel very isolated and farther and farther than ever from America. However, there is a little cheer in the air today as we are informed that all Americans are to be repatriated within a month on a ship from Tokyo to Lourenço Marques, Portuguese East Africa. Some may be permitted to go to Shanghai if they choose. Father Bauer improved.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208673, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n103\n\nCanadian Sisters having prepared them. The entertainment sponsored by the British for tonight was called off by the authorities for no apparent reason. It does seem as if the Americans are favored just a bit in this Camp by the Japanese or at least the British get more knocks. Mr. Bennett, American, chosen to act as purchasing agent for our allotment of food, goes to Hong Kong and on his return announces that while in the city he got himself married.\n\n10 Sunday. As usual. There was no fish for tiffin, it having been rejected as unfit for consumption. It is bruited abroad that non-American wives of repatriates will not be allowed to return to America because of lack of space on the vessels, but preferential treatment will be given to Chinese-Americans. A movie tonight at St. Stephen's, and quite a good one, with a few cartoons.\n\n11— At an American communal meeting, Messrs. Bourne, Rankin and Stanton were elected Chairman, Vice-Chairman and Treasurer respectively, to take the place of those resigned. American patrol resumed, but entirely voluntary.\n\n12— A Russian orchestra arrived in Camp today, and we thought for a while that we were going to have a concert, but it did not materialize. Father Meyer is still experimenting with his bread, and it is now much better. Canteen opens again.\n\n13— Sister Paul advises that 16 of the Maryknoll Sisters now in Camp be repatriated; with 3, Sisters Clement, De Ricci and St. Dominic, as third nationals, to stay in Hong Kong. The rest will remain in Camp for the time being.\n\n15— Ascension Day. Masses as on Sunday. Brother Anthony is indisposed again. Father Benson at length is able to leave the hospital. He had a very long stay within its confines. In the American Blocks we now have had, for some little time, a diet kitchen operating to take care of convalescents and children. This does not mean that the convalescents get any different or better food, but it is more carefully and tastily cooked. Many cannot stomach the ordinary white rice and in this kitchen it is browned first and then cooked.\n\nA Mr. Engdall, member of the American Consular staff, died suddenly in Camp, as a result of a fall. Only a very few from our Camp were allowed to accompany the body to the cemetery, Bishop O'Gara and Father Toomey being among the number, as Mr.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208677, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n107\n\n5-Father Haughey and Brother Bernard and three Maryknoll Sisters, Sisters Clement, De Ricci and St. Dominic, leave Camp for Hong Kong and freedom, secundum quid. Also six others. Canteen today.\n\n6-The doctors say that Brother Anthony has developed beri-beri and pellagra, and one doctor thinks Father Troesch has sprue, but this latter report was unfounded as later conditions revealed. There are at present a number of cases of beri-beri in Camp, and little means in Camp to combat it, as this requires a special diet.\n\n7----Sunday, Father Meyer continues his Catholic Action meetings, after Benediction. Hereafter, there will be no afternoon service in St. Stephen's Hall, all services now being held in the Club Hall. Our own food parcels are expected daily.\n\n8 At an American community meeting, held at 2:00 p.m., further reports were read on repatriation. The date is still uncertain, but it will probably take place about the middle of the month. Repatriates were told that they may not take trunks with them on the steamer. Shortly after the Camp opened, a number of books belonging to the former American Club were brought out and placed in one of the rooms at the now American Club (formerly the Prison Officers' Club), and we Americans had quite a bit of reading matter to while away some of our tedious hours. Today, this lending library closed up, in view of the coming repatriation. In addition to the earliest list of Maryknollers already handed in, the twelve Maryknoll Sisters and Fathers O'Connor (who had first planned to go to Shanghai) and Madison are definitely on the list for repatriation. The Americans who remain are informed that they will occupy Block A-3, or at least the upper floor of one half of this block. Our food seems to be improving a little. Patients at Tweed Bay Hospital can now secure bananas at 100 apiece.\n\n9-Father Bauer cut walking and is very much improved. Father Madison takes his name off the list for repatriation.\n\n10- Father Toomey sings a Missa Cantata at the Maryknoll Sisters' Chapel on the occasion of his twentieth anniversary of ordination. After the Mass, the Sisters treat us to a Camp breakfast. Our food parcel finally arrives. It will be remembered that each internee, man, woman and child, was to receive $105.00 worth of food or other articles of personal use. Of this amount, it was decided", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208679, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46 \n\n109\n\n20- Another community meeting but no further developments on repatriation. At 11 o'clock this morning we were agreeably surprised to learn that Sister Paul and Sister Corazon were on \"The Hill\" and that we could go up and see them. Again Sister Paul moved the adamant hearts of the Japanese and secured permission to enter the Camp to say goodbye to her departing Sisters. We learn that our own names have been handed in to the Foreign Office in Hong Kong for release from the Camp, and our hopes are high. We also learn that Father Tennien is in Chungking, and that Father Briggs and Father Hater are both quite ill. Since Sister Paul and her Sisters have been in Hong Kong, we have been enabled to receive weekly parcels of foodstuffs, and this has helped a great deal. For some weeks a league of softball has been in progress, and today the last game of the season was played between the British and Americans, the score being 15 to 6 in favor of the latter. A Stanley Cup was fabricated by Camp artisans and presented to the winners.\n\n22-The first anniversary of our newly ordained Maryknollers, and they enjoy a Camp lunch at the Maryknoll Sisters' apartments at 7:00 p.m. The repatriation ship, the Asama Maru has been further delayed. Due to some circumstance or other, our rice ration on the 23rd and 24th was very meager, but Father Meyer came to the rescue with his toasted rice which he has been saving for such a rainy day.\n\n25-Rumor hath it that our papers or forms are now on “The Hill,” and that we may get final word any day now to pack up and leave for Hong Kong. Mr. Gunn, an American, and seven others, British and Portuguese, are advised they may leave Camp tomorrow.\n\n26-We were delighted today to receive a visit from His Excellency, Bishop Valtorta, who asked permission to come out and say goodbye to the repatriates. He could remain but a short time, and bade the rest of us to have hope, as he felt we would be released in due time. He is also trying to secure the release of the Canadian Sisters. The Asama Maru is now scheduled to leave on the 30th, the repatriates going on board the 29th. The British are still incredulous about repatriation of the Americans. There is now some talk about possible repatriation of British women and children and old men, but nothing definite.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208681, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n111\n\nall agreed was quite tasty. His helpers in the galley are Fathers Keelan, Downs and Madison.\n\nFather Toomey is named temporary head of the Red Cross in Hong Kong, by the repatriated manager, Mr. Fifer. The Red Cross, by the way, is on hand but not operative and the Japanese do not seem to take kindly to it.\n\nWhen the repatriates went on board the Asama Maru, no one was allowed anywhere near the pier, although we stood on the hill-top and watched them embark. No one was allowed to go on board either, from the Camp. We were anxious to learn if there were any other Maryknollers on board from the North, but could not secure the information. The Asama Maru remained at anchor that night and all the next day and night, when it left on its long voyage around the Cape.\n\n30-The Camp is extremely quiet after the departure of the Americans, and even the British remark on it. We are now awaiting orders to move into our new quarters. The father of Mr. Wong, our Chinese Superintendent, died in Hong Kong, and Father Toomey says a Mass for the repose of his soul. By the way, in the administration of the Camp, the Japanese early placed a Chinese superintendent in charge of each section of the Camp, as sort of liaison officer, and ordinarily we had to negotiate through him with the Japanese.\n\nJULY\n\n1-We are to move tomorrow into Block A-3. The Sisters keep one of their rooms on the third floor, and we 16 Maryknollers get three rooms on the same floor but in the other half of the flat. By arrangements with Mr. Wong, we are also allowed to retain our little chapel on the same floor. The other Americans take up quarters in the various small servants' rooms in this block, while the British take over the remaining larger room downstairs.\n\n2- Moving all day and getting settled, even though we have few possessions, leaves us pretty tired at night. We had to move our camp cots, as when the repatriates left, their rooms were almost completely denuded of their meager furnishings by those, of course, who had even less. We find that we will have the use of the two small kitchens on the top floor, one being for all the Americans and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208685, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n115\n\n21-Report has it that some 52 internees may be allowed to go to Shanghai on Wednesday. No electricity due to overloading of circuits. As a result, we have to get our \"chow\" cooked in the British kitchen for a couple of meals. The Shanghai baggage goes to town in the food truck.\n\n22--The Shanghai trip delayed and the baggage returns from the city.\n\n23-We understood a few days ago that the Japanese had rounded up several hundred very destitute Chinese in the city with the intention of deporting them somewhere along the South China coast. They were first brought out to Stanley and placed in the Prison for a day or so. Next they were herded onto several large junks in Stanley Bay. The junks were towed out to sea but meeting heavy weather, the tugs had to put back into quieter waters and anchored again in Stanley Bay just off the western side of our Camp. As we walked along the top of St. Stephen's Hill, we could see the unfortunates very plainly crowded on the junks, and standing up, with no covering over their heads. Thus they remained for at least two days and nights, exposed to the sun and rain. No doubt their food was but a trifle, for while anchored off the Camp, a number of bodies were seen by the internees to be thrown overboard, and later these bodies were washed up on the beach, where they remained unburied. I believe the Camp officials requested permission to bury them but the beach being outside our barbed wire enclosure, the permission was refused. The junks finally sailed away with their human freight. Earlier in the Camp, a similar permission was asked to bury a few bodies of soldiers which had been washed up on the beaches, but again the permission was not granted. July so far has given us 22 days of rain which, like California, is most unusual for this month, and as a result the reservoirs are filled up and overflowing.\n\n25-The Shanghai repatriates are told to be ready to leave at any time, but there is still a further delay. No doubt it is a question of shipping. Among them are two Dutch Salesian Fathers. The British put on a good show at 7 p.m., \"The Optimists,” on the bowling green outside our former American Club A-4 Block. Swimming restrictions lightened; we may now go and return at any time within the prescribed hours. Mixed marriage in our private Maryknoll Chapel at 9 a.m. Father Hessler officiated.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208686, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "116\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\n26-Sunday. Another Gingles meal of a real slice of meat, fried sweet potatoes, spinach and rice, with some Philadelphia rice scrapple for breakfast. Our rations seem to be getting less and the rice poorer, and we have to spend quite a little time in picking the worms out of the rice and the weevils out of the flour. The Shanghai groups finally get away at 2:00 p.m.\n\n28--A softball league starts up, as the British are getting quite enthusiastic about the game, but they lose the first game to the Americans, now mostly Maryknollers. At present there are some six teams lined up; i.e., The Police, St. Stephen's, The College, the Indian Quarters, the Married Quarters, and the Americans. We have two grounds, one in the back of the American blocks on a large tennis court space, and the other down at the Indian quarters, and the games are played after supper.\n\n30-Father Tackney develops an ear infection, apparently from swimming, and Dr. Talbot is treating him. A Miss Rose died today.\n\n31-No softball, as the rain continues. Many of the British have not yet received their parcel of food, arrangements for which were begun some three months ago. Today we received as rations 9 pounds of meat, of which about 6 pounds were fat. The fat, of course, will come in handy for frying things, but the lean meat will not go far among 41 people.\n\nAUGUST\n\n1-The Hong Kong dollar was further devalued today at a rate of four to one military yen. Canteen prices further increased.\n\n2-Sunday. Mrs. Williamson, Catholic, dies. Monday, Father Hessler sang a High Mass for the repose of her soul. Mr. and Mrs. Nance, American missionaries, who did not want to be repatriated, and who live in our Block, next to the Sisters, announce the birth of a baby boy, Jonathan Goforth Nance, in Tweed Bay Hospital. They already have two small children. After some delay incident to moving our quarters, language classes start again, but only one hour a day, just to keep in trim.\n\n4- St. Dominic's Day. Good news—for some: the four Americans, Mr. Gingles, Dr. Molthen, Mr. Salmon and Miss Dorrer, are to leave Camp tomorrow at 10:00 a.m. Also some Britishers,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208689, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n119\n\nwith a tie game between the Americans and the Police, with a score of 5 to 5. Darkness and the eight o'clock curfew prevented the game from being played out. Some of the British teams are beginning to get quite good and the Americans will have to look to their laurels! Before the Americans left on the Asama Maru, since they were not allowed to take much U.S. currency with them on the boat, Father Troesch very wisely arranged to take their cash and gave them a note to Maryknoll, New York. This gives us some ready cash for our living in Hong Kong, and for our travel expense to the interior if we shall be allowed to leave the Colony.\n\n22----Minstrel show on the Green—quite good. The evenings are beginning to get cool and blankets are brought out,\n\nSunday - uneventful.\n\n24 — Americans, 5; Police, 3. More packages from town, via \"The Hill\". This extra food, which Sister Paul is sending in for us and for the Sisters, is very much appreciated.\n\n25-Usually after signing one's papers for release, one is allowed to leave within four days, but to date we have received no further word, so we sit and wait until the Foreign Office gets good and ready to allow us to walk the streets of Hong Kong as free men again.\n\n26-29 Police, 34; College, 10; a very good crowd and lots of fun. Entertainment in the evening on the Green.\n\nSunday Weather cool. Swimming still popular, though the crowds are thinning out on the beach. From two to five hundred at one time.\n\n31-High wind and quite cool. Against the uncertainty of our departure, language school classes begin again. Our rations continue as hitherto, though our cooks are striving valiantly to dish it up in as appetizing a style as possible with the material to work with. Water spinach is still our standby, and has been dubbed by someone \"rubber plant.\"\n\nSEPTEMBER\n\n1-The wind and the rain continue, playing havoc with the soft-ball schedule. More speculation about British repatriation. The days continue to come and go, and yet we have no word about our departure.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208690, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "120\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\n5- \"The Optimists\" appear again in an entertainment on the Green and delight their audience. A Mr. Shaw, British, died of heart failure in bed just after tiffin. Today, we received HK$5.00 as our portion of the allocation of relief from His Holiness, the Pope.\n\nSunday. General meeting of Catholic Action in the afternoon. A good crowd was present and various reports read. Father Meyer hands over his share of the cooking to Mr. and Mrs. Kiley. Father Walter and Father Keelan still continue to feed us at night, with hamburgers and \"rubber plant\"-Excuse me! I should have said \"hamburger.\"\n\n7-Labor Day and no classes for the Language School. Three adults were baptized in the Maryknoll Chapel. Due to some wiring difficulty we had no electricity at night.\n\n8-Nativity of Our Lady, and First Communion Day for the newly baptized. No news of our impending departure! Patience! Lights on again.\n\n9-Big News: Maryknoll, in a cable, orders all Maryknollers in occupied areas to be repatriated! But how? and when? Rumor has it that we are to get news of our release tomorrow.\n\n10-No news!\n\n11--At Last!! We are to leave Camp tomorrow, the Feast of the Holy Name of Mary, and Father Price's anniversary. Evidently we have friends in Heaven. Laus Deo!\n\n12—What a day! We are to be released from our confinement and go back to civilized life! We toted our baggage in the morning down to the American Club Block A-4, and there at 10:00 a.m. it was examined, not too minutely, by the gendarmes. Nothing was confiscated, however. At about eleven o'clock the truck which brings the food out to the Camp backed up and the first group, consisting of Fathers Toomey, Troesch, Downs, Keelan, Siebert, Walter and Knotek, Brother Thaddeus and Sisters Dorothy and Henrietta Marie, got in. At the Depot were many of our friends to see us off and to wish us well. At 2:30 in the afternoon the second group, consisting of Fathers Tackney, Madison, Moore, McKeirnan, Gaiero and O'Connell, and most of our baggage, left.\n\nAs we in the first group sped out of the Camp and on our way over the familiar winding road to Hong Kong, it was hard to ana-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208692, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "122\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nHotel. Well, we did justice to that meal! Sister Paul also lost no time in informing us that we had every hope of getting out of the Colony within a few weeks, and that even then she was working on our necessary passes and permits to go to Kwongchauwan. Right then and there we signed our forms, affixed our photographs (she, in her admirable foresight, had even these all prepared) and after the second group had arrived and carried out their part of the program, it was time to sit down to another real honest-to-goodness meal. Of course, these were still wartime meals, but we enjoyed them hugely. Then we trekked down to the bund, caught the eight o'clock bus to Aberdeen, and soon were knocking at the door of Bethany, where we were heartily welcomed by the Superior, Father Bos and Father Chaye, the Belgian priest, who, it will be recalled, was once our fellow-internee at Stanley. They were the only two priests in the House, and the rest of it was at our disposal. Our rooms were all prepared and we lost no time in getting under real covers and settling down to rest, after such an exciting and memorable day.\n\nThe next morning found us saying Mass at real altars in a real Chapel, and sitting down to breakfast table at which we enjoyed some of the food which again Sister Paul had previously provided. She had also very thoughtfully engaged a cook and a house-boy for us, and everything was shipshape.\n\nBethany is a sort of Rest House for sick and aged Paris Foreign missioners, and the scriptural inscription over its main portal is pregnant with meaning: \"Magister, quem amas, infirmatur” \"Master, he whom thou lovest, is sick.\" Just across from Nazareth is the Retreat House and Printing Press of the same society; it is situated on a knoll overlooking the beautiful South China Sea, and on the slopes of its hill are the graves of a hundred of its valiant missioners who have labored in almost all parts of the Far East. Its little Gothic chapel has a charm all its own, and must be redolent of memories for those who have spent some time within the walls of Bethany. Needless to say, we Maryknollers were delighted to have this haven of refuge and we are all more than grateful to the French Fathers who have been so uniformly kind.\n\nOn the Monday following our arrival, we went to the city in company with Father Troesch in order to secure our ration cards and to register our names and addresses with the proper precinct.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208693, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n123\n\nUpon inquiry, we were at first directed to the downtown branch, then to another branch station further out along Des Voeux Road; then still further west to Kennedy Town, only to find that since we lived at Pokfulam and just over the border of the Kennedy Town district, we had to apply at Aberdeen. Thus the intricacies of Japanese administration. At Aberdeen, Father Troesch secured our cards, and from then on was kept more than busy trying to keep us fed. As there were no deliveries, all food had to be carried by hand. Both Father Troesch and Brother Thaddeus did yeoman work along these lines. Food items rationed from Government stores were rice, flour, beans, oil and firewood, while meat, fish, vegetables and other foods could be purchased in the open market. Rationed food could also be purchased downtown, but at a higher price. During our stay at Bethany, our food was substantial though very simple and with little variation from day to day. Our meals were portioned and because of our lack of income and the uncertainty of the length of our stay in Hong Kong, we lived pretty frugally. We had meat once a day and fish once a day; a little ground corn for cereal at breakfast with two small pieces of bread, a banana and a cup of coffee. Our cook was very good, however, and he managed to give us very tasty meals with the limited facilities at his disposal.\n\nThe 18th of September was the anniversary of the Mukden Incident, and in anticipation of any trouble the Japanese intensified their patrol and search activities on the streets. For instance, on the trip by bus from Pokfulam to Hong Kong, a distance of two or three miles, we were obliged during those days to get off the bus at barriers erected at Queen Mary Hospital, Mount Davis and at the University in West Point. After the anniversary, however, the only barrier to be passed was that at Mount Davis, where all passengers had to get out of the bus and file past an Indian or a Chinese policeman who searched them, though not very thoroughly. As a matter of fact, we foreigners were not searched actually, but we had to dismount from the bus and pass through the barrier. Downtown in those early days of our freedom, we were called upon a few times to show our passes, but after that, we did not have to do so.\n\nOur early days at Bethany were spent quietly, we trying to re-orientate ourselves after our Camp experience, but somehow or other, it was difficult to get back to normalcy. There was still the\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208699, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n129\n\nSpirit School is on the way to the Cathedral; the writer stopped for a little chat with the Sisters and, while having tea with Sister Paul, we were suddenly startled by a series of explosions. We rushed to the window overlooking the harbor and Kowloon, and there, right in front of us along the Kowloon dock area, were a number of columns of smoke rising. Hong Kong had been bombed! American planes? Of course, we could not know, but it was not hard to conjecture. Yes, some eight or twelve American planes based in China had actually bombed Hong Kong. As they came over the city and dropped their deadly missiles, the numerous Japanese planes previously flying around were nowhere to be seen, but evidently the Japanese had wind of an approaching bombing. Later on, we heard varying and conflicting reports of dog-fights over the New Territories and of both Japanese and American planes being shot down, but we had no means of verifying them. In any event, we felt like hurrahing, though we were just a little frightened at renewed bombing. This took place around three o'clock, and after the hubbub had died down, we started for the Cathedral, meeting on the way some of our confreres from Bethany who had just arrived. Japanese soldiers were on the streets, and an occasional truckload, fully accoutred, passed by. The Procession was scheduled for five o'clock, but arriving there we learned that because of the disturbance it had been called off. Then we began to wonder if there would be martial law, and whether we, being enemy nationals and Americans, would be allowed to roam the streets back to our home. However, nothing untoward happened, and we got the bus as usual at the University for Pokfulam. During the actual bombing, the few people I noticed on the streets did not seem to be very much perturbed and walked along nonchalantly. No doubt, they were rejoicing inwardly.\n\nThat night we felt pretty cheery at Bethany, and after discussing the incident and its possible effects, we retired as usual. At about half past one the next morning, we were awakened by another crash of bombs, though fainter. Hong Kong was getting it again in bright moonlight. The raiders dropped their load and immediately sped away. Well, things began to happen, and everybody was on the qui vive. The next day, Japanese planes were in the sky all day, looking for more visitors. On the following Wednesday, the American eagles swooped down again on Hong Kong with a few missiles of good will. At the moment, there were no Japanese planes in the air, and the American fliers raced away.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208700, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "130\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nIn the first raid, bombs fell on the Kowloon dock area, on Whitfield Barracks, on a Japanese army canteen on Nathan Road and a few in the streets of Kowloon. The second and midnight raid was on the lighting plant at North Point, but the bombs, fortunately for us, missed their target. On the third visit, a few bombs fell near the Kowloon shipbuilding yards. One unexploded bomb was said to have been found near the lighting plant, and it was marked \"Cleveland, Ohio.\"\n\nAs a consequence of these raids, the whole city was blacked out at night, all Japanese flags which had been so gaily flying from many buildings were hauled down, and for a month after, there were from two to a dozen Japanese planes in the air all day, flying at a great height looking for more visitors, no doubt.\n\nWith the advent of the month of November, we secured a Hakka teacher and our Language School was functioning, though not too briskly. Early in the month, Father Moore took to his bed with some ailment, which Dr. Samy diagnosed as a nervous stomach. Dr. Samy, by the way, is a neighbor of ours, and an Indian doctor, very prominent in Hong Kong. He has a very talented Chinese wife, and two daughters. He formerly lived near the Queen Mary Hospital, but the Japanese took over his home and, in exchange, gave him a house just below Bethany. Fathers Toomey and McKeirnan teach his children daily, and they often come to visit us. The doctor and his wife have been extremely kind to us and have offered to give us financial help if we find it necessary.\n\nWe mustered up enough courage again to approach the Foreign Office about permission to go to Kwangchauwan, but again came back a final \"NO!\" Since their release from the Camp, the Maryknoll Sisters have been living in Holy Spirit School on Caine Road, but now they are threatened with eviction, as some branch of the government wants the house for some purpose or other.\n\nDuring the month, Father Troesch secured permission to visit our House at Stanley, on pretext of getting some church goods which we needed. All together, we made five trips, two or three Fathers going each time, and each time bringing back a few suitcases full of odds and ends which we managed to salvage in the attic. A few of the extern Carmelite Sisters accompanied us, and they saved quite a number of things for us, which the Mother Superior kindly consented to keep in Carmel for us. Among the salvaged goods were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208704, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "134\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nCamp only on the actual day of departure, and had to go direct to the steamer.\n\nAs to the actual departure from Hong Kong, we had heard many conflicting reports of the strict search of person and inspection of baggage at the wharf, and we were not a little concerned, though we did not have much of this world's goods to be worried about, but it was all we had to our name. We had heard that many departing passengers, Chinese and foreign, had been subjected to a very strict search, and in some cases, all one's belongings had been confiscated, or thrown out on the floor. We also were told that we could take with us only what we could carry; that we were allowed to take only $200.00 in yen out of the Colony; that no foreign currency could be taken out; and that we could take only a few books, without a special permit. Also, that anything that looked new and that might be offered for sale, would be liable to confiscation, as many people were thus taking out new goods with the intention of selling them in Kwangchauwan or in China at fabulous prices. So, we packed our few suitcases and duffel bags accordingly, packing them also with a view to transportation conditions in the interior. Ostensibly, of course, we were going only to Kwangchauwan but our missions in the interior were our real goal, and we hoped that there would be no difficulty in crossing the border to Kwangchauwan. Kwangchauwan, be it noted, was then a leased territory under the flag of France.\n\nIn the service to Kwangchauwan, the Japanese had a couple of very small cargo boats and one, a larger and finer coasting steamer, formerly belonging to the Moelier Line, and which the Japanese had salvaged after its crew had scuttled it. We were booked for this boat, but as the service was not very regular, our departure was delayed a couple of days, the first group leaving on the 13th of January. The rest of us went to the dock to see them off, and to watch them go through the mill of inspection. This did not seem too severe, and after waiting in line for a couple of hours, the boat pulled away from its berth at noon, and we returned to Bethany to await our turn.\n\nSister Paul and some of her Sisters had already gone ahead as far as Macao and Kwangchauwan, and we were to pick them up there. On the 19th of the month, the second group got away, and with not too much difficulty in the way of baggage. The Bishop and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208705, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n135\n\nmany of our friends were on the wharf to see us off, and promptly at twelve noon we pulled away from the bund. The day before, while at Bethany, we saw a large liner of the Asama Maru class, slowly enter the harbor, and wondered what it portended. The next day, as we left the harbor for Macao and Kwangchauwan, this majestic ship, painted a war-gray, was still in the harbor, but just as we started, it also got underway and our ship had to slow her engines so that the liner could pass us on her way to sea. Ranged on her decks we could see the familiar military uniform of the Canadian soldiers who were, no doubt, being taken to some other internment camp outside of Hong Kong.\n\nA few hours' run brought us to Macao where we met Sister Paul and made some visits, the first of which was to the Maryknoll Sisters' new orphanage for homeless and destitute children. It was quite a sight to see 400 little tots making away with bowl after bowl of rice, furnished by the kindness of the Portuguese Government. We then called on the Jesuits, formerly of Hong Kong, who had gone to Macao to open a school for boys, and at the Seminary, and the next day at noon pulled out of the Macao fairway for Kwangchauwan, a run of some twenty hours. By this time Bishop Paschang and the Kongmoon priests, Frs. Paulus, Smith and North, had already slipped back into \"Free China.\"\n\nTravelling on an enemy ship in wartime made us naturally a little apprehensive. Some of the passengers told us of the occasional presence of submarines in this area, and we hoped that we would not meet any, even if they were from our homeland. However, we reached Kwangchauwan the next morning safely at 10 o'clock, and went ashore to the French Procure where we met the Procurator, Father Lebas and Father Moran, a Jesuit from Hong Kong, assisting him. With their assistance, we arranged for our travel inland. At Kwangchauwan, we met some of our other Hong Kong friends, one of whom was the wife of Andrew Tse of the Clover Flower shop, and Father Downs baptized her baby, Teresa Elizabeth.\n\nAt Kwangchauwan, Father Toomey left us to proceed to Fachow in the Kongmoon Vicariate, and the rest of us engaged chairs for a six-day trip to Watlam, the first of our Wuchow stations. At Watlam, we again separated, Fathers Troesch, Moore and McKeirnan and Brother Thaddeus, and also one or two Sisters, going to Wuchow. The remainder of the group, consisting of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208709, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n139\n\njewelry through the Camp guards. So we sold the high-priced items of the parcels, both Red Cross and from town.\n\nI also sold an overcoat for 3,500 yen, a fountain pen for 540; Father Hessler's clock went for 1,200, etc. We were only sorry we had no gold teeth to sell as some people did; almost every wedding and engagement ring in the Camp went the same way. The money raised from the various sources was used to purchase only one thing—powdered egg yolk. Some of it came in over the wire at a very high price, but still a better value than the parcel items. We also gave poor families the money to buy their allowance of egg yolk and other foods in the canteen, and in return, they gave us a share of the egg yolk.\n\nThe value of the military yen had been fixed at one yen to four Hong Kong dollars, or one yen to one U.S. dollar. Early in the Camp, we bought three eggs for a yen, but the printing presses kept working and the yen kept dropping. In 1945 one pound of powdered milk brought 800 yen, but the official rate was still one yen to one U.S. dollar, and the U.S. Red Cross was sending us $25 monthly, for which we got 25 yen. The price of egg yolk soared correspondingly, going up to over 1,000 yen per pound in the Black Market. Raw brown sugar brought 400 yen. One could get a good pair of shoes for a pound of sugar.\n\n\"Father Meyer's Powdered Egg Yolk\" became a joke about the Camp. The Catholic women volunteered to make it into omelets for the sick. They found that a little rice gruel made it hold together quite nicely. Sea water was used to salt it. Even such an omelet made a big difference to those who were receiving plain boiled rice and vegetable stew for most of their meals. For one year, we received no fish or meat in the rations supplied, and during one-half of the year, the Camp had no bread.\n\nWe helped the sick irrespective of creed. Among them were fourteen tuberculosis patients in the \"sanitorium\", a small building originally constructed to house the occasional leper among the inmates of the Hong Kong prison at Stanley. One of these omelets was an event in their day.\n\nDuring the last year, the situation became especially alarming for pregnant mothers. Their blood-count would drop from a normal 4,000,000 to 2,000,000, even 1,800,000. The doctors were helpless;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208724, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "154\n\nproposed by Baity.\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\nWhat is disappointing in the latter's book, is the lack of an attempt to define what the popular religion is, or how he sees it. He limits his discussion to temple types and their characteristics, but by this very fact cripples his argument: temples and temple types, once again, are not the only component of the folk religion: the basis is too narrow to define the religious system of the people.\n\nWhere the author discusses the ancestral cult and community cult (pp. 87-96 and 96-104), I feel that the contrast between them is over-emphasized. In fact, both are complementary rather than contradictory aspects of one reality. Both are expressions of the people's religion, just as family and community in general are two complementary social phenomena. Although tensions may arise, both aspects are equally necessary and have to be kept in balance.\n\nMoreover, in this important discussion, one looks in vain for a definition of community or community cult, community temple. Yet, this is a set of crucial concepts; if they are not defined, the sense of ambiguity keeps lingering on. The author occasionally comes close to a vague definition, as when he writes: \"The identification of the deity with the new geographical community is underlined by the frequent claim that the god belongs to them personally. Gods are not only identified with the villages, towns and cities they control, but the deity statues and sometimes the temples themselves are claimed to be public property belonging to the entire community.\" (p. 100). One can almost extract a definition from these lines: a community cult is the worship of a particular deity (deities) by a group of people forming a natural community, usually defined by geographical boundaries and by cultural homogeneity.\n\nThis worship normally leads to the construction of a temple in which the deity is enshrined. This temple is community property and is administered by a committee, appointed by the community (or by the deity). The deity chosen is one that reflects the ideals and needs of the particular community and serves as a unitive and protective symbol,\n\nThe geographical area in which the cult is centered is variable from small hamlets to villages and towns. Since in modern times the old patterns of community have greatly changed, there is naturally a change toward greater complexity in the community cults as well.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208725, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED\n\n155\n\nThe concept of 'private community temple' again needs clarification; as such the expression is contradictory: if a temple is privately owned, how can it be a community temple? That the enshrined deity has a public appeal, etc. does not change the nature of the temple. \"Their gods rarely become the dominant deities in their areas. . . Such temples will rarely be chosen as a site for... chiao celebration . . .” (p. 105). This is obvious, since they are not community temples. In other words, they are additional temples in the area of the particular community, which has already its own community temple as the center of its main worship. It is perhaps due to expansion of the original community or to introduction of new religions that new temples are built to serve the same or partially the same group of people. However, the community temple strictly speaking is unique for each community.\n\nNext the author discusses the t'an or private shrines where Taoist priests perform private services for the people. The shrines where tangki (mediums) operate should not be identified with these t'an, since very often tangki shrines are rather private temples. The deities enshrined in them very often are the same as community gods and are then recognized as such by the worshippers. Reaction against them from the people and from the government is not due to the nature of the gods but due to the method used by those tangki who pretend to be mediums but are in fact deceiving the worshippers.\n\nSo far, the author has discussed two types of temples as far as organization is concerned: the community temple and a variety of privately owned temples or at least shrines. Those private temples are either ancestral halls controlled by clans or privately owned shrines, in some cases even temples, constructed and controlled by private families or even individuals. Tension arises when families or clans try to control the community temples, or when the community makes efforts to control private temples. But it is an overstatement when the author says that ”... in fact most temples are mixtures of the basic types. . .\" (p. 113).\n\nIn the following subsection, the author adds a new set of temples to the discussion: monasteries and bone temples. However, here also a lack of precision causes confusion in the mind: the terms 'monastery', 'monastic temple', 'bone temple', 'pagoda', and 'bone pagoda' are all used without being defined. A monastery and a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208726, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "156\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\nmonastic temple are not the same at all. A monastery is a residence for monks or nuns usually not open to the public, whereas a monastic temple is usually a public worship hall built on the monastic premises, but open to outsiders. Of great importance here is the difference between the large monasteries and the hereditary temples controlled by a small number of monks (or nuns), as discussed by Holmes Welch (The Practice of Chinese Buddhism). Both types do not operate in the same manner, and although Welch's observations do not necessarily apply to Taiwan, the distinction has to be kept in mind. What is a 'bone temple' and how is it different from a pagoda? The term 'bone temple' is peculiar: does it mean that bones are stored in the temple hall? From my own field work experience, I know that there are pagodas in which urns are stored, containing the ashes of Buddhist devotees who have been cremated. Is such a pagoda a bone temple? The word 'bone' does not seem appropriate. In Buddhist temples I also have seen side altars with large numbers of name-tablets of Buddhist believers, but no ashes or bones are to be found in these places. So I do not quite understand what 'bone temple' refers to. Bones are often placed in large urns after cleaning them for second burial but as far as I know, they are then reburied in a graveyard.\n\nBesides this lack of precision of terms, some inaccuracies have to be pointed out. The author states (p. 114) that a monk by leaving home, eliminates the fundamental difference between his own ancestors and those of others. This enables him \"to perform many services which might not otherwise be possible...\" How is it then that Taoist priests, who are \"fire dwellers”, are able to perform the same services? Further, the author says that \"Because the monk has cut off his family ties, he becomes available as a surrogate descendant for others, and is able to take over their ancestral services. Because he has fundamentally broken the Confucian code of filiality, he needs not obey its sanctions against worshipping other people's ancestors.\" (p. 117). The two sentences are very distorted. The idea of causality, twice expressed by 'because' is a mere assumption and in fact unwarranted. The Buddhist monk shares these functions with Taoist priests and even with married Buddhist masters; moreover he does not become a surrogate descendant, he only performs the ancestral services in the place of the family, which is ultimately responsible. When families invite him to perform his services, it is not because he has broken the Confucian code: that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208739, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED\n\n169\n\nticipants in the (li-tou) festival usually come from within the protective area of the deity.”\n\nIn my opinion this is a tautology: community temples are defined by their geographical areas: the word \"because\" does not explain anything.\n\nOn p. 197 we have a case of logic in reverse: gods are said to be ranked on the basis of their wealth and by extension of their luck and efficacy. The opposite is true: gods first prove their efficacy to the worshippers; if they prove their spiritual powers, the worshippers will flock to them in great numbers and the temple's finances will prosper.\n\nWith regard to li-tou rituals in \"bone temples\" it is said (on p. 200) that they attract far fewer worshippers than those held in community temples. This again is obvious, although not for the reasons indicated: \"the presumed efficacy of the Buddhas... and the pollution of the temple\". The reasoning here is doubtful, but Buddhas and bodhisattvas should be taken together as one group and Kuan-yin is admittedly an exception. The pollution of the Buddhist temple cannot be taken too seriously, for as the author states on p. 180, \"bone pagodas\" are kept separate from tablet halls and Buddha altars. If a li-tou ritual takes place in a Buddhist temple, it is not held in the \"bone temple\".\n\nMoreover, the reason for the smaller number of Buddhist participants in the li-tou ritual is due to the particular nature of a Buddhist temple community in which membership is on a voluntary basis and is stricter than in the popular religion. Worshippers are often from different geographic areas and are in many cases exclusively Buddhist. Therefore the li-tou rituals are not community events in the same way as in the community temples.\n\nOn p. 206, author discusses the chin-t'a (entering the pagoda) ritual and identifies it with the final act of second burial. However, the chin-t'a most frequently takes place at a different time altogether: after cremation following death the ashes are put in an urn and stored in the pagoda.\n\nThe chapter concludes with a rather long informative description of the p'u tu rituals to liberate the lonely ghosts. The author perhaps over-emphasizes the community's concern with the rituals for the living, while it \"pays mostly lip service to its responsibility", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "CHINESE RELIGION REDISCUSSED\n\n175\n\nhe believes, a priori, to be different from the three traditional systems. He wants to discover \"another system of analyzing Chinese religion\" (p. 11). I find this lack of precision rather alarming, and wish the author would have told us whether he just wants to concentrate on a description of temple types or whether he further wants to correlate these temple types with the overall religious world view of the community. Now he wavers from one to the other; he goes beyond an ethnographic temple study but leaves many questions concerning the \"systematic and unitary nature” (p. 7) of the folk religion unanswered. I see his main objective as it appears through the various chapters ----- as an effort to clarify the nature of community religion by focussing on different temple types as indicators of that religion, but he has not succeeded in clarifying its relationship with the three traditional systems. Logically as I see it - the thesis of his research should be formulated along these lines: the folk religion (community religion) of Taiwan can be characterized as permeated by a yin-yang view of the universe, expressed in their religious rituals through a differentiation between rituals for the living and rituals for the dead. Temples have each their own range of rituals emphasizing the one or the other.\n\nWhat I find most wanting is the absence of a formal discussion of community, community cult, community temple and ultimately community world view. Several aspects are present, but scattered around in different places. Although I do recognize that there is a great amount of new information presented to us, its usefulness is very often compromised by the way the author draws his conclusions: as I indicated in the appropriate contexts, the presence of many \"subtle distortions\" especially of the type of causality-links discredits not the \"raw materials\" of the research but the final product.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208758, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "188\n\nJULIAN F. PAS\n\ned for the happy state of the dead themselves, its objective is to obtain various worldly benefits through the ancestor's intervention.\n\nIt seems, in other words, that the Chinese people are not concerned about religious attitudes, so much stressed in religions like Christianity: adoration, praise and reverence or submission to the will of a Holy and transcendent God. Thanksgiving and repentance are present, but are equally utilitarian: the gods are thanked for benefits granted, and man apologizes for offenses that disturb the deities and may endanger the bestowing of future blessings.\n\nAll this is perhaps an injustice done to the Chinese worshippers, or a wrong interpretation of actually observed religious behaviour. But a Western observer is easily led to make the conclusion that Chinese religion on the popular level is utilitarian and mundane. The attitude of worshippers in the temple offers the clearest illustration: paipai (worship) is very casual, almost purely ritualistic and mechanical: as long as the prescribed ritual action is performed, everything is all right. The temple gods are there to listen to the people's complaints or wishes and \"if the price is right\", the prayers will be heard. If the god is efficacious, people will flock to his temple, otherwise he may be gradually forgotten and ‘discontinued'. This attitude of the temple-goers may be the reason why Western and Chinese authors have claimed that the Chinese people are not religious: they are not religious in the same way as, for instance, Christians. Their religion is of a different type: earth-bound, humanistic. Therefore, once again, Western-based definitions and concepts should be re-examined before they are applied to other cultures, especially when value judgments are appended to them. Who will decide that Chinese religion is inferior to Christianity just because it is less transcendent? The function of religion is to fulfill particular human needs and if Chinese religion fulfills those needs, it has achieved its purpose and is a valid alternative type of religious behaviour.\n\nA third aspect of modern Chinese religion as observed in Taiwan is its mediumistic, almost ecstatic nature. This does not mean that one finds medium-cults in all the temples; on the contrary, the larger temples usually do not play host to mediumistic performances. But there is an increasing number of smaller temples or even home-shrines where either 'divining youths' attract worshippers or where an organized divinatory writing cult exists.19 The two are quite", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208790, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "220\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIn 1949, the Public Works Department asked our Association to sign a purchase agreement. As the clauses contained therein were not satisfactory to us, and because of the high compensation claimed by the ground floor tenants and lack of funds to meet the construction cost, the reconstruction proposal was temporarily shelved.\n\nMr. Tong Ping-tat, Chairman of the Executive Committee of our Association for several terms, requested Government to have the clauses in the said purchase agreement amended, and bargained with the tenants on the question of compensation. It was not until 1952, that our Association signed the deed of purchase with Government.\n\nIn 1953, Mr. Leung Chan-fai took over the Chairmanship of the Association. In June, our Association building was demolished. Simultaneously, he raised over $50,000 from our members, boosting the total amount of funds raised to nearly $130,000. The construction work was undertaken by Wing Lee Construction Company and a new four-storey building was finally completed in early Spring, 1954.\n\nThe past and the future\n\nThe Nam Pak Hong Association was founded over eighty years ago through the strenuous efforts of our capable predecessors. It is to be regretted that not all their names can be traced with the lapse of time. Just after the founding of the Association, only a few firms in Bonham Strand West and Wing Lok Street joined as members. They upheld justice and advocated business ethics but remained conservative. Whenever a meeting was held, there was no ceremony or procedure to follow. Those who looked after the affairs of the Association were called Directors. They took charge of the Association's affairs for a period of one month by turns. Apart from this, a resident Manager was elected to give assistance. On the first day of the Chinese New Year, the Directors would assemble in the premises of the Association to exchange greetings, which started the custom of exchanging greetings collectively at the Chinese New Year, which prevails to-date.\n\nAs related above, the ground floor of the Association building housed a Watchmen's Centre as well as a fire-fighting \"water-vehicle\", while the first floor was used as an assembly hall. In the centre of the hall were hung a pair of scrolls and a picture of Kwan Kung, above which was placed in 1946 a large painted portrait of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 270, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "ORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nCHISM, Mr. Michael, South Kowloon Magistracy, KOWLOON.\n\nCHIU, Mrs. Carol C., Twin Brook 11B, 43 Repulse Bay Road, HONG KONG.\n\nCHU, Mr. Lee, 48 Haven Street, 4/F, Causeway Bay, HONG KONG.\n\nCHUA, MÀ Fi Lan, 1903 Hang Chong Building, Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG.\n\nCLIMAS, Mrs. Jane, Flat D18 Pearl Gardens, 7 Conduit Road, HONG KONG.\n\nCLIMAS, Mr. D. John, Flat D18 Pearl Gardens, 7 Conduit Road, HONG KONG.\n\nCOCHRANE, Mrs. Valerie, Apartment 9, 23 B Shouson Hill Road, HONG KONG.\n\nCOLBOURNE, Prof. M. J., Dept. of Community Medicine, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nCOLLINS, Mr. A. J., c/o Legal Aid Dept., 13th FL., Sincere Building, 173 Des Voeux Road, HONG KONG.\n\nCONNOLLY, Miss Moira, 5 Wylie Gardens, King's Park, KOWLOON.\n\nCOOK, Mr. Ian R., Hong Kong Hilton, Queen's Road Central, HONG KONG.\n\nCOOPER, Dr. Eugene, Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nCOOPER, Mr. Roy, E & M Office, Caroline Hill Road, HONG KONG.\n\nCRABBS, Mr. P. I., Property Dept., Local Property Co. Ltd., Baskerville House, 13, Duddell Street, HONG KONG\n\nCRAIG, Mrs Peggy, 21 Bisney Road, Pokfulam, HONG KONG.\n\nCRISSWELL, Dr. Colin N., King George V School, KOWLOON.\n\nCROSBY, Mr. A. R., Flat B32, 10 Caldecott Road, Pipers Hill, KOWLOON.\n\nCUMINE, Mr. E., F.R.I.B.A., 28 Yun Ping Road, 2/F, HONG KONG.\n\nCUNNINGHAM, Miss Margaret, Flat 27, Block 43, Baguio Villas, Victoria Road, HONG KONG.\n\nDAIKO, Mr. Paul, P.O. Box 201, HONG KONG.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs. C. E. G., 1201 Luginsland, 18 Old Peak Road, HONG KONG.\n\nDAVIES, Mr. S. N. G., Dept. of Political Science, HONG KONG.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs. L. R., **The Gums** No. 4 Chuk Kok Village, Hiram's Highway, Sai Kung, NEW TERRITORIES.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs. Mona, \"Sailing Look\", 6 Lloyd Path, Barker Road, HONG KONG.\n\nDAWE, Mr. Jock, c/o Travelove Ltd., Suite 823 Star House, KOWLOON.\n\nDAWSON, Prof. John L. M., Dept. of Psychology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\n243\n\nPage 270\n\nPage 271", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208814, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 271, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "244\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nDE BURE, Mrs. Ursula, 550 Victoria Road, Block 29, Floor 30, HONG KONG.\n\nDE SILVA, Ms. Minette, Dept. of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nDER, The Rev. E. B.,\n\nHoly Trinity Church,\n\n135 Ma Tau Chung Road,\n\nKOWLOON.\n\nDIAMOND, Mr. A. L.,\n\nPublic Records Office of Hong Kong,\n\n2 Murray Road, HONG KONG.\n\nDOHERTY, Ms. Kathleen Rose,\n\n11 Coombe Road,\n\nFlat 1A,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nDOLFIN, Mr. John, III, 155 Argyle Street, KOWLOON.\n\nDRAKEFORD, Mr. Louis S., 124 Miles Clearwater Bay Road, KOWLOON.\n\nDYER, Mrs. C. E., 233 Prince's Building, HONG KONG.\n\nELSOM, Mr. Graham, J. B., G.P.O. Box 11508, HONG KONG.\n\nEVANS, Prof. D. M. E., School of Law, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nEVANS, Mr. C. J., Flat 9.\n\n8 Mansfield Road, The Peak,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nFABRY, Mr. K. G., Rural Retreat, Taipo Kau, NEW TERRITORIES.\n\nFABRY, Mrs. R. G., Rural Retreat,\n\nTaipo Kau,\n\nNEW TERRITORIES.\n\nFAN, Mr. Jack F. S., 1-25 Shu Kuk Street,\n\nMay Lun Apartment 14/F, North Point,\n\nHONG KONG\n\nFITZPATRICK, Mr. John,\n\nc/o Jardine Matheson & Co. Ltd. World Trade Centre, 30/F, Causeway Bay,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nFORSYTH, Mr. A. H., c/o Stevenson & Co., 821 Central Building, 3 Pedder Street, HONG KONG\n\nFORSYTH, Mr. James J., Flat 102,\n\n80 Macdonnell Road, HONG KONG.\n\nGAILEY, Mr. H. G., 81 Mt. Nicholson Gap, HONG KONG\n\nGAILEY, Mrs. Norah, 81 Mt. Nicholson Gap, HONG KONG.\n\nGAMLEN, Mr. Richard, 62 A-D Robinson Road, 19th Floor, Flat B, HONG KONG.\n\nGARCIA, Mr. Arthur, Victoria District Court, HONG KONG.\n\nGARRETT, Mrs. Valery M., 19 Vivian Court, 20 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG.\n\nGATELY, Major Charles, c/o Environment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, HONG KONG.\n\nGHOSE, Mrs. Rajeshwari, St. Paul's Convent School, Causeway Bay, HONG KONG.\n\nGIBB, Mr. Hugh, c/o Hong Kong & Shanghai\n\nBanking Corp.,\n\nP.O. Box 64,\n\nHONG KONG.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208816, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 273, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "246\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nHODGKISS, Dr. I. John,\n\n17 High West,\n\n142 Pokfulam Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nHODGSON, Mr. A. F.,\n\nJohnson Matthey Commodities H.K Ltd.,\n\n12A1 Far East Exchange Building,\n\n8 Wyndham Street,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nHODGSON, Mrs. Kirsty Hamilton,\n\nFlat E1,\n\nMarigold Court,\n\n4 Marigold Road,\n\nYau Yat Chuen, KOWLOON.\n\nHOLMES, Miss Jeanette E.,\n\n26 Kennedy Road, HONG KONG.\n\nHOTUNG, Mr. Eric,\n\n10 Stanley Street, HONG KONG.\n\nHOWE, Prof. Geoffrey L.,\n\nDivision of Dental Studies,\n\n1/F, Patrick Manson Building,\n\n7 Sassoon Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nHSIA, Mr. Tung Pei,\n\nP.O. Box 20027,\n\nHennessy Road Post Office, HONG KONG.\n\nHUGALL, Miss E. Jane,\n\nDavid Trench Rehabilitation Centre,\n\nOccupational Therapy 3/F,\n\n9 Bonham Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nHUGHES, Ms. Anne,\n\n5604 Cape Mansions,\n\nMount Davis Road, HONG KONG.\n\nHULL-LEWIS, Mrs. J. M.,\n\n501 Tavistock, Tregunter Path,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nHUYSMAN, Mr. J.,\n\nRepulse Bay Apartments, A35.\n\n101 Repulse Bay Road, HONG KONG.\n\nJARVIS, Mrs. Patricia Ann,\n\nFlat 8B, Vienna Court,\n\n41 Conduit Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nJEFFERY, Mr. M. J.,\n\nNew Territories Development Dept,\n\n21st Floor Murray Building,\n\nGarden Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nJOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. P. K.,\n\nc/o A.I.A.,\n\nP.O. Box 444,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nJONES, Mr. Gordon, W. E.,\n\nFlat 42 Buxey Lodge,\n\n37 Conduit Road, HONG KONG\n\nKHAN, Dr. Latiffa,\n\nShau Kei Wan Govt. Technical School,\n\n40 Chaiwan Road, Shaukiwan,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nKHAN, Miss Sherifa,\n\nc/o Belilios Public School,\n\n51 Tin Hau Temple Road, HONG KONG.\n\nKING, Miss Carol Anne,\n\nLanguage Centre,\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nKIRKBRIDE, Mr. K. M. G.,\n\nThe Building Authority,\n\nMurray Building, 8/F, Garden Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nKWAN, Mrs. Alice Wong Sau Ching,\n\nFlat 2A, 9th Floor,\n\nBeverley Heights,\n\n67 Beacon Hill Road, KOWLOON.\n\nKWOK, Mr. Ping Leong,\n\nKerry Trading Co. Ltd.,\n\n25/FI. American International Tower,\n\n16-18 Queen's Road Central,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nLACK, Mr. Alan J.,\n\nFlat 1,\n\nPeak Pavilion,\n\n12 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208823, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "WATT, Mr. James,\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nChinese University of Hong Kong,\n\nShatin,\n\nNEW TERRITORIES.\n\nWATT, Mr. Mo-Kei, Cheong K. Co., Cheong K. Building,\n\n84 Des Voeux Road C., 2/Fl., HONG KONG.\n\nWEN, Dr. Ch'ing-Hsi, Rhenish Church College, 30 Hereford Road, KOWLOON.\n\nWHOLEY, Mr. J. W., Agriculture & Fisheries Dept., 393 Canton Road, KOWLOON.\n\nWILLIS, Mr. David Nye, H.K. Tourist Association, Connaught Centre, 35/F, HONG KONG.\n\nWILLOUGHBY, Prof. P. G., 59 High West,\n\n142 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWILSON, Mr. Brian D., Flat 2D,\n\n30 Plunketts Road, The Peak,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nWILSON, Mr. D. C., 2 Mount Kellett Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWILSON, Mr. James K., Economic Services Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nWIN, Mr. Oliver,\n\nSuite 1, 13th Floor.\n\nImperial Building, 58-66 Canton Road, KOWLOON.\n\nWINKLER, Mrs. Rowena, C 62 Carolina Gardens, 30 Coombe Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWONG, Miss Marion,\n\n8 Fung Fai Terrace, Happy Valley, HONG KONG.\n\nWONG, Mr. Siu Lun, Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nWOODS, Mrs. Rowena, c/o Flat 18, 9/F, Block I, Scenic Villas, Victoria Road, HONG KONG.\n\nWRIGHT, Mr. D. A. L., c/o The Hong Kong Club, HONG KONG.\n\nWRIGHT, Dr. Leigh R., Dept. of History,\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nWYMAN, Mrs. Pamela, 23B Ventris Road,\n\nHappy Valley,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nYEUNG, Mr. Michael Wing Chiu, 12D, 80 Gloucester Road, HONG KONG.\n\nYOUNG, Mr. Richard, The British Council,\n\nEasey Commercial Building, 255 Hennessy Road, HONG KONG.\n\nZIGAL, Mrs. Irene, 12 Bowen Road, HONG KONG.\n\n253", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208844, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 6, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "205\n\n12 On this particular type of tenancy, see John Kamm, \"Two essays on the Ch'ing economy of Hsin-an, Kwangtung Province”, JHKBRÁS 1977, pp. 55-84, and James Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, 1850-1911, Folkestone, Kent, England, 1977, pp. 50-53.\n\n13 Ints. Mr. Wong 22.6.81, Mr. Lam Kaap Shau 8.6.81, Mr. Cheung Kau 26.6.81, Mr. Cheung 26.6.81, Mr. Cheng Yung 10.7.81, and Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81; Hugh D.R. Baker, Sheung Shui, A Chinese Lineage Village, Guildford and London, 1968, p. 172.\n\n14 Father Sergio Ticozzi, 12.5.81, quoting from Giovanni B. Tragella, Le Mission Estere di Milano, Nel Quadro Degli Avvenimenti Contemporanli, Milan 1950-1963, vol. 1, pp. 274-275, vol. 2, pp. 85, 89, and 314. Int. Father George Carusso, 20.5.81.\n\n15 Ints. Mr. Lok Tak K'ei 17.7.81, Mr. Leung Yung Hei 16.6.81, Mrs. Lau 14.6.81, and Mr. Tse Kw'an 16.11.80.\n\n10 Int. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 8.5.81. Mr. Yau's term for \"moorage inlet\" was \"siu wan t'au\". Cf. also the type of market James Hayes refers to as \"coastal market centres\" in his Hong Kong Region, p. 37.\n\n17\n\nDocuments on this case are included in Kuan T'ien-p'ei, Ch'ou-hai ch'u-chi (1836, n.p., Taipei reprint, 1968) 2/26a-33a, 56a-74a, 80a-99b. Kuan was Naval Commander-in-Chief for Kwangtung from 1834 to 1841. C. Fred Blake, in Ethnic Groups and Social Change in a Chinese Market Town, Hawaii, 1981, p. 46 note 8, states \"Lung Shuen Wan was a traditional outpost for the Chinese imperial navy's regulation of eastern approaches to the Pearl River. I wonder if perhaps Lung Shuen Wan was the original 'coastal market centre' in this area?\" Elsewhere (loc. cit. and p. 95) he points out that the Lung Shuen Wan Tin Hau Temple retained the patronage of the Pak Kong and Sha Kok Mei villagers, despite the greater convenience of the Tin Hau Temple within Sai Kung Market.\n\n18 These are figures of shops as registered in the Block Crown Lease (DD215, DD224). It is more than likely that these were shop spaces rather than shops, and in the event that a shop might take up more than a shop space, there were fewer shops in Sai Kung and Hang Hau in the early 1900's than noted here. For comparison, in 1905, Yuen Long had only seventy-four shops and Tai Po Market twenty-three large and fifteen small ones. See James Hayes, Hong Kong Region, p. 36.\n\n19 Ints. Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81, Father George Carusso 20.5.81, Mr. Lei Kan 19.6.81, Mr. Ue Shun Hing 10.7.81.\n\n20 Mr. Yau T'aam Shang 15.5.81.\n\n21 Mr. Cheung Ts'oi 20.6.81, Madam Chiu I Mooi 7.5.81, Mrs. Foo, née Lei, 28.6.81.\n\n22\n\nMrs. Kong Lei San Kiu 21.6.81. Mr. Cheung Kin Wa 10.6.81 of Taai Fung Nin (opened c. 1933) in Sai Kung Market remembered that the shop used to slaughter a pig each day to sell to the boat people.\n\n23 Mr. Chan Kei Shang 28.5.81, Mr. Chan Shou 19.6.81.\n\n24 Mr. Hoh King 6.5.81, Mrs. Lei née So 20.6.81, Mr. Lei Yau 13.11.80, Mr. Cheung Ming Shing 8.6.81, Mr. Lai Foh 8.5.81. Mrs. Lei used to obtain piglets from Kam Lei Loi in Sai Kung Market. It took six to seven months to fatten them, and two dollars to have each pig carried back to Sai Kung Market. She also had rice and pig feed (chiefly rice husk) from Kam Lei Loi on credit. Kam Lei Loi was a butcher's cum general store, where her husband worked.\n\n25 According to Mr. Yau T'aam Shang, 15.5.81, the interest rate in Sai Kung Market was 5 cents per dollar per month, i.e. 60 percent per annum.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208872, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "6\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS\n\nAn example of the latter is the very recently established open-air shrine on a hillside, half way up, and some 120 steps above, the tarmac road of Black's Link on Hong Kong island. It consists of a small row of three shrines in one long concrete construction. Each is no bigger than 2' by 1'6\", and contains a printed and framed coloured icon, one Buddhist, and two of the folk religion. The title given to the whole is the Temple of the Three Immortals (49) The final character \"Miao\" (temple) normally gives the impression of roofed halls containing images and icons. However, the concept of the three altars of the Temple of the Three Immortals is no different from other temples with large altars, numerous images, high walls and a roof, which with all their other refinements in no way add to the power of the prayer of the devotee. There are, however, not many examples in Hong Kong of permanent outside shrines being referred to as a miao (temple).\n\nMonasteries were usually built away from the main centres of population, on hillsides backing on to slopes and facing downwards, overlooking wooded landscapes or the sea; whilst Daoist folk religion temples are to be found in population centres (especially where the centres existed a hundred or so years ago) and in sheltered coves at a convenient landing point.\n\nFishermen's folk religion temples may seem at times to be in isolated spots, but in practice they are near safe anchorages and just far enough from the next temple to be economically viable for the temple keeper. The pattern of fisherfolk temples, dedicated predominantly to Tian Hou (A) and Hong Sheng (), when plotted on a map, is quite distinctive, particularly in Wanchai and the centre of Victoria. The temples, now quite far inland, were originally built back a little from the original coastline and faced what then was the nearest stretch of water.\n\nUrban popular religion temples, built in traditional style in the early days of the two settlements, are usually simple folk religion establishments dedicated to the popular cults of Guan Di, Tian Hou and Wen Chang, whilst more modern temples built since the 1880's tend to be dedicated to less well-known deities who offer specialised services such as the plague deity, Sui Jingbo.\n\nOver the years a few temples have been closed down or moved elsewhere, from lack of patronage or because of reclamation, urban redevelopment and street widening. In one fell swoop a fisherman's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208878, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "12\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS\n\nA typical Daoist temple is the very bare flatlet on the fourteenth floor of a high-rise block in crowded Shamshuipo, established by a widow from Fujian province in about 1965. Now in her early eighties, she lives alone in the flat, which has a resounding Daoist temple name, and has services performed once a week by a visiting lay priest. She recalled eight occasions when near death, she was saved by a specific Daoist Immortal, Lou Da Zhen Jun (**★**IA) who died late in the Ming dynasty, in Fujian, but who appeared again in spirit form in the twenties of this century in Amoy successfully to persuade a Bank of China manager to stop gambling. Lou's likeness is the only icon in the temple, and before it, services are held and sand-table prognostications obtained.\n\nA modern major religious complex above Lo Wai, Tsuen Wan, has on its main altar large images of Confucius, Lao Zi, and Sakyamuni, representing the three religions: Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Above the altar hall, which is a modern pagoda, there are several buildings dedicated entirely to memorials, and in two of these halls, Daoist services for the dead are frequently performed.\n\nFolk Religion Temples\n\nThere are some two hundred and forty-six folk religion temples in Hong Kong. When sub-divided into architectural groups, approximately two-thirds of them are traditional buildings, two-ninths are modern constructions, legally built with the Hong Kong Government's permission,18 and one-ninth resettlement shacks, huts, or other illegal constructions. These latter fall into those tolerated by the Hong Kong authorities and those not tolerated.* The latter are regularly pulled down, often to be built illegally again nearby.\n\nTraditional temples in rural areas tend to have flourished around a catchment area of a village or two and have been built on the outskirts of one of the villages. Frequently, there is an adjacent open space used primarily for holding elaborate festivities on the main deity's annual feast day.\n\nAlthough most traditional folk religion temples built before World War II have a similar plan and general layout, no\n\n* To be explained by the periodic amnesties given to older, but still not tolerated illegal structures. 1976 saw the last to date, the purpose being to provide a new, realistic baseline for demolition of new structures (Hon. Editor).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208924, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG RIOTS OF OCTOBER 1884: EVIDENCE FOR CHINESE NATIONALISM?\n\nLEWIS M. CHERE*\n\nEven though its importance for China's relations with the Western Powers, and for the development of the European empires in general, is very great the Sino-French War has not attracted much scholarly attention. In the field of the development of Chinese Nationalism alone a great deal of potential evidence remains to be examined from the incidents which arose out of the conflict. Nowhere is that more the case than in the history of Hong Kong in the period of the 1880's. The reactions of the Chinese community in Hong Kong, where the legendary influence of malevolent mandarins could only be indirectly applied—if at all—could provide very good examples of the emergence of genuine Chinese anti-imperialist nationalism as opposed to the earlier xenophobic opposition to foreigners in general. Yet that evidence remains unstudied and almost completely unknown. Even those scholars who have concerned themselves with the history of Hong Kong—a lamentably small group—have not found the question of any great interest; possibly because they were concerned with other, very limited, aspects of Hong Kong's development.\n\nThere is a distressing lack of source material available outside Hong Kong for scholars interested in trying to integrate developments in the Crown Colony into the overall picture of developments on the China Coast. This is especially true for the period of the Sino-French War. The most readily available general history of Hong Kong, that of G. B. Endacott,1 devotes barely two pages to the riots of 1884, and does not give any indication of the sources used. Perhaps the scope of the problem can be better appreciated if the sentiments of G. M. Sayer in the foreword to his father's book are repeated: \"The work is not of great historical importance; indeed little of significance occurred during the period to excite the interest of anyone outside Hong Kong.\" If those who have concerned themselves with the writing of the history of Hong Kong\n\n* Dr. Chere is Assistant Professor of History, Washington State University, Pullman, Washington.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208925, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "HONG KONG RIOTS OF OCTOBER 1884\n\n55\n\nhave not considered that history to be of any great significance to anyone outside the Colony it is hardly surprising that it has not received the attention which it really deserves.\n\nThe lack of appreciation for Hong Kong's importance is especially evident when we look at the events of the Sino-French War. The Hong Kong Volunteers were expanded and rearmed in the years before and after the War. No doubt the 1884 riots3 assisted the process but James Hayes' \"Short History\" does not give the period of the war more than a passing notice indicating that the Sino-French War occurred and had some side effect on Hong Kong.* In his Laws and Courts of Hongkong James Norton-Kyshe did briefly discuss the riots, but he paid surprisingly little attention to the Peace Preservation Ordinance which was inspired by them.\n\nSince the secondary material for this period in Hong Kong's history is so limited, any study of the period of the 1880s has to lean heavily on the equally scarce primary materials available outside the Colony. In this area the records of the Public Records Office in London are most helpful, but they can provide only the official version of the events. They seldom contain information on the motives of the participants, and are severely limited by the nature of government reports.\n\nThough newspapers are frequently very poor sources of primary information, in this case the firsthand reports of the English language Hong Kong Daily Press are probably the most valuable source of information about the events which occurred there in the fall of 1884. Unfortunately the English press in Hong Kong, because of the prejudices of the reading public for which it was produced, is not a very good source of information about the Chinese community in the Colony. Many of the reports in the English press were colored by the prevailing attitudes of the European community toward the Chinese. However, this prejudice makes it just that much more important when the papers depart from those attitudes because that departure should indicate that something had occurred to alter the opinions of the reporters. As we will see, that is precisely the case with the editors of both the Shanghai-based North China Herald and the Hong Kong Daily Press in 1884.\n\nWhat is really needed, and what is simply not available outside Hong Kong, is primary material which would enable us to ascertain what really were the motives of the Chinese participants in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208933, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "HONG KONG RIOTS OF OCTOBER 1884\n\n63\n\nmajor factor in the affair. On October 24 the Hong Kong Chinese population was reported to have been very agitated by the appearance in the city of a man who claimed to have captured a French standard and was on his way to Canton to collect the reward being offered there for such items. The description of the stir he caused among the local population cannot but lead one to believe that a great deal of national pride was involved in the demonstration. National pride is one of the first signs of true nationalism.\n\nOne other piece of evidence may be cited along the same lines as the above incident. On August 29 the North China Herald reported great excitement among the Chinese population of Shanghai at the news of the battles at Foochow. The editor felt it necessary in commenting to state that he should withdraw everything he had ever said about the lack of public opinion or interest in political events among the Chinese. He, like his colleague in Hong Kong two months later, was trying to come to grips with the realization that the old ideas about the lack of national feeling among the Chinese were no longer valid.\n\nHow much of what happened in Hong Kong during September and October of 1884 can be traced to influences from the mainland, and how much was due to genuine national feeling among the Chinese population? We do know that one of the small number of Chinese banished under the Peace Preservation Ordinance was accused of being a paid agitator from Canton, but how many others like him were there and how much influence did they have? We also know that many of the strikers during the troubles claimed coercion from Canton in defense of their action, but in the general strike that followed they claimed to be striking for the right to boycott the French. Were they claiming coercion because they believed that that was what the Europeans wanted to believe?\n\nAnother aspect of this problem is the fact that we have here a very early example of the labor boycott and strike among a local Chinese population. Thus, in addition to the question of how much nationalism was involved in these events, we also have the question of how modern a labor movement was it? The demand for the right to boycott the French would seem to indicate some kind of developing labor consciousness which would gladden the heart of a Marxist historian if it could be proven true.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208987, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "SOCIAL & CULTURAL HERITAGE IN N.T.\n\n117\n\nThe same lack of distinction as to subject matter was true of China itself up to 1949. You will remember that in all Fei Hsiao-t'ung's early work he called himself an anthropologist. It was only after 1949, under Russian influence, that a kind of division of labour appeared in China between the sociologists who studied the Han Chinese and the anthropologists who studied the National Minorities. Such a distinction is not made in the scholarly tradition in which I was trained. For us, both anthropologists and sociologists are ready to study any human society. It follows—and this is the first point I want to make clear to you—that social anthropology is not concerned merely with quaint folkways and curious old-fashioned customs from the past, as it is sometimes thought to be: it deals with the whole of human life and with all kinds of human life as well.\n\nAt this stage you may well be wondering what this discussion of a rather specialised point about academic boundaries has to do with the cultural heritage of the New Territories? The answer is almost everything, for it is a fact that the great bulk of scholarly social scientific research and writing about the New Territories has been done by social anthropologists. So the next point I want to try to make clear to you is exactly why and in what ways this fact has been both fortunate and important, and will, I hope, continue to be so.\n\nI have just said that the major differences between sociology and social anthropology, as we see it, lie in their different methods and approaches. It is the latter, the approaches, that are really crucial. In methods, each subject steals from the other, but in approach they remain different. This is not the place to expatiate on this point; I shall just ask you to accept that social anthropological approach includes at least the following three points: (1) One tries always to see the society one is studying in the round; as a whole. (2) One is as much interested in the people's ideas and ways of thinking as in their societal organisation and behaviour. This means that in addition to analysing their social and economic arrangements (and usually also their material culture and technology) one has to be interested in their language(s), their values, their ideas about their own history and society, and the meaning of the symbols with which they operate—which last involves one in studying, among other things, their religion and the philosophical and cosmological ideas upon which they base their suppositions about the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209020, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "150\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ntional times, the social community tended to be isomorphic with the territorial unit, but times have changed, and territorial definition no longer counts. Outsiders in Fung Yuen, whether other New Territories villagers now resident in the valley or immigrants from across the border, never worship at these shrines or participate in any of the annual ceremonies performed to honor these gods.\n\nThe remaining, somewhat abbreviated ceremonies of the tun fu took place at important sites scattered throughout the valley. The sequence in which they were conducted seemed to follow the shortest path covering all sites, rather than any rank order of significance. The point of interest in these ceremonies is that certain pots (and their associated bamboo stalks and charms) protect residential units, while others protect units constituted socially, represented symbolically in a shrine or hall of some religious significance. Some pots embody both dimensions simultaneously, and every household requires protection of both sorts; inclusion in a social unit that is symbolically protected apparently must be supplemented by having a charm in close proximity to one's own home.\n\nWhen the 1905 Block Crown Leases were prepared, most villagers lived together in a nucleated cluster of six rows of terraced houses at the back of the valley. One of the lineages had already begun to splinter off into a single-surname hamlet in front of the old village, however, and in the early decades of this century that move was completed. A second lineage hived off at about the same time to form a separate hamlet along one edge of the valley. Since it was essential that protection be afforded equally to all Fung Yuen people, incense pots and bamboo fronds had been placed at strategic points in each of the three hamlets in previous tun fu ceremonies, and these now had to be reconsecrated. Though all hamlets received equal protection, however, the number and placement of the pots varied in each.\n\nIn the old village there is a community hall, the center for lunar new year rituals in which all of the four lineages share equally. One tun fu pot was placed in front of this house, signifying protection for all members of the multilineage alliance that is formalized in this building and in land held in trust to support its rituals. This single pot is, it seems, able to offer protection at two other levels as well, however. Next to the community hall stands the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209038, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "168\n\nBOOK LISTS\n\nTHE POPULAR CULTURE OF LATE CH'ING AND EARLY TWENTIETH CENTURY CHINA: BOOK LISTS PREPARED FROM COLLECTING IN\n\nHONG KONG\n\nThis book list is not taken from library sources, nor for lack of time has it been compared with local library holdings. It is compiled from my purchases of material in local bookstores and street stalls over the last four years; in additional preparation for writing the long article from which this bibliographic portion has been extracted, revised and augmented.\n\nIt aims to give no more than an indication of (a) material in certain categories that has come down from later Ch'ing and Republican times (b) its relevance for a study of government and society in those periods.\n\nThe details of books are not always complete in every particular. Missing pages at front and rear, and especially the colourful title pages in red and yellow often favoured by the printers and publishers—and beloved of book collectors—account for most lacunae.\n\nNo attempt has been made to cover every sub-head in the text: readers will find most entries in those subjects which have interested me most. Indeed, a new section (n) “subscription books” and new sub-sections (dd) \"Riddles and Proverbs\" and (gg) \"Guides to Official Forms and Letter Writing\" have been added.\n\nSection A BOOKS AND HANDBOOKS\n\nThe lists follow the order of the listing in Section A of the article in the Hong Kong Library Journal, as follows:\n\n(a) Genealogical records\n\nI have not listed any here, but for those used in my other work, see the article prepared for the World Conference.\n\n*These lists relate to a paper on bibliographic aspects of popular culture in this period to be published shortly in the Journal of the Hong Kong Library Association, Number 7. This in turn is part of a larger study \"Written Materials and Specialists in the Village World\" due for publication as part of the Proceedings of the Conference on Popular Culture in Ming and Ch'ing, held at East-West Center, University of Hawaii, in January 1981 and jointly sponsored by the Center and the East Asian Studies Center at Columbia University.\n\nThe lists are published separately in this Journal to complement the essay in the Hong Kong Library Journal which did not have space for the full text and the book list, in order to make both more readily available in Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209042, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "172\n\nBOOK LISTS\n\nMr. Leung's book lists those produced mainly in Canton and Fatshan (Fo-shan), but I have recently purchased another type of wood-block mu yu shue published in the Chiu-chau prefectural city, seemingly in late Ch'ing times and after. The covers give place of publication as Chiu-shing (M) by the 王生記, 財利堂, 吳瑞文堂 and 李萬利 publishing firms. Perhaps these were the ones referred to by D. H. Kulp, Country Life in China: The Sociology of Familism; Volume I, Phenix Village Kwangtung, China (New York, Columbia Teachers' College, Columbia University, 1925): Judging by my local collecting, they are rarely found in Hong Kong.\n\n(j) Popular poetry\n\nI have not collected old editions from Ch'ing and Republican times, but have seen many, even from the former period, usually with a Canton or Fatshan imprint. They were frequently \"borrowings\" of compilations made by scholars from the Yangtse area and North China, for such works were seemingly universally in demand. No list.\n\n(k) Novels and stories\n\nThis was not a main area for collecting, and the few works listed here are mainly for the purpose of illustrating the genre than for serious bibliographic attention. I have, in truth, seen many more titles.\n\n(l) Morality books\n\nHere again, I have not really attempted to collect such material, but only to provide a few titles on temple deities to accompany the text in Section A. But I can state that there is a great deal of it around, and that some can usually be found whenever a merchant's business and miscellaneous papers come onto the market, along with the account books and correspondence relating to his shop or firm.\n\n(m) Newspapers\n\nI have only mentioned them in the text because they seem to have been part of the stock of written materials available in rural areas of the Hong Kong Region before 1911, even if only casually and occasionally, which was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209115, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "4\n\nvolunteer for photographing and indexing. Tony and Ian are happy to continue in the capacity of coaches and consultants so you need not worry about lack of experience or guidance. This is, I believe, a worth-while project and it would be a pity if we had to give it up through lack of support. One of the fruits of the survey has been the production of Hong Kong Going and Gone which presents a selection of photographs taken in the Western sector of Victoria, brought together with commentary text. Copies of this publication by the Society are on view this evening for those who would like to see what the Survey is attempting, and/or to buy a copy. Sales of this work have gone very well and we hope very much we can produce a series, each volume devoted to a different district or topic. This will not be possible, I repeat, unless we get new people to take over the main work. So will those interested please contact Tony Rydings (our librarian) or Ian Diamond during the evening or ring Mrs. Robyn McLean at 5-260031 as soon as possible.\n\nMembership\n\nWe always welcome new members to the Society. Our application forms, of which we have brought along a number tonight for guests of members who want to join, have spaces for the names of proposers and seconders. But nowadays, with the turnover of people in Hong Kong so great, it is not always easy to find members to act in this capacity. Our policy of late, then, has been to invite prospective members to send in their form and subscription and then to introduce themselves to us at one of our lectures. As you have seen from our A.G.M. notice, we have decided to propose an increase in subscriptions. I must say we made this decision reluctantly. We are not a profit-making society but we do have to cover our costs, which have been rising like everything else in Hong Kong. In fact, our membership fee has risen very little and very slowly over the twenty-two years since we have been going. It was last raised in 1975, from $30 to $50; that was seven years ago. Later, our Treasurer, David Gilkes, will explain in more detail our present position in his report.\n\nTotal membership of the Society as at February 28, 1982, was 556, consisting of six honorary members, 112 local life members, 324 local ordinary and 41 overseas ordinary members, and 73 overseas life members. During the period March 1, 1982, to February 28, 1982, there have been twelve resignations, two deaths, nine notices returned presumed resigned, and twenty-five unpaid subscriptions, members presumed resigned. New members during the year numbered forty-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209142, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "ANOTHER LOOK AT LAND AND LINEAGE IN THE N T. c 1900\n\n31\n\ntenants and tenants asked the names of the owners from whom they rented, primarily, it would seem, as a double-check on the identity of the owner, although there was, no doubt, some concern about future landlord-tenant disputes. Unfortunately, these records are unavailable to us, and we therefore have no direct written means of determining even the rate of tenancy in the New Territories in 1900.\n\nI have attempted to arrive at an estimate of the rate of tenancy by examining the Block Crown Lease Schedules of 1905 for three Demarcation Districts in the Yuen Long region, adding to this interviewing in the villages within those districts and other materials, wherever I can find them. My findings so far are, of course, quite tentative and local, but I think they may be generally suggestive of the situation in some other parts of the New Territories. The area I have covered so far extends from near the Tang clan stronghold of Kam Tin eastward to the very end of the Kam Tin Basin. In other words, it includes a major portion, although by no means all, of the Pat Heung region. My estimate is that total cultivated land in this area in 1900 was close to 1,500 acres. The population, according to the 1911 Census, was about 2,650, which I take to be about 530 households. Thus, if the land had been equally apportioned, each household would have had about 2.75 acres to farm, enough for subsistence and close to the maximum an average-sized family could farm with its own labour. In fact, however, the land was not so apportioned, at least not in ownership terms.\n\nMy estimate is that slightly over 50 percent of the land in these three Demarcation Districts was tenant-cultivated in 1900. I arrived at this estimate as follows: all cultivated land over three acres in the name of a single owner I took to be land that he and his family probably could not cultivate themselves and so would either lease out or work with hired labour; all clan-owned land would, of course, have to be counted as tenant-cultivated, whether the tenants were or were not members of the owning clan. Third, any land located over a mile from the address of the owner I took to be too distant for him to work regularly and hence likely to be let out to tenants. The sum of these figures represented my total of tenant-cultivated land. Not surprisingly, the major portion of tenant-cultivated land was clan-owned land. In this region, about 35 percent of the land under cultivation was clan land. Most of the difference between that and my figure of slightly over 50 percent was accounted for by holdings\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209144, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "ANOTHER LOOK AT LAND AND LINEAGE IN THE N.T. c. 1900\n\n33\n\nmigrating for a time. What makes this picture plausible is that it accords well with the findings of C. K. Yang for a village located near to the city of Canton. The Pat Heung region did not have the population pressure upon arable land that helped shape the tenure system of Yang's village; but there was a common factor of clan ownership which immediately removed a large proportion of the land from the possibility of private ownership and also made tenancy, at a substantial rate, inevitable. My findings so far are also generally consistent with John Brim's reconstruction of the tenure system in the Yuen Long region as a whole.\n\nI have identified 44 persons or households as non-corporate owners of lands amounting to over 3 acres each. The largest of these large owners owned over 50 acres, quite sizeable by New Territories standards. Another held 25 acres. All others owned less than 20 acres, the usual amounts being between 3 and 10 acres each. Parenthetically, let me say that I am well aware of the limitations of the Block Crown Lease Schedules as a research tool, including their possible inaccuracies in owner registration, and I have, I hope, maintained an open mind to the possibility that the picture may have been somewhat different from what I now see. Although some of these large owners might be classed as absentee owners for some of their lands were quite distant from their homes, there was very little absentee-owned land of this kind. And there was no urban Hong Kong or even market town (that is, Yuen Long) ownership registered for lands in this region.\n\nA small proportion of the lands of the region were subject to mortgages. Most often these were of the customary type referred to above, in which the lender takes over the land and its income throughout the life of the loan, acquiring his compensation for the loan from the land proceeds rather than from interest, which is not paid. There were, however, some interest loans, although I could not discern any patterns in the use of one type of mortgage or the other. Those lending and those borrowing were in all kinds of relationship to each other. That is, they might or might not be of the same village and surname; they might often be major owners lending to individuals or else to their own clans (in which case the major owner in question might also be a trustee of that clan); they might be clans lending to persons of the same surname or a different surname; or one clan might mortgage its property to another clan. In some cases, major landowners, some of whose lands were distant from their homes, were registered as mortgage holders on other lands away from their home territories.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209145, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "34\n\nEDGAR WICKBERG\n\nOne might infer that in such cases the large owner was using mortgage loans as well as direct purchases to expand his holdings over a large span of territory. Not all large \"absentee\" owners appear as mortgage holders, however.\n\nOur interpretation of the mortgage data is severely limited by the fact that we are looking at a single slice in time, 1905, which may not give us a full picture of the lending and borrowing operations of individuals as they might appear over several years of activity. It also is well known that at the time of British takeover of the New Territories many long-standing customary mortgages were paid off under an apprehension that they might not be recognized by British policy. Therefore, the situation of 1905 as reflected in the Block Crown Lease Schedules, does not necessarily typify that of any given year in the nineteenth century.\n\nIt would be of interest to compare land tenure in Hakka areas and in Punti areas. Of the four major villages that make up my area of study, only one is completely Hakka, although Hakkas are found in one other. In addition, much land in this region was owned by the Hakka clans of the large village of Wang Toi Shan, which is in the eastern part of the Pat Heung but outside the scope of my research so far. The limited amount of information I have allows little generalization. The small Hakka village of Shui Lau Tin contains a few major owners whose holdings are well beyond the lands of the village itself; but many \"outsiders\" owned lands right up to the gates, so to speak, of Shui Lau Tin. The Wang Toi Shan Hakkas, on the other hand, owned land all over the region of my study. More about them below.\n\nHakkas were important as landlords. We do not normally think of Hakkas as landlords. But in this region Hakka-owned tenant-cultivated land amounted to about 175 acres out of 1,472, or about 12 percent. Locally speaking, about 20 percent of tenant-cultivated land in the western end of this area was Hakka-owned; and in the western extremity Hakka-owned land was almost 50 percent of all tenant-cultivated land.\n\n―\n\nThus, of four reasons commonly given for relatively high rates of tenancy - population pressure on land; existence of sizeable land-owning clans; frontier or land reclamation; and commercialization it would appear that the presence of the clan was clearly the most important reason for the level of tenancy in this part of the New Territories, and probably in the entire New Territories as well.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209147, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "36\n\nEDGAR WICK BERG\n\nBritish administrators, believing that the landlords wished to retain grain rent (an impression nourished by the receipt of landlord petitions to that effect) and that tenants did not, attempted to outlaw any but monetary payments of future contracts, but the practice of grain rent continued.\n\nTypically, the level of rent was an amount of grain that approximated one-half of the year's yield of rice, paid in two installments at the time of each harvest. Thus, if one tou-chung of land (Cantonese tau-chung, a common measure in the New Territories, approximating one Chinese mou) produced, say, 200 catties of grain, the rent would probably be about 100 catties. As in other parts of China, there was an understanding between most landlords and tenants that in the case of a poor harvest due to bad weather or other circumstances beyond the tenant's control, the landlord might grant a reduction. I have no information about how regularly this ideal was actually observed in the New Territories.\n\nIt would be interesting to compare tenant rent to grain price and land price, and if we can get together enough material on these subjects, it should be possible. If so, we can then make some observation on landlordism as an enterprise, on some aspects of tenant economy compared to that of an owner-farmer, and on the possibility of a tenant's buying any part of the land he rented.\n\nIn several regions of south China in late imperial time the practice of requiring a tenant to pay a cash deposit, most often called ya-tsu, was prevalent. Such a deposit, often quite large, guaranteed tenant performance of the contract; it also provided the owner with a lump sum in cash which he could invest as he wished without having to pay interest. So far as I have been able to determine, this practice did not exist in the New Territories ca. 1900. Its absence may indicate many things: harmonious landlord-tenant relations; absence of competition for land; or lack of landlord interest in, or need for (from this source, at least) interest-free cash. It may be that the prevalence of clan ownership of tenanted lands in the New Territories is the explanation, if we argue that clan leasing practices did not, or probably would not, include practices of that kind.\n\nIV. Lineage\n\nWe come now to the \"lineage\" part of this paper, in accordance with the title of my talk. I will continue to refer to the lineage as the clan, however, despite the problems in using either name—or both", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209156, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "RELIGIOUS RESPONSE TO MODERNIZATION IN TAIWAN THE CASE OF 1-KUAN TAO 45\n\nIntellectual conditions which are implied by the modernizing process in Taiwan should go hand in hand with significant changes in religion. The fact that there are connections between social and religious change is too obvious to be doubted. What is less obvious are the kinds of religious changes which are connected with modernization in Taiwan. To be sure, one tendency has long been observed, i.e., secularization. Yang has given an excellent analysis of secularizing tendencies in modern China which can also be applied to Taiwan. Moreover, it can easily be seen that the factors mentioned above do in fact undermine the social base of many traditional forms of religion. The socio-economic frame of many traditional religious activities has been the peasant village community. To the same degree that industrialization reduced the relative importance of agriculture, the religious rites and festivals which were strongly related to the cycle of the farming seasons lost their significance for the society as a whole. Urbanization, a seemingly inevitable concomitant of industrialization, brought many people to the fast-growing cities, which lack the intimate social contacts of the villages. While in the countryside residential community and religious community were nearly identical, symbolized in the village temple; in the modern cities, new social relationships are formed, which normally do not coincide with the residential neighbourhood. As a result, the traditional religious life which formed an integral part of the village community loses its social base and is weakened. Finally, cultural contact in Taiwan has taken place to a degree that it can properly be named 'westernization'.\n\nWesternization in Taiwan has several aspects. On the one hand, there is the integration in the capitalist world economy, which resulted in a socio-economic readjustment after the model of the Western industrial nations. On the other hand, there is the strong impact of the Western intellectual tradition, above all of science, but also of philosophy, political thinking, and religion. The rationalistic and materialistic coloration of Western science and philosophy induces many well-educated people to disregard traditional forms of religion as superstitious. At the same time, the Chinese cultural heritage is no longer the sole repository of social and cultural values; people are turning more and more to Western ways of life, which are fashionable especially among the middle and upper classes in the cities.\n\nThere cannot be any doubt that industrialization, urbanization, and westernization affected many traditional forms of religion and diminished their structural as well as their functional position in Taiwan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "58\n\nHUIBERT SEIWART\n\nculture is by no means absolute. As can be observed in the above quoted text, the real contrast is not between the Chinese and the Western cultural traditions but between spiritual and materialistic approaches to life. To be sure, the spiritual culture is represented above all by the religious and moral traditions of China, while materialism is seen as the product of Western civilization. But at the same time it is admitted that in the West there also exist spiritual traditions, namely the two religions Christianity and Islam.\n\nIn this view Western civilization is not objected to in its totality, only its materialism is rejected. The menace of the modern world results from the fact that the West has submitted to materialistic thinking and this materialism gains more and more ground in China as well. Since the Chinese religious traditions and the Western religions are equally opposed to this materialism, they are all fighting for the same cause, they are allies not adversaries.\n\nThe recognition of Christianity and Islam as true religions equal to the Chinese religious traditions can be observed at different intellectual levels. A rather superficial level is represented by some of the fu-luan cults. While the deities which manifest themselves by the writing-stick originally all belonged to the traditional Chinese pantheon, it does happen today that Western gods, above all Jesus and Mohammed, give revelations by fu-luan. This integration of Western deities into the fu-luan cults may be seen as symbolic of the lack of opposition to Christianity and Islam; it is no proof, however, of any deeper understanding of these foreign religions. Actually, as far as I could observe, the knowledge of the general fu-luan believer and even the mediums about Islam is virtually non-existent, though somewhat more is known about Christianity. When I asked a medium how Jesus and Mohammed could manifest themselves in a Chinese temple, I was simply answered that in heaven no boundaries between East and West exist and all gods live in the same heaven3.\n\nWhile the recognition of Christianity and Islam in the fu-luan cults is purely formal, allowing Jesus and Mohammed a status equal to the Chinese gods, the teachings of I-kuan Tao go one step further, trying to integrate the doctrines of these Western religions. To be sure, a manifestation of Jesus during an I-kuan Tao fu-luan session is recorded as early as the year 1939, and we might suppose that at that time their understanding of Christianity was much like that of today's fu-luan cults in Taiwan. But in recent years texts have been published which prove beyond doubt that one is earnestly attempting", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209229, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "118\n\nLEC MING-KWAN\n\nTable 4 Leisure Activities on Weekdays and Weekends\n\n \n Leisure Activities\n Weekdays\n Weekends\n \n \n \n Respondent\n Spouse\n Respondent\n Spouse\n \n \n In-door\n 73.3%\n 85.4%\n 32.5%\n 39.9%\n \n \n none\n 15.9%\n 17.4%\n 10.3%\n 17.9%\n \n \n gambling\n 8.3\n 9.3\n 5.9\n 6.0\n \n \n reading\n 4.2\n 2.1\n 1.0\n 1.1\n \n \n TV/music\n 44.9\n 56.6\n 15.3\n 14.9\n \n \n Out-door\n 9.8%\n 11.7%\n 49.2%\n 53.6%\n \n \n sports/picnic\n 1.1%\n 1.6%\n 17.8%\n 19.0%\n \n \n shopping/movie\n 7.8\n 9.0\n 27.7\n 31.0\n \n \n dancing\n 0.2\n 0.3\n 0.2\n 0.2\n \n \n social visits\n 0.7\n 0.8\n 3.5\n 3.3\n \n \n Others\n 16.8%\n 2.9%\n 18.3%\n 6.5%\n \n \n Total\n 99.9%\n 100.0%\n 100.0%\n 100.0%\n \n \n \n (552)*\n (378)*\n (574)*\n (368)*\n \n \n *Total number of indicated leisure activities.\n \n\nTable 5 Most Frequently Patronized Facilities and Services\n\n \n Facilities & Services\n Within Estate\n Outside Estate\n Total\n No Response\n \n \n Daily Necessities\n 77.9%\n 22.1\n 100.0% (420)\n (0)\n \n \n Shopping\n 43.9%\n 56.1\n 100.0% (371)\n (49)\n \n \n Medical Services\n 61.7%\n 38.3\n 100.0% (386)\n (34)\n \n \n Tea-house\n 83.0%\n 17.0\n 100.0% (376)\n (44)\n \n\nThe twelve-block estate is complete with an entire range of shopping and recreational facilities: a commercial complex containing over 100 shops, four kiosks, three banks, two large Chinese restaurants, a department store and an exhibition hall. Besides, the estate also provides 12 food-stalls and 86 shop-stalls. In many respects Oi-Man approximates a well-planned self-contained estate. For the majority of its 36,000 residents the move to Oi-Man has meant improvement in almost all aspects of living environment (Table 6).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209243, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "132\n\nTA ACTON\n\nbe for them, despite all the official denials. But it had been filled up with outsiders as soon as it was finished. Just in the past couple of weeks, he told me, there had been whispers of resettlement for a number of families in a temporary housing area some miles away. The part of the harbour that contained the club-houseboat and most of the leaky old living-boats would then be filled in and reclaimed as land for further housing. Those of the Shui-sheung-yan who were still fishing would have a long way to travel to their boats on which they were employed. (The richer fishermen had mostly established already their own private, more convenient shore bases.) 41\n\nDespite the fact that it would mean the virtual end of their club, and despite frequent reports in the press of other boat people dissatisfied with the temporary housing areas, members of the association appeared resigned to moving, to feel it was necessary. Boat people from Aberdeen resettled in Shatin had complained that their family life was breaking down because their menfolk were either unemployed, or spending all their time travelling back to work in the Aberdeen fishmarket. They also complained that the Shatin schools had higher standards than those in Aberdeen (including, presumably, the F.M.O. schools) and that their children were falling behind or dropping out. 42 This can in a way be read as an expression of confidence in the F.M.O. schools. There are, however, no F.M.O. schools in Castle Peak; there are no data on how well children there have adapted to the ordinary schools there. Whatever the problems, at Castle Peak for the poorer boat-people, rehousing was still the priority.\n\nAs in the case of the struggle for re-housing at Yaumatei, that at Castle Peak was given continuity by an outside force. With SoCO both ideology and finance are supplied from Western trusts and churches; at Castle Peak it is the concern of the Chinese authorities. The Hong Kong Government for its part, appear to regard the Trojan horse of liberal capitalism as rather more dangerously subversive and left-wing than that of communism.\n\nThe Fishermen's Recreation Clubs\n\nThe Fishermen's Recreation Clubs of Chai Wan and Stanley were founded by a lighthouse-keeper, now retired, Charles Thirlwall, M.B.E., who has been concerned with helping the Shui-sheung-yan since the 1930s. The clubs are, as they say, recreation clubs. The Chai Wan club room is three rooms knocked together in the basement of a resettlement estate block of flats, its walls covered with photographs of smiling", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209252, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "EDUCATION AS A BY-PRODUCT OF FISH MARKETING\n\n141\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Inside front cover, programme of the F.M.O. schools Joint Graduation Ceremony, 1979. It is to be sung to the tune \"Walk, for the Night is coming\". This translation was by the writer and Mrs. Belinda Chiu-Bing Acton.\n\n2 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p. 7\n\n3 F.M.O. Schools Summer Camp Programme, 1980\n\n4 T. Acton, Gypsy Politics and Social Change, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1974) pp. 170-1\n\n6 T. Acton 'Educating the children of herdsmen and fishermen' in China Now No. 89, April 1980\n\np. 28\n\n8 A.J.S. Lack, \"The Yaumatei Typhoon Shelter\" in the JHKBRAS (1973)\n\n7 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p.3\n\n• Ibid.\n\nBarbara E. Ward. \"Chinese Fishermen in Hong Kong: Their post-peasant economy\" in M. Freedman ed. Social Organisation: Essays presented to Raymond Firth, (London, 1967) pp. 271-2.\n\n10 Wu Yuey Len \"Life and Culture of the Shanam Boat People\" in the Nankai Social and Economic Quarterly, 9:4 (1937) pp. 837-46.\n\n12\n\n11 F.M.O. Annual Report 1978-9, p. 12 and Appendix 1.\n\nDick Worrall Gypsy Education Van Leer/Walsall Council for Community Relations (Walsall, 1979) ch 5,9.\n\n13 West Midlands Education Authorities Education Service for Travelling Children Gypsy Education in the West Midlands, (Wolverhampton, 1976) p. 25.\n\n14 F.M.O. Schools Joint Graduation Ceremony programme, 1979, p. 3.\n\n16 Romani, i.e. descended from a group that left India at the end of the first millennium AD, and has since spread over much of the world, retaining a sanskritic language, Romanes, often in a form creolised with the language of the host country.\n\n16 T. Acton, Gypsy Politics and Social Change, ch. 7,8,15,16,17.\n\n18\n\n17 T. Acton, \"The Ethnic Composition of British Romani Populations\" in Roma, Journal of the Indian Institute of Romani Studies, 4:4 (1979) p. 48.\n\n18\n\nS.F. Balfour \"Hong Kong before the British\" in the JHKBRAS 10 (1970) reprinted from the Tien Hsia Monthly, (Shanghai), vols. 11 & 12.\n\n19 Wu Yeuy Len, op.cit. and also \"The Boat people of Shanam\" in the Nankai Social and Economic Quarterly 9:3 (1936)\n\n20 Ho Ke-en, \"A Study of the Boat People\" in the Journal of Oriental Studies (1965) pp. 1-41.\n\n21 T. Acton \"The Dissolution of the Tanka image”, to be published in China", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209308, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n197\n\n·\n\ncrop.\n\nYield for 1 tau of good average land (Assuming all food requirements plus all Crown Rent met from harvest, with no cash sales or casual labour):\n\nTai Wai\n\nyield in rice 2.5 piculs x 2 harvests = 5 piculs grain\n\nless .2 piculs for seeds = 4.8 piculs\n\nless 40% (by volume) in hulling and pounding = 3.75 piculs rice (figures given by Wai H.L. The standard volume loss is 50%, but villagers would probably not demand absolutely pure rice. Further, as informed by Mr. Yu Look-yau, J.P., New Territories rice had to be resifted and cleaned before it could be sold to fastidious city dwellers, implying that village hulling had not removed as much as would now be standard. A 50% volume loss in hulling = 28% weight loss now. Assuming the losses are pro rata, a 40% volume loss = 22% loss in weight. This is equal to 3.75 piculs approx.)\n\n3.75 piculs less 19% Crown Rent = 3.03 piculs (see section on Crown Rent below)\n\n3.03 piculs less wastage, say 5% = 2.88 piculs. (Note: both informants claimed waste was minimal, but there must have been some. Tai Foo considered losses when stored in barns higher than when stored in cock-lofts. Wai H.L. acknowledged some loss in hulling and when drying on the wo t'ong but considered rats, insects, and rot a minimal problem - cats were kept to deal with rats. Wai H.L. considered 5% the absolute maximum, but felt it was usually less, Tai Foo felt it was certainly less.)\n\n—\n\n2.88 piculs a year = 11.5 taels a day (Note: this assumes extra provision set aside for New Year, Birthday, wedding festivities etc. For Tai Wai I have assumed 35 days equivalent for such festivities i.e. a 400 day year which Wai H.L. considered fair and reasonable) = 1.44 adults daily requirement.\n\n-\n\nPlus sweet potatoes\n\nyield 10 piculs by weight\n\n-\n\nless wastage 20% (Wai H.L.'s figure many tubers rotted in store): 8 piculs\n\nor 2 catties a day or 0.50 adults daily requirement.\n\n=\n\nThus 1 tau of good average land in Tai Wai could feed 1.94 adults with-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n199\n\na small family, 1 shing (about 760 sq. ft.) for a large one.\n\nBasic family requirements\n\nAssume a family of 2 adults and 3 children and assume each child eats 0.75 as much as an adult. Such a family would require 4.25 adult requirements. Assuming all food and Crown Rent met from harvest with no cash sales or casual labour income.\n\nIn land, this implies:\n\nTai Wai good average land, 1 tau can feed 1.94 adults (as above) without outside assistance, 4.25 adults, therefore require 2.19 tau, which requires 4 shing of seedbed and 0.5 shing vegetable gardens or 2.19 + 0.4 + 0.05 = 2.65 tau,\n\nTai Wai best land\n\n1 tau can feed 3.03 adults (as above). 4.25 adults therefore require 1.4 tau which require 2.75 shing seedbed and 1/2 shing vegetable gardens or 1.4 + 0.275 + 0.05 = 1.73 tau.\n\nWong Chuk Yeung good average land\n\n1 tau can feed 1.38 adults (as above). 4.25 adults therefore require 3.08 tau which require 6 shing seedbed and 0.5 shing vegetable gardens or 3.08 + 0.6 + 0.05 = 3.72 tau.\n\nLarger families (4 adults, 6 children)\n\nIt may be assumed that economies of scale appear, and that the family would require about 1.75 of the land of the small family, e.g. (Note: not checked)\n\nTai Wai average land 2.64 x 1.75 = 4.62 tau\n\nbest land 1.73 x 1.75 = 3.02 tau.\n\nWong Chuk Yeung average land 3.72 x 1.75 = 6.51 tau.\n\nTo translate to Block Crown Lease acreages\n\nAssume approximate equivalence 1 tau and 0.175 acres (=7630 sq.ft.)\n\nTherefore,\n\n \n Basic family requirements\n \n \n \n \n Tai Wai average land\n 2.64 x 0.175 = 0.462 ac.\n \n \n \n best land\n 1.73 x 0.175 = 0.302 ac.\n \n \n \n Wong Chuk Yeung average land\n 3.72 x 0.175 = 0.651 ac.\n \n \n \n Small family\n \n \n \n \n Large family\n \n \n \n \n \n 4.62 x 0.175 = 0.809 ac.\n \n \n \n \n 3.02 x 0.175 = 0.529 ac.\n \n \n \n \n 6.51 x 0.175 = 1.139 ac.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "CHAN, Mrs Amy CHAN, Mr Sui-Jeung CHAN, Mrs Teresa CHAPMAN, Mr V.F.D. CHAU, Mr David H.S. CHEETHAM, Mrs J.A. CHEN, Mr S.H. CHERN, Dr K.S. CHEUNG, Mr Oswald CHIAO, Dr Chien CHILVERS, Mrs Anna E.S. CHISM, Mr Michael CHIU, Mrs Carol C. CHRISTOFIS, Mr P. CHRISTOFIS, Mrs L.E.R. CHU, Mr Lee CHUA, Miss Fi Lan CLARKE, Mrs Judith CLIMAS, Mr D. John COCHRANE, Mrs Valerie\n\nCOLLINS, Mr Alan J. COOPER, Mr Roy\n\nCOURTAULD, Mrs Caroline CRABBE, Mr Peter I. CRAIG, Mrs Peggy\n\nCRISSWELL, Dr Coline N. CROSS, Mr Niels T.\n\nCUMINE, Mr E.\n\nCUNNINGHAM, Miss Margaret DAVIES, Mrs L.R.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs Mona\n\nDAVIES, Mr S.N.G. DAVIS, Mr Donald V. DAWE, Mr Jock\n\nDAWSON, Prof. John L.M. DE BURE, Mrs Ursula DEPTFORD, Mr David DER, The Rev. E.B. DIAMOND, Mr A.I.\n\nDOLFIN, Mr John III\n\nDRAKEFORD, Mr Louis S. DYER, Mrs C.E. ECCLES, Mr Jeremy R. ELSOM, Mr Graham J.B. EVANS, Mr Clive Joseph EVANS, Prof. Daffydd M.E. FABRY, Mr R.G. FABRY, Mrs R.G. FAN, Mr Jack F.S.\n\nFAURE, Dr David\n\nFERGUSON, Mrs Carolynn L. FITZPATRICK, Mr J.\n\nFORBES, Miss Janet E. FORSYTH, Mr A.H. FORSYTH, James J. GAILEY, Mr H.G. GAILEY, Mrs Norah GAMLEN, Mr Richard GARCIA, The Hon. Mr Justice GARRETT Mrs Valery M. GATELY, Major Charles GHOSE, Mrs Rajeshwari GIBB, Mr Hugh GIBBONS, Mr John P. GOLDSTEIN, Mr A.L. GRANT, Prof. Charles J. GRAY, Mr Peter H. GRIFFITH, Mr Rodney O. GROVES, Prof. Murray C. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de HAFFNER, Mr Christopher HAHN, Mr Werner HAIGH, Mr D.F.\n\nHALL, Mr Christopher H. HALLIDAY, Mr Peter E.\n\nHALPERIN, Mr David R.\n\nHAMER-HUNT, Mr & Mrs H.D.\n\nHAMILTON, Mr Alexander HAMMOND, Mrs Jennifer Ho, Dr & Mrs Hung Chiu HOCHSTADTER, Dr Walter HODGE, Prof. Peter HODGES, Mr Ronald HODGES, Mrs Sylvia HODGKISS, Dr. I. John HOLLEDGE, Mr Simon\n\nHOLMES, Miss Jeanette E.\n\nHORSTMANN, Mrs Charlotte HOTUNG, Mr Eric E. HUGHES, Ms. Anne HUNT, Mrs Jillian M.C. HYSLOP, Mr John S. JEFFERY, Mr Malcolm J. JOHNSON, Mr & Mrs P.K. JONES, Mr Gordon W.E. KEMP, Dr Derek R. KHAN, Dr Latiffa\n\nKHAN, Miss Sherifa\n\n213", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "214\n\nKING, Miss Carol A. KIRKBRIDE, Mr K.M.G. KROPATSCHECK, Mrs Hannemarie\n\nKWAN, Mrs Alice W.S.C. KWOK, Mr Ping Leong LACK, Mr Alan J. LAI, Miss Merlin S.C. LANG, Mr Frederick G. LAWRENCE, Mr Anthony LAWTON, Mr David LEE, Mr Peter E.I. LEE, Mr Peter J. LEE, Mrs R.M.\n\nLEE, Miss Sandra Suk Yee LEE, Mrs S. Jane LERNER, Mr Bernard LEVIN, Mr David A. LEVIN, Ms. Stephanie S. LI, Mr Edwin Lao LI, Mr Shi-Yi LIARDET, Mr A.J. LIN, Mr Tien-Wai\n\nLIU, Miss Dimon\n\nLLOYD, Mrs Aileen S. LLOYD, Mrs Waltraud E.\n\nLO, Miss Alexandra Dak Wai LO, Mr Shu-wing LOCKING, Mr J.R. LOFTS, Prof. Brian LOK, Dr Leonora Shin U. LOK, Miss Wai Kwan LOVELL, Mrs Hin-Cheung LUNNEY, Mr Raymond LUTZ, Mr Hans F. MA, Prof. Ho-Kei MA, Mrs Jackie\n\nMA, Prof. Meng, MBE MACCABE, Mrs S.J. MACCALLUM, Mr. I.\n\nMACCALLUM, Mrs Wendy M.\n\nMACGREGOR, Mr Keith\n\nMAHLKE, Mr William J.\n\nMANSON, Mr James B.\n\nMAO, Dr Philip Wen-chee MARKEY, Mr J.C. MARTIN, Dr Michael R. MASON, Mr A.K. MATHEW, Mr David\n\nMATHEWS, Mr J.F. MAYERS, Mr Walter MCLEAN, Mrs Robyn H. MCCULLY, Mrs Arthur M. MCDONALD, Mrs John R. MCELNEY, Mr Brian S. MINERS, Dr N.J. MINTER, Mr C.J.W. MITCHELL, Mr Eion A. MITCHELL, Mrs Ruth M. MORGAN, Ms V. Elaine MOSER, Mr Michael J. MOYLE, Mr G.C. MULLOY, Mr G.N. MURPHY, Mr Francis S. NEWBIGGING, Mr D.K. NEWBIGGING, Mrs Carolyn NG, Dr Margaret N. NG, Miss Tonia NGUYET, Mrs Tuyet O'HARA, Mr Randolph ONG, Prof. Guan Bee OUTCH, Mr William T. ORR, Mr Iain Campbell OXLEY, Mr C.W.B. PARRINGTON, Miss June PARRY, Mr Roger H. PERESYPKIN, Mr Oleg P. PICKARD, Mrs Jane PICKFORD, Mr John B. PRESCOTT, Mr Jon A. PRYOR, Dr E.G.\n\nQUESTED, Mrs Rosemary RAM, Mrs Jane REDDING, Dr S.G.\n\nREYNOLDS, Prof. W.A.\n\nREYNOLDS, Mrs Johanne\n\nRHODES, Mr Peter F.\n\nRIBEIRO, Mrs Susan\n\nRICHARDS, Dr S.F.\n\nRICHARDS, Mrs J.K. RICK, Mr D.R. RIGG, Mrs Jillian R. ROBERTSON, Mrs A.G. ROBERTSON, Mrs W.G. ROHRS, Mr Kenneth R. ROPER, Mr G.W.\n\nROSS, Mr David M. ROWARK, Mrs Sally", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209352, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "Chinese University's History Department and editor of our 1981 Journal, spoke on Saikung district during World War II: the district being a regular escape route for prisoners of war from Kowloon.\n\nAfter a summer break we began again in October with Professor Shih Hsio-yen, Head of Department of Fine Arts at Hong Kong University, talking on recent Chinese archeological finds and how the Chinese on the mainland look at their origins. In December Dr. James Hayes led a tour of the New Territories, which included Sam Tung Uk village built in the eighteenth century and scheduled as a museum and cultural centre, and Tsuen Wan, with a vegetarian lunch at the Yuen Yuen Hok Yuen, Tsuen Wan, a temple complex belonging to a Chinese syncretic religious group. Also in December, Professor Rulan Chao Pian, Professor of East Asian Languages and Civilizations and of Music at Harvard, and currently visiting Professor of Music at the Chinese University, spoke on traditional forms of dance narrative in North China. Her talk was illustrated with video tape material. Finally, in January Dr. Graham Johnson, Associate Professor in Sociology at the University of British Columbia, talked on the Chinese in Canada, discussing their history from the early rural migrants who worked in the goldfields and on the railway, to the more sophisticated urban migrants going to Canada after 1967, many from Hong Kong.\n\nThere was very poor response to the two overseas tours offered through, or by, the Society during the year. The tour to India had to be cancelled through lack of sufficient numbers, and the tour of the Pearl River Delta consisted of six persons only, including the leader, Dr. Michael Lau, to whom I express my thanks. This year about seven members will be joining a tour arranged by Dr. Brian Shaw for late March-early April. The group will witness the annual sacred masked dance festival at Paro in Bhutan and also visit other places in Bhutan, and Darjeeling and Kalimpong. Other tours may be arranged by Dr. Shaw during the coming year, and Mrs. Craig will also be offering tours to members, who will be kept informed.\n\nAs the year progressed we found it increasingly difficult to obtain bookings at the Volunteer Officers' Mess due to heavy\n\nix", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209370, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "5\n\nrelationship of these groups to bureaucratic institutions in terms of the neighborhood associations' autonomy, effectiveness, and satisfaction\" (Jones, Ho, Chau, Lam, and Mok 1978: i). Other studies will no doubt appear in the future, using the Mutual Aid Committees as a base for the investigation of still other problems.\n\nThere are perhaps many reasons for this scholarly popularity, but a major characteristic of Mutual Aid Committees, one that makes it possible for them to serve as a starting point for so many studies is their flexibility. This characteristic has already been alluded to, in the sense of \"the lack of barriers to committee membership and participation\" (Scott 1980:213). However, the flexibility of the committees can also be seen through an examination of their basic structure and function. It is this structure, its variations, and the functions performed that form the subject of this paper. The following discussion (with the exception of certain data gathered during the previous research period of 1976-1978) is based on research conducted at Lok Fu Estate, Kowloon.\n\nThe Research Area Lok Fu Estate\n\nLok Fu Estate is one of six subdivisions making up the Lok Fu Area Committee Area. In its turn, this Area is coterminous with one of the twelve District Board Constituencies established for the Wong Tai Sin District. The Area is bounded by Junction Road, Tung Tau Chuen Road, and Fung Mo Street. By the end of 1982, the total population of Lok Fu Estate was approximately 20,000, out of a total of 31,000 for the entire Area and 524,000 for the entire Wong Tai Sin District (Wong Tai Sin District Report 1982:271). The first blocks of Lok Fu Estate itself were under construction by 1955, at what was then called Lo Fu Ngam (虎崗) (Tiger Hill). However, residents felt that such a name was inauspicious and so it was later changed to Lok Fu (樂富) (Happy and Wealthy). By the end of 1956, the twenty-three blocks of the Lok Fu Resettlement Estate had been completed, twelve blocks of the Mark I type and eleven of the Mark II style (Wong Tai Sin District Report 1982:271-272). At present, many of these blocks have been converted. For example, the individual units in Blocks #6-9 and #11 have been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209371, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "6\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nenlarged and redecorated. Described as \"semi-self-contained\" units, these blocks have inside kitchens but detached toilets, and have had their centre walls removed to enlarge the over-all space. Block #21, however, has self-contained toilets in each unit. Blocks #1-4, #10, #12, #22, and #23 can be referred to as \"tap and toilet improvement\" blocks as their communal toilets have been replaced by individual, key toilets for each household. Block #5 is a \"special\" block in so far as self-contained flats were built in at the time it was erected (1959). In that sense, Block #5 is already \"converted\". The remaining Mark II Blocks (#13-#20) have been targeted for improvement.\n\nThere are now twenty-one Mutual Aid Committees established in Lok Fu Estate: Blocks #1-8, #10-20, #22, and #23 have committees. From January of 1982 to April of 1983, I interviewed the chairmen of eighteen of these Mutual Aid Committees as part of a research project to explore more fully the opinions of male members towards participation and problems of committee functioning. Such interviewing also enabled me to collect additional information on other matters relating to committee organization. The discussion presented in this paper is taken from these interviews, with additional background information collected during the previous research period of 1976-1978.*\n\nGeneral Organization\n\nThe Mutual Aid Committees of Lok Fu Estate follow the general design of committees found in other parts of Hong Kong, where the basic arrangement is to establish one committee for one building or residential block. This arrangement is the most common because it creates a neat structure that is easy to understand and administer. As public housing estates are arranged in blocks, the basic arrangement used here is one block, one committee. However, a complicating factor is the large population.\n\n* The author wishes to express her gratitude to these chairmen, and to the staff of the Tung Tau sub-office, Wong Tai Sin District Office, for their generous help. Special thanks goes to Ms. Winnie Yeung, Liaison Officer, Tung Tau sub-office for her advice and assistance. The author also wishes to thank Mr. H. S. Leung, Housing Manager, Lok Fu Estate, for his help.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209372, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "7\n\nTions living in many public housing estate blocks. As observed in 1980:\n\nOne of the largest estates where I interviewed, Tze Wan Shan Estate, is the largest in Hong Kong, housing well over 150,000 people. One of its blocks, Block #66, houses approximately 8,400 people. But it is not the largest. Across the street, Block #61, on the outer edge of the estate, houses nearly 9,900 people (Scott 1980:33).\n\nBlocks of this size, with such enormous resident populations, would make the standard arrangement not only impractical, but ridiculous. Yet, there have been some standard committees created under such situations. For example, in 1978 Blocks #62, #64, and #65 of Tze Wan Shan Estate, with a combined population of 11,000 inhabitants, were operating with one committee. Some blocks solve the population problem by dividing into floors; for example, one committee could be formed for, say, every three floors. In 1977, the Mutual Aid Committees of Block #23 of Tung Tau Estate, Wong Tai Sin District, were arranged in this way. It is also possible, if the block has wings, for each wing to have its own committee. Even with all these alternatives, there is probably no one perfect solution to the problem of committee allocation in public housing (Scott 1980:33).\n\n11\n\n“A Mutual Aid Committee must be approved by the District Officer/Assistant District Officer under delegated authority from the Secretary for District Administration on a biennial basis for the purpose of exemption from the Societies Ordinance (Cap. 151)” (City and New Territories Administration 1982:1).10 Each Mutual Aid Committee in Lok Fu Estate follows this rule and is registered for a period of two years. However, before October of 1981, the committees were registered for only one year. The lengthening of the registration period was felt to have a beneficial effect, as it would enable the committees to complete projects planned and generally function more efficiently. At the end of this time, each committee is reviewed by the District Officer or City District Officer and if found to be functioning without serious problems, its certificate is renewed. Each committee has its own biennial cycle, however, based on the time at", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209373, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "8\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nwhich it was established, so that one committee's renewal date is different from the renewal dates of committees in other blocks. While most MACs have their certificates automatically renewed, a few may be suspended or dissolved. The 1982 Model Rules states on page six (of Section XIV, rule 14a, i-ii) that an MAC can be dissolved “\n\nupon expiry or the withdrawal of approval by the District Officer/Assistant District Officer,\" or at a General Meeting of heads of household in which a simple majority present resolve that the MAC be dissolved, provided that this majority represents not less than 20% of the householders in the Block.\"12\n\n44\n\n■\n\nDiscussions at the District Office, however, made it clear that the deregistration procedure is more complicated. First, if there is no interest shown by the residents and if no new officeholders can be elected, the committee can be suspended. Suspension can be for an indefinite period, during which staff from the District Office survey the opinions of the residents. If a minimum of 20% of those surveyed twice vote not to have a committee, then the committee moves from suspension to dissolution, and its remaining funds and equipment are donated for charitable purposes or used for welfare or recreational purposes, according to the wishes of the residents and subject to the approval of the District Officer or Assistant District Officer (City and New Territories Administration 1982:6).\n\nWhile conducting research previously, I only learned of a handful of committees in my sample areas of Wong Tai Sin and Mong Kok Districts, mostly those formed during the early stages of the Mutual Aid Committee Scheme, that had ceased to exist. Most were disbanded, I was told, because there was absolutely no enthusiasm left for the committee, and because of that, it was doing nothing for the residents (Scott 1980:26). At present, Lok Fu Estate has two blocks without Mutual Aid Committees: Block #21 and Block #9.\n\nBlock #21 is still in the process of being converted. Prior to this conversion, it had a fully-functioning MAC, but this committee had to be dissolved when the residents were moved out. The resettling of this block is scheduled to be completed in about June 1983; at that time, staff from the District Office\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209374, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "9 \n\nA similar \nplan to go back and establish a new committee. 13 situation exists at Block #9, which has already been converted. However, it is not yet fully occupied and a committee cannot be established until all units have been taken. When this is done, the District Office will begin its visits. A different situation exists in Block #13, for its MAC has been in suspension since 1978. The reasons why were not entirely clear, for the suspension was enacted before the tenure of the present liaison officer. Block #13 contains both the Housing Department office and the office of the Neighbourhood Police Unit, so it is possible that the residents did not see the need for an MAC. In January of 1983, the staff of the District Office planned to make new visits to assess the situation at this block. It seems that their efforts were successful, for on April 15, 1983, the residents held a special meeting and voted to set up a new Mutual Aid Committee. While dissolution is a serious matter, if a committee is dissolved, it can be re-established at a later date if the residents change their opinions.\n\nPrivate housing blocks, it might be added, have another alternative—the owners' corporations—and some MACs disband when one of these is established. The owners' corporations were established under the Multi-Storey Building (Owners' Incorporation) Ordinance, passed in 1970. Normally, the two kinds of organizations do not co-exist in one building, although there are some examples of change over long periods when both continue to function. Some officials (for example, many of the liaison officers I interviewed while conducting research in the Mong Kok District) considered this change desirable and viewed the process as one of no committee, then a Mutual Aid Committee, then an owners' corporation. Of course, no such alternative is available at Lok Fu, as owners' corporations cannot be established in public housing estates, or in some private housing estates with management systems governed by Deeds of Mutual Covenant.\n\nA Question of Data\n\nHow large are Mutual Aid Committees and what is their internal arrangement? While this question seems quite straightforward, gathering the information necessary to answer it is not always easy. Because of conflicting sources, it is difficult to assess", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209375, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "10\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\naccurately the exact size of some committees and their internal arrangements. For example, data obtained from the interviews with MAC chairmen may be incomplete, as some chairmen are not always clear about the structural details of their own committees. They omit the names of some of the committee subdivisions, or are not clear about the exact number of people participating. Such variations in data are not the result of a lack of knowledge on the part of the chairman; certainly, most chairmen (unless they have recently moved to the block) know their blocks and committees very well. Rather, it is likely a result of the chairmen's counting up only those members who are active in the actual day-to-day working of the committee. This is encouraged by the fact that members join and resign as residents move in or out of the block. For the same reason, subdivisions of the committee may also not be mentioned.\n\nA minority of the committees hold banquets or inauguration ceremonies for new officers and on these occasions, the printed invitation cards that are sent contain the names and positions of all the members of the committee. They are for that reason a valuable source of information. But, as just explained, only a small number of committees hold such ceremonies. The Tung Tau Sub-office of the Wong Tai Sin District Office keeps records on the MACs of Lok Fu Estate, but these records are kept only for the officers, not for the details of the committee itself. Therefore, since both invitation cards and District Office records are incomplete, the only recourse is repeated questioning of the chairmen. For this reason the following account of committee structure, while accurate both in general outline and substantive detail, may be subject to minor revision.\n\nCommittee Size\n\nAs would be expected, the greatest variations in committee size and structure are due partly to the size of the building and the number of residents. What is the population of Lok Fu Estate by block? Block #19, with a population of 1,923 people divided among 337 households, is the largest block, while Block #9, with a population of 224 people divided among 48 households, is the smallest. In all, six blocks house below 500 people, seven blocks house between 500 and 1,000, five have populations of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209377, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "12\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nregulations. The Model Rules of 1982 state clearly that \"The number of floor representatives for one floor shall depend on the total number of household units on the floor but shall not normally exceed three. Each floor of the same building shall have an equal number of floor representatives\" (City and New Territories Administration 1982:2). However, the majority of committees show considerable variation in the number of floor representatives elected. While most committees do not elect more than three floor representatives per floor (most elect two or three), the majority of committees operate with unequal representation by floor. For example, in one block one floor had selected seven floor representatives, while other floors in that block had selected only two. While this is an extreme example, half of the committees vary the number of their floor representatives, electing two or three per floor, with different floors electing different numbers. Adding up the figures, eight committees had elected twenty or more representatives, while the remaining had elected nineteen or less. The smallest committee was operating with a total of eight members, which meant that some floors had not elected representatives at all.\n\nMutual Aid Committee officeholders are chosen from the committee's group of elected floor representatives, the floor representatives doing the electing themselves. Aside from this responsibility, what other duties do the floor representatives perform? Much depends on the general functioning of the committee. If it is inactive (that is, meets infrequently, organizes no activities, rarely participates in the activities sponsored by the District Office), the floor representatives will have little or nothing to do. A number of chairmen, rather embarrassed, had to admit that this was so. As their name suggests, the major responsibility of the floor representatives is to keep in touch with the residents of their floor, keeping an eye open for problems, and collecting complaints and opinions to present in the MAC meeting. The floor representatives also help transmit information to the residents from the MAC, which, in its turn, is receiving it from the District Office and other government departments. For example, before the recent District Board elections, the floor representatives of one committee went to the residents of their floors to assist them in registering as electors. Others help by distributing leaflets or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209379, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "14\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nboth continuity and smooth operation, the desire for both being a common reason for electing vice-officers. One of the committees listed above as having two vice-chairmen, did so because one of these officers was soon to move to another estate and the second would be available to take over the position after he left.\n\nIn June of 1982, a decision was made by the District Offices to add auditors as appointed members of the Mutual Aid Committees. This was done on the advice of the Independent Commission Against Corruption, which believed that, although the MACs and their financial transactions were small, it was nevertheless a good idea to prevent any possible mishandling of funds.16 Any person living in the block who is not already an officer can become the auditor, but the MAC can, with the agreement of the residents, ask residents of other blocks to serve as their auditor. At the end of March, 1983, seventeen of the Mutual Aid Committees of Lok Fu Estate had appointed auditors, and one of these had also added a vice-auditor.\n\nThe largest committee in Lok Fu Estate, that of Block #15, has eight officers: one chairman, three vice-chairmen, two secretaries, one treasurer, and one vice-treasurer. The next largest, that of Block #12, operates with six officers: one chairman, two vice-chairmen, one secretary, and two treasurers. Block #19, the third largest, has also elected six officers: one chairman, two vice-chairmen, two secretaries and one treasurer. In size, these committees resemble the large scale MACs in Tze Wan Shan Estate, committees which have as many as eight to ten additional officers (Scott 1980:37). For example, the fifty-five member committee mentioned previously had fourteen officers altogether: one chairman, eight vice-chairmen, one secretary, two vice-secretaries, and one treasurer (Scott 1980:41).\n\nWhat are the duties of these officers? Of course, the chairman is the key officer, as he is the official representative of the MAC, convening the meetings, and acting on behalf of the residents when meeting with officials and representatives from the government. The vice-chairman, according to the 1982 Model Rules, is \"deputising the Chairman as and when necessary\" (City and New Territories Administration 1981:3). However, the vice-chairmen, acting in hand with the chairmen, sometimes", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209380, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "15\n\nhave a great many other duties to do as well, and step in to work whenever necessary. The secretary, with the assistance of the vice-secretaries, if any, handles the correspondence, takes the minutes at meetings, and in general keeps the letters and correspondence received from outside, although in some committees this latter duty is performed by the chairman. Finally, the treasurer prepares the income and expenditure statements (in cooperation with the chairman and the auditor), issues the cheques (also bearing the signature of the chairman and/or secretary), checks the validity of payment vouchers, and supervises the collection of voluntary contributions and monthly fees (City and New Territories Administration 1982:4).\n\nThese distinctions look neat on paper and the division of labour seems clear, but the actual situation is a good deal less distinct. The lack of enthusiasm on the part of committee members often means that the officers of some committees carry out all the work themselves, and so take on additional duties beyond those formally listed for their offices. In addition, the distinctions between responsibilities often become blurred because officers must help each other perform their duties, especially if one is ill or away. This is especially true for the chairman, who in some committees becomes the only working office-holder. All the chairmen of Lok Fu Estate Mutual Aid Committees stressed the cooperation between the officers and the fact that they all could do each other's jobs when and if that became necessary.17\n\nHow long do officers serve? The Model Rules of August, 1982, stated clearly that, \"The tenure of an office-bearer shall be two years\" (City and New Territories Administration 1982:3). Before these rules were enacted, however, the officers of Mutual Aid Committees served terms of one year. The District Offices had many reasons for extending the term of office, but the most important was that the new officers needed more time to become acquainted with the block, its problems, and the duties of an officer. This was especially true if they were new to the block. In addition, the one-year term of office did not allow sufficient time for the officers to complete projects. The reason for this was that the last two months of a term were taken to prepare for the next election. Therefore, officers were serving, in effect, ten-month terms and it was felt that a longer term of office was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209381, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "16\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nimperative. Actually, the officers of many MACs have recently been serving for terms of longer than one year due to special events or circumstances (such as the recent District Board Elections) which have delayed the block elections. According to the District Office, the MAC chairmen were consulted before the new rule was enacted, to collect their opinions. These consultations were, however, informal ones carried out in the course of the regular visits paid to the committee by the staff of the District Office or collected during telephone conversations. There were no formal meetings called to discuss the proposed change.\n\nWhat opinions do the officeholders have of this change? The chairmen I spoke to were overwhelmingly in favor of the two-year term of office; only two chairmen expressed any reservations. As one explained, \"I think that two years is too long for a term and I want a shorter one. There are some residents of the block who are also well qualified and I want to give these people a chance to carry out the job of an officer.\" The second chairman, while generally agreeing with the change, cautioned, \"The drawback with a longer term is that people may begin to criticize the chairman, for example, for misuse of power.\" A third chairman felt that it made no difference. One and two-year terms were the same to him, for although a two-year term allowed the officers to familiarize themselves with the households, a one-year term was too much for him because few people in his block were willing to help the committee.\n\nOther chairmen had no reservations about the change. Their comments centered on three benefits (basically, the same ones as recognized by the District Office), namely: more time for the chairman to become acquainted with the block and its committee, more time for the officers to do their work, and avoiding too frequent elections. Speaking on the first point, one chairman told me:\n\n\"I think the two-year term of office is a good idea. This is because, in a one-year term, the officers might not get properly on track as they need to take some time to familiarize themselves with the work of the MAC. There is a risk that they might not be re-elected the next year and then the new", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209383, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "18\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nall the preparations from tickets to transportation. It recruits members for the sports teams (if there are any), provides uniforms and equipment (paid for out of the general fund), and arranges for matches with other teams. The general sports equipment used by all the residents (ping pong tables and rackets, basketballs, soccer balls) is also cared for by this subcommittee. Sanitation subcommittee members also keep an eye on the cleanliness of the building, speaking to people who throw trash, reminding them of the health laws and regulations. They also check up on water supplies and trash pickup, reporting special problems to the committee at large. The welfare and women's section subcommittees are similar in orientation, in that both are concerned with the general welfare of the residents and make it a point to see that needy families get help. Members collect donations for financially troubled families, those where there is a serious illness, or where there has been a death. If the problem requires long-term assistance, they see that the Department of Social Welfare is informed and the case processed. Because of these activities, both subcommittees are very much in tune with life in the building and are on call for whatever and whenever assistance is required (Scott 1980:37-38).\n\nIn Lok Fu Estate, there are six Mutual Aid Committees that are divided into subcommittees. However, the subcommittees found here are not exactly equivalent to those established in the MACs of, for example, Tze Wan Shan or Choi Hung Estates, nor are they found in the same form in all these five committees. This is because some committees list the subcommittees in full while others simply list them by the names of the one or more members who head them. For example, the largest committee, that of Block #15, lists its subcommittees in the following way: one managing director, one managing vice-director, one welfare director, two welfare vice-directors, one public relations director, two public relations vice-directors, one women's section director, and five women's section vice-directors. The remaining nineteen committee members (not counting the officers) are divided among these subcommittees. Block #12, the second largest committee, contains: one public relations director, one management director, four recreation directors, four young people's affairs directors, one", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209384, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "19\n\nwelfare director, one women's section director, and adds two new subcommittees, one sanitation director and one football instructor. The same kinds of subcommittees are found in an additional three committees (those for Blocks #16, #19, and #23) but Block #19 has two additional categories of junior police call (three members) and security (nine members), and Block #16 adds that of hygiene. Block #17's MAC has recently formed subcommittees for recreation, general affairs, women's section, and public relations.\n\nWhat do these committees do? Are there any differences with the subcommittee descriptions given earlier? Take, for example, the recreation subcommittee. The MACs of Lok Fu Estate may participate in two kinds of recreational activities, those organized through the District Office and planned for the estate as a whole and those organized by the block itself. The latter are much less common, as many committees do not have enough enthusiastic members to do the organizing nor do they have sufficient funds to pay for the expenses. Picnics are popular in the summer and fall, however, and the residents of many blocks are enthusiastic about outings to local temples to eat vegetarian food. One committee provides summer activities for its resident young people (such as camping trips, chess playing sessions, and table tennis) and a few committees have obtained basketballs and footballs for residents to use. The women's section subcommittee of one block's MAC provides a special service by seeing to the needs of old women living in the block. For example, it helps to pay the electricity bills for those in need and gives general assistance to these older women. The functions of the other subcommittees are generally the same as described.\n\nOne special subcommittee, that for security, is characteristic only of public housing estate Mutual Aid Committees. There, multiple entrances and exits make security a problem. It is true enough that private housing units also have security problems, often serious ones, but in my experience they rarely have patrol teams, relying instead on gates, an occasional watchman or two, or a company-hired professional security team. In the public housing estates, the security subcommittee is usually the one responsible for the neighbourhood security patrols, the regularly-rotating groups of committee members and residents who patrol", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209385, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "20\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nthe halls and the entrances of the blocks, watching for intruders and generally keeping an eye on the safety of the building. The majority of public housing estates have set up some kinds of patrol, or have had patrols in the past until the setting up of gates made them unnecessary (Scott 1980:38). While these neighbourhood security patrols are extremely common in other estates, there are very few at Lok Fu.\n\nWhy is this? There are a number of possible reasons, beginning with the smaller size of these blocks. Lok Fu Estate is designed on the older Mark I and Mark II structural designs which accommodate fewer people to start with, and recently, a number of blocks have been losing residents to newer estates elsewhere, or to home ownership schemes. In addition, the conversion of many blocks has meant fewer units, and therefore, fewer resident families. Fewer residents suggests fewer problems to many people, and so residents of some blocks do not see the need for a patrol. In addition, the H-shape of the Mark II blocks with outside balconies makes it easier to spot intruders, and makes residents feel safer. It should also be remembered that Lok Fu Estate has a Neighbourhood Police Unit in Block #13, and all the MAC officers are acquainted with its director. In fact, all the chairmen but one stressed again and again how safe and peaceful life was in the blocks. Another reason, one probably more to the point, is that residents of most blocks are simply no longer enthusiastic about patrolling, and they are not willing to give money to pay for the service, even if earlier in the committee's history they had supported such a team. The result has been half-hearted attempts to form patrols, and numerous failures.\n\nFor example, one committee had planned to establish a patrol team, but both interest and funds were insufficient to support it. Committee officers then decided that it would be more effective to hire a watchman for the front gate, but residents would not give money for that either, so up to now nothing has been accomplished. A similar lack of funds (and authority) prevented another committee from starting a patrol team. \"The MAC organizations were mainly set up in 1973, assisted by the City District Office, because public order was very bad at that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209386, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "21\n\ntime and the crime rate was high. The government suggested setting up a voluntary organization in each block of an estate to patrol for the public's safety. Our block has never practised patrolling before. The chief reason was that the MAC's power was very restricted and its financial resources were very limited. So, it could not afford to run a patrol.\" Another chairman remarked, “After the MAC was set up in 1973, there was a night patrol group made up of residents who volunteered. However, people lost their enthusiasm and it ended.\" Still another chairman, a veteran of many years' service to the MAC, explained:\n\nBut\n\nIn the past, we hired a watchman at $900 a month salary. Three dollars were collected from each room for this. Some people moved out, and so the MAC had to ask for more money from each household to make up the loss. The residents were not willing to give the money. Therefore, our committee doesn't have a watchman now. Probably we will not have one until the residents have a real need for one, and then they will ask the MAC to call him back. But, I suppose that it is better to get a resident from the block to be the watchman because he will know the residents and the situation.\n\nOne\n\nThere are only a few watchman security systems left. A chairman, whose committee has hired a watchman to guard the male and female toilets at night, said that at first, only sixty to seventy percent of the residents were willing to contribute money to pay for the service, but that later (presumably after they had seen how well it worked), ninety percent contributed money. This watchman works from ten in the evening to seven o'clock the next morning. Each household on the lower floors pays $5.00 a month for this service, while the new rooms on the roof each pay $9.00 a month. Another committee employs a guard to patrol the block all night. For this, he is paid $1,000 per month, with each household contributing $3.00 towards this total.\n\nHonorary Members\n\nA final feature characteristic of many Mutual Aid Committees in public housing estates is the position of honorary member.19 Honorary members are those individuals who have aided the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "22\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\ncommittee in some fashion or who occupy positions of respect in the community.20 For these accomplishments, they are honored by being given positions in the MAC such as honorary chairman (**), president (#), honorary president (**E), consultant (H), honorary consultant (2JN), and medical consultant (H). Mutual Aid Committees are not restricted in the number of honorary members they may select, nor are they restricted to their own block or committee when choosing them. Honorary members can also be chosen from residents of other blocks, or from organizations and committees outside the estate. The honorary members may in fact not be individuals at all, but companies or businesses that have supported the MAC. For example, three Lok Fu Mutual Aid Committees have local businesses as honorary members (in the positions of consultant or president). In all, six committees in Lok Fu Estate have invited honorary members.21\n\nWhile honorary members need not perform any of the day-to-day duties of the committee, they may be called upon to give advice and special assistance, usually in the form of funds. In return, they are given respect and the committee itself gains in prestige by having notable members. Conferring honorary status on an individual is not all calculation, however; many elderly residents, former officers or members, or long-term residents may be so honored. In Lok Fu Estate, the most common position is that of president, followed by consultant. Six Mutual Aid Committees have invited individuals to serve as president (either honorary or ordinary) and four committees have installed consultants (either honorary or ordinary).22 As the position of president is the most common, the following discussion will be directed to it.\n\nThe president is not elected but is recommended by the MAC members. For instance, Uncle Tse and Mr. Wong, who are the presidents, are very enthusiastic to join the MAC. As they have been living in Lok Fu Estate for many years, they are known by everyone in the block. However, because they are too old to bear the many duties of the MAC, hence they are given the honorary title of president which shares the duties of an MAC chairman. In most instances, they", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209388, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "23 \n\nhave given financial support to the operation of the MAC.\n\nThis description of a president, given by one chairman, contains many of the features associated with the position. Presidents (and all other honorary positions) are not formally elected, but are recommended by office-holders or committee members, or perhaps the interested party volunteers to take up the appointment. In some blocks, the committee as a whole must agree to the appointment; in others, approval of the officers is sufficient. As already explained, a president can be appointed from people who live inside the block, from those who live outside the block but within the estate, and from those living outside the estate. In Lok Fu, the presidents who are appointed from residents of the block are often elderly residents who have served on the committee or were previous officeholders. There are no written criteria for a president but the most important characteristic is enthusiasm for the work of the MAC: people so honored must have expressed their support for the committee and for a long time. Another commonly recognized qualification is the willingness of the individual to give financial aid; the position of president carries with it the understood obligation to assist the committee with funds (although these need not be large), 23 As many of the MACs find themselves with insufficient funds to carry out projects, the funds provided by the presidents make it possible for some committees to offer activities for the residents. As one chairman admitted, “Our committee has seven or eight presidents. They are mainly to give money to sponsor some activities, for example, the trips to eat vegetarian food. As our MAC does not have enough money, it needs someone to help sponsor these activities.” 24\n\nWhat duties are performed by the presidents? The president, while in some committees similar to the chairman in respect, do not actually vote in meetings or formally influence decisions, although they have the right to give their opinions on issues. As explained, they do not even need to attend committee meetings, although they are expected to attend the inauguration ceremonies for the new officers (if any), and any other public function sponsored by the MAC. They are expected to give opinions and advice on committee affairs and problems of the block, and, in\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "24\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\ntheir capacity as president, to work for the committee's benefit outside the block. Other than these, there are no special duties clearly set out as the responsibility of the president. A similar situation exists for the other honorary members, such as the consultant and honorary consultant. \"The ten members of the consultant subcommittee are those who have been members of the MAC for a long time, but who have no special duties. To give them an honored term for committee members to use, they are referred to as consultants, and give general advice.\" In this way, the chairman of one of the most active committees described the position of consultant.\n\nSome committees have a great many honorary members. For example, one committee I visited in Tze Wan Shan Estate in 1977 was extremely active in recruiting honorary members, as it had thirty-six: thirteen honorary presidents, five advisors, seven consultants, and eleven special presidents (Scott 1980:41). A few of the larger committees in Lok Fu Estate have appointed honorary members in numbers large enough to equal or surpass this total. Block #15, for example, has twenty-four consultants (of which seven are businesses), fifteen honorary presidents, five presidents, and two medical advisors, giving a total of forty-six. Thirty-nine honorary members serve on the MAC of Block #16: eight presidents, and thirty-one honorary presidents (one a restaurant). A third committee, that of Block #19, has invited thirty honorary members, including: one management consultant, eighteen honorary consultants (all businesses), four honorary medical consultants (among which is a herbal medicine shop), and seven honorary presidents (of which two are businesses). Three other MACs have twenty-five, nineteen, and eight honorary members.\n\nStructure and Beyond\n\nThe preceding discussion examines the basic structure of the Mutual Aid Committees. Although this structure is the same for all committees, it is clear that each MAC has the freedom to alter and expand on the design. While the study of MAC design is interesting and valuable for its own sake, it becomes especially important when it is realized that a clear idea of both the basic structure of a Mutual Aid Committee and the variations on this", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209390, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "25\n\nbasic structure is necessary if the observer wishes to investigate other issues relating to the committees, For example, there are\n\nnumerous questions related to the functioning of the MACs. According to the Wong Tai Sin District Report of 1982, “The functioning of the MACs in the [Lok Fu] Area is satisfactory and there are some active MACs that cooperate with the CDO and the Area Committee in organizing and participating in the various activities and campaigns\" (1982:281). However, satisfactory functioning is difficult to assess precisely, as its meaning depends on the point of view and the criteria employed. Government officials, scholars, residents, and committee members all form their own evaluations of committee functioning, based on administrative criteria, research interest, or personal experience.\n\nWhile some aspects of the functioning of the MACs of Lok Fu Estate have been described here in connection with the structure, the purpose of this paper was not to examine exhaustively (nor to evaluate) all aspects of the functioning of the Mutual Aid Committees. Yet, the issue of committee functioning is related to the material presented here, for all the diverse opinions lead back to the organization of the committees. Committees that function most successfully are those that have taken the basic structure of the MAC and carefully adapted it to the conditions of the block. This adaptability gives committees the potential of solving immediate problems and of accommodating the particular needs of the residents, and doing this with the maximum of flexibility and the minimum of trouble. It is possible that committee size, for example, may be as much related to active functioning as it is to the size of the block. Therefore, the starting point of any future evaluation of committee functioning must be the particular design of each committee, as this reflects the situation of the block and clarifies how the Mutual Aid Committees satisfy the diverse expectations laid upon them. Certainly, as each block has formed its own committee to complement its own circumstances, the Mutual Aid Committees of Lok Fu Estate exemplify this process. Much that can be applied to other questions can be learned by observing the structure, and the variations, of these committees.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209391, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "26\n\nJANET LEE SCOTT\n\nNOTES\n\nIt might be mentioned that the adult population of Hong Kong was, at the time of Mutual Aid Committee formation, already well acquainted with the idea and work of urban organizations. While the Mutual Aid Committees had (and still retain) their own unique design, their structure (and their functions) were not unfamiliar and they were not viewed as mysterious committees having no resemblances to other, more traditional, Chinese organizations.\n\n* The other five subdivisions are: Kam Kwok Mansion, Luen Hop Building, Mei Tung Estate, Pui Man Tsuen Cottage Area, and Pok Oi Village (Wong Tai Sin District Report 1982:271).\n\n* The exact total, provided by the office of the Housing Manager of Lok Fu Estate, was 21,221 at the end of February, 1983.\n\n• At the end of 1982, the exact figure was 523,927.\n\n* The Mark I blocks include Blocks #1-5, #9, #10, and #12, and the Mark II group is made up of Blocks #13-20 and Blocks #22 and #23. The remaining blocks (#6-8, #11, and #21), already rebuilt, are now referred to as Converted Buildings (Wong Tai Sin District Report 1982:272).\n\n• This information was provided by the office of the Housing Manager of Lok Fu Estate.\n\n* At the end of February, 1983, there were 26 Mutual Aid Committees in the Lok Fu Area and 286 Mutual Aid Committees for the entire Wong Tai Sin District.\n\n* The selection of male members is because all but one of the chairmen of the Lok Fu Estate Mutual Aid Committees interviewed were male. In addition, the opinions of female members towards participation were investigated during the research period of 1976-1978.\n\n* Block #23 of Tung Tau Estate is still divided into floors for the purpose of MAC formation. In early 1983, it had five MACs, one for each three floors.\n\n10 In 1982 the old titles of City District Commissioner and City District Officer were changed to District Officer and Assistant District Officer respectively. At the same time the old Home Affairs Department and New Territories Administration were amalgamated into a new department known as the City and New Territories Administration.\n\n11 The official certificates of registration are framed and prominently displayed in the committee's office, or if the committee lacks an office, are kept by an officer, most often the chairman.\n\n19\n\nHowever, given the apathy of many residents and the low attendance at many MAC meetings, one might wonder if any committee has been dissolved by popular action, the second alternative.\n\n10 This is the schedule as described by the Wong Tai Sin District Office, Tung Tau Sub-office. The office of the Housing Manager, Lok Fu Estate, explained that the conversion has already been completed and that 114 families (the figure as of March, 1983) had already moved in.\n\n\"These figures have been provided by the office of the Housing Manager of Lok Fu Estate, and are accurate as to the end of March, 1983.\n\n16 The C.C.C. number is a code number found on the Hong Kong Identification Card and is written under the Chinese characters of the individual's name.\n\n10 According to the Tung Tau Sub-office of the Wong Tai Sin District Office, there are no instances of the mishandling of MAC funds known in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "54\n\nJ. H. HAAN\n\nwould, if not have abolished, at least have restricted child labour. But these came to nothing as a result of apathy or hostility on the part of sections of the foreign ratepayers who had to decide about such measures.51\n\nSome years later, in 1933, a byelaw was in fact passed which gave the Municipal Council the right to refuse licences to industrial enterprises and through this indirect way it gained some control over factory conditions. But owing to opposition from the local Chinese administration (of the Shanghai territory outside the Settlement), which was against any new and undue expansion of the functions of the Municipal Council, the new rules were applied only haphazardly.\n\nIt was true that in 1932 an Industrial Section, under the Secretariat of the Municipal Council, was created, replaced by an Industrial and Social Division in 1940, and the officials of this department sometimes managed to persuade or coax factory owners into the adoption of more humane working conditions,52 but this was all on a rather ad hoc basis.\n\nIn the 1920s and 1930s more and more pressure arose from the workers, sometimes organised in small trade-unions which were, however, regarded with some distrust by the Settlement authorities (just as they had been in Britain before the abolition of the combination laws in 1824), and numerous strikes, politically or economically motivated, were held.\n\nThere were a number of reasons for the lack of social legislation in the Settlement, apart from the factors already mentioned.\n\n1. As noted above, the Land Regulations only dealt with the traditional view of government functions. Any additions to the functions of the Municipal Council in the shape of byelaws\n\n―\n\nwould have to be passed by the Council, the ratepayers, the consuls, and the foreign ambassadors, as well as, in some cases, the Chinese authorities. This cumbrous process alone was in most cases enough to nip any efforts for improvement in the bud.\n\n2. A second major factor was that the Shanghai area consisted of three independent municipalities: The International Settlement, the French Concession, and the Greater Shanghai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209429, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "64\n\n1862 (April) -- 1863 (April) ›\n\n(31.3.1862)\n\nHenry Turner (Chairman) x\n\nJ. H. HAAN\n\nAgra & United Service Bank\n\nBritish\n\nJames Cock (Treasurer) x\n\nWatson & Co.\n\nBritish\n\nAndrew Brand\n\nSmith, Kennedy & Co.\n\nBritish\n\nHenry Sturgis Grew\n\nRussell & Co.\n\nAmerican\n\nAlexander Michie x\n\nLindsay & Co.\n\nBritish\n\nNote: In April 1863 only those members marked \"x\" were still in office (A. Brand had died).\n\n1863 (April)- 1864 (April)\n\n(4.4.1863)\n\nHenry William Dent (Chairman)\n\nJames Cock (Treasurer)\n\nRobert Brand\n\nDavid Reid\n\nJ. Kearney Rodgers\n\nAugust Wieters\n\nGeorge Fairley Heard\n\n1864 (April) — 1865 (April)\n\n(16.4.1864)\n\nHenry William Dent\n\n(Chairman) x\n\nRobert Crawfurd Antrobus x\n\nJames Cock\n\nFrank Blackwell Forbes x\n\nRudolph Heinssen x\n\nJulius Kahn\n\nG. W. Talbot\n\n \n Dent & Co.\n British\n \n \n Lindsay & Co.\n British\n \n \n Watson & Co.\n British\n \n \n Russell & Co.\n American\n \n \n Siemssen & Co.\n German\n \n \n Reid & Co. (per 1.1.1864)\n British\n \n \n ?\n German\n \n \n Aug. Heard & Co.\n American\n \n \n Harkort & Co.\n ?\n \n \n Dent & Co.\n British\n \n \n Reiss & Co.\n British\n \n \n ?\n ?\n \n\nNote: In April 1865 only those members marked \"x\" were still in office,\n\n1865 (April) — 1866 (March)\n\nWilliam Keswick (Chairman)\n\nJ. C. Coutts\n\nThomas Hanbury\n\nJames Hogg\n\nNichol Latimer\n\nClement D. Nye\n\nW. Probst\n\n \n Jardine, Matheson & Co.\n British\n ?\n \n \n ?\n ?\n ?\n \n \n Bower, Hanbury & Co.\n British\n \n \n \n Hogg Brothers\n British\n \n \n \n N. Latimer & Co.\n British\n \n \n \n Bull, Nye & Co (?).\n ?\n German\n \n\nNote: N. Latimer died during his term of office.\n\nAs from April 1865 a different mode of electing a Municipal Council was followed (cf. main text).\n\nSource: North China Herald 1850-1866.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209430, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "# THE STRIKE AND RIOT OF 1884\n\n# A HONG KONG PERSPECTIVE\n\nELIZABETH SINN*\n\nIn the autumn of 1884, Chinese dock workers in Hong Kong staged a strike against French ships. The strike spread, bringing trade to a standstill and creating much animosity. After a few days, a riot broke out in the Central and Western districts. This caused great excitement; the military was called out, the fleet was put on the alert, and the government passed new legislation for preserving the peace. The local press became almost hysterical. It became a diplomatic issue between Peking and London, and questions about it were raised in the House of Commons.\n\nYet, despite the uproar these events created, relatively few historians, including historians of Hong Kong, have paid attention to them. This paper is an attempt to reconstruct this dramatic episode, and to examine its significance.\n\nIn 1884, the war between China and France over Annam dominated the horizon of East and Southeast Asia. The year before, the Chinese had despatched regular troops quietly into Tongking. As negotiations broke off, the Chinese court feared a French attack on China itself, and important officials were sent south to consolidate the front. P'eng Yu-lin,** a president of the Board of War was appointed Commissioner for the Coastal Defence of Kwangtung, and in the following year, 1884, the conspicuously pro-war Chang Chih-tung became Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi. Officials and people both of Canton and the surrounding region responded excitedly to every move the French made.\n\nOn 5th August, 1884, French warships bombarded Keelung,\n\n* Miss Sinn is a Ph.D. candidate of the University of Hong Kong, currently working as Resources Officer in the History Department of that University.\n\n** All Chinese names/words will be Romanized according to the Wade-Giles system except where there are other transliterated forms in common usage.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209431, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "66\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nand were repulsed. Then, on the 23rd, led by Admiral Courbet, they launched an all-out attack on Foochow, destroying, within an hour, eleven Chinese warships and the Foochow shipyard. News of the sinking of the fleet at Foochow left Canton in the grip of hysteria. On the 30th, the high authorities in Canton proclaimed that they would offer awards for the lives of French soldiers. Plans were made to block up the river entrance as fears of a French naval attack on Canton grew.\n\nMeanwhile, French ships arrived in Hong Kong. On 3rd September, the La Galissonière came. This frigate had taken part in the actions both at Keelung and Foochow; moreover, it had Admiral Courbet on board. He was saluted by British guns in the harbour.1\n\nChang Chih-tung was immediately told of this, and his informer advised him to prepare for war because of rumours in Hong Kong that the French would shortly attack Canton.2\n\nOn the 5th September, the Canton authorities issued another proclamation. It called upon all Chinese to support the Chinese government against France, but it seems to be addressed especially to the people of Hong Kong and Macao. It pointed out that Chinese in these localities were often traitorous, because, enticed to work for foreigners for high pay, they frequently ended up in their military service. This meant that they would sometimes be actually fighting China herself. The proclamation called upon these Chinese \"to show a devoted regard for [their] fatherland” by refraining from working for the French, especially by refusing to repair their boats, and by killing French commanders and damaging their ammunitions of war. Those who followed these instructions would have their past offences forgiven, and be rewarded, while those who continued to help the enemy would imperil their family and relatives in China. Ten days later, on the 15th September, another equally inflammatory proclamation was issued calling on Chinese in Singapore, Penang and other places to kill and poison French persons.4\n\nIn Hong Kong, starting on the 11th, workers at the Cosmopolitan Dock at Hunghom refused to work on the La Galissonière. In addition, they also refused to continue work on the French Mail steamer, the Volga, even though they had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209432, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "67\n\nalready scraped her bottom. Members of the crew were forced to finish painting her themselves.\n\nA few days later, Sino-French hostility manifested itself in Hong Kong in another way. A French steamer, the Atalante, had stopped and searched Chinese junks near Hong Kong, and thrown overboard the guns of one of them. At a meeting of the General Chamber of Commerce, E. R. Belilios, a prominent Indian merchant, expressed the opinion that such action would cause consternation among the junk people of Hong Kong. Ho Hsien-chih 何獻鄰, better known as Ho Amei 何亞美, condemned the French more vehemently. He pointed out, not without some exaggeration, that such interference would cut off supplies to Hong Kong, and, since war between China and France had not been officially declared, he roundly announced, “I consider it an act of piracy.” In Ho's stand we have a demonstration of anti-French feelings at the other end of the social spectrum from that of the Dock workers.\n\nOn the 17th, the proclamation by the Canton authorities issued on the 5th calling on Hong Kong workers to strike, was published in the four Chinese-language papers in Hong Kong. On the following day, the crew of the French man-of-war at the Dock heard rumours that the Chinese planned to destroy it. The French admiral Léspès wrote at once to W. H. Marsh, the Acting Governor, asking for protection. There was also fear that the dock workers would riot. Police were despatched to the dock, but they arrived to find everything quiet. A guard was nevertheless left behind, and nothing untoward occurred but the tension was not dispelled.\n\n8\n\nAnti-French actions continued. In the meantime, the Chinese provisions store Yu-hsing-hsiang refused to sell themselves in arms to the French, But the French found an even more embarrassing situation on the 22nd. That morning, about twenty-five head of cattle were herded to the Praya Central,\n\n* Governor Bowen's departure from Hong Kong on 15th September caused a series of shuffles in the administration: the Colonial Secretary W. H. Marsh became Acting Governor; F. Stewart, the Registrar-General became Acting Colonial Secretary and James Stewart Lockhart Acting Registrar-General.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209435, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "70\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\neconomy of the Colony could be crippled by the whims of coolies and boatmen,24\n\nIn an effort to break the strike James Stewart Lockhart, the Acting Registrar-General, had several interviews with the boat people and their sureties. He believed he had succeeded in persuading them to resume work on the 3rd.25\n\nOn the morning of the 3rd, the police were on the alert, anticipating that the resumption of work would not be trouble free. Extra police were placed on the Praya. Boats did return to the British side of the harbour. As they approached Praya West, they were, as expected, attacked by a group of cargo coolies with stones and bricks, and they promptly moved off again. One of the stone throwers was arrested.\n\nThe stone-throwing stopped when the boats were gone, and the cargo coolies then appeared to turn their wrath upon the rickshaw and chair coolies, wanting them to stop work as well. They started to turn over chairs and rickshaws, pelting coolies as well as passengers with stones. Interestingly enough, the chair coolies resisted being forced into the strike, fighting back at the cargo coolies as did several of the European passengers.\n\nIn the midst of the scuffle, Sikh policemen arrived, and the mob stoned them too. The Sikhs, who were heavily armed with carbines and a good supply of ammunition, got into action at once. They fired into the crowd and cut their way into the crowd with their swords.20\n\nThe Acting Captain Superintendent, having called out all the available men at the Central Police station, sent a request to the Military Barracks for support. One hundred men of the East Kent Regiment, the \"Buffs\", were marched to the scene of the disturbance with fixed bayonets. Their presence seems to have restored order and it was not necessary for them to interfere actively.27\n\nOn hearing of the disturbances, Marsh immediately called the Executive Council, and it met at 11 o'clock on the 3rd. After hearing the account given by Colonel Barton, the Assistant Military Secretary who had just returned from the scene of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209439, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "74\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nThe meeting not appearing to have achieved any great breakthrough, the Government and the Chinese merchants went their separate ways to try to resolve the situation. Later that same afternoon, the 4th, Marsh himself met some of the sureties of the boatmen and assured them of police protection if the boatmen returned to work. They told him they feared violence despite this, but Marsh got the impression that this was merely an excuse to avoid returning to work. He came away with a feeling that they were waiting for some secret order on whether to resume work or not. He also sent word around through Stewart Lockhart that if the people would resume work, the Government would consider as an act of grace any appeal which might be made for a remittance of the fines. No appeals, however, came forward.88\n\nThe Chinese merchants, too, continued for the rest of the day exerting themselves in an effort to end the strike. There is no documentary evidence recording specifically what they did, but we shall return later to discuss what had probably been done.\n\nEarly the next morning, placards signed \"All the kaifongs of the Colony\" were posted all along the Praya. They claimed that a meeting of those pursuing various trades in the Colony had been held, and the resolution was that all the cargo boats and coolies should resume work on the morning of the 5th October.30\n\nAt about 10 o'clock on the 5th, cargo boats started coming over from the Chinese side of the harbour. A crowd gathered on shore and, to forestall violence, a picket of soldiers was moved from the Tung Wah Hospital to the Harbour Master's office. The police read a proclamation calling upon the people to disperse and they did so. Though there were a few isolated cases of attempted interference with those resuming work, the general strike may be said to have ended.10\n\nIn fact, there was no serious disturbance after the 3rd. Yet despite this and the resumption of work on the 5th, the Acting Governor remained anxious about the angry and excited feeling among the lower classes of coolies and the large number of triad members he believed to have assembled in Hong Kong. The city was rife with rumours about imminent troubles, and a large", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209444, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "79\n\n58\n\nofficials and gentry-merchants (shen-shang) are [agents]. There is no need for [professional] agents.\n\nWe have no means to prove or disprove Chang's somewhat extravagant claim, but we can be certain that there was at least some truth in it.\n\nIn Ho Amei, we have an example of Chang's \"Man in Hong Kong\". Ho is one of the most colourful personalities in 19th Century Hong Kong, and, as such, was one of those whom the Rev. Carl Smith has chosen to write about in several of his works on the Chinese in Hong Kong. Ho Amei had worked in Australia and New Zealand, in mining and emigration; for a while he worked at the Registrar-General's office in Hong Kong. He also worked in the Chinese Customs Service for a time. In 1882, he started the Telegraph Company in Hong Kong which the Chinese Government took over 2 years later. Then and after, he had many business connections with the Chinese Government, in emigration, mining, railways and telegraphy. In 1884, he was secretary of the On Tai Insurance Company, a position which entitled him to sit at the meetings of the predominantly European Hong Kong General Chamber of Commerce.\n\nThroughout the Sino-French War, he regularly sent telegrams to the Canton authorities reporting on French movements around Hong Kong. As we have seen, at the meeting of the Chamber of Commerce, he condemned the French for searching junks. At the same meeting, he spoke out for China's right to block the river entrance in Shanghai in case of a French attack, an opinion which found no sympathy in the Chamber. Indeed, he was voted down as \"an interested party\".01\n\nInterested party he certainly was, but what we must not overlook amid the complexity of his material interests was his courage in speaking up for China, knowing full well his lone opinion would not reverse the resolutions reached by the predominantly European members of the Chamber. There was no need for him to please the Canton Government with a declaration of allegiance at a Chamber of Commerce meeting; it demanded loyalty of him in other ways. The public stand he made, and it was well publicised in the papers, was made out of his own convictions on the question of China's sovereign rights. He protested against the French not as a Chinese agent, but as a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209451, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 108, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "86 \n\nELIZABETH SINN \n\nanti-Imperial struggle, and published fragments of the Shu pao he found to throw light on these events. \n\nA year later, Li Ming-jen claimed that it was the first large-scale strike in China with political overtones and so saw it in terms of the history of labour movements in China.80 These events have also been described by a Western historian to illustrate anti-foreignism in 19th Century China.81 \n\nMore recently, we have a work dealing with the 1884 events in relation to the development of Chinese nationalism. At the same time, its author, Chere, calls attention to the lack of scholarly interest in these events, and challenges the historian in Hong Kong to re-examine them by using more extensive source materials.82 \n\nIn fact, we should bring the strike and riot of 1884 back into a Hong Kong perspective since they do highlight important features of Hong Kong society and history. \n\nThey highlight the problems of a society composed of a native population governed by a foreign power; a society whose loyalty was, at the best of times, divided. The political and emotional orientation of the Chinese in 19th Century Hong Kong was toward Mainland China. Even while more and more Chinese households were being established in Hong Kong, nonetheless, in times of emergency the entire household could be transferred to Macao or Canton. It seems almost incidental that some families did settle in Hong Kong permanently at all. Family, business, property and political ties with China continued to be strong, with the result that events in China had very strong bearings upon those in Hong Kong. \n\nThis means that on the one hand, Chinese officials could bully residents in Hong Kong into carrying out orders or seduce them with rewards; sometimes this could be done simply by appealing to their patriotism. The result was a general feeling of suspicion between the Government and people of Hong Kong which explains why any local disturbance caused the Government to panic. Understandably, things became very complicated whenever China was at war with Britain. In 1857, during the Arrow War for instance, the deterioration of relations between", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209456, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "91\n\nbetter social and political deal from the British rulers. The racial feelings whipped up by the press in 1884 are reminiscent of the hysteria created in 1878 by the City Hall meeting to discuss Governor John Pope Hennessy's \"misgovernment\".98 One cannot deny that racial tensions existed in 19th Century Hong Kong, and it is clear that the English newspapers played a critical role in maximising that tension. In turn this racial animosity drove the Chinese to look inward for mutual protection and leadership.\n\nThe 1884 events reflect the genuine, positive national feelings, as opposed to narrow anti-foreignism, of the Chinese. Governor Bowen observed that unlike the Arrow War when the Chinese coolie corps freely helped the British and French to attack Chinese positions, in 1884, Chinese artisans, coolies and boatmen in Hong Kong refused all offers of pay to do any work whatsoever for French ships. He attributed this to the awakening of a \"common national spirit\", something which had developed over the preceding twenty-five years and which was, he felt, a factor likely to prove the turning point of the modern history of China.\n\nIt is no coincidence that several figures closely associated with modern Chinese nationalism had lived for some time in Hong Kong including Wang TaoE, Ho Kai and Sun Yat-sen.95\n\nThere they acquired national identity through living side by side with foreigners. There, they could observe China as outsiders, and in relation to other nations. They could conceive of China as more than a village or province, as one sovereign nation among many sovereign nations. Although in 1884, Chinese intellectuals had not begun to question the sanctity of absolutism in the Chinese Imperial system, there was a slow groping toward something other than the court as the object of allegiance, viz. the vague, incipient concept of \"nation\". The Sino-French war became a focal point upon which these vague ideas coalesced. Sun Yat-sen himself is reported to have confessed that the courage of the Hong Kong dock workers who refused to work for the French inspired him to embark upon a career of revolution.96\n\nIn Hong Kong, Chinese could feel an affiliation with Chinese culture, and yet, through their contact with foreign cultures, they could distinguish what was of value, and perhaps, more importantly...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209483, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "TWO CHINESE DOMESTIC MURDERS\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE*\n\nBoswell. \"You 'Johnson called the East-Indians barbarians. will except the Chinese, Sir?\" Johnson. \"No, Sir\". Boswell, \"Have they not arts?\" Johnson. \"They have pottery\". Boswell. \"What do you say to the written characters of their language?\". Johnson. \"Sir, they have not an alphabet, They have not been able to form what all other nations have formed\".\n\nBoswell's Life of Johnson\n\n1\n\nGeorge Orwell wrote a celebrated short essay on murder in which he argued that the great classic English murders were mostly domestic and concerned ordinary people. He went on to argue that the violence of external events, such as World War II, had made conventional murder seem unimportant.2 Orwell's essay was published in 1946. A latter-day criminologist is likely to argue that the abolition of the death penalty in 1965 has 'demeaned' murder as a fine art. Before 1965, a murder trial was often an awesome contest - the issue was a matter of life and death. Today a convicted murderer in Britain, or Hong Kong, is likely to experience, on the average, between 7 to 10 years of incarceration. The two cases discussed below, in which both principals were Chinese, raise a number of interesting legal and sociological questions, together with problems of cultural 'confusion'. In each case, the judge and jury had great difficulties in interpreting Chinese behaviour and in understanding the motivation for the crime.\n\nLock Ah Tam: the man who ran ‘amok'?\n\nLock Ah Tam was born in 1872 in Canton, the capital city of Kwangtung province. Kwangtung was then one of the major areas for Chinese emigration and a territory from which over half of China's seamen hailed. As a young man, he went to sea as a ship's steward. In 1895 he settled in Liverpool and stayed there for the rest of his life, marrying a Welsh girl. Before 1914,\n\n*Prof. Lethbridge is Professor of Sociology, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "119\n\nit should be remembered, travellers to England needed no passport or travel document, so that Lock had no problems about residence or work. Liverpool, as a great port, had a long-established Chinese colony — a small 'China-town' as it would now be termed — so one infers the young Lock did not feel too cut off from his homeland.\n\nBecause of his maritime experience, he became the European representative of the Chinese Seamen's Mutual Benefit Society, formed in 1914 among Chinese seamen on ocean-going vessels.* This society was registered in Hong Kong under the name of the 'Seamen's Philanthropic Society'. It was more than a mutual-aid society; it had political aims. Lock was also a member of the T'ung-meng-hui (Sworn League), the secret revolutionary party organised by Sun Yat-sen and others in 1905, which later became the Kuo-min-tang. Sun used seamen as couriers in his revolutionary activities and, it is claimed, Lock worked for Sun as a secret service agent in England. Lock also founded the Chinese Republic Progress Club (a significant designation) in Liverpool in 1918 and became the leading figure in the Liverpool Chinese community. At his trial it became known he had convened a secret court to punish a Chinese for beating his English wife (but we do not know what punishment, if any, was meted out to the callous husband). Lock was thus highly respected in both the English and Chinese communities and was a spokesman for his compatriots. He became that well-known figure: a Chinese community leader. He was also a British subject: a naturalised Englishman.\n\nEdward Marjoribanks affirms that ‘... he was not the sinister \"King of Chinatown\" of detective romance; a kindly, gentle person, he distributed much in charity and hospitality, giving Christmas treats to the poor children of Birkenhead and Liverpool, and renting a shoot where he entertained his English friends'.5 All his affairs prospered until 1923 when he launched out on a large commercial undertaking and lost most of his investment. As a consequence, he was forced to file his own petition in bankruptcy, although he continued to live with his wife and children in some style. Friends said that after these events he became moody and his behaviour erratic, flying into sudden rages and weeping uncontrollably. He also began to drink heavily,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209485, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "120 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nunusual for a Chinese in those days. \n\nOn December 1, 1925 Lock gave a dinner party to celebrate his son's coming of age. This young man, Lock Ling Tam, had just returned after nine years of education in China. The evening was convivial and speeches were made in the only son's honour by both father and mother. Before his guests departed, Lock said to one of them: 'Ring me up tomorrow morning, and let me know how your daughter is' (Lock was always concerned about his friends.) In the early hours of December 2, 1925, a call came through to the Liverpool Telephone Exchange with the message, in broken English, 'I have shot my wife and child'. The mysterious caller was immediately put through to the Police and a constable recorded the words: 'Tam shot kill wife and child'. The caller further stated that he was Lock Ah Tam and that his home was at 122 Price Street, Birkenhead. \n\nThe chain of events, as reconstructed by the police and affirmed by the prosecution, was never seriously questioned by the defence. Soon after all the guests had gone, Lock Ling Tam heard his father abusing his mother and stamping his feet. The young Lock intervened and told his father to leave her alone. The father then left the room and asked the maid, a Eurasian girl, to fetch his boots. The maid caught a glimpse in a mirror of Lock loading a revolver. Next, Lock loaded his shotgun and immediately went to the kitchen where he killed his wife and youngest daughter. After that he seized his revolver and shot his eldest daughter who was cowering behind a door with the maid (the latter was not fired at). The son, terrified by the first explosion had fled the house. While he was seeking help from neighbours, Lock, as related above, phoned the police and admitted responsibility for the murders. Such were the stark facts; how to interpret them? \n\nbut \n\nAs soon as Lock's story became known in the Chinese community, his friends opened a defence fund and subscriptions flowed in from all over Britain and from other parts. Altogether, more than a thousand pounds were raised (a large sum in those days). His solicitor instructed the famous Sir Edward Marshall Hall K.C. to defend him. Marshall Hall was then probably the best-known English advocate. A flamboyant, histrionic, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209486, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "121\n\nemotional man, he was the darling of the public but less popular with Judges and members of the English Bar.\n\nIt was not easy, given the facts outlined above, for Marshall Hall to establish a sound defence, one that would save the unfortunate man from the gallows. The three murders — that of his Welsh wife (born Catherine Morgan) and of his two daughters, Doris (20) and Cecilia (18) — appeared to be unmotivated. Since Marshall Hall could not understand why Lock went berserk, he concluded he must have been insane when he committed the crimes. In 1925 a plea of insanity had to satisfy the M'Naghten Rules. These rules declared:\n\n'to establish a defence on the ground of insanity it must be clearly proved that, at the time of committing the act, the accused was labouring under such a defect of reason, from disease of the mind, as not to know the nature and quality of the act he was doing, or, if he did know it, that he did not know he was doing what was wrong'.8\n\nBut when Lock phoned the Liverpool police and reported the murders, it was clear he knew what he had done and that it was wrong, and that he expected to be punished.\n\nIf the case were tried today, it seems likely his counsel would plead 'diminished responsibility'.10 In 1925, needless to say, such a plea was not available to the defence, so Marshall Hall fell back on a rather dubious argument, supported by questionable medical and psychiatric evidence, that Lock acted as he did in a state of 'unconscious automatism', brought on by an epileptic fit.11\n\nIn 1918 some drunken Russian sailors had attempted to enter the Chinese Republic Progress Club, run by Lock; a fight had broken out when he attempted to eject them and he had been stunned by a billiard cue. Witnesses for the defence averred that his behaviour started to change afterwards, that he began to drink heavily at times, but more so when, in 1923, he lost much of his fortune — £10,000 — in an unsuccessful shipping venture. As Marshall Hall argued: \"Some minute happening in the brain caused a change for which none of us can account, turned a man — a mild, lovable, peaceable man — into a raving madman. Absolutely and entirely motiveless, he killed those", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209487, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "122\n\nhe loved best\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\n'Yes, there is no doubt he did it, but at the time he did it he was insane',12\n\nThat Marshall Hall was baffled by Lock's behaviour is evident. He developed a subsidiary defence that his client had run amok (a line of defence that quickly fizzled out when Lock's son said, in cross-examination, that he had never seen a Chinese behaving in that way). It was also clear that Marshall Hall, like many of his countrymen in 1925, had no firm grasp or understanding of the sociology or anthropology of Chinese society. To run ‘amok' or 'amuck' is a Malay phenomenon; the Chinese have never been accused of this type of behaviour. The Malay word refers to a person who unexpectedly and frenziedly attacks with a kris anyone found in his track, and is only stopped when cut down or otherwise overcome.13 Rather lamely, the eminent K.C. concluded: 'I do not think we can get into the mind of an Oriental'. It was plain that Marshall Hall could not do so.\n\nThe counsel for the prosecution, Sir Ellis Griffith,1 said in reply to Marshall Hall's impassioned oratory, \"The upraised hand and uplifted voice is not for the prosecution'. The jury was out for only twelve minutes before they returned a verdict of 'Guilty'. Mr. Justice MacKinnon was greatly distressed when he came to pass sentence, for this was his first murder trial.1 \"You have been convicted by your adopted countrymen of this crime', the Judge said. He exhorted Lock to meet death with the bravery that a man should'. Since Lock had sat impassively\n\n15\n\npoker-faced throughout his trial at the Chester Assizes in 1926 and had asked his friends, before his trial, to see that he was buried next to his wife, the Judge's words have an odd ring. Marshall Hall lodged an appeal but Lock did not bother to attend in London, as was his right.\n\nSir Travers Humphreys writes:\n\n'English juries undoubtedly attach great importance to proof of motive where the evidence against the accused, of having done the act charged, is not very strong; while on the other hand, and particularly in charges of murder, they are quite ready to accept the direction of the trial judge to the effect that if the killing is clearly brought home to the accused, proof of motive", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "123 is unnecessary, though, of course, always useful. What has to be proved by the prosecution, before there is a verdict of guilty, is that the accused committed the act in circumstances amounting to murder, not why he did so',16\n\nAs there was no reason to doubt that Lock committed the three murders he never denied that and it was certain he was not legally insane under the M'Naghten Rules, the verdict was a proper one. So Lock was executed on March 23, 1926, at Walton Gaol, Liverpool. A French court would have spent much time exploring the problem of motivation; and in the pre-trial period, a French examining magistrate would have rigorously questioned Lock, and other witnesses and parties, and prepared a dossier on the history of the crime. But this is not English legal practice: an English court is concerned primarily with evidence, less so with obscure problems of why men act as they do.\n\nTennyson Jesse maintains that all murders may be reduced to one of six types: murder for gain, for revenge, for elimination, for jealousy, or as a result of lust of killing, or from conviction (such as Orsini's attempt to assassinate Napoleon III, which failed, but led to the death of a number of bystanders).17 She does not include insanity in her typology because a madman is presumed to act irrationally, and it is not easy to unscramble a deranged mind. But if we accept her classification, then we must exclude Lock: he does not fit apparently into any of her divisions.\n\nIf we return to Lock's biography, we may discover clues that could account for his behaviour. As outlined above, Lock settled in England when he was twenty-three; worked for a time as clerk or assistant for a shipping agency until he became an independent businessman and an agent for three British shipping lines employing Chinese seamen. By hard work and frugal living, he amassed a small fortune, and became a spokesman community leader for the Liverpool Chinese community and, later, a spokesman for all Chinese in England. By 1924, when he was to lose most of his fortune, he was the most respected Chinese in England, certainly on Merseyside where he saw to it", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209489, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "124\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nthat destitute or disreputable Chinese were shipped back to their homeland without expense to the British taxpayer. All in all, a model citizen of his adopted country.\n\nOne surmises that Lock settled down in England in 1895 without experiencing an acute degree of cultural ‘dislocation'; it was after all his elected country and must have appeared a land of opportunity to the young Cantonese. But he remained Chinese, enmeshed in the themes of Chinese society and culture — a migrant, a marginal man. Since wealth and status are closely linked in Chinese society, particularly so in overseas Chinese communities which then lacked a Chinese scholar class, once his fortune disappeared as a result of injudicious speculation, he must have experienced a shameful loss of 'face', a loss of standing within the Chinese Liverpool community. His bankruptcy was temporarily masked by maintaining a high degree of conspicuous consumption (how did he do it?). Lock was 52 in 1925, and to recoup his finances would have been difficult at that time, when the British economy was listing and shipping trade with China interrupted by the great strike and boycott of Hong Kong and the Treaty Ports. It is plausible to suggest, then, that Lock felt disgraced, ashamed of what the future might bring his wife and three grown-up children, victims of his middle-aged ineptitude, or bad luck. It is possible to point to a number of English, let alone Chinese murders, motivated by the same impulse: fear of the future.19\n\nAll this is speculation, need it be said. The writer has not seen the transcript of the trial — has it survived? — and Lock's case is not included in the eighty-three volumes of the Notable British Trials Series.20 It seems sensible, though, to argue that Lock's friends, all those giving evidence for the defence, would tend to over-emphasise his bouts of ill-temper and any episodes which might suggest he was mentally sick. This type of retrospective interpretation or evaluation is common in many murder trials. We do not know what precisely triggered off Lock's murderous assault in the early hours of December 2, 1925. Did some chance remark made by his wife drive him into a frenzy? Did she, perhaps unwittingly, make him aware of the shame he had brought upon his family — did she awaken the tiger? That,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209490, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "125\n\nunfortunately, we shall never know. We could, perhaps, tentatively add a seventh motive for murder to Tennyson Jesse's list: murder born of pride or 'face', murder from shame,21\n\n22\n\nAn earlier Chinese murder had not baffled an English judge and jury; this was a 'murder for profit', to use William Bolitho's phrase. At the Worcester Assizes in 1919, a Chinese Birmingham factory worker, Sung Djang Djing, was accused of murdering a fellow countryman, Zec Ming Wu, on June 23, 1919, in Warley Park on the Warwickshire-Worcestershire border. The victim's head had been savagely battered. Sung was accused of luring Zee to the woods, murdering him, and then stealing his Post Office Savings Book, which had a £240 credit. Sung admitted stealing the Savings Book found in his possession but denied murder, accusing another Chinese of the crime. The evidence was too strong; the motive too obvious. Sung was hanged in Worcester Prison (where, curiously, he was converted to Anglicanism in the weeks before execution). Sung was one of a number of Chinese attracted to the Midlands by the prospect of high wages during the war. It is not clear whether he was, like Lock, a former seaman, or had been a member of the Chinese Labour Corps, recruited in China, especially Weihaiwei, to work behind the lines on the Western Front, or in Britain's war industries. The problem of special ‘Oriental motivation' did not arise in this trial; it was a commonplace murder.2\n\nThe Chinese in Britain\n\nIn 1925 there were three main areas of Chinese settlement in Britain: Liverpool, Cardiff, and Limehouse in the East End of London. These communities had been formed primarily by Chinese seamen who had either jumped ship or been paid off in England, from the 1850s onwards; for once shipping routes were opened up between Britain and the Far East, the demand for Chinese seamen steadily grew, especially as they, like Lascars, were then a source of cheap maritime labour. Many of those who settled in Britain started small businesses, especially laundries (as did their compatriots in Canada, Australia and the United States). It should be emphasised, though, that the Chinese restaurant business did not expand markedly, or flourish, until", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "126\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE 24\n\nthe 1950s, when the British had acquired more sophisticated tastes in food and had travelled more. After 1950, the Hong Kong Chinese, in particular, exploited this new market. But, in the 1920s, although there were a few Chinese restaurants, especially in Soho, they tended to cater more for Asians than Europeans.\n\nAt an early date, these Chinese settlements acquired a reputation as places where the curious, or addicted, could smoke opium. Opium-smoking and gambling were traditional Chinese pastimes and, on the whole, did not create problems for British policemen. Such Chinese communities governed themselves and concealed their delinquencies from the outside world. Inevitably, secret societies (tongs) flourished.\n\nSir Montagu Williams Q.C. describes a visit to what he calls London's 'Chinese quarter' in the 1870s. It was situated in Limehouse, off the Ratcliff Highway. During the evening, he writes, 'we went to the Chinese quarter, where are to be found the opium dens.\n\nAs they emerged from an exploratory visit to one, Williams and his party heard cries of 'Amok! Amok!'. It appeared that some Chinese had been drinking with Englishwomen in a public house and a dispute had broken out with some foreigners (probably sailors). The Chinese had drawn knives, to defend themselves, and 'rushed upon all they met, stabbing, and cutting men, women, and children, indiscriminately'. The Police arrested the Chinese. Subsequently, Williams concludes, 'I had the satisfaction of seeing (as magistrate) the culprits tried and convicted'. On the whole, as Scotland Yard detectives were wont to affirm, the Chinese formed a peaceful community in the East End, unless of course they were driven to defend themselves, as, perhaps, in the incident given above. Since there were few nubile Chinese women in England, Chinese tended to marry Europeans or acquire common-law wives of the same stock (i.e., British women). Having inherited strong familial sentiments — a cornerstone of Chinese society as it once was — they made good husbands, a fact confirmed by the devotion of their wives (Mrs. Lock adored her husband, according to all accounts).\n\nIn most reports of the Chinese in England, from the 1850s to the 1930s, there is a considerable degree of stereotyping.\n\n126", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209492, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "127\n\n20\n\nPart of this, at a later date, was due to the influence of the popular novelist Sax Rohmer who invented the sinister but suave Dr. Fu Manchu, perennially at war with the tight-lipped, establishment Nayland Smith (Ian Fleming's Dr. No revives this stale mythology).2 The British public came to believe, as a result of press reports, that the insidious Doctor had become incarnate in the person of 'Brilliant Chang, a Chinese restaurateur and 'dope-king', whose premises were located in Gerrard Street, London, opposite the Forty Three Club, Mrs. Kate Meyrick's notorious night-club.27 Chang was a member, and supplied the club's rich clientele with narcotics, especially cocaine, until April 1924, when he was sentenced to fourteen months imprisonment, followed by deportation.28 Although the great majority of Britain's Chinese population were hard-working, intent on bettering their lot by economic enterprise, a constant process of stereotyping caricatured Chinese as inscrutable and complex, unknowable and different, sly and dangerous, separated by a vast cultural chasm from Englishmen. This, I believe, is suggested by Marshall Hall's comments in the Lock Ah Tam case and, as we shall see, by Sir Travers Humphreys' animadversions on Miao Chung-yi, whose case will now be examined.\n\nDr. Miao Chun-yi: a murder for profit?\n\nMiss Siu Wai-sheung married Miao Chung-yi, a doctor of law or jurisprudence, in New York on May 12, 1928.20 Born in 1899, she was the eldest daughter of Siu Ying-chau, a rich Macau merchant with business interests also in Hong Kong. Her mother was Siu's primary wife (tsai), but there were other children born to Siu's concubines (tsip). As a girl she was clever and able, and when her mother died in 1910 she helped run her father's household. She was educated at St. Stephen's Girls' College, Hong Kong, which she left in 1917 to further her education at Emerson College, Boston, U.S.A., and graduated in 1922. Then she returned home. In 1924 her father died. She was named sole executrice in his will; he left over a million dollars — an unusual event in those days when unmarried Chinese women had few, if any, testamentary rights. Moreover, she inherited much of his wealth, although she had a younger brother, and several half-brothers and half-sisters. Soon after", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209493, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "H. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nshe opened a shop in Hong Kong, selling curios and objets-d'art. In 1927 she took a consignment of Chinese antiques, many from her late father's collection, to New York to sell. On October 10, 1927, she met her future husband in that city. Sir Travers Humphreys avers she was not, to English eyes, good-looking; others claimed she was attractive.20 But all agree she was charming and good-natured, much involved in charitable work.\n\nLess is known about Dr. Miao. Wai-sheung's relatives and friends never met him. He was a year younger than his wife. He was born in Chekiang (Chiang Kai-shek's native province) and, at the time of his trial, had a mother and sister living in Shanghai in the Chinese city. He claimed his father was a member of the Chinese Legislative Council (sic) and a Justice of the Peace. Miao studied law in China and later at Loyola University, Chicago. He was described as being extremely tall and slim, fluent in inaccurate English. His wife, a Cantonese, was petite, under five feet tall; so they were a noticeable couple together. They were married according to the rites of the American Episcopal Church. Siu was a devout Christian. Miao was probably a Christian, for Christianity was a sign of modernism in the early 1920s among the westernised, educated elite in Shanghai (later Marxism or Nationalism was to largely supplant all forms of religion and YMCA fraternalism among Chinese students and intellectuals). A newspaper report stated, in any case, that Miao 'professed Christianity before he died' (i.e., was hanged).91\n\nAfter marrying in New York, they honeymooned in Buffalo, then Albany where the bride had a minor operation to facilitate sexual relations (probably dilation of the hymen). About four or five weeks after their wedding, they left for a two-months' vacation in Europe before returning to China. They landed at Glasgow, stayed in Edinburgh a day or two, and on June 17, 1928, stopped at Grange-in-Borrowdale, a Cumberland village, close to Derwentwater. On the next day, January 18, they went for a walk in the morning, returned for lunch, and left for another walk, hand-in-hand, at two o'clock. Miao returned home at about 4 p.m. and said his wife had gone to Keswick, about four miles away, to buy some warmer underwear. She did not return\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209499, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "134\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nby Mrs. Miao. Miao was not in employment, having just finished his studies in America, though he did state he had been offered a legal post in China and was to take it up when he returned from his lengthy honeymoon. Little is known about his father's finances. Presumably he was an official, but had he lost his post when the Nationalists seized power in 1927, or was he dead by then? It was not only a murder for profit, but a premeditated one, planned before he left America. Miao wanted not only his wife's inheritance but her jewellery and other possessions.\n\nIt has been argued that the real motive for the crime was Mrs. Miao's infertility. She had been told at Albany, so it is alleged, that she would be unable to bear children, and the knowledge depressed her husband. An article in The Sunday Express of March 24, 1929, quotes Miao as saying his wife died willingly to allow him to remarry and have heirs. This story sounds implausible. Divorce was not impossible in China in 1928; in any case, it would have been legitimate for Miao to have taken a secondary wife (tsip), as his wife's father, the Macau merchant, had done on several occasions. Adoption was, and is, a common practice in China and often utilised when a married man has no male heir. Even if Miao had been barred by his devotion to Christianity, a monogamous religion, from either divorcing his wife or taking a concubine, religious scrupulousness does not seem to provide a realistic motive for his crime. One surmises that if the statement were in fact made by Miao, it was an afterthought, a justification for a cruel murder and theft. One would agree with Travers Humphreys that Miao was an ‘odd fellow'; but to the non-murderous most murderers must appear odd, simply because they have indulged in, rather than daydreamed about, murder they have crossed the line that separates the good and the not-so-good from the truly bad.\n\nNarrowing the gap\n\nLock Ah Tam and Dr. Miao Chung-yi exemplify, broadly speaking, the two strands of Chinese migration into Britain: uneducated or lower-class Chinese and educated or upper-class Chinese. In 1901, according to MacNair, there were only 387 Chinese reported as resident in England and Wales; 1,319 in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209500, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "135\n\n1911.40 After the First World War, the number had risen to over 2,000. (These figures do not include several thousand seamen, mostly firemen, stokers and stewards, without permanent domicile). At the beginning of the century, it is claimed, Chinese tended to ‘avoid Scotland and Wales', but were strongly attracted to London, especially Limehouse. With such small numbers present in Britain, it seems certain British judges and lawyers rarely came in contact with Chinese, only very occasionally perhaps in certain Liverpool or London courts; but never, one surmises, in normal social intercourse. In the 1920s, then, the Chinese in Britain were still a mysterious, but minute, social entity, habitually caricatured in the press and by novelists as 'vellee' strange people who spoke a particularly difficult and dissonant language and wrote, as Dr. Johnson noted, a script that was perversely pictorial to alphabet-lovers. Even professors of Chinese, sinologues and sinologists, were regarded at that time with as much wry amusement as were Assyriologists or Egyptologists, seekers after equally rarefied knowledge of no great practical importance.\n\n47\n\nThe first mass movement of Chinese to the outside world occurred in the nineteenth century. It was mostly 'coolie emigration', to use Campbell's descriptive term, the drift of mainly uneducated and relatively unskilled, though hard-working, Chinese to places where opportunities appeared to be brighter than in the homeland (a territory then much wracked by rebellion, foreign wars, famine and other afflictions). Lock Ah Tam, as mentioned above, is representative of the first wave, an emigrant who did well in his adopted country. As China was forced reluctantly into the modern world and into normal diplomatic relations with foreign powers, a different type of Chinese was becoming known abroad — the educated Chinese, a member of the 'Mandarin class', as Europeans were wont to describe him. In 1876 Kuo Sung-tao was appointed as the first Chinese minister in England.18 A Legation was then established in London, in 1877, with a normal complement of officials and secretaries. Chinese diplomatic staff became a common sight in Whitehall although, until the 1911 Revolution, most wore traditional Chinese attire and sported the queue. (After 1911, they took to frock-coat and top-hat and adopted European hair-styles).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209503, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "138\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nstatus of China in the world polity and of Chinese in general as citizens of the world).\n\n54\n\nNo one believes today that Chinese motivation needs a separate system of explanation, that the Chinese mind has its own eccentric circuitry. Freud, that Columbus of the Mind, revealed that in the unconscious · the deep, dark, oceanic under-world of the individual human beings are very much alike in their mechanisms. This great step forward in social perception has helped to bridge the gap between the races (still opposed of course by politics) and has made murder less incomprehensible, less inexplicable when committed by foreigners; and judges, counsel and juries (perhaps) less perplexed by the act.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 George Orwell, Decline of the English Murder and Other Essays (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1965) 9.\n\n* 'Our great period in murder', Orwell writes, our Elizabethan period, so to speak, seems to have been roughly 1850-1925. Orwell was writing in 1946, but with hindsight it is plausible to suggest the 'great period' could be extended to the eve of World War I.\n\n* See: Jean Chesneaux, The Chinese Labour Movement 1919-1927 (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1968) 122.\n\n• See, in particular, Harold Z. Schriffrin, Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970). Also Nym Wales, The Chinese Labor Movement (New York: John Day, 1945), which contains the biographies of some revolutionary seamen.\n\n• Edward Marjoribanks, Famous Trials of Marshall Hall (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1950) 384. At his trial Lock was described as a 'Chinese shipping agent'.\n\n• Sir Henry Dickens in The Recollections of Sir Henry Dickens, K.C. (London: Heinemann, 1934) 244-245, writes: He was a good advocate but it cannot be truly said that he was a great one. He had not the gift of far-seeing discretion which is required in a great advocate. He was much too ready to talk at length when addressing a jury, without having previously weighed the possible consequences of what he said'. An old lag once called from the dock to Sir Henry (1849-1933). 'You ain't a patch on your father!', which greatly amused him.\n\nT\n\nSee Marjoribanks, op cit. Doris Lock did not die from her wounds until January 28, 1926. See The Times of January 29, 1926.\n\n* There is a full discussion of the origin of the M'Naghten Rules in Nigel Walker, Crime and Insanity in England, vol 1 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968).\n\n* Marjoribanks, op cit, 383. See also The Times February 4 and 8, 1926.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209504, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "139\n\n10 The Homicide Act of 1957 extended to the English courts the Scottish doctrine of Diminished Responsibility, S. 2 of the Homicide Act, 1957, reads that the accused can be found guilty not of murder but manslaughter, if he was suffering from such abnormality of the mind (whether arising from a condition of arrested or retarded development of mind or any inherent causes or induced by disease or injury) as substantially impaired his mental responsibility for his acts and omissions in doing or being a party to the killing'.\n\n11 Marjoribanks, op cit, 388. The police stated in evidence that Lock was drinking one-and-a-half to two bottles of whisky a day.\n\n12 Op cit, 389.\n\n**There is an excellent discussion of 'running amok' in Isabella Bird, The Golden Chersonese and the Way Thither (London: John Murray, 1883) 355-357.**\n\n**Sir Ellis Griffith (1896-1934). Called to the Bar, 1925.**\n\n**Sir Frank MacKinnon (1871-1946), afterwards Lord Justice MacKinnon, 1937, MacKinnon had little or no experience of the criminal courts before his appointment to the Bench.**\n\n**Sir Travers Humphreys, A Book of Trials (London: Heinemann, 1953) 162.**\n\n17 F. Tennyson Jesse, Murder and Its Motives (London: Harrap, 1924) 11.\n\n1 In R.D. Laing and A. Esterton, Sanity, Madness and the Family (London: Tavistock, 1964), the authors attempt to discover meaning in madness. They argue that schizophrenia, for example, is not something that comes out of the blue but is a product of family interaction: the sources of schizophrenia are to be found in the family environment, family life.\n\n10 See, for example, the tragic 1938 case of Sidney Paul in E. Spencer Shew, A Second Companion to Murder (London: Cassell, 1961) 168-170. Paul killed his wife because he had lately lost his job. This he had concealed from his wife to save her anxiety, and day after day he had left home as if to go to work as a salesman in the city. At last, in desperation, he killed his wife to save her from destitution.\n\n* This celebrated and unique series was founded in 1905 by Harry Hodge (1872-1947), the Glasgow Publisher.\n\n#1 Homicide and suicide are both forms of aggression: one turned outside, the other inside. Loss of standing or position, related to feelings of shame or injured pride often motivate suicide.\n\n**See William Bolitho, Murder for Profit (London: Jonathan Cape, 1926).**\n\n29 See The Times for September 8, October 23, and December 4, 1919. Also E. Spencer Shew, A Second Companion to Murder. (London: Cassell, 1961) 221.\n\n\"A good account of this development, especially of Man-owned restaurants, is given in James L. Watson, Emigration and the Chinese Lineage: The Mans in Hong Kong and London (Berkeley, Cal.: University of California Press, 1975).\n\n20\n\nMontagu Williams, Q.C., Round London: Down East and Up West (London: Macmillan, 1893) 76-78. It is possible that Williams mistook a party of Malays or Lascars for Chinese. It is also not likely that a group of Chinese would charge into the street shouting \"Amok!\". Williams' account is retrospective and written many years after the events were witnessed by him.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209513, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "148\n\n/-i/ #k'iw2 'earth'\n\n/-iw/ 橋 kiw4 'bridge'\n\n/-im/ 染 yim1 'dye'\n\n/-ing/ king1 'see'\n\n/-ip/ 劫 kip4 'robbery'\n\n/-ik/ 舌 sik4 'tongue'\n\n/-0/ 過 kwol 'pass'\n\n/-oy/ 菜 ts'oy3 'vegetables'\n\n/-ong/ 床 ts'ong2 'bed'\n\n/-ok/ 國 kwok3 'country'\n\n/-u/ 古 ku3 'ancient'\n\n/-uy/ 妹 muy4 'younger sister'\n\n/-ung/ p mung2\n\n/-uk/ 竹 tyuk3 'bamboo'\n\n/-0/ 靴 höl 'boots'\n\n/ông/ 傷 söngl 'wound'\n\n/-ök/ 脚 kök3 'foot'\n\nLAURENT SAGART\n\n#ti4 'door'\n\n#ty'oy1\n\n#ty'ong2\n\n/-ü/ 去 hül 'go'\n\n/-üng/ sông2 'lack'\n\n/-ük/ #k'ük3 'boat'\n\nThe vowel system of KHW consists of 4 lax vowels /a, i, ü, u/ and their 4 tense counterparts /aa, e, ö, o/ respectively. /ü/ and /ö/ are similar to the vowels in French pu and peu. When the vowels occur alone without a final (that is, not followed by any final consonant), they are distinguished only by their timbre, and the contrast between /a/ and /aa/ is neutralized. When combining with a final consonant to form a final, the lax vowels emerge as short vowels, while the tense vowels emerge as long vowels. Simultaneously, all vowels except /a/ and /aa/ become diphthongs: the tense vowels /e, ö, o/ are realized as opening diphthongs, starting mid-high and ending mid-low, while the lax vowels /i, ü, u/ are realized as closing diphthongs, starting mid-high and ending high. Similar diphthongs of lesser amplitude are sometimes heard when the vowels occur alone. When combining with a final consonant, /a/ and /aa/ exhibit simultaneous contrasts in length, frontness (the tense vowel /aa/ being always more fronted than the lax vowel /a/, even emerging", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209589, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "224\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nWith children performing there was no question of respectability. It was announced some weeks after the first performance that \"several ladies having expressed regret at not witnessing the late performance of the Portuguese children, Mr. Souza, with the consent of the parents, and at the request of the Committee, has consented to repeat the performance at an early date\".\n\nIn 1866 the Portuguese community built a club house at Shelley and Elgin Streets. Attached to it was a small theatre. It was used not only by Portuguese amateurs but, before the opening of the Theatre Royal in the City Hall in 1869, it was the venue for the productions of the Amateur Dramatic Club. The Theatre portion of Club Lusitano was demolished in 1873,\n\nThe Germans built a club house on Wyndham Street in 1872. It contained a small auditorium. German amateur groups used it for plays and operettas. More appreciated by the non-German speaking community were the concerts and the appearance of Liedertafel singing groups.\n\nTHE A.D.C—BORN IN A MATSHED\n\nAn Amateur Theatrical Society was formed in 1860. Its membership was made up of both civilians and military officers.\n\nFor the 1860-61 season they erected a new matshed. It was said that in its internal arrangements there was \"no lack of comfort, indeed elegance has received its share of attention\". It included a continental innovation the prompter's box was placed in the centre in front of the curtain \"according to the French custom”.\n\nThe Committee of the Society came under attack for alleged misuse of funds. At the second performance of the 1861 season it was deemed necessary to make a public statement refuting accusations which had appeared in the local press. The Committee had been charged \"with spending the profits in cold fowl and sherry behind the scenes.\" Two professional ladies of the stage also figured in the accusations. The newspaper account of the public explanation concluded with the sentiment that \"Hong Kong thanks the Amateurs and has fullest confidence in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209601, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "236\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nAfter nine years a lying-underground\n\nThat wants unveiling; is it the Duke of Connaught? I fear we cannot hold him tho' we ought,\n\nHas Chater found his long-last C.M.G.\n\nOr is the new club† opened by the sea?\n\nEven the Kowloon-Canton Railway is referred to a dozen or so years before it became a fact.†† Fra Diavolo comments on reading a newspaper:\n\nNext comes the news China is awaking Railways in all directions she is making. Fancy from Kowloon city setting forth,\n\n'Change here for Shanghai, Peking, and the North\".\n\nOne of the lyrics gave tips for cutting a figure during the pre-race season:\n\nIf you want to know the way to be a genuine Hong Kong sport,\n\nListen to me.\n\nA griffin* you must have of course, no matter of what sort. At five o'clock in the morning you must trudge to the course;\n\nA stop watch in your pocket is the game;\n\nAnd though you need not know a job about a horse\n\nThey may think you Morny Cannon all the same.\n\nCome along with me, come along with me.\n\nWith boots and breeches spick and span,\n\nThe latest pattern from Ah Man.**\n\n† Sir Paul Chater, Hong Kong merchant and philanthropist. Made Companion of the Order of St. Michael and St. George 1897.\n\nThe Hong Kong Club moved from Queen's Road and Wyndham Street to its new building on the Praya (now Connaught Road) 26 July 1897.\n\n††† William Danby, Civil Engineer, was requested by Chinese authorities to make a survey of a railway line from Canton to Kowloon (Daily Press 30 Aug. 1884). In 1888 a group of Chinese capitalists in Hong Kong revived a scheme to build the railroad. They received permission to proceed from the Peking Government in 1890,\n\nA survey team began work in July 1890 (Daily Press 12, 18 June, 17 July 1890). The project fell through. One of its promoters, Lo Hok-pang, formed another syndicate at Canton in 1892, but again the proposal had to be dropped. (Hong Kong Telegraph 28 Oct. 1892).\n\n* One of the China ponies sent from North China to Shanghai and then to Hong Kong.\n\n** A Chinese tailor.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209647, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 304, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "282\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nGeneral Post Office (where the World Wide Centre now stands). He slipped out into the road between the soldiers, who were presenting arms as the governor passed, and rushed to the governor's chair. He rested his elbow on the beam of the chair and fired a revolver at the governor at point-blank range. Just as he fired, one of the Sikh constables escorting the governor was able to strike his hand upward and deflect the bullet. At the same moment, the police sergeant leapt from behind and seized the gunman's right hand. Before he could be overpowered he attempted to recock the gun with his left hand, in order to fire again, but he was quickly pulled to the ground and arrested. There were cries from the crowd of ‘Lynch him', ‘Kill him', ‘Let us have him' as he was led away.\n\nThe action of the constable in knocking the revolver aside probably saved Sir Henry's life. He was sitting well back in the sedan chair and the bullet passed about a foot in front of him and then passed through to lodge in the woodwork of Lady May's chair on the other side. Sir Henry stood up in his chair, waved away the smoke from in front of his face and made sure that no-one was injured. He smiled to Lady May, who had given out a cry, and then ordered the procession to proceed according to plan. The rest of the morning's ceremonial then proceeded as if nothing out of the ordinary had occurred.\n\nAs the prisoner was led away he was reported to have said: 'I am sorry I missed my aim; I do not care whether I die or not'. The revolver was found to be loaded in all the four remaining chambers which had not been fired. The assailant was identified as Li Hon Hing, and he was said to be the son of a man imprisoned fifteen years previously for bribery at the time when May was head of the police force.\"\n\nFour days later Li was brought before the magistrate and pleaded guilty to the charge of attempted murder. Police witnesses described the events in detail, but had been unable to uncover any evidence of accomplices or of any widespread conspiracy. The defendant made an incoherent rambling statement from the dock in which he accused May of ill-treating the Chinese in a high-handed way both in Hong Kong and in Fiji,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209656, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 313, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n291\n\n$45 whilst Annisced Oil pays $5 duty and the value is about $145 altho' last year it was about $115.\n\nI am Yours very sincerely David Welsh\n\nIt has not been possible from the China trade directories available in Hong Kong to find out anything about David Welsh. The first quarterly intelligence report from the British Consul at Pakhoi, dated 5th February 1878, states \"There are only two foreign mercantile residents, both British\" (F.O.228, v.616, p.411), and it is probable that Welsh was one of them, report continues that one of these was a general merchant and commission agent, while the other had formerly been a hotel keeper in Canton, now describing himself as an auctioneer, but who had come to Pakhoi without any clear idea of his intentions.\n\nThe\n\nA further report by Acting Consul T. L. Bullock stated that duties had to be paid at both Licuchow and Chiu Chow on Pakhoi goods, and that transit passes were not issued because of the lack of instructions from the Superintendent of Customs at Canton, exactly the same situation as has been described at Kiungchow (F.O.228, v.616, p.432-6). A little later in the file is a copy of a letter from David Welsh to Bullock dated 13 March 1878 (p.443-5), in which he reminded the Consul that he had written three months before (letter not traced), pointing out the desirability of being able to obtain transit passes. In support of this he quotes the rates of Lekin payable at Nanning (南寧) in Kwangsi. \"The result of the issue of Transit passes would of necessity be the opening of Pakhoi to foreigners practically as hitherto it has only been theoretically open.\" He concludes with statistics of the trade, mainly in yarn, piece-goods and cotton, from Macao to Pakhoi.\n\nOn May 14, 1878 there is a despatch from the Chargé d'Affaires in Peking, Hugh Fraser, to J. G. Stronach, H.B.M. Consul in Pakhoi, referring to previous correspondence from Bullock, and saying that the Acting Consul in Canton had been asked to persuade the provincial authorities \"of the inexpediency of withholding a treaty right\" (F.O.228, v.616, p.469).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209660, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 317, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n295 \n\nstyled a kung shoh (ABT) with a 'lock-up' for offenders. They were located in some old houses with small windows, near the Tin Hau temple and inside the wall. According to elders born in the 1880s, the village had watchmen when they were young, even though there was still a moat round the village at that time, albeit used as a fishpond. A new office was built above the main entrance of the village in 1949, perhaps because the old was by then, and earlier, let to tenants. A list of the subscribers hangs in the office.\n\nThe village had street lighting supplied by a public utility company requested and paid for by the office. It had had this amenity even before the war, from about 1930, and got it before it got a piped water supply.\n\nAt the time of my enquiries, the village still employed watchmen, despite the small size of the enclosure. This was so not simply because it was a customary practice, but also because of the presence of many outsiders, in the village and the adjoining squatter areas. It was reported that there were 106 houses in the village, some of them occupied by several families. There were then said to be some 300 families in residence. About a hundred were outsiders, post-war arrivals who were mostly renting and sharing premises.\n\nThere was at some times only one watchman, but two or three at others, dependent upon the need, and also upon how much money was available to pay for their services. They were supposed to be village people, though this condition was loosely interpreted, and was usually fulfilled by at least ten years' residence. The longest serving watchman was then Ah Lung, aged over 50, who had served continuously for twenty years since the Second World War. Ah Chong had 8 or 9 years' service. Two others were mentioned, by then retired, one of whom had served for ten years just after the war and the other for just four, (1958---62). The pay was never high. In 1967 the watchmen were paid $350 per month.\n\nI interviewed one old watchman, born in the village about 1906-07. At the time of the Tung Tau squatter village fire in 1951 he was unemployed, so he became a watchman at nearby", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209665, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 322, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "300\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nIn the fall of 1934, the third welfare center was located in a populous village in a thickly settled area. The investigation by the welfare workers showed much that they could do to help the people in the village. But somehow in every home they visited and every person they met they found the same lack of interest in everything except the ongoing lawsuit between the Hsiungs and the Lius, the two largest clans, who accounted for more than half the population of the village. There existed a piece of poor land of about two acres which each side claimed to be its own. The Lius were largely farmers while the Hsiungs were scholars and merchants. The case was decided by the district court in favor of the Hsiungs, with the result that the Lius threatened to appeal to the high provincial court. Following the decision of the district court, the Hsiungs let their buffalo graze on the disputed land. This act was challenged by the Lius and a fist fight ensued. The Hsiungs, being white-collar workers, were beaten and had to flee. The Lius seized the buffalo and took it to their ancestral hall, thus making good the Hsiungs' charge that the Lius had stolen their animal. The Hsiungs refused to take back their buffalo without appropriate apology accompanied with musicians and fire-crackers after the fashion of a victory parade. The Lius, being farming families, could ill afford to continue the lawsuit, yet they found the thought of \"losing face\" by complying with the Hsiungs' demand even more distasteful than bankruptcy.\n\nThe welfare workers from outside were neutral. They had many talks with both parties and insisted on chiang li or talking reason with both sides. The disputants finally agreed that the object of their lawsuit was worth less than they had spent, and that if they insisted on continuing it both sides would face bankruptcy. The welfare workers then organized a parade with flags and firecrackers and led the buffalo from the Lius' ancestral hall back to that of the Hsiungs. They invited the elders from both sides to a tea party for a peaceful settlement of the lawsuit. Each side disclaimed any desire for the two disputed acres, provided the other did not claim it. Finally, to the relief and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209679, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 336, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "314\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nofficials, poets and scholars at different periods to illustrate the diffusion of sinitic culture eastward along the Huang He and eventually southward into the Zhang Jiang delta, floodplain and the Red Basin. In spite of the effort, Chen does not add much to our knowledge of the pattern of expansion of the Chinese cultural realm. The discussions on the cities of China (chapter 3) and the urban development of Beijing (chapter 4) are highly descriptive. Apparently Chen has exhausted every possible data source available to him, and he has succeeded in presenting a very detailed discussion on the form and content of Chinese cities, but he leaves much untold regarding the processes involved in their evolution. The Loess Plateau and the Huang He (chapter 5) and the Great Wall and the Grand Canal (chapter 6) are significant and highly humanized landscapes in China. Again, Chen has been able to condense a mass of data into these short chapters which give a detailed chronological description of these landscapes. In connection with these subjects, it is unfortunate to note that the author has made little reference to other scholars who have researched extensively and written on similar topics: for instance, Professor Ho Ping-ti on the loess plateau of China, Professor Chang Sen-dou on the cities of China, Professors Owen Lattimore and Harold Wiens on the expansion of sinitic culture, just to mention a few.\n\nIt should be emphasized, however, that Chen is not offering a holistic treatment on the cultural geography of China, and he is aware of this. What he is offering is a look into the wealth of historical data that may be tapped for geographic studies on China; for instance, the value of local gazetteers (chapters 2 and 9) and records of exploration and travels (chapter 7) and the use of maps in the study of place names (chapter 8). At this point, this reviewer would query the logic used in arranging these topics and the relevance of including Chen's address as the concluding chapter in the book,\n\nThe book contains 32 maps of a remarkably high level of cartographic skill. However, 29 of them are confined to chapters on the migration of the cultural core and on Chinese cities. The bulk of the presentation then, suffers from a lack of illustration which would have added immensely in establishing coherence in an otherwise jumbled and often tedious mass of place-names and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209683, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 340, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "318\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThis handbook has been produced by the Guangzhou Institute of Chinese Medicine to meet the need for an authoritative Chinese-English dictionary of Chinese medical terms, primarily to serve those Western scholars interested in traditional Chinese medicine. The board of compilers set up by the Institute consisted of \"experts in Chinese and Western medicine as well as translators\". The glossary consists of a 253-page Chinese-English dictionary of Chinese medical terms, arranged in order of the number of strokes of the first character of the term, followed by Appendices, of which the most important are Appendix I (Nomenclature of Common Chinese Materia Medica), which lists the 870 most frequently met with Chinese medicinal drugs, with translations into both English and Latin, and Appendix II (Nomenclature of Acupuncture and Moxibustion Points), which lists and translates 407 Acupuncture and Moxibustion Points, arranged in 14 \"Channels\" and one group of \"Extraordinary Points.\"\n\nThis glossary is well put together, and the English used is, in most cases, accurate. It will certainly meet most of the needs of the scholars to whom it is addressed, and will fill a very real gap in the material available to students of Chinese traditional medicine.\n\nJ\n\nDespite its value, however, there are some features of the book which are less than completely ideal. The lack of an English-Chinese index will severely limit the uses to which the Glossary can be put. The lack of a detailed acupuncture and moxibustion chart to go with Appendix II will necessitate users cross-referencing to a second volume: surely an unnecessary nuisance. The English is often either emphatically medical (\"osteomalacia\" and \"hemoptysis\", for instance, are the sole translations given for 骨軟化 and 咯血; clearly, for anyone other than a fully qualified Western doctor, the translation is as obscure as the original, although many scholars other than fully qualified doctors will wish to use this glossary), or else so literal a translation of the Chinese (\"single-yang\" for...) as to be of little value to anyone. A few more explanatory notes as clarifications of the translations would have been of great value. Finally, the use of simplified characters throughout seriously devalues the book for the very large number of scholars who would wish to use it as a guide to classical medical texts written in non-simplified characters,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209684, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 341, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n319\n\ndespite provision of a conversion table printed in very small characters.\n\nDespite these shortcomings, however, this is a useful handbook which will be of value in its field.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nA Cadre School Life: Six Chapters Yang Jiang, trans. G. Barmé Joint Publishing Co. Hong Kong 1982, 91 pp.\n\nMadam Yang Jiang's \"Six Chapters on a Cadre School Life\", a book well received and translated into English, French, Japanese and other languages, is an epitome of life in the 'May 7 cadre schools' that could be found all over the country during the Cultural Revolution. This book provides food for thought for those free from any bias or prejudice, who will surely be enlightened after reading it. Like Madam Yang, I was an ordinary \"fighter\" of one of these schools. That experience should have made a greater impact on me as I had spent more time in a cadre school than she did. But for lack of literary talent and eloquence, I cannot vividly record this noteworthy episode of history in any way as well as she did.\n\nIn the Foreword he wrote for the book, Mr. Qian Zhongshu said he thought there might well have been a seventh chapter called \"Politics Chapter on Shame\". I, too, have the feeling that there is still so much more worth narrating. We, of course, cannot expect everyone to feel exactly the same because different people have different experiences and also because cadre schools were not entirely identical although they had much in common. So different people will have different things to narrate and appraisals will not be quite the same from the readers.\n\nSo far as I can remember, what struck me most was the damaging effect this period of history had on people of talent. If I were to add a chapter to this book, I would call it \"Transformation Chapter on Fei\". The word 'fei' is used mainly to denote 'waste' as in the term langfei'. It also has the meaning of 'tuition fee' as in 'xuefei'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209692, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 349, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n327\n\nprofessional entomologists, school teachers, university undergraduates or any interested reader. Its reading style is easy, and the book can be enjoyed both by the professional, and by the amateur looking for an interesting volume to fill in the hours before bed time. One can on the one hand, find a highly specialised entomological term such as 'scarabaeiform' explained in the book, while, on the other, having the curious mating behaviour of mantids described to the unfamiliar reader in a simple and clear way.\n\nIts extensive index can and will be readily used as an indispensable check list in the field.\n\nOne personal criticism of this book is the lack of a few colour plates, which if present, would make it even more attractive. Nevertheless, its other merits certainly outweigh this shortcoming, and I strongly recommend this book to all lovers of nature,\n\nWILKIN W. K. CHEUNG\n\nMak Lau Fong, The Sociology of Secret Societies, A Study of Chinese Secret Societies in Singapore and Peninsular Malaysia (Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1981).\n\nTo give a taste of the sort of frustration any reader of this book must be prepared for, let me begin by briefly summarizing the section on \"internal control\" (pp. 70-71) in chapter 5, \"Adaptive changes in the organizational structure.\"\n\nThe author begins by outlining three types of coercion defined by the American sociologist Amitai Etzioni. He goes on to quote a report in 1867 in which a Penang secret society headman explained the types of punishment that were meted out to society members who were disobedient. The headman's types, however, have nothing whatsoever to do with Etzioni's types. He then goes on to mention interview data that suggest torture and killing being \"still in use\" as punishment. The reader obviously wonders what these data might consist of, whether \"still in use\" refers to the time the author was writing or to the time of the interviews, and what was actually said, but the author leaves all these points in the air by departing for yet another", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209704, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 361, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n339\n\nand arrogant views of Rajah James Brooke toward Chinese in Sarawak (a better interpretation would be his suspicion of “Triads” among the kongsi as well as of “bad elements” among other ethnic groups).\n\nAnd the book contains a few glaring errors: \"Ferdinand Magellan's call at Brunei in 1521\" (p. 7); the infusion of Chinese blood into the Brunei royal house (p. 4) (It is not at all a historical certainty how this occurred.)\n\nThe author, a one-time civil servant in the Ministry of Welfare Services in Sarawak, is more certain of his facts and hence more convincing in his description of political developments in the state since World War II (Chs. 8-9). These chapters cover the period of direct British colonial rule, 1946-63, and the recent experience of Sarawak as a member state of the Federation of Malaysia, 1963 to present.\n\nThis section is valuable as an outline of the positions and stances of the conglomeration of political parties which proliferated upon the Sarawak (and Malaysian) political landscape during the last two decades. The development of ethnically mixed parties of the left, right and center has been vigorous; the role of Chinese citizens, energetic. But once again the lack of detail gives it a cursory flavor perhaps sufficient for the outside observer but hardly meat for the student of politics.\n\nThe book is skimpy on sources; the reader who is looking for the \"blood and guts\" of Sarawak's dynamic political and social scene will be disappointed. This is a primer on the success and general stability of a multiracial society. As such it is just adequate.\n\nThe Name of Brooke: An entirely different experience awaits the reader of this meticulously documented study of Sarawak's politics from the 1920s to the imposition of direct British rule in 1946. It covers the eventful years which saw the weakening of the Brooke raj, through the Japanese occupation, to the final denouement of this \"medieval\" fiefdom as it gave way to the modern depersonalized rule of British colonial bureaucrats.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209710, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 367, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n345\n\nseem to arise from an invincible conviction of the superiority of some western ways, of the inferiority of some Chinese practices, and of the inevitability and desirability of a general westernisation of China in at least religion, and some social customs. Lethbridge rightly draws attention to these remarks in his short but clear introductions. At the same time, it is abundantly clear from all these books that these remarks arise only from routine acceptance by the writers of the common assumptions of their time and class. Bredon's Peking, indeed, makes it abundantly clear that some of these beliefs, and particularly the belief that traditional religious practices were \"superstitious\", were also held by many Chinese at this time, particularly by the new revolutionary groups. In most of their work these western writers were recording facts, from a depth of personal acquaintance with the Chinese that few modern writers can even begin to emulate. What is more, the China these writers knew was the traditional, pre-modern society of the late Ch'ing: the society that so many modern scholars labour so hard to comprehend was lived and breathed by them.\n\nFor me at least, my first introduction to Dyer Ball's Things Chinese has led to a very real admiration for a work which is still of the greatest value as a prime source for traditional China. Similarly, I have never been to Peking, but Bredon's Peking is so well and clearly written that the later Imperial capital now seems very real and vivid to me. Again, there can be little doubt that Bredon and Mitrophanow's The Moon Year represents, for all time, the fullest, clearest, and most sympathetic treatment of northern religious practices: these differ markedly from those in the Cantonese speaking parts of China. Reading The Moon Year leads me to regret that no writer of similar stature was moved to record southern ritual practices at the same date.\n\nIt would be invidious to attempt to judge between these works. Peking and The Moon Year are clearly classics which will stand for all time as the best statement obtainable of a vanished world, but Things Chinese will almost certainly be the most consulted of the three, at least from my bookshelves. This is for two reasons. First is Dyer Ball's clarity, lack of bias, common sense and accuracy: his articles spell out well the traditional attitudes of the Hong Kong area. His comments are, indeed, a better insight into traditional practices than almost", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209723, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 380, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "358\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nDue to the author's lack of training in philosophy proper, the last chapter \"attitude towards Time and Change\" is not adequately intensive and critical. About Persian culture, he pays no attention to Prof. S. H. Nasr's prolific writings. He does not know that both (space) and (time) were etymologically derived from the technology of weaving. Quotations from the German philosopher Paul Tillich require exact citation and rigorous critical comment, particularly his words: \"In Chinese literature there are fine records of the past but no expectations of the future. I am afraid that Chinese thinkers are inclined to be excessively optimistic towards human nature and romantically idealistic towards human future.\" As\n\nAs to\n\nto printing errors, \"ephemenies\" on p. 116 should be \"ephemeries\".\n\nWONG YUK\n\nThe Magic Wok, Philip Paxton, South China Morning Post Ltd, Hong Kong, 1982, 220 pages + 70 pages of illustration.\n\nTo complete the fine series of photograph books relating to Hong Kong issued by the South China Morning Post Ltd this year comes this superb Chinese cookbook; the book of the TV show.\n\nLike all South China Morning Post photograph books the reproduction, colour separation, and razor-sharp definition of the 70 full page and 30 half-page illustrations is of the highest quality. Equally good is the real Hong Kong character of the dishes shown, neither \"adapted\" for gwai-lo taste, nor forming an uneasy Cantonese-northern amalgam. To be recommended.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nChina of the Beaten Track: How to do it on your own, B. Schwartz, South China Morning Post Ltd, Hong Kong 1982, 247p, inc Bibliography\n\nThe cover of this book announces:\n\nYou don't need to join a group to go to China. Backpackers can roam the country for $5 a day, and those willing to pay more can travel first-class without a guide. China Off the Beaten Track tells how.\n\nThis is to claim more for this guide than it can produce. It was prepared following a six month tour of China, and the rather", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209724, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 381, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n359\n\nslight knowledge of China achievable in six months comes through in the rather patchy treatment it gives 7 pages on Canton, 1⁄2 page on Swatow, 5½ lines on Chiu Chow, 14 pages on places in the Pearl River Delta accessible from Canton, and 8½ lines on Shaoguan is its sum total on Kwangtung Province, and most of this 9 pages is thin and derivative. It would not be possible to visit any of these cities and gain much from the experience without taking along a second guidebook.\n\nThe book's main aim is to point out that, since the recent liberalisations, it is possible for the foreigner to travel in China by himself, and stay in the cheaper hotels, and thus see more of the real China. This is, of course, true as far as it goes. But little hint is given in the book of the very real problems that still exist—the absolutely essential need to be fluent in both Mandarin and the local dialect if one is to argue oneself into the cheapest hotels as suggested, the extreme difficulty in the way of long-range telephoning in most places, the bureaucratic problems involved if one gets stuck (e.g., by roads being washed out), the practical difficulties of reaching consular, legal, or financial help in a disaster in other than major cities when on one's own, the psychological difficulties involved in walking round a town surrounded by crowds of gawpers (still a problem in some places), and the lack of even the most basic of facilities (even backpackers are likely to be thrown by the squalor of many cheap Chinese hotels). Some things are treated in a way that seems less than completely frank: most restaurant food in China outside the main cities is of the poorest quality, buses (except the Shenzhen luxury coaches) often excruciatingly uncomfortable, and the fight for tickets less than entertaining.\n\nA more significant failing of this book is its lack of any attempt to explain the real China to the young and impoverished visitor it is aimed at. It is of little use showing such a one how physically to get to the genuinely non-tourist parts of a Chinese city if he is left totally at sea as to what is going on around him when he gets there, but little attempt to explain is made.\n\nAll in all, this book is of some value as giving the occasional practical hint to the would-be backpacker in China. But unless the backpacker has good basic knowledge of China, or is travelling", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209730, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 387, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "365\n\nCHUA, Miss F.L. CLARKE, Ms. J.\n\nLOCAL ORDINARY MEMBERS\n\nCLIMAS, Mr. D.J. COCHRANE, Mrs. V. COLLINS, Mr. A.J.\n\nCOOPER, Mr. R. COURTAULD, Mrs. C.\n\nCRABBE, Mr. P.I. CRAIG, Mrs. P. CRISP, Mr. J.A. CRISSWELL, Dr. C.N. CROSS, Mr. N.T. CROSS, Mrs. C.E. CUMINE, Mr. E. CUNNINGHAM, Miss M.\n\nDAVIES, Mrs. L.R. DAVIES, Mrs. M. DAVIES, Mr. S.N.G. DAVIS, Mr. D.V. DAWE, Mr. J. DAWSON, Prof. J.L.M. DEACON, Mr. D.A. DEPTFORD, Mr. D. DER, The Rev. E.B. DIAMOND, Mr. A.L. DOLFIN, Mr. J. DOWELL, Mr. S.M. DOWNER, Mrs. R.W.Y. DRAKEFORD, Mr. L.S. DRESEL, Mrs. H. DYER, Mrs. C.E.\n\nELSOM, Mr. G.J.B. EVANS, Mr. C.J. EVANS, Prof. D.M.E.\n\nFABRY, Mr. R.G. FABRY, Mrs. R.G.\n\nFAN, Mr. J.F.S. FAURE, Dr. D. FERGUSON, Mrs. C.L. FITZPATRICK, Mr. J.\n\nFITZWILLIAM-LAY, Mr. D.H.\n\nFORBES, Miss J.E. FORSYTH, Mr. A.H. FORSYTH, Mr. J.J.\n\nGAILEY, Mr. H.G. GAILEY, Mrs. N.\n\nGAMLEN, Mr. R. GARCIA, The Hon. Mr. Justice A.\n\nGARRETT, Mrs. V.M. GATELY, Mr. C. GERARD-PEARSE, Mrs. J.R.S.\n\nGHOSE, Mrs. R. GIBB, Mr. H. GODOLPHIN, Mr. P.J.\n\nGOLDSTEIN, Mr. A.L. GORER, Mr. P. GRANT, Prof. C.J. GRAY, Mr. P.H. GRIFFITH, Mr. R.O. GROVES, Prof. M.C. GUILLAUME, Baron P. de\n\nHAFFNER, Mr. C. HAHN, Mr. W. HAIGH, Mr. D.F. HALL, Mr. C.H. HALLIDAY, Mr. P.E. HALPERIN, Mr. D.R. HAMER-HUNT, Mr. H.D.\n\nHAMILTON, Mr. A. HAMMOND, Mrs. J. HIGHAM, Mrs. J.E. HIGHAM, Mr. R.D. HO, Dr. H.C. HOCHSTADTER, Dr. W.\n\nHODGE, Prof. P. HODGES, Mr. R. HODGES, Mrs. S. HODGKISS, Dr. I.J. HOLLEDGE, Mr. S. HOLMES, Miss J.E. HORSTMANN, Mrs. C.\n\nHOTUNG, Mr. E.E. HUGHES, Ms. A. HUNT, Mrs. J.M.C. HYSLOP, Mr. J.S.\n\nJACOBSEN, Miss S.M. JEFFERY, Mr. M.J. JOHNSON, Mr. & Mrs. P.K.\n\nJONES, Mr. G.W.E. JORDAN, Mr. D.J.\n\nKEMP, Dr. D.R.\n\nKERSHAW, Mr. C.J. KHAN, Dr. L. KHAN, Miss S.\n\nKING, Miss C.A. KIRKBRIDE, Mr. K.M.G.\n\nKWAN, Mrs. A.W.S.C. KWAN, Dr. L.H.\n\nKWOK, Mr. P.L.\n\nLAI, Miss M.S.C. LACK, Mr. A.J. LACK, Mrs. R. LANG, Mr. F.G. LAWRENCE, Mr. A. LEE, Mr. P.E.I. LEE, Mr. P.J. LEE, Mrs. R.M. LEE, Miss S.S.Y. LEEDS, Mrs. M.L. LERNER, Mr. B. LEVIN, Mr. D.A. LEVIN, Mrs. S.S. LI, Mr. E.L. LI, Mr. S.Y. LIARDET, Mr. A.J. LIH, Mr. S.H. LIU, Miss D. LLOYD, Mrs. W.E. LO, Miss A.D.W. LO, Mr. S.W. LOCK, Mr. K.B. LOCKING, Mr. J.R. LOFTS, Prof. B. LOK, Dr. L.S.U. LOK, Miss W.K. LOVELL, Mrs. H.C. LUK, Dr. H.K. LUNNEY, Mr. R. LUTZ, Mr. H.F.\n\nMA, Prof. H.K. MA, Mrs. J. MA, Prof. M. MacCABE, Mrs. S.J. MACCALLUM, Mr. I. MACCALLUM, Mrs. W.M.\n\nMACFARLANE, Mrs. H.D.\n\nMACGREGOR, Mr. K. MANSON, Mr. J.B. MAO, Dr. P.W.C. MARKEY, Mr. J.C. MARTIN, Dr. M.R. MASON, Mr. A.K. MATHEW, Mr. D.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209767, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "4\n\nalong the mountainside, bullets started whizzing by us. We all dropped flat on the ground, except the two Carmelite Sisters who apparently didn't know what live bullets were. One of the Sisters was standing by me, and I reached up, grabbed her arm and pulled her down. She later was the Mother Superior, and whenever I wanted anything, I was careful to remind her that she owed her life to me. The allied soldiers manning the road block finally, after much shouting back and forth, were convinced that we were not Japanese and let us through.\n\nThe house was in the middle of the last battle for Hong Kong which was fought on Christmas Eve and Christmas Day 1941. On Christmas Eve occasional bullets were slamming into the North side of the house, so several temporary altars were set up on the south side of the house for Christmas Masses. The masses were staggered, so I put up my hand for a late mass.\n\nThat night another priest moved his mattress from the north side of the house into my room on the south side on the third floor. All night we were awake watching the tracers and explosions and the shouts and cries of the soldiers. We finally went to sleep about four in the morning and slept soundly. We got up about ten o'clock, and were petrified to note that there was not a sound in the house. It was all quiet, in contrast to the usual noise of a house full of people. We looked out the door, and the place was empty with much debris already scattered down the corridor. Then we looked down the stairwell, and we could see the Japanese soldiers in battle array on the ground floor. Needless to say, this was a bit of a shock. We thought the other residents must have got word during the night to evacuate, and they overlooked us.\n\nSo we two got dressed slowly, and started making our way down to the ground floor. On the second floor landing, a Japanese soldier came charging out of one of the rooms with his bayonet. The two of us backed up against the wall with our hands up and the soldier made like he was going to run us through. Not so! Just wanted to scare us, which he did. Then he pushed us down the stairs, and we found the rest of the household sitting on the floor in the front room under guard. In the afternoon, we asked the Japanese if we could get something to eat. They allowed us to take from our storeroom things that were ready", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209790, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "27\n\nA third development was the considerable growth of interest in the Buddhist faith among laymen. It seems that the growth of affluence and the acceptance of science and technology have not diminished spiritual needs. Devotees come in ever-increasing numbers. They are not limited to the aged, either. Children are taught to bow to images. The offering of incense by young people is a common sight. The more intellectually minded laity are interested in Buddhist philosophy. They are attracted to Buddhism because it has acquired the reputation of having the most abstruse teaching of all religions and because it is believed to be part of Chinese culture. Lay believers have also taken a very active role in organizing a large number of Buddhist activities. They have organized study groups, formed Buddhist associations, printed and distributed sutras, assisted in operating and building schools, charitable institutions and a hospital. They have tried to draw the rather independent groups of monks and nuns together. In all these activities, they collaborated with monks closely. The increase in the numbers of serious laymen contrasts sharply with the decline in the number of monks. This could be a serious point in assessing the appeal of monkhood for the Buddhist laymen.\n\nWith these developments the Buddhist sangha was faced with unfamiliar problems. Many traditional ways of living have broken down. Monks are expected to perform new social roles. Intellectually, the sangha feels a need to respond to an affluent, intellectually sophisticated and science-oriented society. However, the monks' response has been marred by a lack of unity among themselves. Their spirit of independence has made it difficult for any new proposal, however sound that proposal might have been, to be universally accepted. In the following, I shall document some of the major responses the monks have made to modern life and from these responses I shall deduce their self-perception.\n\nIII. Specific Areas of Concern Faced by the Sangha\n\nA. Sangha Recruitment\n\nThe single most critical problem which has confronted the Hong Kong sangha in the past twenty years has been the lack", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209791, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "28\n\nof eligible young men who are willing to become monks. This problem has also become the starting point of the sangha's extensive self-examination and reflection in recent years, resulting in the voicing of proposals for the entire reorganization of the sangha system. The lack of recruits has not been limited to Hong Kong. Taiwan, Malaysia and Singapore have reported the same trend. Suddenly, it has appeared that the disappearance of Chinese Monks was not inconceivable, but could indeed be approaching fast. In 1977, a leading monk expressed his fear of such an eventuality in an open letter to all Chinese monks. He said,\n\nThere is to-day a lurking crisis within Mahayana Buddhism and that is the scenario of a shortage of monks,\n\nthe sangha treasure, and a void of successors.\n\nMainland China has been the source of all Chinese monks in various parts of the world. Now, with the change of political regime in Mainland China, Buddhism no longer exists there and all Chinese monks have also died out. Nowadays, the greatest concentration of Chinese monks are in Taiwan and Hong Kong. However, various factors such as the chaotic social change brought about by advanced industrialization and military service in some areas have posed an extremely serious threat to the source of Chinese monks who can carry on (with the sangha).\" \n\nThe same monk called upon all Chinese monks to think of ways to remedy the situation and suggested, among other things, a major re-organization of the sangha. This open letter solicited a number of responses. The following is a summary of the opinions expressed.\n\nIt is unanimously agreed that the sangha is an integral part of Buddhism. Buddhism would not be Buddhism without the sangha. All agreed that the shortage of young monks was posing a serious problem. Directly or indirectly the responses contained speculations on the causes of decline. They can be summarized as: 1. The changed social situation, which has rendered the monastic life unappealing to young people. Unfortunately, this point has not been elaborated upon. 2. Young people nowadays", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "30\n\nThus, the written rules for community living are considered perfect and valid for all times and places. However, in common with all traditions which rely on the written word as the sole authority, difficulties in interpretation arise as soon as conditions and environmental customs change. The built-in weakness of written rules is that they can never hope to provide solutions to all situations and yet they have to claim perfection in order to boost their authority. With changed conditions and times, many Buddhists have asked themselves: Should the letter of the law be kept or should the spirit of the founder be preserved when the letter is no longer seen as embodying the spirit? If the spirit is considered the more important thing, how does one know that one has the founder's spirit? Would knowledge gained aside from the rules be mere guessing? These tensions have plagued the sangha throughout its 2,500 years' of history. There are situations where the rules are verbally recited and yet only certain ones are kept, while the others are tacitly ignored. Such has been the practice of the sangha in China. The monks verbally received 250 precepts at their ordination ever since the introduction of Buddhism into China and yet many of these precepts were never kept. The inherent difficulty in adapting the written law to suit the situation of a different time and place so that the true Buddha spirit may be readily lived is the lack of a central Buddhist authority which is strong enough to effect such a change. The result is a schizophrenic verbal adherence to the law with constant deviation in practice. Conscientious monks realize the unsatisfactoriness of such a situation but there is little they could do to alter the situation. Recent discussions of the re-organization of the sangha fall readily into this familiar pattern.\n\nThe biggest recent discussion of the re-organization of the sangha was initiated by an agenda of proposals to be discussed at the conference of Chinese monks in 1977. The agenda was presented in the context of an open letter which called for responses to matters concerning the sangha system, dress, ranking of monks, education etc. The initial reaction was collected in volume 209 of the magazine Buddhism in Hong Kong. Unfortunately, the media got hold of the report and rightly or wrongly, made a sensational report that monks were contemplating marriage. The scandal, real or imaginary, killed any further", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209794, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "31\n\ndiscussion of reform. Nevertheless, the monks' opinions were a revealing source of how they saw themselves.\n\nThe main reasons why the monks thought change in the sangha system was necessary were three: 1. The old system was no longer suited to modern life. That was why monkhood was no longer appealing to the younger generation. 2. The old system has been crumbling. It was necessary to redefine the monkhood more clearly. The old public monastic system (**41), with its numerous monks, long meditation and formalized life-style, was forever gone. There were simply not enough monks in any one monastery for the monastic system to work. Furthermore, not a single monk could keep all 250 precepts. Most did not even know what they were.\n\nSome of these precepts were thought to be unsuitable to modern life. Would it not be a better policy if they were changed, to make it realistic to demand that they be kept? 3. The old system of prayer and meditation no longer met the needs of society. What was needed was to render service to society.10\n\n11\n\nOf the proposals for changes in the sangha the most detailed one belonged to Pai Shen (). His greatest innovation was to divide monkhood into two great categories, the Shang Tso Pu (the elders) and the Ta Chun Pu (the great assembly). The elders preside in the temples and devote themselves to cultivation. Besides, they must preach the Buddhist doctrine and act in such a manner as to benefit all living creatures. They are divided into four ranks (hsin, chieh, hsing, cheng). Promotion to the next higher rank is considered every five years and is determined by an examination.\n\nThose who are deficient in learning or lack the capacity for the rigours of cultivation are allotted to the great assembly. These monks must develop some skill or learning to become self-supporting. They should get into professions such as education, law, social work and cultural activities. They must support the livelihood of the elders, take care of the properties of the temples, promote Buddhist enterprises, and assist the elders in spreading the teaching. Monks of the great assembly are allowed to get married and have families if they so wish.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "40\n\nOn the point of the monks' helplessness to alter anything themselves one can call to mind a monk's cynical remark that with respect to the reformation of the sangha, nothing would come of it unless it is passed into law by the government. 法輪,「華僧大會七大提案之剖親」香·V. 209 (1977), p. 20: 「如何改革僧伽制度, 這一點, 我覺得沒有通過政府立法程序, 是辦不通的。」Is this lack of a Buddhist central authority one of the contributing reasons why the government exerted control over the sangha by its institutions of monk-officials, ordination certificates and examinations?\n\n5.\n\n* op. cit., p. 19\n\n大頭儈, 「但寶延續問題, 十四」, 香, V.221 (1978), p. 5.\n\n11 白聖, 「我對佛制改革的意見」香, V. 209 (1977), pp. 11-15.\n\n1* 覺光, 「華僧革新勢在必行」, 香, V. 209 (1977), pp. 8-9, 21.\n\n1 火頭會「惟實延續問題, 十四」, 香, V. 221 (1978), p. 5.\n\n34 永惺・「佛教的延續問題」, V. 209 (1977), p. 16.\n\n* 源慧, 「有關華僧問題的討論」, V. 209 (1977), pp. 25-28.\n\n14 王聯章, 「培養後繼的我見」, V. 209 (1977)、pp. 36-37.\n\n** op. cit., p. 9.\n\n** See 廣義法師, 「慶祝衛塞節聲中勿忘(尼)的出路」, 香, V.164 (1974)、p. 6. and \"#98#, · 6 · V. 170 (1974) p. 8. See also the report of the activities of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association in 'SMWUA& IR ̧ · Ñ · V. 227 (1979), p. 36, and the Hong Kong Buddhist Journal, Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Buddhist Association, 1978. Although the Hong Kong Buddhist Association includes a significant contribution from laymen, monks also take active part in its work.\n\n* For example, see, ##4#RTIí, · ✯ · V. 225, p. 14, and★ · BEANS, · · V. 233 (1979) · pp. 3-6.\n\n30\n\n1 正安, 「佛學的新認識」, 香, V. 230 (1979), p. 4, section on 「鬼神思想的混合」.\n\n1 金明, 「佛教在太空時代扮演的角色」, 香, V. 230 (1979)・p. 12.\n\n22 Ibid. p. 13.\n\n18 Ibid.\n\nE op. cit., p. 4.\n\n26 op. cit., p. 4.\n\n20 歸耕盛, 「淨土宗的哲學觀和科學觀」, 否, V, 230 (1979), pp. 6-11 and 張通文, 「佛陀的正確宇宙觀」, 香, V. 232 (1979), pp. 6-8.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "50 \n\nusually takes place at midnight or in the early hours of the morning in the temple or in the house, with the object of informing the ancestors. Being ancestor worship, which can be performed only by males, the girl remains at home out of the way and no members of her family may be present. A large sieve, usually of bamboo, is placed on the ground. In the centre of it, the bridegroom stands on a rice measure (tau), with red cloths draped over his left and right shoulders. He wears a felt hat with silver flowers round it or a feather. In olden times, a Chinese tall hat was worn but, when this fell out of fashion, the felt hat was adopted as the most respectable of modern headgear. The feather represented the old Imperial custom of presenting a feather to the best scholars.\n\n(d) Shortly after this ceremony, and on the same day, comes the actual wedding, which is known as the crowning, when relatives and friends of both families are invited. Relations are given cups of tea by the bridal couple. The important feature is that the marriage dates from this ceremony, not from the time of entry of the sam p'o tsai into her new family, although a girl will sometimes say that she was married, for instance, at the age of 6.\n\n(e) There is no traditional requirement for the sam p'o tsai to marry the son. I dealt with several cases where the girl declined marriage and the parties agreed to separate. Brought up in a brother and sister relationship, the boy and girl may lack the right approach to marriage.\n\n9. Customary Agricultural Leases\n\n(a) In the absence of a written agreement to the contrary, leases of agricultural land are normally on an annual basis, starting in the early part of the year. Payment of rent may be in cash or in 'kuk' (*) either in one lump sum or after each of the two rice harvests. Most leases are verbal.\n\n(b) It is common practice for members of the lessee's family to take over his lease in the event of his death. Acceptance of rent by the lessor in these cases implies recognition of the new lessee.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209814, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "51\n\n(c) Sub-letting is a practice more common amongst immigrant vegetable farmers than paddi farmers. It is rare to find an original lease that prohibits sub-letting and in general, landowners do not seem to object to it as long as their rents come in. In some cases, they even collect rent direct from the sub-lessee,\n\n(d) It is customary for a land-lord to reduce the fixed rent in respect of a harvest which has been particularly poor, but discretion is entirely in the hands of the landlord and the request must be made by the tenant himself before the crop is actually harvested, so that the landlord may have a chance of examining the crop to check the truth of the claim.\n\n(e) The termination of an annual lease of paddi land is affected customarily by the land-owner giving notice, either verbal or written, to the tenant between the time of collecting rent after the second harvest (October/November) and the Winter Solstice (December). The land should then be handed back by the tenant to the landlord at the end of the first moon of the following year, in the case of paddi land.\n\n(f) Leases of vegetable land are customarily for a period of 12 months running from the beginning of the first moon to the end of the twelfth moon. No set period of notice is required for recovery of the land, but in general, the landlord should give sufficient notice to ensure that the tenant does not plant further crops which would carry him beyond the end of the year. Three months' notice is probably adequate. Less notice would not be wrong but it might be unreasonable unless the landlord either gave compensation for standing crops or allowed an extension of the lease until the crop was harvested.\n\nTwo\n\n(g) Payment of rent for vegetable land is usually in cash in lieu of paddi. Traditionally, paddi land was regarded as more valuable than vegetable land. Since 1950, a reversal in values has taken place and the lack of clearcut custom regarding vegetable land often gives rise to difficulties.\n\n(h) In the past, recovery of land by a landlord was an unusual occurrence and tenancies often continued for several", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209820, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "57\n\nEach party would then pray to the temple god affirming the truth of his statements in the dispute and inviting the god to do the supplicant an injury if he were not in fact telling the truth. Each party in turn would then attempt to strike off the head of a live cock (colour unimportant) with a single stroke of a chopper. If the head were severed cleanly, the party thereby proved his case. An incomplete severance would show the hollowness of the party's statements, probably because guilty knowledge caused his hand to shake.\n\n(b) In practice, it was seldom that both parties were required to chop off the cock's head. Usually the guilty party would feel himself unable to invite the god's wrath in the preliminary worshipping and would back out. This implied a perhaps greater belief in the omnipotence of the gods than is apparent nowadays when the modern age and Christianity have taken some of the edge off ancient traditions.\n\n(c) The custom is now quite rare, although a case occurred in Tai Po in 1948, under the auspices of the then District Officer.\n\n14. Money Loan Associations\n\n(a) Debt disputes frequently arise as a result of money loan associations. Without a clear idea of their workings, it is impossible to understand the inevitable ramifications of each case.\n\n(b) Such associations are normally formed by groups of persons in close daily contact with each other so as to create mutual trust and confidence. Examples are employees or clerks of a shop or even Government servants in the same office. The object of the association is to pool the financial resources of the members, with the gambling prospect of each member at some stage being able to use these resources for his own benefit. Each member will eventually get back roughly the same amount of money as he put into the association.\n\n(c) There are of course variations but generally the procedure is for a number of persons to club together for a set period which corresponds to the number of persons (e.g., 10 persons for 10 months). The period can begin at any time and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209834, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "71 \n\nis a perversion of 'come ashore\", the call used to entice Western sailors ashore. In the majority of cases there is little controversy, especially when we are dealing with the more recent borrowings.\n\nWe have noted the relatively small number of phonetic loans from Chinese, but of course the process is a continuing one, with new loans being added from time to time. And I ought at this point to consider the possible forces militating against the large-scale borrowing of phonetic loans from Chinese into English. There would appear to be some rather obvious factors, while others are put forward much more tentatively, confirming the theory that there are no hard and fast rules governing word borrowing.\n\n(1) The Disparate Nature of The Two Languages. Unlike related languages such as, for example, French and German, the structures of English and Chinese are very different, and this tends to discourage borrowing and assimilation.\n\n(2) The Absence of a Very Large Group of Persons Proficient in Both Languages. In order for large-scale borrowing to take place a considerable group of bilinguals has to be assumed. In Hong Kong, as people living here are aware, the vast majority of those who have any degree of bilingual mastery of Chinese and English are in fact Chinese, and the type of bilingualism consists of what has been described as 'additive' bilingualism11 and is rarely ambilingualism. Only a rare few among the English-speaking community speak any dialect of Chinese, and fewer still are able to write Chinese. The lexical borrowing therefore naturally tends to be more in one direction. And this leads us to a third possible factor for the relative smallness of the number of phonetic borrowings,\n\n(3) Lack of Integration by the Majority of the English-speaking Expatriate Community. Leonard Bloomfield has written, 'Cultural borrowing of speech-forms is ordinarily mutual. It is one-sided only to the extent that one nation has more to give than the other.'12 I am certainly not saying that the Chinese language or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209841, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "The number 78 is mentioned at the beginning, but its meaning or context is not provided in the given text. The text discusses the representation and romanization of Chinese words in various publications, including novels, newspapers, and magazines.\n\nThe examples given illustrate how Chinese words are often italicized and glossed in texts to help non-Chinese readers understand their meanings. For instance, in Clavell's Noble House, terms like \"Tai-fun\" (Supreme Winds), \"Tai-tai\" (supreme of the supreme wife), and \"ma-foos\" (stable hands) are explained within the narrative.\n\nFurther examples from different sources, such as the South China Morning Post, Asia Magazine, and the Waikiki Press, demonstrate the practice of providing glosses for Chinese terms like \"see-fu\" (master), \"fook\" (all-embracing luck), and \"Bok coy\" (a type of cabbage).\n\nThe text also highlights the issue of lack of standardization in the spelling of Chinese words in romanized form. Different spellings are used for the same word across various publications, such as \"kylin\" or \"ch'i-lin\" for the Chinese mythical beast, \"lychee\" or \"litchi\" for a type of fruit, \"tai chi ch'uan\" or \"tai chi chuan\" for a form of exercise, and \"wan tun\" or \"won ton\" for a type of dumpling.\n\nExamples from different sources, including the Waikiki Press Beach Press, an advertising magazine, the University of Hong Kong Bulletin, and the South China Morning Post, are provided to illustrate this variation in spelling.\n\nAdditionally, the text touches on grammatical issues related to the use of Chinese nouns in English texts, such as whether they should be treated as countable nouns with plural endings or remain unchanged.\n\nThe discussion concludes with an observation from The Noble House, where the writer is seen to vacillate between different forms for certain Chinese nouns, such as \"quai.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209854, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "THE ISLANDS AROUND HONG KONG\n\nW. SCHOFIELD*\n\nPresent Inhabitants of the Islands\n\nAt present, there are four races living in the Islands: they live very much mixed together.\n\n1. Tan Ka (literally \"egg people\"); these are boat-people who speak a dialect of Cantonese, they live a great part of their lives on the water, but sometimes settle on land.\n\n2. They are an outcast race, and in the old times they were not admitted to the civil service exams. They are usually quite illiterate. They sometimes live in boats hauled ashore, or in more or less boat-shaped huts, as at Shaukiwan and Tai O. All their chief centres are harbours: Cheung Chau, Aberdeen, Tai O, Potoi, Kau Sai, Yaumatei. They were formerly pirates.\n\nThey are the only modern people who might claim, perhaps, to be descended from the most ancient inhabitants.\n\nCantonese; these form the majority of the population in Lantua, Cheung Chau, and Lamma: their chief centres are Tai O, Tung Chung, and Cheung Chau. They speak various sub-dialects; a common one is the Po On dialect; this is widely spoken by the people both north and south of the frontier.\n\n* Mr. Walter Schofield (1888-1968) was a Cadet Officer in the Hong Kong Civil Service (1911-1938). Mr. Schofield was District Officer, South, during much of the inter-war period (see his Memories of District Office South, New Territories of Hong Kong, in Vol. 17 (1977) of this Journal, pages 144-156). This present paper is taken from the notes prepared by Mr. Schofield for a talk he gave in August 1937. It gives a useful glimpse of life in the Islands in the years before the coming of the Japanese as seen by a highly knowledgeable observer. In the paper Mr. Schofield gives translations of the place names listed. In many cases these translations were and are doubtful owing to lack of evidence of the original form of the name. These translations have been left in this version of the paper with notes added where present usage clearly differs from that given in the paper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209867, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "104\n\nBefore moving on to discuss the larger islands to the south-east of Lantau, it is worth just mentioning the small islands off Lantau. There are small islands both to the north and the south of the main island.\n\nThe Islands north of Lantau are six in number.\n\nEast Brother, Reef Island and West Brother; fishermen sometimes live there.\n\nChek Lap Kok (\"Red Sea-perch Point\") is a barren island of low granite hills which lies in front of Tung Chung, sheltering its harbour. Big reefs of quartz run through it. Two formerly prosperous quarries on this island were ruined by the 1925 strike. Now there is only farming and fishing. Kwo Lo Wan is a ruined village on the southern isthmus: it is a common placename.\n\nShau Chau (\"Guard-station Isle\") 18; has three dumb-bell isthmuses, two covered at high water, and a third, on which there is a settlement of early man. There is a deserted temple here.\n\nTongkwu (“Brass Drum\") 19 has the chief early settlement of men in this area. The objects found show very little Chinese influence. Later settlements in Sung and Ming times were at the northern end of the beach. The island is used now for fishing and pasturing cattle, and there is a lighthouse. It is a very good example of a dumb-bell island - a sandy isthmus connecting two hills.\n\nUrmston Roads, as the waters between Tongkwu and the mainland are known, was a frequent anchorage for foreign fleets in the 1839 and 1857 wars, despite a strong tidal flow. It was used by a French squadron in 1857, and one ship left a record of her presence by inscribing a stone at Castle Peak with \"Nemesis 1857\".\n\nWe now pass south of Lantau. All this coast suffers from lack of harbours: only bays facing south-west are any good. There is always some swell; and it can be very violent sometimes.\n\nTaking the small islands to the south of Lantau, we have firstly the Soko Islands. There are eight islands in this group", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209885, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "122\n\noutbreak of bubonic plague in 1894.22 The reason given by old members for establishing a Fuk Tak Kung(4) is that in his lifetime the god was a noted Chinese medical practitioner, and therefore well suited to become the guardian god of a crowded city district. The shrine may, however, be even older than this. The district was already well established by the 1850s,28 and probably had guardian shrines from the outset.\n\nThe god looked after a specific area of the city. The old 'chops' and wood-block charms that survive from pre-war days carry the name Sai Ying Pun in the title. The boundaries, as given by the leaders active in the mid 1960s, some of whom had been associated with the committee from their earliest years through their fathers and grandfathers' service as managers, centred on the shrine's location at Sheung Fung Lane. However, it is said that, in pre-war years, among the many persons who came regularly to worship at the shrine on the god's birthday on the 18th day of the first lunar month, were people from outside the boundaries and even from Kowloon, so great was the reputation of the shrine. Many of the outside worshippers came in groups known as pao wui.(4)25 It was stressed, too, that this shrine had no connection with the Tai Ping Shan Fuk Tak Kung described below, for that earth god shrine lay in, and the god looked after, a completely separate locality.\n\nThe shrine was tended by a keeper appointed by the managers. When my informants were young, the keeper was an old woman who lived on the premises and died there about 1930, aged over 80. There is a splendid photograph of her still kept in the shrine.\n\nThe body of managers comprises a minimum of 34 persons each year, but has often been around the 40-50 mark. Its duties are solely to do with arranging for chanting by nam mo lo(1) (Taoist priests) at the god's birthday in the first moon and at the Yue Lan or Hungry Ghosts festival in the seventh moon. At the god's birthday, but not at Yue Lan, the religious rituals have always been accompanied by a puppet show (never opera) for the traditional three days and four nights.20 The managers also have the responsibility of arranging for the procession of the god through the district under his protection", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209909, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "146\n\nhe decided to adopt less stringent criteria to include respondents in the social responsibility and laissez-faire categories. To qualify for the long range interest category, an individual must choose either all four interest items or three interest items with one from the social responsibility set. For the social responsibility category, individuals who chose either three responsibility items with one interest item, or two responsibility and two interest items are included. Laxer still is the laissez-faire category which includes all those who chose one or more of the laissez-faire items. (Nichols, 1969; 189-190) Therefore Table 4 should be interpreted with an awareness that the categories do not constitute 'pure types'. The contrast as revealed in Table 4 is striking. While businessmen advocating social responsibility formed the largest contingent in Nichols' sample, they were the smallest group among the spinners of Hong Kong. Since Nichols has found that \"the 'professional manager' is more inclined to find statements about business social responsibility attractive' (1969: 198), the relative lack of enthusiasm for the social responsibility doctrine among the cotton spinners is probably an indication of the low degree of managerial professionalism in Hong Kong's textile industry.\n\nOne interesting feature of the industrialists' responses is that they did not see a clear distinction between long range interests and social responsibility items. This is most apparent on the\n\n \n Hong Kong Spinners\n British Industrialists\n \n \n Ideological Categories\n No.\n Percentage\n No.\n Percentage\n \n \n Laissez-faire\n 19\n 56\n 9\n 26\n \n \n Interest\n 6\n 18\n 16\n 23\n \n \n Responsibility\n ...\n ...\n 26\n 35\n \n \n TOTAL\n 34*\n 100\n 65\n 100\n \n\nNote: * One respondent had responded to only two groups of statements and he cannot be placed in any of these categories.\n\nSource: Interviews, 1978; Nichols 1969:191.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209965, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "202\n\nAN IMPERIAL CHINESE BANNER PRESERVED IN KENDAL, ENGLAND\n\nP. BRUCE\n\nA unique memento of the First China War is slowly disintegrating in an English parish church due to lack of money to restore it.*\n\nThe war led to the establishment of Hong Kong and one of the British regiments which took part was the 55th (Westmoreland). At the second taking of Chusan, on October 1, 1841, the regiment seized an Imperial Chinese banner. Today it hangs, alongside the disbanded regiment's colours, in a glass case to the left side of the altar of Kendal Parish Church. This banner was the only Imperial Chinese banner seized by British troops during the First China War.\n\nThe vicar of Kendal, and the Border Regiment, which includes the old 55th in its genealogy, are well aware of the urgent need for the banner to receive conservation treatment. The problem is, as ever, money. Estimates of the cost of restoring the banner range somewhere around £2,000 and neither the church nor the regiment can offer any immediate hope of it being raised.\n\nThe episode in which the flag was taken is described in a verse history of the campaign prepared some years afterwards for the 55th. After 20 years service a soldier named Duell had gained a commission. He was given the honour of bearing the regimental colours that autumn day:\n\n\"Ensign Duell holds up our Colour, then falls, shot through the breast.\n\nThat morn had seen the ambition of a life fulfilled.\n\nAn honour borne but for a day, the day that he was killed. For twenty years or more he had well and faithful served, Winning his way, step by step, to a Commission well deserved. And when his name appeared in the previous night's Gazette, All wished him, health, long life, success, to wear his epaulette;\n\n* See plate 11.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "217\n\nwas great and must have left them with little time or money to spare for their ruined temple. Finally, and almost certainly the most seriously, the influx of a new population, and immense schemes of redevelopment completely altered the generally rural background of village and market town life that still characterised pre-war East Kowloon.\n\nThus, in the Tung Shan Temple we can see a temple, founded for purely rural reasons slowly growing until it became the predominant community temple of the whole of rural East Kowloon. During this period its management changed from a purely private, clan-based system to a typical community temple structure of committee members and chairman of a type typical not only of the rural community temples in the rest of the New Territories but also of those in urban Hong Kong at this date.\n\nFounded in a rural community this temple could, and did, develop both physically and in its management structure to reflect the needs of that community. It could not, however, survive the complete destruction of that community, and its ruination directly reflects the collapse of its founding community in the face of massive urbanisation, and the establishment of the new urban communities created by that urbanisation. The new urban communities have formed their own shrines, and their flourishing condition, alongside the continued ruin of the main temple of the defunct rural community, show more clearly than anything else can the essentially community basis of the temples of this area and their management groups.\n\nNOTES\n\nIn the 1904 Block Crown Lease for Survey District No. 3, New Kowloon, the ownership is recorded in the monk's name Shing Kin (Hsing Star Bridge) and the property is listed under Lot 1101 as temple 0.7 acres, house 0.2 acres, and potato ground 0.33 acres. An entry \"Kwun Yam Temple, Ngau Chi Wan\" had been crossed out by the Assistant Land Officer who recommended that a lease for the temple buildings and site be given to the Registrar General, 28 April 1904.\n\nFrom south-east Kowloon, Ngau Tau Kok and Cha Kwo Ling; from east Kowloon, Ngau Chi Wan, Ping Shek, Sha Tei Yuen, Upper and Lower Yuen Ling and Chu Shi Liu; from central Kowloon, Tai Hom, Po Kong, Nga Tsin Wai, Upper and Lower Sha Po, Nga Tsin Long and Kak Hang; from Kowloon City, the commercial areas, Sai Tau, Tung Tau and Hoklo Village.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209996, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "233 \n\nOLD HAU WONG TEMPLE, TAI WAI, SHA TIN \n\nP. H. HASE \n\nOn 14th June 1982, as part of the development of Sha Tin, an area to the north of Tai Wai Village was cleared. At the time of the Block Crown Lease (1905) this area had been separated from the walled part of the village by the village moat. The area was at that date crossed by the main footpath leading from Tai Wai Village to the footbridge over the Shing Mun River from where the footpath continued through to Tai Po. \n\nOn this area, very close to the edge of the moat, a temple to Hau Wong had been built. This temple had been abandoned at some date between the Block Crown Lease and 1914. The abandoned temple had been used as a playground for village children in the period up to the last War. During the last War the roof was removed and used for fuel. After the War the temple was occupied by squatters who demolished part of the walls and divided the building into three units, two of which were used as residential units (in one case part of the unit being used as a sitting area for a cooked food stall), with the area near the original altar being used as an engineering workshop. Later the old moat was filled in and the whole area became covered with squatter structures many of which backed onto the outer wall of the temple: by 1955 only a small part of the doorjambs of the temple remained visible. \n\nSince the whole area was due for clearance the opportunity was taken of discovering what could still be uncovered of the structure of the old temple, measuring it and if possible discovering more on the history of the temple. The attached plan and description is the result. Since the measurements could only be made in the 24 hours between the demolition of the squatter huts and that of the temple, all was done in great haste. \n\nEntrance \n\nThe entrance front of the temple was constructed of rudely coursed blue brick faced in the area around the entrance with finely laid granite ashlar slabs, and faced with well laid blue brick \n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209997, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 256, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "234\n\nelsewhere. Over most of this front the structure survived to cornice level (between points A and B of the attached plan). The cornice stood at 14′ 2″ from the base ground level. The cornice also survived at the rear face of the building to the right of the altar (at point C); it was impossible to measure the height from base ground level in this area owing to subsequent deposits on the surrounding land. The entrance facade was heavily plastered on the inside face.\n\nDoorway\n\nThe doorway consisted of a single opening 4′ 8″ wide and 9′ 3½\" high from the top of the threshold block to the upper door jamb. The door was surrounded by well-carved granite blocks on all sides. These were inscribed with the name of the temple across the top and suitable couplet inscriptions on either side. The names of the donors of the carved blocks and the date (Kuang Hsu 14, 1888) were also inscribed. The inscriptions are copied below.\n\nA. Inscription above door\n\n(right) 光緒十四年——冬吉立\n\n(main inscription) 侯王古廟\n\n(left) 弟子黄廷珍收送,肄江李煥堯媺書\n\nB. Inscription on right-hand door jamb (viewed from outside)\n\n維侯是王屏籓勳已昭南宋\n\nC. Inscription on left-hand door jamb\n\n(inner jamb)沐恩弟子韋惠福當等敬送\n\n(main inscription) 乃神而聖姐豆香恒薦瀝源\n\n(outer jamb)沐恩陳昌世當拜題\n\nThe steps up to the porch, the porch flooring, the threshold block, and a step immediately inside the door were formed of well-polished granite ashlar slabs. The doors of the temple had originally been mounted in sockets cut into one of these granite slabs; the actual sockets being surrounded by decorative rosettes. The external and internal faces of the door jambs were decorated with simple but effective mouldings carved into the granite. Above the door, there was a band of white plaster immediately below", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210003, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "240\n\ntrading contacts with Tai Wai. At the same time the temple is currently used by the villagers of Tai Wai for purely village rituals such as the hanging of the lanterns for new-born sons, and the only communal worship is conducted by the village elders, and not by the elders of the Heung.\n\nIt was probably this conflict between the communal and the purely village interest in Hau Wong and his temple which led to the decision to build an entirely new, and much larger temple, just outside the village. Such a site would certainly make it easier for non-villagers to worship, and that this was aimed at is shown by the specific mention of Lek Yuen (1), the old name for Sha Tin District, in the doorjamb inscriptions. At the same time all the donors named in the door inscriptions were Tai Wai villagers, the most prominent, Wong Yin-Tsun (2), being a villager who had succeeded in securing an official post in Shantung province.\n\nThe villagers believe that this new temple was only built a few decades before the Block Crown Lease - probably, therefore, the date 1888 on the door is the original foundation date. The foundation was not successful: most villagers wanted the god back in the old temple inside the village, and difficulties which arose were blamed on damage to the Fung Shui of the village as set out by Lai Po-i. After about 30 years, the temple was closed and the god taken back to his old home opposite the village gate: since then his temple, in the village, has been considered basically for Tai Wai villagers only.\n\nNOTE\n\n1 Chinese Monasteries, temples, shrines and altars in Hong Kong and Macau, Keith G. Stevens, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol. 20, 1980, pp. 1–33.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210015, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 273, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "德福袋\n\nPlate 2: A wood-block charm belonging to the\n\nFuk Tak Kung Association. Sheung Fung Lane, Western District, Hong Kong Island.\n\n德福老\n\n里\n\n宅\n\n西\n\n营\n\nPiate 3: Impression of the wood-block charm shown at Plate 2.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "uty Director of Broadcasting and formerly house master at St. Stephen's College, took us into the grounds and spoke about the school's history.\n\nPublications\n\nMr. H.A. Rydings, formerly our Hon. Librarian, has produced a Volume in our monograph series providing an index to the Sessional Papers of Hong Kong 1882-1941, that is, to papers laid before the Legislative Council. This work will be of much use to students and journalists, and indeed to anyone taking a serious interest in Hong Kong's affairs.\n\nThe 1983 Journal, edited by Dr. Patrick Hase, is in press and is expected shortly. As I know from having been a former editor, production of the Journal is a time-consuming job, and much depends on the time available to the editor. Dr. Hase has had the misfortune to be very heavily engaged outside office hours with his Government duties in the past year, and inevitably this has delayed his work. I am glad to report another publishing venture. In order to commemorate the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Society's reestablishment in Hong Kong, the Council has arranged for a joint publication with Oxford University Press, under our two imprints, of a volume of essays dealing with the Chinese Protestant Church and its contribution to the growth and development of Hong Kong's society by our Vice President and noted historian, Revd Carl T. Smith. This will be made available to members at a 25% reduction in block orders before and after publication, which is expected in the autumn of this year. I am delighted that Oxford has taken up this proposal and I know that the book will be a worthy and long-lasting sign of this happy association.\n\nPhotographic Survey\n\nMr. Phillip Bruce has taken over the survey from Mr. Diamond. With paid help from students, the negatives from previous photographic work have been catalogued, and Mr. Bruce has extended the survey from the Central and Western Districts to Wanchai where, he tells me, he has taken over 2,500 photographs of interesting buildings. When time allows, a second volume of\n\nxi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210063, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "13\n\n \n+ + +\n\n \naway some at will; the remaining ones were counted to see whether they were even or odd. To avoid making a mistake, they were arranged by twos, each pair in the shape of a cross. If at the end one cross remained (an even number), the result was a bad indication, hsiung (†4: 2 sticks inside a container); if only one stick remained, it was a good omen, chỉ (l'¡ : the top shows 3 sticks, which is clearer than just one; the bottom shows a ‘mouth', probably replacing an older writing of a container)”*\n\n \nThis originally very simple technique, in which only 2 kinds of answers were obtained, “yes” and “no”, developed into more complex forms: perhaps the question was repeated several times (cp. the present-day \"moon-block\" divination) and the results written above each other. In that case, an even number was expressed by two short lines written in a horizontal way: - - It had nothing to do with yin or a ‘broken line'. An odd number was expressed by just one line. The Iching philosophy started from the trigrams: at one time the eight different answers obtained by repeating the oracle three times were interpreted in a cosmological way. That left the door open for further speculation and resulted in the 64 hexagrams. At this stage, numerology lost its meaning. The only trace of the older method of counting sticks in a container is found in the use of 50 yarrow stalks: they are still counted, but merely to obtain one of the 64 hexagrams, not any longer to find a positive or a negative answer to one's question.\n\n \nThere are many other ways of using a number of dried stalks in divination: several methods are found in China as well as in other cultures, and it is not certain that the old milfoil method has always been a uniform technique. One other hypothesis is that a number of sticks were thrown at random on the ground and the diviners would draw interpretations from the configurations obtained. This is suggested by the definition of “geomancy” as given in Webster's dictionary: “a kind of divination by figures or lines formed by a handful of earth cast on the ground, or by dots or points drawn at random.””\n\n \nOne can clearly see how lines can be obtained by throwing a handful of stalks. To go even one step further: one can find a strong similarity and perhaps a historical link between oracle bone", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210093, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "43\n\nB-2\n\nB-2 Pai-shou ling-ch'ien, Ku-shih chu-chieh ti by Cheng Chin-ling $436. Tsoying, Kaohsiung, 1976.\n\nM. Published\n\nKuan-sheng Ti-chun ying-yan t'ao-yian ming-sheng ching E KNMVTÆ. Published by the Fu-ch'uan Fo-t'ang in Kang-shan, Kaohsiung. QUI÷HES, 1971. (The oracles are in the Appendix).\n\nB-6 Kuan Yin ling-ch'ien chu-chieh, erh-shih-szu shou Pi. Taichung: Jui-ch'eng Bookstore, 1975.\n\nB-34 Ch'ien-shu chu-chieh, Tien-shang Sheng-mu, lished by the Nan-yao Temple in Changhua M, R, LTE. Pub Mä, 1977.\n\nB-54 Huang Ta-hsien (Wong Tai Sin) ling-ch'ien, ku-pen chu-chieh A¶ LASER. Published by the Wong Tai Sin Temple in Kowloon, HK, n.d. (purchased in 1980).\n\nB-55 Po-chi hsien-fang 1981;. Taiwan (no exact place indicated but stamped by the Tz'u-yu Temple in Taipei, BMK), 1951.\n\nB-55 Lu Ti ling-ch'ien hsien-fang, PPARI), Hsinchu: Chu-lin Book-store 新竹市竹林書局,1977.\n\nB-55 Fu-yu Ti-chün chüeh-shih ching, Lü-tsu ling-ch'ien chi hsien-fang Fili MEIM.NG MAUZERO/2A07), Hong Kong, N.T., SEDILE. 8-0 1976.\n\n+ Wu-nien ch'ien-sui ling-ch'ien chu-chieh 1F, Published the Chen-an Temple (2000) of Ma-ming-Shan in the county of Yiin lin, Taiwan, 1963.\n\n(ii) Taiwan Oracles: Temple Samples\n\nWerner Banck, Das Chinesische Tempelorakel PPE (part 1: Sources), Taipei: Ku-t'ing Bookstore, fillaliliPVM, 1976.\n\n(iii) Canton Temple Oracles, collected by the Library of the Center of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong (not included in Banck's source edition)\n\n1. Kuan-shih-yin ling-ch'ien, #, published by Wu-kui t'ang 4, in Canton, n.d. (circa 1940?) block print reproduction; contains 100 oracles).\n\n2. Hung-sheng-wang ch'ien 1, published by I-wen tang in Canton, n.d. (blockprint reproduction; contains 64 oracles).\n\n3. K'ang-kung ling-ch'ien 12, published by T'ien-pao Printing Co.: Ch'an-shan, Canton, dated 1855 (nice wood block print edition)\n\n+ 4. Fu-shen T-u-ti ch'ien (@J:22, published by Wen-tang Bookstore, **W in Yue-tung ch'an shan 40, dated 1859. (woodblock print; 30 oracles).\n\n5. Shang-ti ling-ch'ien (zar, published by Wen-t'ang Bookstore, Z, n.d. (wood block print; 50 oracles).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210094, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "44\n\nJULIAN PAS\n\n6. Hou-wang ling-ch'ien 14, published by Tsui-ching tang f**, Canton, n.d. (block print edition; 64 oracles).\n\n7. Pei-ti ling-chien w, published by Wu-kui t'ang in Canton, n.d. (block print; 50 oracles, identical with above Shang-ti ling-ch'ien).\n\n(iv) Oracles reproduced in the Tao-tsang\n\n1.\n\n2.\n\n3.\n\n4.\n\n5.\n\n6.\n\n✯ (−TT), 1977 Taipei reprint. Szu-sheng chen-chin ling-ch'ien 145, vol. 54, pp. 44056-44080, TT. 1298 (1 scroll; 49 oracles).\n\nHsian-chen ling-ying pao-ch'ien KERAK, vol. 54, pp. 44081-44137, TT. 1299 (3 scrolls; 365 oracles, divided over 12 daily hours each of which has 30 slips, i.e. 360 plus one slip for each of the five agents).\n\nTa-tz'u hao sheng chiu-t'ien wei-fang Sheng-mu yilan-chun ling-ying pao-ch'ien KkP;AMP@!#MEW, vol. 54, pp. 44138-44150, TT. 1300 (1 scroll; 99 oracles).\n\nHung-en ling-chi chen-chân ling chien light hi. Vol. 54, pp. 44150-44154, TT. 1301 (1 scroll; 53 oracles).\n\nLing-chi chen-chün chu-sheng ling ch’ien OBZIRAR, vol. 54, pp. 44155-44159, TT. 1302 (1 scroll; 64 oracles).\n\nFu-t'ien kuang-sheng ru-i ling-ch'ien KQE✯, vol. 54, pp. 44160-44190, TT. 1303 (1 scroll; 120 oracles).\n\n7. B-2 Hu-kuo chia-chi chiang-tung-wang ling-ch'ien ARMORIA, vol. 54, pp. 44193-44213, TT. 1305 (1 scroll; 100 oracles).\n\n8. Hsuan-t'ien Shang-ti kan-ying ling-ch'ien K, vol. 60, pp. 48479-48506 (49 oracles).\n\n(v) 1. Sham Francis, Trans., Kwun Yum Fortune Slip Predictions. Hong Kong: Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, Board of Directors, 1983. (This set corresponds with the Kuan Yin set found in Lukang; B-11 and -12).\n\n2. Sham Francis, Trans., Predictions of Wong Tai Sin. Hong Kong: Tung Wah Group of Hospitals, Board of Directors, 1984. Chai, Tung-yeh # !f, \"Ling-chien malo-chii” NUE.\n\n3. Heaven-Earth-man Journal Ke (published in Taichung, Taiwan), no. 1 (1968), 117-147.\n\nB. Studies\n\n1. BAUER, Wolfgang, China and the Search for Happiness. Recurring Themes in Four Thousand Years of Chinese Cultural History. (Translated from the German by Michael Shaw.) New York: The Seabury Press, 1976 (German Ed.: 1971)\n\n2. EBERHARD, Wolfram, \"Oracle and Theater in China\", pp. 191-199, Studies in Chinese Folklore and Related Essays, The Hague: Mouton, 1970.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210174, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "124\n\n58\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nNearly a year later, the case still unsettled, four of the Tangs' tenants from Little Hong Kong and ten from Wong Nei Chung and Soo Kon Po were listed as refusing to pay rent in another petition of 23rd of the 4th moon of Tao Kuang 24th year (8th June 1844).** Perhaps there were others, given the Tangs' limited knowledge of their tenants they had cultivated the land from father to son since settling at Wong Nei Chung and elsewhere in the eighteenth century or before9— and the added difficulties of the island having passed under British rule.\n\nHaving dressed down the Tangs, the authorities were not pleased with the tenants' behaviour either. After complaining of the insufficient information and proof of ownership given to him, the magistrate went on:\n\n\"On the other hand, it is said that the tenant Wong Wah and others had refused to pay the rents and grain that are their due. Moreover, they had gone as far as to make up a pretext to usurp the land and, not satisfied with even that, had reported to the foreign officials untruths against their own landlords. They are the emperor's subjects: that they could willingly subject themselves to these barbarians is really a case of utter obduracy and obtuseness. We have lately found out that Yip Shin-tak and others had refused to pay rents and this case has been reported to the [Chinese] officials at Kowloon. The said Kowloon officers would arrest all tenants concerned and if necessary, might discuss the case with the English barbarians. Further steps might be taken as the situation requires.\n\n160\n\nUltimately, the provincial authorities to whom the case was sent for decision realized that there was no putting back the clock. It was concluded that\n\n\"since the English barbarians who had been granted permission by His Imperial Majesty to stay in Hong Kong built quarters on the plots of land owned by the petitioner Tang Chi-cheung (*), it was impossible for him to carry on farming there [sic]. It was suggested that the land tax thereof should be exempted in accordance with the precedent set by the Magistrate of Pun Yue county (K) when houses", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210177, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "127\n\npractices dating back to the complainants childhood and before suggests that the Tanka were using the Tai Tam Tuk anchorage from at least the very beginning of the nineteenth century.\n\nI turn now to the important question of how far back was Hong Kong occupied? This is practically an impossible question to answer for lack of sufficient information. As in many other places, like Tsuen Wan and north-west Kowloon, the present old, local, formerly tenant families appear mainly to have come into the area after the Great Evacuation of the Coast ordered by the Kanghsi emperor, 1662-69, and many of them not until the eighteenth century or even after. Yet it is an interesting fact that the maps in a later 16th century geographical work on Kwangtung, the Yueh ta-chi(A) contain names that are familiar to us today, on Hong Kong island as well as on the other islands and mainland of the Hong Kong region. Thus we find Chek Chu (Stanley), Tai Tam, Wong Nei Chung, Tit Hang, Chun Hoi and Shau Kei Wan, as well as Hong Kong itself, implying surely, that these places were settled at that time or were at least resorted to periodically. Also, the Tang correspondence from the 1840s quoted above specifically refers to recultivation of their land in various places in the late seventeenth century — though not necessarily by the former tenant farmers after revocation of the edict of 1662 referred to above. We also learn that the Tang land on Hong Kong island was entered in the Tung Kwun district land registry, suggesting that the registration might well be earlier than 1573, at which date the San On district was carved out of Tung Kwun and established as a separate county.\n\n71\n\nThe island was certainly well-established in settled communities long before 1841. The temples alone give proof of that. To this day, two existing temples at Stanley, and two at Aberdeen (one at the former village and one on an islet now joined by reclamation to Ap Lei Chau) and the Tin Hau Temple at Tin Hau Temple Road, Causeway Bay (formerly called Hung Heung Lo or \"Crimson Incense Burner\") contain items that go back to the eighteenth or very early nineteenth century. There were others now demolished or resited that probably predated 1841. Details are given in the Table below.\n\n72", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210193, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "143\n\n# STATE REGULATION OF PROSTITUTION IN HONG KONG, 1857 TO 1941\n\nR.J. MINERS\n\nFrom its earliest days the male population of Hong Kong greatly outnumbered the females. Chinese men came to find work leaving their families in Kwangtung and the European community was also predominantly male because of the presence of the army garrison, the ships of the Royal Navy and the crews of merchant ships unloading their goods in the harbour. In 1872, when the first proper census was carried out, there were 3,264 European men compared to 669 European women, a ratio of practically 5:1, and the Chinese men outnumbered women by 78,484 to 22,837, a ratio of 7:2.1 This imbalance continued to exist, though to a diminishing extent, for the next 70 years: in 1931 Chinese men outnumbered women 4:3, but the European ratio was still only 7:2.2 Naturally, in order to satisfy the needs of this predominantly male community, prostitutes quickly moved in to ply their trade, numerous brothels were established and by the 1850s Hong Kong was already notorious for the prevalence of venereal disease.\n\nIn 1857, at the urgent request of the naval officer in command of the China station the Hong Kong government instituted a system for the registration and inspection of brothels, the compulsory medical examination of their inmates, the punishment of prostitutes who communicated venereal disease to their clients and their detention in the Lock Hospital until cured.3 This measure was approved by the Secretary of State primarily because it appeared that a system of licensed brothels and government inspection might provide a means of protecting the inmates from ill-treatment and virtual enslavement to their brothel-keepers.4 Ten years later the Hong Kong government was instructed by the Secretary of State to replace the ordinance of 1857 with a new one modelled on the Contagious Diseases Act which had just been passed by the British parliament. This had set up a system of controlled brothels and compulsory medical examination of prostitutes in twelve garrison towns in England. The new 1867 ordinance, though more comprehensive, made few changes in the system already in force, except that the police were given much", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210194, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "R.J. MINERS \n\nwider powers to investigate and break into any house suspected of being a brothel without a warrant and to arrest any inmate or any suspected prostitute on the streets.\n\nThe legal system of control in operation from 1857 to 1889 placed the licensing of brothels under the control of the Registrar General. Brothels were confined to certain designated localities with separate districts for those catering for European and those catering for Chinese clients, and penalties were imposed for keeping a brothel outside these areas or an unlicensed brothel within them. Brothel-keepers had to supply the Registrar General with up-to-date lists of their prostitutes and these lists also had to be on display in every brothel. Brothels were subject to inspection by the police and medical authorities at any time. All new prostitutes were brought by their brothel-keepers before the Registrar General who questioned them to ensure that they were entering the profession of their own free will and had not been kidnapped or otherwise forced into servitude. All prostitutes were required to attend for a weekly inspection at the Lock Hospital and were then issued with a certificate of good health which could be shown to their clients, and those found to be diseased were detained at the hospital until cured. This was the system as imposed by law; the practice was rather different.\n\nChinese prostitutes catering for Chinese clients had always objected vigorously to being examined internally by a European doctor and would prefer to suffer any punishment rather than submit to such an indignity.' So compulsory medical inspections were imposed only on the inmates of brothels catering for the European population, principally servicemen and seamen. The Registrar General had the legal power to compel other prostitutes to be medically examined, but if they became diseased they normally made their own arrangements with Chinese doctors or herbalists or were sent back to Canton by the brothel-keepers.\n\nRegulations made by the Governor segregated the licensed brothels catering for Europeans to the east end of the city and those for Chinese to the west end, and brothel-keepers were required to ensure that their houses were not visited by clients from the other community. This regulation, together with the police campaigns to close down unlicensed houses (the so-called 'sly brothels') made it less likely that servicemen would come into contact with prostitutes who had not been medically examined and certified to be \n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210196, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 167, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "146\n\nR.J. MINERS\n\nLegislative Council. Instead of following the model ordinance sent from London, this bill repealed the Contagious Diseases Ordinance of 1867, but then immediately re-enacted most of its provisions for the licensing and inspection of brothels, omitting only the clauses providing for the compulsory inspections to which the Secretary of State had specifically taken exception. Other features of the existing Hong Kong system were retained in the regulations issued by the Governor in Council after the bill had been passed, and these regulations were not forwarded with the ordinance when it was sent to the Colonial Office for confirmation. The deliberate flouting of a directive from London could not be permitted, and in 1890 the 1889 ordinance was itself repealed and a new ordinance enacted on the lines laid down by the Secretary of State. Both the 1889 and 1890 ordinances were only carried through the Legislative Council by the votes of the official members acting on the instructions of the Governor against the unanimous opposition of the unofficial members.\n\n14\n\nIn spite of the dissension which it aroused, it seems that the repeal of the Contagious Diseases Ordinance made little practical difference to the operation of the Hong Kong system of control. The inmates of the houses reserved for European clients continued to report at the Lock Hospital for their weekly examination as regularly as before, even though certificates of good health were no longer issued. They had all been individually informed by the Colonial Surgeon and the Registrar General that attendance was no longer legally obligatory, but they turned up just the same. The prostitutes in the brothels catering for Chinese had never submitted to these examinations, so the repeal of the ordinance made no difference to them. The distinction between the two types of brothels was still maintained in the regulations issued under the 1890 ordinance, and penalties could still be imposed on any brothel keeper who allowed his house to be patronized by members of the wrong community, since the Hong Kong government had been successful in persuading the Secretary of State that this continued segregation was necessary if breaches of the peace were to be avoided. So servicemen continued to enjoy some measure of protection against the danger that they might come into contact with a prostitute who had not been medically examined.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210223, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "173\n\nOyster culture techniques\n\nTraditional oyster culturing technique using small lumps of igneous rock as surfaces for oyster spat attachment remained basically unchanged until the beginning of the 1960s, when oyster farmers started experimenting with different shapes of concrete block to replace rock. Bromhall (1958) reports that the oysters were removed from rocks, placed into sampans and the rocks thrown back into the water for further spat collection. The rocks would often be covered in silt or sedentary biota before the next spat fall, so it is not surprising that various forms of artificial substrate have been adopted which could be \"planted\" at appropriate times. Mok, 1974a reports that concrete tiles 250 mm × 130 mm × 15 mm were the most common form of cultch used. Morton and Wong, 1975 confirmed that concrete tiles and posts were replacing stones and old oyster shells as cultch, and considered that diminishing supply of rocks was one reason for their introduction. The concrete posts currently used are 40 mm × 40 mm × 450 mm. Chinese oystermen also use concrete blocks 150 mm × 150 mm × 150 mm. All concrete items are inserted to about 50% of their volume into bottom sediments.\n\nThe Chinese oyster farmers said that in shallow-water beds, tiles tended to be used in very shallow inshore water, and posts in deeper water. Inspection of some of the shallow inshore Hong Kong beds showed however that posts were widely used. Whether this was by design or because of some temporary supply problems could not be ascertained.\n\nThe landward extent of the shallow oyster beds is governed by exposure to air, which should be no more than 7 to 8 hours in a day. In view of the usual tidal cycle described earlier such duration of exposure is infrequent. The shallow water oyster beds extend to about 0m PD, at which depth farmers can wade in water and work if necessary.\n\nConcrete tiles are found in rows about 0.6 m apart and spaced at 35 to 75 mm intervals, (see plates 4 and 5). Concrete posts are spaced at similar intervals to the tiles, but in some instances double or treble the density is used particularly when oysters are being", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210261, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "211\n\ntees VI, VII and VIII.\n\nHe left Shanghai in May 1865.*\n\nBRAND, Andrew 1862-1863\n\nPartner in Smith, Kennedy & Co. from December 31, 1860.7 He died late 1862 or early 1863.8\n\nBRAND, Robert 1863-1864\n\n10\n\nAuthorized to sign for Smith, Kennedy & Co. from July 1, 1861.9 Partner from January 1, 1862 (or 1863, this is not quite clear).1 Later he was a partner in Brand Bros.\n\n[1\n\nBROWN, William Seton 1851-1852, 1854-1855\n\nArrived in Shanghai late 1850;12 originally in partnership with William Rathbone, Samuel Rathbone, James Worthington and Thomas Moncreiff as commission agents; turned into Birley, Worthington & Co. as from January 1, 1853.13\n\nMember Committee Shanghai Library 1852;14 member Committee to study the erection of a new building for the Shanghai Library 1852;13 member Committee Shanghai Library 1854.16\n\nCOCK, James 1862-1863, 1863-1864\n\nAuthorized to sign for Watson & Co. from March 6, 1857; partner as from March 15, 1861.18\n\nTrustee British Episcopal Church 1863.19\n\nMember Committee IV.\n\nCOUTTS, George Watson 1857-1858\n\nPartner in Watson & Co. from November 25, 1853.20\n\nHe was still living in Shanghai in 1890.21\n\nCOUTTS, J.C. 1865-1866\n\nPartner in Coutts & Co.22\n\n21", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210386, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 357, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "336\n\nThis book contains several technical flaws. Many of the Chinese works and place names romanized in the text do not appear in the glossary and place name index. The first two chapters present differing numbers for the size of the Dutch military force found on Taiwan. Hsu (p. 15) using a Japanese translation of the Dagh-Register, Batavia and an article by Nakamura Takashi, states that the Dutch forces never exceeded 2000 while Wang (p. 36) gives no source but states that the Dutch troops numbered 2200. A similar figure to Wang's can be found in James W. Davidson's The Island of Formosa. There are also some technical mistakes such as no scale nor direction indicated on a map (p. 149) and lack of unified spelling for the city of Jilong (Keelung, p. xv; Chilung, p. 140). The map on page 40, presumably indicating migration routes in Taiwan during the late seventeenth century, shows Fort Zeelandia (near modern Tainan) on the mainland portion of Taiwan as it is today due to silting at the mouth of the Yanshui River. Other maps or pictures display the fort on a sandspit, in some cases connected to the main island (pp. 29 and 119) and in one case on a separate small island (p. 13). On the linguistic side, the character for a Chinese picul which is pronounced dan (tan) is romanized by its other pronunciation (shih) which means a rock or stone.\n\nMore crucial is the lack of a central theme to the essays selected as a whole. This is perhaps an inescapable problem of a book in which several authors are presenting their findings on singular aspects of a vast and complex subject. The contribution of this book, therefore, lies in the collection, within one English volume, of articles on various aspects of Taiwan's historical geography.\n\nRICHARD LOUIS EDMONDS\n\nThe University of Hong Kong\n\nThe Birth of Vietnam, by Keith Weller Taylor, Berkeley, The University of California Press, 1983. xxi + 397pp, tables, maps.\n\nKeith Taylor has provided a much needed and detailed account of Vietnamese history during the first millennium — its formative", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210390, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 361, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "340\n\nThe Chinese Hospital: A Socialist Work Unit. By Gail E. Henderson and Myron S. Cohen. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1984.\n\nThe authors of this book worked one as a medical researcher and the other as an English teacher and translator - and lived for five months between September 1979 and March 1980 at the Second Attached Hospital (SAH) of Hubei Provincial Medical College. This rare opportunity allowed sociologist Gail Henderson and physician Myron Cohen to undertake field research at a Chinese \"work unit”, or danwei (“an administrative term referring to the organization of almost all urban workplaces under the authority of the central government\"), and observe at close distance the organizational structure and process of what Fox Butterfield describes as \"the basic building block of (urban Chinese) society”. The research methodology employed was appropriately participant-observation and the result: a fascinating case-study that reveals many insights into social life and health care in post-Mao China. Between the covers there is much rich empirical material and many observations that will interest China scholars, medical sociologists, and researchers on comparative organizational studies.\n\nThe study confirms the importance of the work unit as a central institution in organizing the social, economic and political life of China's urban population. In the SAH, which is a rather special kind of danwei for sure, approximately two-thirds of the 830 people who work in the hospital also live there, and many spouses and even some children are employed by the danwei. What is even more significant is that 70 to 80 per cent of all hospital and medical staff are married to colleagues within the hospital. Participation as members in the danwei is basically involuntary, for assignment to a work unit is a decision always made by the state. When workmates are frequently also neighbours or close family members, and when marriage, divorce, childbearing, education, job assignment, job transfer and the resolution of disputes all involve the knowledge and, in most cases, approval of danwei leadership, there can hardly be any material separation between the public and the private, and indeed different institutional spheres of life. What results from this is a unique community that integrates the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210404, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "himself (by the President). This is a most interesting book which I commend to members who have not purchased a copy. I would remind them that it is still available to members at a 25% reduction in block orders through the Society.\n\nI am also glad to report that the talks given on Radio Hong Kong in 1984 by eight members of the Society on important buildings in Hong Kong, under the title \"Heritage Houses”, are now in course of publication by Government Information Service with the editorial assistance of Mr. David Skinner: in short, another joint venture.\n\nPhotographic Survey\n\nMr. Philip Bruce reported that he has completed photographing and cataloguing the Wanchai area. He is ready to move on to another district.\n\nVenues for Lectures during the Year\n\nDuring the year we have continued to use the Museum of History in Kowloon Park whose excellent lecture hall facilities have been made available to us through the courtesy of the Curator. We have been grateful to him and his staff for assistance on these occasions. However, despite the availability of the mass transit railway whose Tsimshatsui station is located outside Kowloon Park and only 5 minutes from the museum, we know that many members prefer the Hong Kong side. We have therefore looked for suitable venues there but with little success so far. We are continuing the search. One of the difficulties lies in the fact that it is not always possible to make bookings well in advance and find lecturers whose schedules meet the chosen dates.\n\nA New Home for the Library\n\nAs stated in last year's report, a new home had to be found for our library after the Hong Kong Art Centre advised its constituent members, of whom we were one, that it would be revising the basis of their participation in the organization. This meant that\n\nX", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210443, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "31\n\ndeep indentations. There are [more than 230] islands.\n\nOne of them, placed almost in the centre of the Port Shelter area on the eastern side of the Colony and separated by a strait less than fifty yards wide from its neighbour, is Kau Sai island. The sheltered area lying between the two islands westward of the narrows (Kau Sai Strait) is Kau Sai Bay, referred to by the locally based fishermen always as “our own bay” (boon waan). Stretching north along the western shore immediately proximate to Kau Sai Strait is the village of Kau Sai. In 1950 it comprised 17 houses, all but two occupied by 50-plus speakers of the Hakka language, and was regarded as a home anchorage by the almost 500 Cantonese speaking inhabitants of some 61 boats. The two non-Hakka households contained 6 ex-Boat People.\n\nThe largest, most elaborate and best kept building was a temple dedicated to Hung Shing Kung, a deified official of the T'ang dynasty who holds a watching brief over the fortunes of all manners of men, particularly those who have to do with boats and the sea. An unroofed patio on the left side of the main hall of the temple was used as a schoolroom, weather permitting. Unswept and dirty it contained about ten clumsily botched-up desks and a few equally ramshackle chairs. The rest of the temple building was fairly regularly swept and dusted by one of the shore dwelling ex-fishermen, an elderly fellow, no longer capable of work at sea, who had been given the post of caretaker a few years before. The temple had a concrete floor, a gilded inscription over the entrance, and contained a number of images and the usual ritual appointments. Its granite block walls were surmounted by an upward curving roof of blue-green porcelain tiles.\n\nSome of the houses were built or partly built of granite blocks, too, but more were constructed of once-whitewashed mud or mud-bricks. Their floors were all of beaten earth. Near each Hakka house stood a pig-sty, often tumbledown and usually doubling as a latrine for humans. There were two shops. The larger was owned and run by an ex-fisherman, with the help of his wife and daughter; the smaller one, next door, was in the hands of the younger brother of the Hakka village \"headman\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210452, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "40\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nearly stages of a boom in fishing which had been ushered in by a new system of marketing and was to be accompanied by the rapid mechanisation of the junks. This was a general movement affecting cargo carriers as well as fishing craft in China as well as Hong Kong. Connected closely with it was an upsurge in the demand for education (for legal running a mechanised boat requires a certificated coxswain-engineer) and a strong movement towards dwelling ashore. In a few years Kau Sai was to have its new school, and the first of the gay, new, colour-washed houses was being built. The removal of the Hakka land families had merely made it a little easier for the Cantonese Boat People of Kau Sai to find building sites and maintain their unity as a relatively homogeneous group.\n\n3. KAU SAI: THE RHYTHMS OF LIVING\n\nIn this chapter I continue the description of Kau Sai with a general account of the on-going framework of activities into which a fisherman is born and in which he spends most of his life. It is necessary first to complete the picture of the physical setting with a more detailed account of the lay-out of the anchorage.\n\nThe lay-out of the anchorage\n\nBetween 1950 and 1970 the water front changed. In 1950, the sea wall, running from the temple westward along the whole length of the village, was made of rough granite blocks and boulders. Only in front of the temple were these held in place by mortar. There were four jetties, built also of granite boulders. The largest, best finished and most used was almost directly in front of the main shop. A second somewhat smaller one lay about twenty-five yards west of this. The third and fourth, flanking these two, were rather small and tumbledown. By 1970 the entire water front had a concrete wall surmounted by a concrete pathway. In place of the two old central granite block jetties stood two new concrete piers. The more westerly of the two was now the major one, a smaller one replacing that in front of the shops. The site of the old eastern jetty near the temple was now occupied by a public latrine. The fourth, most westerly jetty", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "48\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nmen to gamble much later than before. In 1950 there had been one battery-operated wireless, owned by the main shopkeeper, around which the small evening population used to gather for entertainment, particularly on Mondays and Fridays when programmes of Cantonese opera were broadcast live from the Po Hing or Ko Shing theatres, and the shop therefore remained open till midnight. In 1970 nearly all the families and many individuals had their own transistor radios.\n\nOn the purse-seiners there would be a rather exhilarating passage out to the chosen fishing ground, where the boats would stop, set their kerosene pressure lamps, and wait. If it was calm and there were fish about, some people might do a little hand-lining, but usually this was a time for sleeping until awakened by an alarm clock sometime before midnight. The time of actual fishing operations obviously depended on the presence or otherwise of fish, but often there would be two main spells around midnight and just before dawn, with sleep in between. Small children on board slept through the night, but even on the mechanised junks, a ten-year-old was already a useful hand. During the fishing periods, and especially at dawn, fish-collecting boats might call around to buy the catch, and a few small-liners might also come to buy bait for their next day's activities. As dawn was breaking, the night-time fishermen would be well on their way either to market first or directly back to the anchorage. After mechanisation, most purse-seiners were able to take their own fish to the wholesale markets and still get back to their bases well before noon.\n\nMeanwhile, the land dwellers and those remaining on boats at the anchorage had slept, but they too would wake at dawn, or just before. The first purse-seiners would arrive at an already busy village. The day-time fishermen would be getting ready to go out, waiting usually to buy bait from the returning night workers. Women on shore would be drawing water, hanging clothes out to dry, rousing children from sleep. In the days before the nylon revolution, the first object of a purse-seiner was to ensure that his net was properly dried. As each pair came in, the sampans were launched, the wet net, piled high in the bows of the net-junk, was bundled into one of them, and carried off at", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210462, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "50\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\nsun, and continuous weather watching.\n\nWomen assisted in most of these jobs, and in addition were responsible for all the interior boat (and house) cleaning, cooking, cutting and collecting fuel and fetching water and, of course, clothes making, washing and mending. The entire care of very young children also fell to them. Unless she was still unmarried and had efficient sisters-in-law or was old with efficient daughters-in-law, a boat woman had virtually no free time. (A third but unlikely possibility would be that she had no children). Those who moved ashore during the 'sixties found life much less exacting. Not going fishing they were neither so fatigued nor so pressed for time, and managing a family household ashore was far less physically uncomfortable and time consuming than on a small boat. The outwork for Hong Kong plastics factories on which the women of Kau Sai were making pin-money in the late 'sixties would not have been possible, even if it had been available, in the early 'fifties.\n\nMen had always a little more time for recreation. Gambling (at poker, Russian poker, or mah-jong), talking, listening to the radio, sleeping and playing with young children were their major pastimes. Sometimes they even went fishing, for fishing remained a sport as well as a source of livelihood. At times they would drift into the shops to buy cigarettes and snacks (sweets, cake, aerated water), and when they were working on any major job (sail-making, for example, in the old days, or drying especially large quantities of fish) there would be a mid-day luncheon perhaps cakes or biscuits bought from the shop, or maybe something special cooked on the boat and sent across to them to eat. Birthdays, too, were often marked in this way.\n\nBy about four o'clock the dried nets and fish were being gathered in, the purse-seiners would be preparing to go out again, the children wandering back or being collected by older brothers or fathers or uncles or cousins, the evening meal being prepared. Then after eating and washing once more the fishermen would be off for the next night's business. At sunset each evening as at sunrise each morning incense was burned for the ancestors and at the prow (where was located the water equivalent of the land-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210471, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "59\n\nThem daily to their fishing grounds brought them back in the evenings as often as not to the anchorage at Sai Kung, where they could sell their fish alive immediately to the buyers in the street market or to dealers, or have it collected fresh first thing in the morning at the F.M.O. depot, buying bait from the incoming purse-seiners at the same time before setting out to sea again. At times too, particularly before mechanisation, they found it wise to choose an evening anchorage nearer their next day's fishing grounds than Kau Sai or even Sai Kung, in which case they would probably sell their fish to fish collecting junks and not return to port at all for several days as one of them put it \"until the rice runs out\". The less frequent presence of the small liners in Kau Sai was reflected in the greater timidity of liner children when they did come ashore there to play.\n\nBecause the main fishing seasons for purse-seiners and long-liners did not coincide, there was a certain alternation in the intensity of the spatial rhythms of occupational movement just described, but in other respects the programme of seasonal and annual changes affected all the fishermen in rather similar ways. The threat of a typhoon, for example, would bring about an immediate transformation in the spatial distribution of all the local junks as they converged upon Sai Kung or Yim Tin Tsai. At such times Kau Sai, like the other neighbouring anchorages, would be empty of boats for probably several days.\n\nContrariwise, there was one occasion in the annual cycle of ritual events when almost all the local craft met in Kau Sai. During the Hung Shing Festival in the 2nd month, the bay might contain four hundred or more junks calling in from all the neighbouring anchorages and Shaukiwan, and even (though rarely) from as far afield as Aberdeen, Cheung Chau or Castle Peak. During this period, as at New Year, all who considered themselves \"real\" Kau Sai people stayed at their moorings. The pattern of movement at this festival was balanced, so to speak, by others elsewhere in the locality - notably that at Lung Shuen Wan in the 3rd month and Pak Sha Wan in the 6th - to which Kau Sai boats went regularly. Once there, they usually anchored in a block together, recognised agnatic kin side-by-side as at home. During these periods, they continued to go out fishing, but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210515, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "103 years of age and even grandparents over 70 could and did play useful parts in fishing and ancillary occupations.\n\nBaiting up on the long-liners, helping to haul in the nets on the purse-seiners, and assisting in the drying of nets and fish children often performed these tasks and helped in many others. At 10 a child could be a useful hand, by 16 a fully fledged adult worker, and marriageable to boot.7\n\nThe opening of the Fishermen's Children's School in 1958 brought some change. On my return to Kau Sai in 1959-60 I was surprised to see boys and girls 12 years old and upwards still attending classes. There were even some 15 and 16 year olds. As school was held in the daytime a number of these older pupils went out fishing with their purse-seiner parents at night. They must have suffered seriously from lack of sleep. Liners, being daytime fishermen and returning less regularly to the anchorage, tended not to leave their children so long in school. By 11 or 12 enough had usually been learned to make future attendance at the coxswains' and engineers' course run by the Fisheries Department possible; thenceforward the economic advantage of keeping a boy or girl at school was felt to be problematical.6\n\nIf a child of 10 or so could be a useful hand so, of course, could an experienced adult of even advanced years. Only 3 of the old people in Kau Sai in 1953 were over 70, and one of them died that year. The remaining 15, all in their sixties, were all economically active in various ways; three of them still unretired masters of their junks. One employee was a woman of 68. She helped with the domestic work and baiting-up on the medium long-liner (a rather bigger boat than any of the others) on which her son, who had neither boat nor other relatives of his own, worked as a hired-hand. In return she received board and lodging and a nominal, irregular wage. The oldest woman I knew died in 1967 at the age of 93. Until three years before she had lived her entire life on purse-seiners.\n\nThus, although, as we shall see, 60 (59 for women) was a social landmark of some importance, and marriages seldom if ever took place before the age of 16 for boys or 15 for girls, the ages", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210542, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "130\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nChina ancestral spirits, while fundamentally benevolent with regard to their descendants, are on occasion punitive, and that in some communities they can simply be malicious.44\n\nThis repeats the pattern already observed at Rome, and a further parallel should be mentioned at this point. When the manes act with malevolent intent, we have seen that they are situated in the hostile and aggressive category of larvae, or ghosts. If a Chinese spirit tormented by neglect attacks its descendants, whether for the sake of vindictiveness or to draw attention to its pitiable condition, it undergoes a similar transformation and enters the ghostly realm of the kuei, for it is now behaving in the hostile manner normally associated with ghosts.45 These form a vast society, for viewed from the perspective of any given individual, all spirits save for one's own beneficent ancestors constitute kuei. Still, certain species of ghosts are generally considered to be more dangerous than others—the same types that we have already encountered in Rome. Those who are sentenced to perpetual starvation and misery because they lack descendants to honour them have good reason to be aggressive; hence the intense desire for male offspring that Hsu remarks in West Town, and the total absence of bachelors and spinsters in the community.46 Individuals who have died before their time, and especially those who have met violent ends, are also angry and jealous of the living, whom they terrorize whenever possible.47 In China as in Rome, ghosts are evil spirits, demanding and dangerous.\n\nCult practices in Rome and China\n\nIf there is a marked similarity in the attitude the Romans and Chinese exhibit toward the spirits of their dead, and in the interplay between the latter and the living, one might naturally expect to find a high degree of correspondence between their cult practices as well. This is in fact the case. In each society, for example, there is an annual celebration designed to placate the ghosts.\n\nThe Chinese Festival of the Hungry Ghosts takes place on the fifteenth day of the seventh lunar month. On this date, the gates", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "136\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nThere is no particular reason why these competing points of view should be regarded as mutually exclusive, and this should be kept in mind when one turns to the Roman material. Here our best source is undoubtedly Cicero, for he defines how one acquires responsibility for the dead with great precision. Once again, the critical passage is to be found in the essay On the Laws (2.48):\n\nClearly our laws on this subject derive from the authority of the pontiffs, who imposed the performance of the rites on those to whom the property passes so that the memory of his ascendants may not perish on the death of the father of the family. After this single rule was laid down, itself quite adequate for an understanding of the proper procedure, innumerable others have come into existence and filled the books of the jurists. For they attempt to fix with exactness the persons who are obligated to perform the rites. This responsibility is altogether just in the case of the natural heirs, for there is no one who more truly takes the place of the dead. Next comes the person who, either by a death-bed gift or a will, receives as much of the estate as all the natural heirs combined... In the third place, if there is no heir, the man who acquires by possession the ownership of the greater part of the property that was in the possession of the deceased at the moment of his demise is bound by the obligation. In the fourth place, if no one acquires any of the property of the deceased, then the obligation falls upon that one of the creditors who retains most of the estate.\n\nThe cult of the dead in late republican Rome, then, seems to be governed by the same principles that Ahern uncovered in Ch'i-nan: the natural heirs have an obvious duty, but only so long as they receive at least half of their father's property. It is the latter that is the crucial element in both communities; Cicero's remark that a creditor might in the end legally be required to continue the cult of his debtor's ascendants, for example, is strongly reminiscent of Ahern's claim that one could contract an obligation to care for the deceased simply by using his property. The lack of uniformly defined obligations at the village level even on the relatively small island of Taiwan,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210556, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "144\n\nLattimore (1942)\n\nOgilvie (1969)\n\nRel. & Rit.\n\nToynbee (1971)\n\nWolf (1974)\n\nWolf (1976)\n\nWolf and Huang (1980)\n\nYang (1945)\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nR. Lattimore, Themes in Greek and Latin Epitaphs (Urbana, Ill., 1942)\n\n= R.M. Ogilvie, The Romans and Their Gods in the Age of Augustus (London, 1969)\n\nA.P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1974)\n\n=\n\nJ.M.C. Toynbee, Death and Burial in the Roman World (London, 1971)\n\n=\n\nA.P. Wolf, “Gods, Ghosts and Ancestors”, in A.P. Wolf (ed.), Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford, 1974), pp. 131-182\n\n=\n\nA.P. Wolf, \"Aspects of Ancestor Worship in Northern Taiwan\", in W.H. Newell (ed.), Ancestors (The Hague and Paris, 1976), pp. 339-364\n\n- A.P. Wolf and Chieh-shan Huang, Marriage and Adoption in China, 1845-1945 (Stanford, 1980)\n\n=\n\nM.C. Yang, A Chinese Village: Taitou, Shantung Province (New York, 1945)\n\nTranslations have been provided by the author for those passages quoted from the Greek and Latin.\n\n2 Cf. CIL 5.1813 (Gemona), where the formula has been shortened to N.F.N.S.N.C; Lattimore (1942), 84 n. 473 plausibly suggests that the second F has been carelessly omitted.\n\n3 The formula appears in slightly modified forms in such disparate communities as Lambaesis in Africa (CIL 8.3463 = ILS 8162), and Lactora in Aquitania (CIL 13.530 = ILS 8163).\n\n4 Epigr. Gr. 595 – IG Rom. 1.313. Cf. Epigr. Gr. 1117 (Bologna), and IG 14.2190 (Rome), where the translation of the Latin formula is still more precise. All of these despairing epitaphs are reminiscent of the teachings of Lucretius, and will remind students of Chinese philosophy of the views on life and death espoused by Wang Ch'ung (A.D. 27 - 97?). He also scoffed at the notion of consciousness after death: \"if we suppose that after death a man becomes a ghost, there would be a ghost on every road, and at every step. Should men appear as ghosts after death, then tens of thousands of ghosts ought to be seen. They would fill the halls, throng the courts, and block the streets and alleys, instead of the one or two which are occasionally met with.\" See A. Forke, Lun-Heng 1. Philosophical Essays of Wang Ch'ung, 2nd ed. rep. (New York, 1962), 193. It therefore follows that sacrifices are useless: \"ghosts and spirits are insensible of joy and anger. People may go on sacrificing to them for ever, or completely disregard and forget them, it makes no difference.\" (Forke 1.524). One Greek inscription, from Astypalaea, requests that food and drink not be brought to the grave, for \"corpses have no need for the things of the living:\" see J. Geffcken, Griechische Epigramma (Heidelberg, 1916), no. 209. Forke discusses the similarities between Wang Ch'ung and Lucretius at length (supra, 1.13-29); readers unfamiliar with Han philosophy will profit from the brief discussion of Wang Ch'ung in M. Loewe, Chinese Ideas of Life and Death: Faith, Myth and Reason in the Han Period (202 B.C. — A.D. 220) (London, 1982), 12-14, 35-36, 68-70, and 89-90.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210668, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "2\n\nHELEN F. SIU\n\nof those interviewed felt that recent immigrants had slowed the planned delivery of government housing services and caused rent increases; 70 percent felt that recent immigrants competed with them for jobs and lowered wages; 70 percent agreed with the impression that the immigrants were the usual offenders in petty crimes, and 50 percent felt that they were responsible for violent crimes in recent years.\n\nCautioning against blaming the victim, scholars have tried to see if the weight of explanation for such negative public sentiments may be put upon the immigrants themselves.\" A scholar of social work in Hong Kong, Zhou Yongxin, asserts that among the earlier immigrants, 70 percent had some skills in various trades, many had industrial capital, and only 3.8 percent were of rural origin. However, 85 percent of the recent immigrants are between the ages of 15 and 30, predominantly male. Seventy-nine percent are of rural origin. A lack of data on the bulk of illegal immigrants makes it difficult to have a fair evaluation, but the legally settled ones do not give the impression that they are unattached elements floundering in an alien environment. Their sojourn is supported, however reluctantly, by networks of family and friends at the receiving end. Similar to the wave of youths who illegally migrated to Hong Kong during the Cultural Revolution, many have come on their own because they are frustrated with the political vicissitudes and the lack of social mobility in China; some are attracted by the modern materialist glamour suddenly exposed to them through the Hong Kong media. However, given their rural origin, recent immigrants may have less capital and fewer skills than the entrepreneurs from Shanghai or the craftsmen from Guangzhou who had migrated in the 1950s to cope with livelihood in urban Hong Kong. Therefore, compared to previous waves of immigrants, their \"preparedness\" for life in Hong Kong is mixed. The question remains: do they deserve the accusations that the sudden influx of these rural immigrants drastically disturb Hong Kong's social stability and heightens the tensions in an already over-crowded society?\n\nTo evaluate these public sentiments, I think it is important to look more closely at the host community itself. It takes two sides to create problems of adjustment. In fact, the immigrants' predica-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210687, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "21\n\nin private practice. However he quickly became established and when Hayllar left Hong Kong in 1882 he was ready to step into his shoes. The Hong Kong Telegraph in its obituary observed “In the early part of his career he had an uphill fight but his eloquence and thorough grasp of the law quickly placed him in the leading ranks of the Bar and after the retirement of Hayllar he had no rival. No important case could come before the court without Francis being retained\". The China Mail said “As a lawyer he had limitations but they were due to lack of early legal training rather than lack of ability. He had a ready grasp of the main points of a case and was unequalled as a reader of character, particularly Chinese character, and an expert cross-examiner\". The speed with which he prospered may be judged from the fact that he took silk in 1886, being only the third member of the Hong Kong Bar to do so. In his letter to the Colonial Secretary requesting the Governor to recommend him to the Secretary of State for appointment Francis wrote \"His Excellency is well aware that this is an honour which according to the recognised custom and etiquette of the profession is always asked for and when properly applied for is seldom refused”. The Chief Justice (now Phillippo) wrote \"Mr. Francis is fully deserving the honour he seeks. On the retirement of Mr. Hayllar Q.C. he obtained the position of leading counsel at the Bar in conjunction with the Attorney General. In nearly every case he holds a brief on one side or the other, and as leading counsel when more than one counsel is employed”. Governor Bowen wrote \"he has risen into leading and lucrative practice at the local Bar where he is making, as I am informed, some £4,000 annually. I have no hesitation in recommending that his application be granted\". The newspaper reports of cases bear out the above observations. Only towards the end of his life when his health began to fail did anyone else challenge his supremacy. He died before the start of the Hong Kong Law Reports but one of his cases is reprinted from a newspaper: Tang Kai Shang v. Ng Pak To H.K.L.R. Vol. 6 for 1911 p.90.\n\nReading the newspaper reports of his cases Francis comes across as a forceful, and often pugnacious and outspoken, advocate who took every possible point for his clients and never gave up. He had many clashes with the bench, other counsel and witnesses. He admitted that he was \"at all times very hot tempered\" and more than once apologised for “the unjustifiable warmth” of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210736, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "70\n\nD.A. GRIFFITHS AND S.P. LAU\n\nBy 1884 all the land available for the extension of the Gardens had been completed.\n\n\"The exceptionally sterile nature of the soil of this barren rock, the exposed aspect of the Gardens and absence of water for artificial watering in the dry season, necessitate the expenditure of a great deal of thought, time, and means than is usually experienced in establishments of this kind.\"\n\nAt least one specimen of each kind of tree or shrub by now carried a label and an exchange of plants and seeds was established with more than 40 organisations. On the cultural side the Annual Flower Show had been organized since 1872 and there was a weekly musical performance by the Regimental Band. Plants were also on sale to the public.\n\nFord had become a tireless worker in establishing a scientific approach to Hong Kong's flora and he was undoubtedly the person to whom credit must be given in establishing, describing and preserving a wide variety of botanical finds both in Hongkong and in China as well as further afield in the Island of Taiwan. He was deeply committed to the more economic aspects of Botany and introduced a wide variety of economically important exotic plants to the area. He also had an abiding interest in forestry and was one of the first people to realise the importance of forest trees as objects of beauty as well as instruments to prevent further soil erosion and thus preserve what little remained of the barren soil of the island.\n\nIn 1886 Ford explains how expenditure had outstripped estimates but sensibly sugars the unpalatable pill:\n\n\"The actual revenue for this year will be at least $200,000 in excess of the estimated revenue. Our plantations are thriving splendidly. I am planting very extensively true Camphor trees which will be, I estimate, most valuable to the Colony in due time. I planted many thousands last year and they have all done amazingly well.\n\nIn 1887 (July 26th) he is again complaining about the lack of support from within the Government but knowing he has the tacit support of Governor he states philosophically:\n\n¦", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210762, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "96\n\nCHAN WING HOI\n\nAlthough the number of persons who walked in the procession was impressive, for it was probably more than 300 at many points, many were in the main on-lookers. This was especially obvious in what I overheard when the procession reached Tai Long Wan. A middle-aged woman made the following comment to her companion: “Come along to the walk and have a good time together.” A young woman asked another, probably her newly married-in sister-in-law, if she had seen the piu-sik before. Someone else made the observation, \"There are so many things to see.”\n\nOnce back at the main ritual area, the Chiu Chau ceremonial music group started a more elaborate performance, with two girls in colourful costume walking their stylized steps carrying fancy baskets on poles. The performance, I learned later from a Chiu Chau friend, was called Chiu Chau fa-laam (flower baskets) and was typical of Chiu Chau celebrations.\n\nBecause of the heavy rain in the morning, the head priest proposed to change the time for posting the participants' names from the time chosen to some time in the afternoon, which, the priest stressed, was the time when the rite took place in the previous celebration. One of the local leaders suggested, without insisting, that maybe the gods wanted the rite to take place at the time chosen, but the priest's opinion prevailed. Two Shek O men whose achievements indicated their lives had been endowed with good fortune acted as laam-bong (recipients of the name list that was said to be granted by Heaven). The ritual for name posting took place between six and seven o'clock in the evening and was followed by two other rites Ying-shing (receiving the gods) and Siu-yau (small offering to the ghosts). I was absent during these rites but learned later from Mr. Leung, a photographer from the Hong Kong Museum of History, that the name posting took place in the rain and there were not many people watching. There were more people reading the document the next morning. Even then, Mr. Leung observed, there were not as many people reading as in the case of the jiu festival of Kam Tin which took place in the previous year in the New Territories.\n\nWhen I arrived at the ritual site on the last day of the festival at around 3:00 p.m., one of the main rites was already in progress. I", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210768, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "102\n\nTHE MINORITIES OF SOUTHERN CHINA: A GENERAL OVERVIEW\n\nNICHOLAS TAPP\n\nIntroduction\n\nIn the minority areas of Yunnan, as in much of the rest of the country, there are still small boys spreadeagled on the backs of oxen, little girls perched in apple trees munching apples, old women trudging home across the mountains bearing giant piles of firewood on their backs, and men riding slowly to market in dilapidated pony traps. Since Liberation, however, remarkable changes have taken place both in the relationships between different ethnic groups and in their own internal composition. Due to the kindness of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies in Kunming, Yunnan, which I attended as a Visiting Scholar in 1986, and through the Department of Anthropology at the Chinese University of Hong Kong who invited me to participate in fieldwork in the Liannan Yao Autonomous County in Northwestern Guangdong during June 1986, and together with an earlier field trip in the summer of 1985, I have been able to visit various ethnic minority areas, interview villagers and collect data on different aspects of their social and economic conditions and religious beliefs. In addition to this I have met and held discussions with many specialists and experts on the minorities in the fields of ethnography, linguistics and history. The following is, therefore, a brief record of these investigations, with some attempt to arrive at a general overall perspective on the changing conditions of these areas since 1949.\n\nMost of the minority villages visited lack proper roads and the water-supply is poor, although they have electricity, if only for a few variable hours per day. Housing structure, while exhibiting strong regional and cultural variations, has been particularly influenced by Han village architecture, and demonstrates wide disparities of wealth. Generally outer walls are of adobe. In poorer areas timber and bamboo are still used, and in better-off areas granite or\n\nDr. Nicholas Tapp is Lecturer in Anthropology at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "116\n\nD.L. MICHALK\n\nAnnexation and subjugation of Hainan\n\nAlthough some ancient sources refer vaguely to the existence of Hainan, it was the act of annexation of the island in 111 BC during the reign of Wu Ti, the Han Emperor, that marks the start of Hainan's recorded history (Schafer, 1969). Of the condition of Hainan when invaded by the Han armies, little is known, except that the island was in the possession of unorganized aborigines called Li, who today number 700,000 and rank as the largest minority group in the island's 5.6 million people. The Chinese invaders had no conception of the size of the island, and for more than seven hundred years of occupation, Hainan was depicted on maps as little more than a wavering coastal strip with occasional southward bulges.\n\nThe lack of thorough exploration was due first to a pre-occupation with exploitation of the island's northern pearl beds, rumours of which initially lured the Chinese to this “treasure island” (Schafer, 1969), and second to the strength of the Li people in the hinterland which confined the Han invaders to the coastline. Two administrative areas were established by the Han government to subjugate the \"savage Li\" and thereby hopefully sap the untouched treasures from the island's interior: drugs, incenses, precious metals, pearls, tortoise shell, ivory and coloured, scented cabinet timbers (Mayers, 1872), all luxury goods prized by the Chinese Court.\n\nThe southern and larger half, including those wild and inaccessible areas which were the principal centres of the Li population, was called the Prefecture of Tan-erh (literally Drooping Ear), a name used to describe the Li whose ornament-weighted ear-lobes hung down to their shoulders (Savina, 1929) as photographed by Clark (1938). The northern and smaller division of the island was known as Chu-yai, signifying the Shore of Pearls after the lustrous gems produced in the mussel beds adjacent to the Straits of Qiongzhou.\n\nPearl gathering became an important industry as the demand for personal adornment increased at Court, and the Hainan pearls were particularly prized for their lustre. Rapid colonization followed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210786, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "120\n\nD.L. MICHALK\n\nTaxes levied on imports were just as crippling since the rates were fixed according to the size of the vessel that ferried the goods to Hainan, regardless of the value of the wares it carried. This meant that because the greatest profits were obtained from luxury goods such as expensive furniture, fine silks, silver vases and gold-en hairpins for the privileged rich, these imports took precedence over cargoes of livestock, cooking pots and bags of rice which returned negligible profits (Schafer, 1969). The lack of necessities of life led the poet Su Shih to lament in verse that a \"grain of rice was like a pearl”.\n\nEnticed by an abundance of rich cargoes, bands of pirates formed and pillaged, almost unchecked, shipping along the entire southern seaboard of China. The problem reached such epidemic proportions in the seventeenth century as to preclude safe navigation on the open sea between the east coast of Hainan and the mouth of the Pearl River (Mayers, 1872). The only secure trade route between the mainland and Hainan was to cross the narrow straits which separate the island from the Leichow Peninsula with strong military escort and thence, trek overland to the provincial capital, at quickest a journey taking one month. As a consequence, commerce virtually ceased and Hainan was immersed again in the poverty and deprivation for which it was noted in medieval times (Schafer, 1969).\n\nDenied their source of revenue, pirates turned their ravages landward, and repeatedly sacked towns and villages in the north and east of the island, in spite of the presence of Imperial garrisons (Mayers, 1872). Although the destruction in 1684 of the pirate kingdom in Taiwan restored safe navigation to the Guangdong coast, Hainan still remained a haven for buccaneers, and pillage continued almost unabated until the beginning of the nineteenth century. It was the combination of a growth in foreign shipping interests in China, the use of steam power in ships and the opening of a treaty port in Hainan, which led to the demise of piracy as a lucrative pastime in the South China Sea.\n\nAlthough the Chinese had previously established rudimentary navies such as the \"Sea-Patrolling Water Army\" (Hsun-hai shui-chun) to control piracy (K’iungchow fu chih, 1920 ed.), it was the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "136\n\nD.L. MICHALK\n\noften limited to existing cultivated lands and to grain production which increasingly cramped our efforts.\n\n\"Our policy is to spare no effort in promoting grain production and diversified undertakings, [but] we should strive to protect existing grasslands, use them rationally, step up their development, rear as much livestock as possible, and at the same time encourage the raising of domestic animals and poultry in the vast countryside and so significantly develop animal husbandry.\"\n\nAs part of this planned expansion of beef output, officials in the southern province of Guangdong identified the dry tropics of Hainan Island as a region suitable for beef production for two reasons: first, unlike other parts of Guangdong, low rainfall and infertile soil preclude production of economic crops, and, second, the region already has an abundance of native Yellow Ox cattle and a large area of wasteland which could be used more intensively for beef production (Michalk et al, 1985).\n\nPresent output from cattle grazing native rangeland in this region under traditional management (i.e. herded by day and coralled at night) is extremely low: 30-60 kg LWG/ha/yr. Inadequate nutrition, especially during the seven month dry season, is the major cause for low beef production in western Hainan. Experience in the dry tropics of northern Australia has shown range improvement with Stylosanthes legumes to be a successful means of increasing beef output in situations where \"fixed area management\" is practised.\n\nWhile the Guangdong Government perceived the value of this type of technology for improving cattle production in Hainan, they also recognized that a lack of indigenous expertise in range science was a major constraint to the introduction, adaptation and popularization of appropriate range improvement technology for use on state farms where \"fixed area management\" is presently practised. To expedite technology transfer, Guangdong sought assistance from New South Wales, its \"sister state\" in Australia, to set up a \"model farm\" where field research could be undertaken to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210812, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "146 \n\nCARL SMITH \n\ninvited all the important people and white men in Malacca, \n\n+ + \n\nう \n\nto a gathering at six o'clock in the morning. Assembling there they buried their contributions of money, altogether $70 or $80, in a hole scooped out in a stone below the door. Then they all raised the door into position and Mr. Milne, coming forward and striking it with his hand, declared that the place was the Anglo-Chinese College.\" \n\nAbdullah must have been at the edge of the crowd unable to see clearly what was put into the hole in the foundation stone. Seventy or eighty dollars would not likely have been buried. What probably was buried was a few token coins which were often placed in foundation stones. \n\nA-FA: SEEDS OF THE TAIPING REBELLION \n\nThe first full-time Chinese student of the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca was Liang A-fa. There is no evidence that he was a particularly brilliant scholar, but the college was always proud to claim him as a former student. \n\nHe was a native of Ko Ming District in the province of Kwangtung. His previous education had consisted of a few years at his village school. He began his education late, at the age of 11, and when he was 15 he left the village to learn a trade in the city of Canton as village schools usually provided only a rudimentary education. If one had hopes of being a scholar, attendance at an advanced academy or instruction by a private tutor was the usual procedure. \n\nLiang A-fa, in spite of the few years of study when an adult at the Anglo-Chinese College, never developed a proper classical style of writing. This, however, did not discourage him from composing and printing Christian tracts. Sometimes he would have a scholar revise them to make them more literary. \n\nAfter learning the block cutting trade in Canton, he was engaged by one of Rev. Dr. Robert Morrison's assistants to carve blocks for the printing of a Chinese translation of the New Testament. Such work for foreigners was not looked on with favour by Chinese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210838, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "172\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nHe wrote: \"The farce of bringing up Chinese in English fashion the decoration of swine with pearls will probably by this exposure, receive a deserved check.\" And in another diatribe he remarked: \"Give a Chinese boy an English education, and you give him the means to become a greater rogue than he was born.\"\n\nThe newspaper correctly predicted that the case would not come before the court for lack of sufficient evidence, even though it was placed on the calendar for the next Criminal Sessions. The prisoner, however, would be kept in prison for a time and then quietly released.\n\n\"Thus,\" the paper commented, \"the whole matter will be hushed up quietly; and the London Missionary Society's operation in China will not be abridged by the loss of a useful member.\n\nThe society, however, did not take the matter lightly. A-sow was suspended from the church until he should show proper contrition, and he was relieved of his part-time teaching duties.\n\nHe was later restored, but only to fall again.\n\nREPRIEVED ONLY TO STRAY AGAIN\n\nDr. James Legge had a forgiving spirit. When Ho Fuk-tong had violated an accepted moral code while a student at Malacca, he was received back by Dr. Legge, an act Dr. Legge was never to regret. Perhaps he had this in mind in his attitude towards Ng Mun-sow after his involvement in the case of the missing bills of exchange.\n\nAfter his appearance at Court, A-sow had been suspended from church privileges and dismissed as an assistant teacher, though he was not completely cut off from the mission community. To have done so would have probably bound him closer to the bad companions he had been associating with and who had led him astray. This, at least, was Dr. Legge's view of the matter.\n\nThe decision seemed justified when some months later A-sow submitted a letter to the church expressing deep sorrow for his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210871, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "205\n\n\"There were, of course, the usual crowd common to native processions present. Following those on foot came 100 riders in official robes, two abreast, followed by a detachment of native troops from the camp near the Arsenal, provided by the colonel, who was a friend of the deceased gentleman. Then came Chinese musicians and the town band, and then what is not often seen except in funerals of the highest officials, bands of Buddhist nuns and bonzes as well as Taoist priests.\n\n\"After them came the chief mourners in sackcloth, while surrounded by a white panoply, screened from the gaze of the crowd, walked the sole surviving son of the deceased. Then came the coffin on a red bier with a dragon's head in gold and red, and after it some 200 chairs containing the female friends and relatives of the family and over 80 carriages.”\n\nOur story of Tong Mow-chee, alias A-chick, has taken us far from the lad of 11 taken by his father to meet his future schoolmaster, the Rev. S.R. Brown in 1839, but his position of wealth, influence and honour had its foundations in the schoolrooms of Macau and Hongkong.\n\nFROM A HONGKONG CLASSROOM TO ALTAR OF HEAVEN\n\nClosely associated with the Rev. Dr. Legge throughout his life in Hongkong was Ho A-sun, or, as he was also known, Ho Ye-tong. Actually they had first met when Mr. Legge first arrived in Malacca. By trade Ho A-sun was a book block-cutter. He was one of some half dozen people Dr. Robert Morrison had sent from Canton to work at the Ultra-Ganges Press the London Missionary Society established in Malacca.\n\nIt was at a time when the Chinese authorities were strictly enforcing the prohibition against Chinese being employed by foreigners at Canton. Only those who had been granted special permission were allowed to work for the foreign traders. For this reason the printing of Morrison's translation of the Bible in Chinese at Canton could only be done secretly and at some risk to the Chinese printers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210872, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "206\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nWhen the London Mission closed its work in Malacca and moved to Hongkong in 1843, Ho A-sun came with it. He wanted his children to have the advantage of education under the direction of Dr. Legge. His eldest child, a daughter, had already been under instruction of Mrs. Legge. She was the one who later married Ng Mun-sow. Two sons were of an age to be in the first small class in Hongkong of the transplanted Anglo-Chinese College.\n\nHo A-sun set himself up in the Lower Bazaar at Hongkong as a block-cutter and printer. His shop was next to the London Mission Chapel on Jervois Street. He had been baptised in Malacca and was an ardent propagandist for his new faith. When customers came to his printing-stationery store he gave them Christian tracts.\n\nHe was always ready to discuss religion with those who showed any interest. After shop hours he would go about the streets distributing literature and explaining the religion the foreigners had brought to China.\n\nWhile he had not the skill at preaching or the education or scholarship of one like Ho Fuk-tong, he had devotion and earnestness which in their own way were impressive. The mission called him “a humble, unobtrusive Christian.”\n\nThrough hard work he was able to acquire sufficient real estate in Hongkong to leave valuable properties at his death in 1869 to each of his six sons. He also provided that the family house on Hollywood Road west of Aberdeen Street be retained as a residence for his widow, sons and grandsons. This property was resumed by Government in 1883 for the purpose of acquiring ground for the erection of a new Central School.\n\nHis older children attended Dr. Legge's school. The younger ones were students at Central School after it was opened in 1862.\n\nThe eldest was Ho A-lloy. He became the most prominent of the family. Dr. Legge characterised him in 1852 as a very promising lad. He was disappointed later, however, when A-lloy had to be excluded from church fellowship for taking on a secondary", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210877, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "211\n\nsome 500 interested people and twice as many had been turned away for lack of room.\n\nIt was time to act. After an impromptu huddle of the dignitaries on the platform during a momentary lull in the proceedings, Mr. Poore announced that a second meeting would be held in a larger building at which the two Chinese would be designated for their work. Mr. Poore later observed that he had been careful not to alarm the Episcopalians with any suggestion of an act implying ordination to a particular ecclesiastical office. He used the term Scripture reader or lay agent to refer to the two young men.\n\nThere were some sour notes struck in the general community. One newspaper sneered at attempts to convert Chinese. Another tried to discredit the qualifications of the young men. In reporting these matters, Mr. Poore noted that the criticisms backfired. They attracted the attention of the community to the meeting and provoked curiosity and interest.\n\nThe Attorney General volunteered to be the main speaker. In his address he reassured his hearers that he had examined and cross-examined the candidates. For Mr. Poore there could have been no better confirmation of his efforts: \"It was a triumphant vindication, and, coming from such a quarter, admitted of no cavil.\"\n\nTo top it all, the committee had been able to secure the services of a missionary from China to accompany and supervise the newly appointed Scripture readers. Mr. Young, the missionary, had been stationed at Amoy. He was able to talk with the Hokien-speaking Chinese and the two young men with the Cantonese.\n\nThe team was sent off to the goldfields at Castlemaine. Here the Christian community had just built the first church in the town. After the arrival of the Rev. Mr. Young and the two Scripture readers, a meeting was held. Mr. Poore, who was present, reported: \"Meeting admirable, speeches good, great pressure of people, many could not get in... The whole Christian community seems to be pervaded with a tender concern for their salvation.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210907, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "real meaning and vote according to their firm convictions.\n\n241\n\n\"And yet when we asked that the resolutions be explained in Chinese, so that we might judge for ourselves and vote conscientiously, it was unceremoniously refused. I leave to the impartial public what to think of this.\"\n\nHe signed his letter \"Ho Kwan-sun, Late Haikwan (Customs) Banker, Swatow\".\n\nThere were few in the community of that day who could be called impartial. The Chinese were only in the first stages of an awareness of their importance for the general welfare of Hongkong. This, in turn, produced a feeling that they should have a voice in matters of general public concern. The foreign community for its part could not believe the Chinese had a fundamental loyalty to the interest of Hongkong. They feared that the Chinese in Hongkong would join forces with corrupt officials in China and block what foreigners considered the proper expansion of commerce and undercut British prestige and power in the East.\n\nThis first attempt of Chinese and foreigners to unite in an open meeting on a public issue served to drive the two groups farther apart, at least for a time.\n\nHOW THE CHINESE WERE\n\nKEPT OUT OF THE MEETING\n\nThe public meeting called for October 7, 1878, to discuss “public insecurity\" was the first held in Hongkong at which there was a large Chinese delegation. From the standpoint of promoting better relations between the various sections of the community it was not a success. Ho A-mei told the Chinese side in the letter he wrote to the Daily Press. In it he related how the Chinese had had no opportunity to express their views.\n\nThe Europeans, however, who were able to speak out at the meeting, made it lively. Much of the interchange occurred after the Chinese had left; however, the remarks made point to the reason the Chinese were treated as they were.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210930, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "263\n\nsulting the Chinese. In my opinion the action taken by Dr. Ho Kai showed great lack of courage and judgment, as he ought, before taking upon himself to represent us, to have consulted us beforehand, and have made himself acquainted to a certain extent with our views as to what amount was likely to be raised for the memorial in question.\n\nThere seems to have been not much of traditional Chinese courtesy or delicacy in these hard remarks by Ho A-mei. He was not one to exercise a tactful or diplomatic approach to a matter he felt was wrong.\n\nThe three Hongkong English language newspapers each took a different view of this attack on Dr. Ho Kai. The Daily Press ignored it, the Hongkong Telegraph endorsed it, the China Mail condemned it. The editor of the Mail noted that \"the green eyed monster jealousy is in the Chinese community. There is just a chance certain Chinese may make themselves extremely ridiculous over this affair.\" He believed that Ho A-mei felt slighted because the three Chinese named to the Kennedy memorial committee had also been mentioned as possible candidates to fill the post vacated by the resignation of Ng Choy from the Legislative Council. He commented: “Surely Ho A-mei's ambition does not soar so high. He is a pretty successful businessman, but we are not aware that anything else can be said in his favour of his having a seat on Council, while a great deal could be said on the other side.\"\n\nIn commenting on these editorial remarks, the writer of a regular column in the Mail remarked, “Mr. Ho A-mei is evidently an individual who does not intend to blush unseen in the Colony. I know little about him but evidently it was a great mistake for the Kennedy Memorial meeting not to place his name on the committee and not to call on him for a few remarks. Seriously, I hope the 'rubbing down' you gave him last night (in the editorial) may prevent the Chinese from supporting the foolish project he has started.\"\n\nThis project was his undertaking to raise funds for a memorial to Macdonnell and to Hennessy. The Tung Wah meeting agreed to have Leung On raise funds for the Kennedy project.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210945, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n277 \n\nTemple and paying respect to Governor-General Chau and Governor Wong, a roast pig is to be prepared, and the sum of 8 silver dollars is to be awarded, in addition to 3 silver dollars for the men and horses. The feast for the day is to be arranged in the manner stated in the previous clause. \n\n16. Should the provincial or metropolitan graduates, imperial students by special selection, or official functionaries, of the literary or military order, be accompanied by masters-of-ceremony, as they pass by the Governor's Temple, the masters-of-ceremony are to be paid 20 cents each. \n\nWe have not been able to discover if these rules were used as stated. Village elders remember the feast, in which scholars sat at the most honoured places, and poetry and rhymed couplets were written. However, we have not come across any concrete reference to the Po Tak Temple as a place for litigation or reception of officials. \n\nThe clauses concerning litigation and entertainment of officials and degree-holders are not found in the regulations of the New Alliance. Its regulations are brief, although one clause, giving the history of the alliance from 1908, is of particular interest. The lack of any reference to the literary competition should also be noted. A translation of the regulations is given below: \n\n1. If money has to be distributed for the public affairs of this tung [] [a group of villages: this use of ... is common in the New Territories] the shan-sz of the heung are to meet to discuss the matter. Money must be distributed to each share as stated in former regulations, and not in this manner (SØER). [It is not at all clear what \"this manner\" refers to.] \n\n2. Under former regulations, the New Alliance [met] on the 1st of the Sixth Month. It was divided into five shares. However, when the land came under British rule, there was insufficient money for annual sacrifices. In the thirty-fourth year of Kuang-hsü [1908], the accounts were closed and cancelled, and sacrifice was to cease from then on. The half share held by Loi Tung Village was scattered and excluded. The shan-sz then met and sought contributions. At that time, San Tin heung", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210998, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "35 \n\npirates carried out a vicious attack on the s.s. Namoa. Some suspects were arrested in Hong Kong and two of them were committed for trial, but they were released for lack of evidence. Those arrested in Kowloon were less fortunate, for they were convicted and beheaded on the beach in front of the City, with British officials invited to witness the execution.\" The Chinese were of course also interested in keeping Chinese waters free of pirates and joint efforts were made to this end.\n\n18 \n\nOfficials at Kowloon performed more than their strictly official duties. Numerous temple inscriptions testify to their active involvement with the community activities of the territory, on both sides of the border.\" The stone tablet over the entrance of the Pei-ti Temple at Wanchai, with the temple's name inscribed in Chang Yu-t'ang's calligraphy is particularly significant.\n\n29 \n\n30 \n\nThe Chinese community in British Hong Kong were obviously very aware of the Chinese official presence across the harbour. Sometimes they looked to it for protection. For instance in 1886 when it was rumoured that 500 children would be required to consecrate the Tytam Water Works, children were sent to Kowloon City for protection, to the extent that hardly any child was to be seen anywhere for two days.\"\n\n31 \n\nThe Chinese in Hong Kong also looked to Kowloon as a source of authority and patronage, and this was most clearly seen in 1896 when the first Chinese Chamber of Commerce opened in Hong Kong. As was customary, rites were performed before the Kuan-ti M, or martial god. The Kowloon Commodore, Ch’en Kun-shan 120!!, officiated, as the dragon flag of Ch’ing China fluttered above,32 as if to establish the Chineseness of the occasion. Not surprisingly this display of loyalty to Chinese officialdom incurred the resentment of the local English press. The Daily Press leader lamented that the Hong Kong Governor had not been invited to officiate instead, and saw this as a move \"to insult the established order of the colony\".\" This, in fact, suggests that to some of the foreign community at least, Kowloon, as a Chinese base, was too close for comfort.\n\nThere were other problems. Gambling, prohibited in Hong\n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211017, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "54\n\nIn addition to the vocabulary one might expect in these sections (like “Plaintiff”, “Judge”, “Barrister at law”, “Fine”, “Reprimand”, etc.), one discovers “Sly brothel”, “Registered prostitute”, “Utter false money”, “Branded”, “Put in the cangue”, “Squeezing the ankles”, “Strangled (to death)”, and “Slap the mouth”.\n\nIn many of the sections of this part of the book, Mok Man Cheung is able to demonstrate considerable expertise in the special or technical vocabulary of different crafts, trades, businesses, and professions. \"Silks and Cloths\" (p. 110f.), \"Timbers” (p. 130f.), “Bamboo and Rattan Wares” (p. 134f.), “Iron Wear” [sic] (p. 135f.), \"Vessels and Boats”, “Building Contractor's Terms” (p. 149f.), “Wood Work” (p. 154f.), and the special \"Tallyman's Vocabulary\" are all examples of a practical acquaintance with the fields or conscientious research. There are, however, other sections of the book where, with a similar sense of confidence and authority, Mok Man Cheung actually betrays his lack of familiarity either with the content or with the precise idiom used. In the second section of “Short Sentences”, for example, Mok Man Cheung ranges from such idiomatic expressions as “He got tight” and \"all squared up\" to near misses like \"The real with the false got mixed up” and “He is pulling your legs”. Even the accuracy of local information is wanting in some places, though this, again, could be the fault of slipshod copy editing or careless proof reading. Under “Roads, Streets and Public Offices in Hongkong”, for example, a reader would have been puzzled to find, right next to Bowen Road and Kennedy Road, a certain \"Mac Donald Road”, presumably in error for MacDonnell Road.\n\n17\n\nThe tone of the model letters which Mok Man Cheung offers his readers is invariably formal and respectful, even if the matter is one of reminding a client to pay his bills. The nearest Mok Man Cheung gets to expressing irritation is in the brief note at the top of p. 427:\n\nDear Sir,\n\nI have been to your office and have wasted nearly half an hour to see you, so pardon me for not staying any longer.\n\nYours faithfully,\n\nA. King.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211023, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "60\n\nthe pupil-teacher system as the most efficient and economic remedy for the lack of trained teachers in the two colonies and the first training colleges for English-medium teachers were not established until the twentieth century.\n\n33\n\n34\n\nThe fact that Mok's name appears as an assistant Chinese master from 1884 to 1887 at a salary initially of $240 per year and later of $300 a year (i.e. $25 per month) shows that he accepted employment at the Central School only for a very short period,” and that he, then, like the students who had been the despair of Frederick Stewart, proceeded to exploit his own marketability by obtaining a transfer to the more lucrative translation service of the Hong Kong Government.\n\nIn this respect, Mok Man Cheung was a person who took some actions which enhanced his eligibility as an open collaborator of colonialism. At a time which witnessed attempts to ensure \"separate treatment” of the Chinese and Caucasian races as far as the admission hours to the old City Hall's museum were concerned and efforts to secure separate schools for the different races,\" Mok Man Cheung outwardly valued his connections with the European establishment. It is possible that he signed a bond committing himself to teaching in a Government school for a period of five years at a relatively low salary. Like certain Whig politicians of the eighteenth century in England, he might well have been prepared to \"sell spot to buy futures”.\n\nSnapshot 3: Mok Man Cheung in late 1917\n\nOn his deathbed in late December, Mok Man Cheung might have had time to consider whether his career decisions had been wise ones. In their favour he could point to more than respectable worldly wealth and a respected social position. He had written two successful books and had been engaged in numerous property and other commercial deals. In the last few weeks of his life, he witnessed the will of Mok Tso Chuen, a relative and benefactor. In the last few days, he made his own will, disposing his worldly possessions in the proportion of 2:1 between his wife and his concubine. Perhaps, at some time, Mok Man Cheung cast his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211034, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "70\n\n32\n\nFor further details and comments about the establishment and failure of the 1881-1883 Normal School, see CO129/197, p. 326f. In this file, Colonial Office minutes are critical of Hennessy's extravagance, note that \"the scheme is evidently Dr. Eitel's with Governor Hennessy's fiat\" and other correspondence (e.g., Eitel first report on the Normal School, in Eitel to M.S. Tonnochy, Acting Colonial Secretary, 19th January, 1882, and his second report enclosed in his letter to Tonnochy of 19th January, 1882) shows that Eitel, the Inspector of Schools, felt that there would be very unfortunate repercussions if the school were to be closed and that the headmaster, A.J. May was even prepared to take a salary reduction (from the original proposal of $2,400 a year to $1,600) rather than see the Normal School break up. In later reports (contained in CO129/202 p. 532f.), Eitel compared the Normal School, with its \"special private tuition and instruction\" in pedagogy, to the pupil-teacher scheme at the Central School to the disadvantage of the latter, and May, in his letter to Frederick Stewart of 19th July, 1883, mentioned the virtues of being able to utilize simulation techniques for the preparation of teachers at the Normal School. The actual end of the Normal School, which had been dismissed as unnecessary in the Education Commission Report of September 1882, was precipitated by A.J. May's insistence, in September 1883, that the students agreed to a bond to teach for five years at a salary rate of $25 per month on their completion of the course. The immediate result was that four of the ten students left for the Medical College at Tientsin, three joined commercial firms, and one became a government interpreter, leaving only two of the original intake, as mentioned above, to become teachers.\n\n33\n\nIn Singapore, a central training college for men teachers using English as the medium of instruction was proposed in 1904 and again in 1910, but the scheme was aborted because of the lack of applications. In Kuala Lumpur, an experimental teacher training course began in 1905, proved successful, and was followed by a two-year course in Penang in 1907. See Wong Hoy Kee, Francis, and Gwee Yee Hean, Perspectives: The Development of Education in Malaysia and Singapore (Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann Educational Books (Asia) Ltd., 1972), pp. 12-14.\n\n34\n\nWhat is certain is that his name does not appear in the Blue Book as one of the Pupil Teachers at the Central School at any time between 1880 and 1885. As noted above, Mok Man Cheung won the Class 1 Mathematics prize in January 1884. He was employed as \"Fourth Chinese Assistant\" at the Central School from September 1884. He did not, therefore, have the time to be enrolled in a pupil teacher's course, which customarily lasted for three years, but he might have taken an examination in \"Pupil-Teacher's Theory\" while studying in Class 1.\n\n35\n\nThe dispute over the opening hours at the City Hall Museum had come to a head in 1880 when the Executive Committee of the City Hall Museum, led by its chairman, William Keswick, attempted to restrict the entry of Chinese to the afternoons. They were opposed by the first Chinese member of the Legislative Council, Ng Choy, and by the Governor, Sir John Pope Hennessy. See CO129/189 p. 476-614 for correspondence, largely unsympathetic to the Committee's discriminatory proposal and including an extract from the Hong Kong Hansard for 1880 reporting a speech by Ng Choy, and CO129/192 p. 438-446 for correspondence which includes Keswick's opinion that racial distinctions should not be abolished with regard to admission to the Museum of the City Hall. The call for separate schools for the different races had been made on a number of occasions in the past, most notably in 1845, 1856, and 1870-1872, but the most recent resurgence of interest and argument about the issue had been provoked by a speech made by the Anglican Bishop Hoare at the Prize Distribution of the Diocesan Boys' School in January", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211037, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "73\n\ntion of schools, contained in the Government Gazette, included: “An Upper Grade School means one in which at least part of the Staff is European. Lower Grade Schools are those under purely native management” (Hong Kong Government Gazette, 30th June, 1905, p. 1023). Earlier, Bishop Hoare, the Anglican Bishop of Victoria and South China announced at the annual prize distribution of a school noted for its ethnically ‘mixed' admissions policy that he \"did not believe it was a good thing to put two races side by side in the school. He did not think they mixed. There was a gulf between the Chinaman as a Chinaman and an Englishman as an Englishman, and he did not think it was a good thing for Chinese boys to be educated side by side with English boys” (Hong Kong Daily Press, 30th January, 1901, p. 3). Amongst the largely supportive correspondence in the letters to the editor pages of the local press provoked by the report of Bishop Hoare's speech, there is a letter from a local Chinese resident, Wang Chung-yu, who argued, “Now, to exclude Chinese from certain schools means to go against the law of nature and to aggravate the hatred between Chinese and foreigners.... My experience goes to show that, as a rule, European boys in school generally depreciate things Chinese, and therefore there is no need to fear that European boys may learn any bad method of thinking peculiar to the Chinese.” (Hong Kong Daily Press, 7th February, 1901, p. 3).\n\n48 Sweeting (1983), p. 274.\n\n49 Despite the lack of warmth and closeness in the personal and social relations between the two communities, there was, in a sense, a reciprocal interest by certain Westerners for \"Things Chinese\". This interest was largely intellectual (anthropological and literary) and is, perhaps, best exemplified by Dyer Ball's large publication, which in later editions became increasingly larger, actually entitled Things Chinese. See the Introduction and Prefaces of J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press reprint, with Introduction by H.J. Lethbridge, 1982 of the 5th Edition revised by E. Chalmers Werner, 1925). Interestingly enough, Dyer Ball also published a book entitled Cantonese Made Easy, which by 1904 had reached its 3rd Edition.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211039, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "75\n\nfame of Huang Daxian in Hong Kong. They have learned about this god from relatives living in Hong Kong, or from the Hong Kong media. However, in Guangdong province the Hong Kong Huang Daxian is frequently identified with another Taoist figure with the same surname but a quite different biography.\" The Hong Kong Huang Daxian, Huang Chuping, was, before his deification, a Taoist hermit living during the Jin dynasty (317-420 A.D.) on Jinhua Mountain in Zhejiang province, where he became an immortal. However, as the first author discovered during a research visit to China in 1985, many Guangdong Taoists believe that the Hong Kong Huang Daxian lived and became an immortal on Mt. Luofu,* in Guangdong province. They believe that the Hong Kong Huang Daxian is the same figure as a Mt. Luofu \"Huang Daxian” known as Huang Yeren (Huang the “wild man”), who lived, according to the sources, roughly during the same period as Huang Chuping.\n\nIn August of 1987, we returned to China to visit the remains of a Huang Daxian temple in the ancestral village of the founder of the Hong Kong Huang Daxian temple.' We also visited Mt. Luofu to learn more about Huang Yeren. We discovered that some people were unaware of the difference between the two Huangs, and that their confusion of the two was due to lack of knowledge about the biography and origins of the Hong Kong Huang Daxian. However, attempts have also been made by people with some awareness of the differences between the two Huangs to merge these two figures: to unite two deified Taoist hermit-saints into one personality on the basis of similarities and supposed historical connections between the two. Evidently this process of the merging of several originally distinct deities into one figure has occurred a number of times in the history of religions, but it is rare that one has the opportunity to witness it firsthand.\"\n\nThe following is an account of the two Huangs, and of our discoveries in China of the confusion or merging of the two figures.\n\nHong Kong's Huang Daxian: Huang Chuping\n\nThe main Huang Daxian temple in Kowloon contains a plaque", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211051, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "87\n\nNOTES\n\n“Wong Tai Sin” is the most common transliteration in Hong Kong of the god's name. The pinyin transliteration is Huang Daxian. For Chinese names with a conventional Hong Kong transliteration which differs from the pinyin form, we will begin with the pinyin forms followed by the Hong Kong forms within brackets. For names and places in China, and for subsequent references to Chinese names and terms used in Hong Kong (except for place names such as Hong Kong and Kowloon), only pinyin system will be used.\n\nOn the reasons for the growth in popularity of Huang Daxian in Hong Kong, especially since the late 1940's, see Graeme Lang, and Lars Ragvald, “Upward mobility of a refugee god: Hong Kong's Huang Daxian,\" The Stockholm Journal of East Asian Studies. Vol, 1, 1988. We have called Huang Daxian the “refugee god” both because his cult was imported into Hong Kong early in this century during a period of persecution of traditional religion in China, and also because the god's success can be attributed in part to the refugees who flooded into the area around the temple in the late 1940's. Key decisions made by the management of the temple were also very important.\n\nOur discoveries regarding the ruined temples to Huang Daxian in Guangdong, and a second visit to these sites in 1987, will be reported in a forthcoming article.\n\nThere are undoubtedly many intriguing stories about Huang Daxian which could be collected by researchers in Guangdong province. For instance, one story connecting Huang Daxian to legends about the founding of Guangzhou was related to the first author by the manager of a local company near Guangzhou, who as a child had played in an old Huang Daxian temple in the Fangcun area (on which, see the first author's forthcoming paper). According to this story, Huang Chuping of the Jin dynasty had found the way (Tao) and become a saint at Mt. Luofu. He then, it is said, shouted at five pieces of hard rock turning them into five fairy-sheep and also ordered five fairies dressed in red, yellow, blue, white and black respectively to drive the sheep. This unlikely flock descended in the midst of Guangzhou. Huang Daxian then chanted, \"I wish that Guangzhou from now on shall enjoy bumper harvests, timely wind and rain, be prosperous and at peace, and never suffer famine or disaster”. This tale was related as explaining the origin of the old names Wuyang Cheng (City of the five sheep) and Suicheng (Ear of grain city). The story is clearly modeled on the old (documented) tales of the five saints on ram-back who brought the five ears of grain to Guangzhou. It is not clear where the manager got his story, but it may have been stimulated by an obscure phrase on one of the pillars of the main gate of the old Fangcun Huang Daxian temple. In any case, we expect that there are many such tales which remain to be uncovered. The versatile Huang Daxian, with his several incarnations and his ability to absorb stories from other traditions, may continue to surprise students of his cult for years to come. In the present paper, however, we focus only on his merger with another Taoist figure at Mt. Luofu.\n\n5 Several cases of apparently similar confusion or merging of legendary Taoist figures on the basis of similar surnames have been documented in S.H. Wong. “A study of Huang Ta-hsien [Daxian].” The Journal of the Institute of Chinese Studies of the Chinese University of Hong Kong, XVI, 1985, pp. 223-239.\n\nMt. Luofu, some 100 kilometres northeast of Guangzhou, is historically the most important site in the history of Taoist worship and practice in Guangdong province.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211058, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "94\n\nassociated with the organization after interviewing the surviving founders in the 1960's, and there is no reason to question its veracity. Where, then, did the old lady's account come from?\n\nFirst, it should be noted that few people who visit the temple are even aware of the name of the private organization which has managed the temple for the past 60 years (Chin, et al., 1977:29). Fewer still will have read the temple's history, written in Chinese in glossy brochures which are provided mainly to the members, government officials, and other dignitaries on ceremonial occasions. Hence, it is not surprising that details of the founding of the temple are not widely known even among devotees of the god. How then do worshippers account for the temple's origins?\n\nIn this particular case, the informant appears to have adopted a miracle story which is not uncommon in the Hong Kong area: the recovery from the sea of a god's statue. The statue of Pak Tai in the temple of Cheung Chau island, near Hong Kong, for instance, was allegedly found by fishermen floating in the sea off Guangdong, and became the object of worship (Savidge, 1977:82), displacing other statues of the god. Another instance has been related by adherents of the Kuan-yin temple near Tai Ping Shan Street on Hong Kong Island, in which the statue of the goddess displayed in the temple was “carved from a block of wood floating in the sea and, according to the local story, giving off mysterious golden rays” (Topley and Hayes, 1966:126). The main icon in the Tin Hau temple at Shek Tong Tsui on Hong Kong Island was also said to have been recovered from the sea (Hayes, 1966:89). This kind of story is superficially similar to the “drifted deities” worshipped by fishermen in the Noto Peninsula area of Japan (Ogura, 1980). Many worshippers in Hong Kong will have heard this kind of story about a god's statue being recovered from the sea. When many years have passed, it is difficult for some people to remember which god's statue was found in the water. One's favourite god may then become the subject of the story.\n\nAnother case we have discovered suggests that the process of transfer can occur quite rapidly. In 1966, in a paper on temples on Hong Kong Island, Topley related the account given her by a Cantonese lady of the life of the Taoist hermit worshipped in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211091, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "127\n\ncame Governor in 1877. It was rumoured that the law was to be repealed. This created uneasiness among the foreigners and a discussion concerning the unfairness of class legislation among the Chinese.\n\nBy 1877 a new type of Chinese had arisen in Hongkong. There was an ever-increasing group of wealthy merchants, compradores, landowners, and professionals. These men had a financial stake in the welfare of Hongkong. A few had been born and educated in Hongkong and regarded it as their permanent home.\n\nThis new class became increasingly aware of the contribution the Chinese were making to the growth and prosperity of Hongkong. They resented being looked down on as inferiors and being victims of discriminatory treatment. Some, such as Ho A-mei, were not afraid to voice their opinion on these matters.\n\nIn 1857, this type of Chinese resident could almost have been numbered on a person's two hands. Twenty years later, they were of a quantity and quality that could not be ignored. This contrast between 1857 and 1877 is set forth in a series of rhetorical questions asked by a writer to an English-language newspaper using the pseudonym \"1850.\" He asked: \"Where (in 1857) was the rice trade in steamers? Where was trade in steamers to California and Australia, who carried it on in sailing vessels? Where were Chinese directors of insurance and steamboat companies?\"\n\nHe then answers his questions with another set: \"And what changes time has since brought. Are our Chinese fellow citizens of the present day nothing more than shopkeepers? Is it at all compatible with the position of those who are directors and managers of companies, with large interests in real estate, to carry a pass with them after nine o'clock?\"\n\nThese questions were asked at the time rumours circulated that the light and pass regulations were to be repealed. A discussion about them was carried on in the press. This was soon after John Pope Hennessy became Governor. Even before his arrival in Hongkong, he had a reputation for advocating equal treatment of the local population in British colonies.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211178, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "214\n\nIts purpose as stated in its Charter of Incorporation was \"to provide for the scientific and technical investigation of raw materials, more particularly those produced within the Empire; with a view to their commercial utilisation, and to supply information respecting the production, commercial employment and value of such materials.”\n\nThe Institute was promoted by the Prince of Wales with the express approval of his mother the Queen. The interest of the Prince and the Queen had been well-publicised throughout the Empire.\n\nThere were those in Hongkong who felt Hongkong could best express its appreciation of the achievements of the fifty years of Her Majesty's reign by making a contribution to a project she had personally endorsed. Others were more reluctant, pointing out that Hongkong had little to benefit from such an institution as it had no valuable natural resources and few industries.\n\nIn view of a general lack of enthusiasm for the Institute, the chairman of the public meeting, in mentioning a subscription to it as a possible way in which Hongkong might commemorate the jubilee, was careful to point out that the residents need not feel under pressure to support the scheme.\n\nHe pointed out that \"Her Majesty with that graciousness which has always characterised her does not wish to force any measure down the throats of any community who are opposed to it, and she is quite willing, as I understand it, to sanction an institution of any kind which will be of service to her peoples in the different colonies.\"\n\nWith these remarks he more or less dismissed the scheme. But the idea was not to be put aside so easily.\n\nIt had a strong advocate in Mr. John Joseph Francis, Queen's Counsel. He seized the opportunity to amend a motion made by Mr. A.P. MacEwen to put the idea before the meeting again.\n\nMr. MacEwen's resolution was twofold: \"That the form of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211181, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "217\n\nA letter appeared in the Daily Press endorsing the idea of a contribution to the Imperial Institute. The correspondent claimed that a contribution from Hongkong could benefit both the donor and the project: \"If Hongkong can help to prevent (the institute) being a failure, it would be rendering an invaluable service to the Empire, and a double service to the Colony.\"\n\nThe double benefit, for Hongkong would be that of promoting the Colony's trade and of “getting us out of our mess.\" The mess, of course, was the inability of the community to express common agreement on a memorial. It was making the people of Hongkong look foolish.\n\nHe suggested to the proposer and the seconder of the park project that they withdraw their motions, for surely “they will not miss the chance that withdrawing their proposal would give them of making a friend of the Queen as well as remaining (signed) 'Friends of the Governor'.”\n\nAgain, the proposal met little response, but Hongkong's lack of interest did not materially impede the project. Other sections of the Empire were more liberal and enthusiastic.\n\nIn May, 1888, the Queen granted a charter of incorporation to the Imperial Institute of the United Kingdom, the Colonies and India and the Isles of the British Seas. A building was erected in South Kensington.\n\nIt served as a centre for scientific research and a bureau of economic resources for the Empire. In 1962 a new building was erected and the name changed to the Commonwealth Institute.\n\nHOW SPORT CAME TO THE VALLEY\n\nIt was usual for a planning committee to predetermine the agenda for public meetings in the Hongkong of the nineteenth century.\n\nIt was decided that at the public meeting on March 2, 1887, to plan Hongkong's observance of Queen Victoria's Golden Jubilee a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211187, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 248, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "223\n\nnity; at least he was the only Chinese to speak at length at the meeting.\n\nHe proposed to amend Mr. Chater's resolution by striking out the reference to a park and in its place substitute the words “a charitable institution of some kind be established and named after Her Majesty, the exact nature of such institution to be left to the decision of Her Majesty herself.\"\n\nHe hoped this would block a decision on a park, and open the way for a project that might have the support of the Chinese. He stated his objections to the park, giving three reasons why it was not acceptable.\n\nHis first objection was that the Government had already stated its intention of creating such a park. It had been on the agenda of the Legislative Council several times, and as he pointed out, \"the money has been voted for it and revoted.”\n\nIf the Government was going to do it, let it carry it through. It was not appropriate that, \"when the Government undertakes to do a certain work for the community to come in and take credit for it and say 'We have done this.'\n\nIntroducing a bit of irony into his remarks, Dr. Ho Kai said: “If it is the general desire of this community to adopt as a memorial to Her Majesty's Jubilee any work which has been undertaken by the Government, then I say, let us dedicate to her our grandest and costliest and greatest one, and that is the Tytam Water Works.” (Applause).\n\nNo, it would not do to foist off a second-hand project as a memorial from the public. As Dr. Ho told his audience: \"What we want, gentlemen, is something quite new, something which the community will carry out without the assistance of Government and something more in harmony with the occasion.\"\n\nThe next objection was of a delicate personal nature. It concerned the late Governor's connection with the proposed park. Two years previous at an official ceremony Sir George Bowen had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211191, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "227\n\nThe chairman of the public meeting had attempted to avoid these difficulties. He sensed that the community was about to launch itself into a stormy sea if it decided too quickly on a project.\n\nHe suggested that they might like to have more time to consider the matter. If so, he said he would be quite willing to entertain a motion for the meeting to be postponed until there was sufficient time for mature reflection. Or, as an alternative, if there was no wish for another meeting, the official committee which was to be named could be instructed to ascertain the views and wishes of the whole community.\n\nThese suggestions were wise, and much discord would have been avoided if they had been heeded.\n\nFollowing the meeting, one writer listed all the schemes which had come to his notice. He had heard of \"the enlargement of the already too large City Hall, of the removal of the Clock Tower to another site, of transporting the Dent Fountain to Wongneichong (to be buried there, perhaps) and of its replacement by a statue of the Queen in front of the City Hall, the addition of a ballroom to Government House, of a statue of the Queen anywhere or everywhere, of a subscription to the Indian and Colonial Institute, of the balance of subscriptions for a fete and rejoicings being handed over to the local charities, of a high school for girls, a home for the Protection of Young Girls, and (most wonderful of all) of a Poor House.\"\n\nTo put his own stamp of foolishness on the affair, the writer said: \"It has likewise been breathed softly, but not yet openly proposed, that a Home for Decayed British Merchants who have subscribed regularly for charities for say twenty years back might be suitable, as it seems likely to be a necessary mode of celebrating the historical event of Her Majesty's jubilee.\"\n\nA few of the proposals are of special interest because they reflect some of the social problems of the period. Two of them were concerned about the needs of girls in Hongkong.\n\nThe proposal for a middle school for girls would satisfy an", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211219, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "255\n\non, principally by David Faure (on my left) and his colleagues at the Chinese University, and their students, in researching local history.\n\nI came to Hong Kong in 1956 to work for the Hong Kong Government. After a year at the Hong Kong University's language school, where our RAS member Mr. Francis Sham was my teacher (in the audience), I was sent to the New Territories as a District Officer. It was the custom, then and long before, to send new administrative officers to the New Territories, and the unfortunate villagers and local leaders had to put up with them. The only benefit they might have had out of it was that these youngsters had not had time to get set in their ways as civil servants. In many of them, a spark of interest in local life was kindled by what they saw around them. This was certainly the case with me.\n\nI immediately became fascinated with the communities of the Southern District, which at that time took in Sai Kung and the Clearwater Bay area in the eastern New Territories and the present Islands District on the west and south. It was a wonderful life. I had a Marine Department launch every now and again, and was able to go out and see places, all as part of the job. Many people before me had also enjoyed it. There was only one snag about the work when I was there. The Government had decided to build the Shek Pik Reservoir on Lantau Island, and I had a good deal of extra toil and trouble on that account. In particular, two villages had to be resettled. However, when you move villagers for development, you are in a position to learn quite a bit about them. I made an effort at the time and collected as much information as I could about these villages, but I simply did not know enough about Chinese rural society to know what more I might have got by different questioning. Anyway, the reservoir was my main preoccupation when I was District Officer South, a post I held for five years, with an overseas leave in between.\n\nWhen I went around this fascinating part of the New Territories, I saw the villages, the market towns and the resident boat people, all very much as they must have been at the end of the Ch'ing Dynasty, up to 1911. I am not exaggerating: that's what they seemed like at that time, owing to the lack of development.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211224, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 285, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "tually the day will come when somebody else will have to do the project all over again, and take in everything from 1945 onwards. This is also true. Then, of course, we were working on a small budget. It was not possible to employ somebody to do the photo-copying and make rubbings and I did not know how to do them, my photography was not good enough, and so on.\n\nEventually, there was a compromise, because after we had got the whole collection done the Museum of History became interested in publishing the lot and holding an exhibition. They got some people to help them make rubbings, and I made suggestions as to which were the ones to be selected on grounds of calligraphy and art as well as history.\n\nThe main drawback of hand-copying is, of course, that errors creep in rather easily. We had to proof-read the whole lot, but even then we still had a lot of errors. Once you have rubbings, the errors are obvious. So the more rubbings you make, the more work you make for yourselves. At the moment I've got the nasty task of going through all our inscriptions again, piece by piece, to make sure that I can correct as many errors as possible.\n\nAs you can see, the project took me into the villages. Walking around the villages is a very instructive experience. Here, I suppose I should say something about the state of sinological research at the time (the 1970's). What we are learning from the New Territories has a lot to do with the sinological background as well as my own narrower interests. You see, if you talk with villagers and you ask to be directed to temples and ancestral halls, and you ask about the history of these buildings (or what they thought was the history of these buildings), and you go into village festivals, it doesn't take very long to realise that we social historians of China do not know very much about rural Chinese society. Historians working with historical documents incorporate an elitist bias into their writings, whilst field researchers (which in Sinology usually means the anthropologists) lack sufficient historical perspective. There are exceptions, but they are rather rare.\n\nMoreover, in the post-war period, specialists in Chinese social\n\nPage 285\nPage 286", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211229, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 290, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "265\n\nOfficer of Shatin, and was closely involved in a large number of negotiations with village groups affected by development of the New Town. I soon obtained a very clear understanding of the village society that was consistently being expressed and explained to me by the contacts of our own making. I became interested, without any background in Sinology or Chinese studies of any sort whatsoever. I had never read any books on Chinese social studies until after I had already worked out in my own mind what sort of society was being expressed to me by the village contacts. When I went to the books, I found that I was unable to recognise anything that I was seeing in my work.\n\nIt was then suggested to me by James that Shatin might be a good place for David's people to start work. I was very enthusiastic about this, on the grounds that it was quite clear that there was a major difference between the society that was there and the society that the classic works on China were expressing. I also very strongly support what James and David have been saying about the lack of support these new studies have received from all major institutions in Hong Kong, and in particular the two Universities in Hong Kong, most of whose senior staff seem to regard village studies as \"irrelevant, minor and sub-standard dirty work\".\n\nBe that as it may, when I was shown some of the Chinese books that had been found and it was suggested that there might be some in Shatin, I used my position as District Officer to coax and encourage the villagers into letting us know what they had, and this drew me very quickly into an interviewing programme of my own. A District Officer attends many functions and almost all my interviews took place over lunch and dinner tables at official banquets, when there is nothing whatsoever to talk about, and you might just as well talk about this as about anything else. Over many months of seeing local village leaders at official banquets, we talked about the people around the tables' childhood and their memories of it.\n\nThis got me very deeply into listening to people talking about daily life in the Chinese village. Day after day, I was hearing things that I was later unable to trace any reference to in any book available to me, and almost every time I would come back with facets", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211232, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 293, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "268\n\ntime trying to catalogue this library.\n\nWe have now, all three of us, given you some idea of what we are doing, but although James has been at it for almost 30 years, effectively we are only starting. We are only 3 or 5 people with an interest, with busy jobs and in David's case a heavy teaching and research schedule of his own. None of us can give up more than a fraction of time to studying village life and society.\n\nWe are therefore doing all this in our spare time, in odds and ends of time, and we just cannot keep up with the information that is coming in. We hear things which we can't take on, however much we want to take them up; and then you find that a couple of years have passed and it is still one of the things that you would like to do; but now it is no longer so easy to do because the person who told you is dead. But when the present generation of villagers who are now 70, or in their late 60's, is dead, the opportunity to research the richness of village life will have gone with it, and it is possible that all that will be left of the work that we are doing because of the lack of staff and the lack of money and the lack of institutional support, will be a great deal of rather half-baked and ill-connected loose information. This is roughly the position that we are in now.\n\nTo be sure, all of us, I think, have got very strong ideas as to what the society that we are looking at is like, but we would also agree that apart from one or two aspects of it, we are a very long way away from being able actually to prove our case. This is a terrible thing. I'll leave it there for the time being.\n\nJames Hayes\n\nWe still have a lot of other things to talk about, as well as exhibitions, publication, and \"spin-offs\" of various kinds. Let each of us speak for another five minutes to talk about those other aspects. This will take us to 6.45 pm or slightly after then, leaving say 15 minutes for questions, because I think questions are very important.\n\nLet me take up my story again, and update it a little. I was very", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211234, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 295, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "270\n\nWell, I found that this was just not so in Tsuen Wan. Practically all the lineages there had had a genealogy at one time, and about two-thirds of them still have. Moreover, if you consult the 1905 Block Crown Leases for land in Tsuen Wan, and look at the descriptions of house lots in the villages of the sub-district, you will get the impression that there were not any ancestral halls in places like Tsuen Wan. This again turned out to be quite wrong. Going through the villages, old people would say \"This is our ancestral hall\" or more often \"That was the site of our ancestral hall”. Even a small clan with, say, only 5 or 10 houses at the turn of the century had its own ancestral hall. Also, there were old schoolrooms and other institutions which indicated that the infrastructure of local village society was greater than the written records would show.\n\nMy third point and I am just over my time concerns another clue to the nature of local society. I had done collecting in \"Town\", i.e. Hong Kong's central areas, at second-hand bookshops, stalls and so on and I had found quite a lot of printed guides to letter writing, social etiquette, and how to carry out a wide range of family, village and business affairs. I thought \"Surely these must have existed in the villages too, and it would be interesting to find if they have the printed versions or the manuscript versions of them, or both\". To cut a long story short, there were such guides to be found in the Tsuen Wan villages. They were practically all of the hand-written type, copied no doubt from generation to generation. They were often kept by the school teachers, and (I was told) dictated to promising pupils or passed on to them. Some elders also possessed them.\n\nSo these were the sort of things I found in Tsuen Wan over my seven year stay. The only other thing worth noting in this connection is that we were in the business of trying to preserve a few old villages, and that in fact we managed to preserve two. One of them, Sam Tung Uk, was located in the middle of Tsuen Wan, right next to the new Mass Transit Railway. Another was up in the hills at a place called Yuen Tun where the main block has been preserved. It is inside the Civil Aid Services camp site, and is a magnificent building to go and look at. I say that with enthusiasm. It is a perfectly ordinary village building, but is a fine example of its kind. These initiatives came mainly from a few officials.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211248, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 309, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "284\n\nSome eighteen months later, my daughter and I happened to be in Fukuoka city, Tenzen district, for the daily opening of the Iwataya department store, one of the leading stores in the city.\n\nWe arrived ten minutes before opening time, to find a small crowd of mainly female shoppers. There was also an amiable, middle-aged man in short sleeves and a trilby hat, who spoke with people and kept looking at his watch. When he saw us, he motioned us to sit with him on the steps in front of the entrance.\n\nAt about five minutes to ten, a smart girl in a brown and white polka-dot silk dress came to a microphone positioned inside the store and gave a polite little speech of welcome to the customers. The speech had been preceded by a video of Japanese scenery, especially of streams, waterfalls and gardens.\n\nThe amiable man became restless. Shortly before ten o'clock, two very trim, tallish girls in beige silk dresses, with tight-fitting Turkish-style matching jackets and round pill-box caps came to the entrance desk just inside the doors. A smartly dressed male manager in dark gray trousers and light blue jacket joined them. One of the girls bent down and opened the doors.\n\nThe amiable man went forward immediately, and entered the store. However, it was not quite opening time, lacking a few minutes to the hour. He pointed to his watch when the girl explained that they were not yet open, but withdrew obediently. A minute later he tried again. She was equally charming, but firm, and showed him the door. Once more, he left.\n\nSeconds later, there was a chime of bells, and the doors were ceremoniously opened by the two girls, one standing on each side.\n\nSimultaneously, the video screen changed from its scenery \"still\" to another welcoming message. It showed, first, a single girl who bowed and spoke polite words of welcome. The screen divided into about twenty squares, each showing the same picture. The single girl was followed by a pair, and then by a three-some. Each set gave the same message and performed the same ceremonial, and each appearance was repeated on the multiple screen. Finally,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211255, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 316, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "291\n\nFinally, as I have mentioned above, the Peel Street shrine was developed by Hoklo speakers living in and around this older part of Central District. This prompts me to add a few more words about them. Hoklo speakers in Hong Kong were, and still are, a distinctive group. I have been friends with a number of them since the mid 1960s, when the caretaker of the block of flats in which we were then living at Mount Austin, who was one of them, introduced me to a growing circle of his fellow countrymen. Others introduced themselves! I was always glad to meet more members of this interesting group of people, whose attachment to their home area and its customs has been of special and abiding interest to me. Many belong to groups centered on new shrines and temples, developed in the manner described above. In fact, my caretaker friend has long been a leader at the Peel Street shrine and has a connection with another Hoklo temple in Sau Mau Ping, in East Kowloon. Others are connected with them in other places, and have spent years in their service.\n\nThese two accounts are based on notes taken in 1974.\n\nHong Kong, November 1988\n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211258, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 319, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "294\n\nenced in colonial administration. They were also blessed with long tenures. J. H. Stewart Lockhart, who had advised the Hong Kong Government on the administration of the New Territories, was British Commissioner at Weihaiwei for nineteen years, and R. F. Johnston for sixteen.\n\nWeihaiwei was not a major port boasting access to other areas of China. Despite efforts at cultivation, except for ground-nuts, its lack of a marketable product meant the absence of a powerful foreign business community like those that challenged authority and policies of British officials at the treaty ports. The British administrators, therefore, could establish and carry out policies without having to consider other vested interests. As a rule, they were free to work within the framework of traditional Chinese institutions.\n\nConservatism of the local gentry and absence of a strong Chinese middle class meant that there was no pressure on British administrators to bow to forces that clamoured for reform and modernization. During the first decades of the twentieth century, Chinese institutions were undergoing changes. Certain constitutional features were being introduced to the Chinese government, and, with the abolition of the civil service examination system in 1905, education based on Confucian classics was being replaced by a more modern, westernized curriculum. At Weihaiwei, however, neither the local elders nor the British administration sought to change the status quo.\n\nWith the establishment of the Chinese Republic in 1912, demands for ending foreign privileges increased. Subsequent civil war among various warlord factions meant hardship for the people of Weihaiwei, but, until the formation of the National Government under Chiang Kai-shek in 1927, Britain did not have to give serious thought to returning Weihaiwei to Chinese rule. Meanwhile, administrators kept expenditures below revenue, partly because they wanted to make sure \"that sufficient funds were available for staff pensions and other expenses when the British withdrew.\" (p. 168)\n\nThe actual transfer of administration to the Chinese took place", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211295, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "left vacant on a popular visit.\n\nVenues\n\nWith a predominantly Hong Kong Island based membership, some of you have rightly said that it would be more convenient to have our lecture meetings in Hong Kong rather than in Kowloon. We have borne this point in mind, and through Dr. Patrick Hase, and by making joint presentations with the Urban Council, have been able to use the Extension Activities room on the 2nd Floor of the City Hall High Block for 7 of our talks this year. We are grateful to the Chief Librarian, Urban Council Libraries, for use of this amenity with its excellent location and facilities, and courteous and helpful staff, and look forward to continued programmes there. At the same time, we express our thanks and appreciation to the Chief Curator, Hong Kong Museum of History, for the continuing use of his well-equipped lecture hall in Kowloon Park from time to time. Without permanent premises of our own, we are doubly grateful. This closer connection with the Urban Council's Museum and Public Library Service has, I feel, been mutually beneficial.\n\nPublications\n\nThe Journal is our main publication. It has been running behind, and I am glad to report the completion and issue of two numbers during the year, those for 1984 and 1986. The 1987 Journal is with the press. I wish to thank Dr. Patrick Hase and Dr. David Faure for editing them, and Dr. Faure again for his work on the 1987 number.\n\nLooking through these and past issues, one becomes strongly aware of the Journal's permanent contribution to Hong Kong Studies. It's almost as if anyone interested in the subject can't afford to be without a set! And indeed we have sold nearly 30 sets in the past year. With more attention being paid to Hong Kong Studies — especially in China, where I hear there are some 20-30 centres established for this purpose — the value of the material stored in the Journal has become apparent to many. No other academic publication has for so long concentrated on Hong Kong, and our contributors have surely aided its readers towards a better understanding of the place. To give but one example, Hong Kong's commercial development and interaction with China come vividly to life!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "13\n\nAn increasing population and rising standards of prosperity gave impetus to the growth of technical education. In 1953, the Technical Education Investigating Committee (the Burt Report) concluded that a technical college in Kowloon was essential.1 The Chinese Manufacturers' Association offered to donate one million dollars towards a new college if Government would provide a similar sum and a site. The Administration accepted the offer and the College commenced classes on its Hung Hom campus in November 1957.16\n\nIn the 1947/48 academic year there were 25 full-time and 599 part-time students on the roll of the Technical College. By the time the College moved to Kowloon in November 1957, these figures had increased to 345 full-time and 5,532 part-time students.7 With the help of donations the Technical College expanded rapidly. New buildings were added which included an all-purpose hall, a dyeing and finishing block, a new electrical laboratory, another workshop block (for construction as well as electrical and mechanical trades), and a heavy-current workshop as well as a library, a textile workshop block, and a new classroom wing. It was estimated in 1967 that, of the total building costs of approximately $7.5 million, some $4.8 million (64 per cent) had been donated. Similarly $2.4 million (40 per cent) had been given towards the cost, or was the estimated value, of the donated equipment out of a total value of $6 million.\n\nDuring the 1960s the Technical College was mainly preoccupied with technician level work, but it also ran courses for technologists (professional) and a limited number at craft level. Most of this development took place under the direction of S.J.G. Burt, who had joined the Trade School in 1938 and was Principal of the College from 1951 to 1963 when he became a full-time technical education adviser to the World Bank. The late Sydney Burt has frequently been regarded as the \"grandfather\" of technical education in Hong Kong.\n\nThe Principal and staff of the College had long felt an institution was required which would concentrate on craft and technician courses. This is the main reason why the first technical institute (of which the author was the first principal) came into being in 1969. It occupied borrowed premises for one year, at the Technical College at Hung Hom, and moved to its new building, at Morrison Hill, in 1970.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "17\n\nenter the city walls added to the general tension. More specifically Governor-General Yeh Ming-chen, perceived by local Europeans as an obstacle to peace, as they understood it, was quite unwilling to meet the British demands. As for the French, certainly their desire to establish an influence for themselves equal to that of the British by championing the rights of missionaries added impetus to French interest in a confrontation. As is well known, pretexts once desired are usually found. For the British, the Chinese boarding of the Arrow near Canton was said to be an act of lèse-majesté against the British flag (regardless of the reality of the ship's status). And for the French the convenient death of a French missionary played its role in bringing the combined flotilla before the walls of Canton in late December 1857. There several thousand British and French soldiers soon gathered to make their assault.\n\nFor those not immediately responsible for the military assault the enormity of the undertaking they were involved in must have caused considerable reflection. They were about to attack and presumably occupy an enormous city of more than a million inhabitants. There was no telling, assuming a successful assault, how long they would be required to hold it. But Canton's future administration would be a quieter challenge and one less immediate than the more pressing matter of first taking the city. The actual assault has been often discussed. It suffices here to note that the city's capture, apparently due to the Governor-General's poor planning, was a reasonably simple affair.\n\nWithin days of occupying the city it was clear that the allies would be quite unable to govern it directly. The principal issue was that they were faced with the administration of a city of more than a million people when no more than three among the allied forces could even communicate in Chinese. Of the British only Harry Parkes, the future allied commissioner of the city, and Thomas Wade, later ambassador to Peking, knew Chinese.\n\nThe French, for their part, were without a senior officer able to communicate at all. Their only contribution in this regard was the presence of a certain Marques who was then serving the French mission as a Chinese secretary. For the French, more than for the British, the lack of Chinese linguists was to be a major impediment to their activities throughout China and for years to come. Almost ten months later Paris", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "47\n\nThe first was in the Magistrate's Amendment Ordinance of 1912. It empowered magistrates to deal with juvenile offenders up to the age of sixteen in a special manner so as to keep them out of gaol and association with adult criminals. Hong Kong, however, had no adequate provision for juveniles who needed custodial care.\n\nThe second provision concerned a section (26A) of the Offences Against Persons Ordinance passed in 1913. This provided protection against the ill-treatment, neglect or abandonment of children under the age of sixteen.\n\nThese provisions brought the Hong Kong law more into line with that of Great Britain in these matters, but there were still no provisions regarding child labour as such.\n\nMiss Pitts' speech on the welfare of children 1918\n\nMiss Pitts, a missionary of seventeen years standing in Hong Kong, fired the first gun in the direct attack on child labour. In December 1918 she delivered a speech to the Church of England Men's Society on the welfare of children in Hong Kong. She was the first woman to speak to the Society and to mark the event ladies were invited to attend. A newswriter called these innovations \"a sign of the times\".\n\nMiss Pitts spoke on five issues relating to child labour in Hong Kong: (1), the employment of children to carry loads to the Peak; (2), the conditions of children working in factories; (3), the question of domestic servants; (4), the lack of school places for children of school age; and (5), the need to bring pressure to bear on parents and guardians to send children to school. She estimated that only one-fourth of the children of school age attended school.\n\nShe then set out six concrete proposals to correct the situation: (1), the appointment of women inspectors for factories; (2), the framing of factory laws; (3), compulsory education, industrial and technical training for half the day; (4), establishment of free schools and provision of playgrounds where possible; (5), laws against selling children and the registration of servants; and (6), restricted immigration.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211424, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "116\n\nhad to postpone its Christmas celebrations by a week, and that several Kauluwela boys were unsuccessful in their attempt to enter high school. After a quarantine of a week, the disease was considered stamped out. Ping Lim and Ting On, both of whom were attending Oahu College, were on a three-week vacation then.\n\nIn a letter dated 20 February 1900, Ping Lim wrote:\n\n\"My dear brother Ping Yip Chan:- On account of the great distance between town and our residing place in Moanalua and the inconvenience of getting your letter at once which came to me on Tuesday afternoon, the 14th of Feb., when the steamer was about to leave, I did not answer you immediately. You are, no doubt, wondering why I am in Moanalua. The cause was that S. M. Damon was afraid that his brother F. W. Damon's residence and the school might burn down in case one of our members should have attached the plague, and also the school's neighbourhood is in a very bad condition. So we moved to a small island owned by S. M. Damon, which is near to the 3 mi. water pumping tank, and borrowed six tents from the Kamehameha School to make our chambers. Four of them used for us, sixty in number, and one for the three teachers, and one for a food storeroom. You may think it is crowded but there the ocean wind is pretty strong. At first we expected to live there one week or two, but after having been there a week the news reached us, stating that several Chinamen working in the Pantheon stables, which are adjacent to our school, have died of plague and so these buildings were soon turned to ashes. Afterwards the whole block in which we live was said to be infected and a rough fence has been built around the block. The people of this spot have been put under quarantine. Had we not made the move we are surely in quarantine.\n\nNow I must turn to another important subject. Well, you have told me that the burning of Chinatown is the most cruel act that was done to our Chinese by the whites. No, the properties destroying itself was not so half bad as to see our ignorant helpless bind-footed Chinese women and babies crying and running forcibly for their lives on the streets, when the unexpected fire came. More than this, some few women who were about to let their babies out to earth were pushed to the drays which took them to quarantine. While during these hours it has been said that some births have occurred. Of course the Chinamen were driven like cattle by the inspectors who carried stakes or some other beating instruments in their hands. After that the men and women, numbering several thousand, were taken to the Kawaiahau Church and grounds. The women lived inside the church while the men outside on the grounds with tents. I am sorry to say that father, brother and in-law's whole family were among these people. During their residing in the church, I went to see father every day, asking if there was anything wanting. Many articles and foods have been taken there by our store partners. But after having been in there for a week they were driven to Kalihi just a little below the Kamehameha School where a great number of new rough rooms have been set up. In Kalihi's I can't see any of our known people to talk with there. All I can do is to send letters to them.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211425, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "There besides Chinese are Japs and Hawaiians of both sex but these women are not so weak and helpless as the Chinese women are.\n\nHaving told you so many unpleasant things now I tell you some good chances that we have met. The whole Chinatown is gone except fifteen to twenty brick buildings were left. It was very very fortunate that the fire did not reach our store side. The Honolulu Chinese Chronicle's whole block was burned, including several brick buildings, as Sing Chong, Yee Wo Chan and others.\n\nThe unexpected fire was caused by the strong wind. Anyway the whole town shall be burned but gradually had not the big fire had happened.\n\nWhen the people left their homes for quarantine they were not allowed to take anything more than they can carry. So one of these numbers had to lose 90% of what he had or more. The Chinatown Quarantine did not raise entirely but King St's quarantine was raised on the 15th Feb. Our store had been resumed to business on that day. The business is very rapid and profitable because there are only four or five big grocery stores in town now. It is also lucky that Yim Quen, Lum Kam Chin, Yim Seg Lock, Lum Chock Hoo and Chong Chug are not in quarantine, if they are the store will probably not reopen so soon.\n\nAll schools will probably reopen in a couple of weeks, if no more new cases have been known from now on. There have been no case for nearly two wks. in Honolulu. It is said that the quarantined people in Kalihi will be all let out before March.\n\nI shall be glad to tell you some more news happened later.\n\nYour loving brother\n\nPing Lim Chan**\n\nOn 14 April 1900, Ping Lam informed Father that all schools had reopened and that the Board of Education had designated Kauluwela School open to both Chinese boys and girls in view of the fact that the school for Chinese girls had been destroyed. Apparently there was sexual segregation as well as racial discrimination then. Ping Lim had been depressed over his mother's death on 4 October 1899, but the upheaval caused by the Chinatown fire a few months later drew his attention away from his grief.\n\nNo record has been preserved to indicate when Ping Lim matriculated at the University of California in Berkeley where he became interested in dentistry, then in law and in political economy. In his letter of 17 January 1903, he said that 250 students were expelled and 900 more received conditions because the large enrolment forced these eliminations.\n\n[17", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211433, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "125\n\nOne of Grandfather's ancestors was a petty official, a position which afforded him an opportunity to grant favours and to receive gifts of appreciation in return. The gifts included an eye agate, a cockroach of black jade, and a woman of white jade which were handed down as heirlooms in the family. Uncle Jong Tin Yau was given the cockroach, but it could not be located after his death. Uncle Jong Tin Suk inherited the eye agate. Mother was given the piece of white jade—a carved reclining female figure with bound feet, undraped except for an apron. Her head rests on a block pillow and in her hands is a palm fan. Mother was the 5th or 6th generation to own it.\n\nWhile working in Sam Heong, a suburb of Shekki, Grandfather met and married Grandmother, who was surnamed Chang. Little is known of her background, although she did confide in Mother that she had been married previously. I do not know whether she was widowed or she had merely deserted her first husband. In any event, it was reported that she had had children. Re-marriage for women was not acceptable, especially in cases where the men had been bachelors. This might have been the source of conflict between Grandmother and Grandfather's family.\n\nA son, Tin Yau Kišlí, was born to them on 17 August 1878. According to Mother, he was nine years older than she. When he was seven, Grandmother brought him to join Grandfather in Hawaii. She had to pawn her jewellery to pay for the passage. When they arrived in Honolulu on the 15th day of the 8th month, the day of the Moon Festival, she learned that Grandfather had already left for China. Having fulfilled his contract, he was now ready to repair his ancestral home and to bring his wife and child back to Honolulu. Because it took sailboats several months to cross the Pacific in those days, communication between him and Grandmother had been inadequate. As a result, Grandmother had to live in the home of a friend, Lau Tim, to await Grandfather's return.\n\nUpon arrival at Shekki, Grandfather was greeted with tales of Grandmother's infidelity. More likely than not the source of this gossip had been Seventh Aunt. It took Grandfather some time to get over his anger, but eventually he returned to Honolulu, and two more children were born to my grandparents. My mother, Jong Hung, was born on 23 April 1887, in a small community known as Jow Tim Yard HJ,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211439, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "131\n\nMost of the itinerant workers were from where my father originated and spoke the Nam Long subdialect. Uncle housed them in a bedroom attached to the large barn facing the concrete area used for threshing and drying the grain. After dinner these men would lie on wooden, mat-covered beds, conversing with each other while heating beads of opium over a small lamp before puffing through a long pipe the bubbling brown drug. To this day I can recognize the sweet odour of opium.\n\nWhenever Uncle went to Honolulu, he would always stop by to bring us vegetables from the farm and have his lunch, usually large buns filled with black bean paste and large, flat cakes, made largely of flour and sugar. He usually left around two o'clock in order to reach home by sundown. The journey was difficult, especially in bad weather, because the horses would sometimes balk and refuse to proceed when they approached the Pali. Uncle believed that the horses were sensitive to the presence of ghosts, so that whenever they became stubborn and refused to proceed, he would let them turn back towards Honolulu until they reached the drinking trough of spring water near the entrance to Dr. Morgan's estate. Uncle would wait until the horses were willing to start for Kaneohe again.\n\nBefore the Pali Road, started in 1898, was completed, travel was by horseback from Luluku to the half-way house at the foot of the mountain pass and up the steep slopes to the Pali. A two-seater buggy, which supplanted the horse, was most intriguing in that the passenger seat swung out before one could get in. Once we got to ride in it when Mother allowed Ruth and me to visit our cousins without her. The visit was exciting and enjoyable, as we crowded together on the matted beds, enclosed by thick mosquito netting. Soon we thought that it was more fun to be outside on the porch. As we ran back and forth carrying each other piggy-back, Uncle suddenly appeared and ordered us back to bed. I was told later that I had become so homesick that Uncle had to take us home much sooner than planned.\n\nMother looked forward to a yearly visit to Uncle's and we would go there by coach, owned by Look Buck of Kaneohe. We often grew anxious as the automobile raced down the steep, narrow and winding road. Once Mother jumped out of the coach with Helen in her arms when it began to slide backwards while manoeuvring a hairpin curve. For several years", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "140\n\nthis lady was Mollie Wong Yap, a Chinese-Hawaiian, who became a teacher and later lived on Vineyard Street near the Foster Gardens.) He described his landing at Nawiliwili, his visits to Kapaa, Lihue and Hanapepe where he met Wong Fat, Au Wai Bun and Fong Chock Kee. He enjoyed the sight of a river winding through Waimea and concluded that the land, not yet cultivated, would be good for farming. He was overwhelmed with the warmth and hospitality of the Chinese there, because they offered him food and lodging as soon as they learned who he was, and he felt that one's reputation was very important. Another friend of Father's at Hop Kee ✩ in Kolon wrote that his business was poor and his expenses were great.\n\nFather must have consulted First Uncle about joining friends in Sydney, because First Uncle wrote advising against the move. In a letter dated 22 August 1899, First Uncle said that Grandfather and Aunt Yim were not in favour of this move. Moreover, he felt that one could not become rich on a salary and thought that Hawaii was good for the Chinese and for their investments. Several letters written in 1903 and 1904 brought news from friends in Australia. A newspaper article from them revealed that the Australians were feeling threatened by the Chinese, who undercut wages, sent their savings back to China, and did not assimilate. So Shai Lum, a friend in Tamworth, New South Wales, wrote that he had invested in a business selling groceries, furniture and dry goods, and that it was doing well. Another friend, Ng Yook Tong, ran a fruit store in Sydney but was only able to make a living. A third, Go Bing Mun wrote he was with Sam Kee in Tingha not far from Tamworth.\n\nFather also communicated with friends in Hilo. On 8 September 1899, he received a letter from the Rev. Yee Tin Kui about a job opening with Man Sing Company in Hilo, should Father decide to discontinue his schooling. The salary would be 17 dollars a month and he would take care of invoices, billing and other bookkeeping chores. Furthermore, he would have an opportunity to become a partner. Thereupon, Father wrote Chee Fong, the owner, to ask about the likelihood of employment, explaining that he had already given up his position with the Honolulu Chinese Times and the one following with the Hawaii Hardware Company, because he had been hired without any consideration of his lack of experience. No doubt his application was accepted, for in his undated letter to Au Goon Bick in Kauai Father wrote that he was leaving", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211450, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "142\n\nThe plague continued in the city and the Board of Health was advised by the medical profession to burn all buildings that might harbour plague-carrying rats, a measure Hong Kong had successfully taken to prevent its spread. C. K. Ai gives the following account of what happened in his autobiography. On 20 January 1900, the Board of Health ordered the Fire Department to burn a building on Beretania Street between Nuuanu and Maunakea Streets, with two engines on guard to contain the fire. Unfortunately the wind direction shifted, sending sparks onto two wooden stables belonging to the Kaumakapili Church which was located on Beretania near Maunakea, spreading the fire through Chinatown in spite of help from volunteers to douse the fire. The police drove the residents out of the danger zone, down Kekaulike Street, along Queen Street, to Kakaako where emergency camps were set up. By two o'clock that afternoon, all Chinatown was in flames. Fortunately no lives were lost, but it was a pitiful sight.\n\nFather learned from Grandfather that 300 stores, both wooden and brick, were destroyed. Luckily, the conflagration just missed Wong On Tai, Yuen Chong and Kwong Li Yuan, but they were forced to relocate nevertheless. Father, Aunt Yim and her husband were sent away to a camp in Kalihi, where my Mother and her family were also confined. In his letter dated 20 February 1900, Ping Lim gave graphic description of the insensitive way in which the Chinese were evacuated and of their strong feelings of degradation. Further news to Father came from Yim Goon Siu who voiced his resentment against the 'white bandits' who 'chased' all 'foreigners', Japanese and natives, young and old, male and female, to the camps in Kalihi and Kakaako. When the block in which Mills School was located was quarantined following the death of several Chinese working for the Pantheon Stables nearby, the Rev. Damon had already moved his students to an island owned by Samuel Damon near the 3-mile pumping station in Moanalua. Ping Lim was thus free to visit and take food to the family when they were first interned in Kawaiahao Church in Kakaako, and to send mail to them when they were moved to Kalihi. During this period, according to First Uncle, the 'white bandits' took similar action in San Francisco by sending the Chinese away from Chinatown, and he was not permitted to send to Hawaii medical supplies which Father had ordered for a friend, although the supplies had been purchased from 'white' people.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211494, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "186\n\ncollection of books, and also a repository of natural and scientific productions. In the Library, every valuable book extant in Chinese, and every foreign publication regarding China and its inhabitants, should have its appropriate place...3\n\nMeetings followed at monthly intervals at which addresses were given on various aspects of Chinese history and culture by members of the local foreign community. Membership increased gradually and soon included many individuals whose names are remembered today as important figures in nineteenth century Chinese affairs, including Sir Robert Hart, Dr. S. Wells Williams, W. H. Medhurst, and Alexander Wylie. On July 20, 1858, the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland approved their request for affiliation. That same year the Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society began its ninety-year publication span.4\n\nHowever, Rev. Bridgman's health soon failed and he passed away in Shanghai in 1861. The society lost its momentum and passed through what one writer described later as a \"period of suspended animation\". It regrouped in 1864 under the presidency of Sir Harry Parkes who was followed two years later by George F. Stewart, U. S. Consul General in Shanghai.\n\nFrom the beginning the society accepted donations of books and journals, which were dutifully listed in the annual reports, but the lack of permanent facilities prevented the establishment of a formal library. At first, the society used the meeting rooms of the Shanghai Library which was housed in the Masonic Hall on Ningpo Road. From there it moved to the new Masonic Building (1869) and then the Commercial Bank Building on Nanking Road (1870), before finding a permanent home on Museum Road the next year.5\n\nAlexander Wylie, the noted sinologist and supervisor of the London Missionary Society's printing office in Shanghai, amassed a personal collection of both Chinese language books and books in Western languages concerning China which he urged the Royal Asiatic Society to purchase, as he was returning to England for home leave. After much deliberation, a public appeal, and a generous donation from the Shanghai\n\n17\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211502, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "194\n\nbooks\", it was reported.\n\n37\n\nBut publications on China issued during the war years outside China were lacking and efforts were made to fill this gap through donation. Exchange agreements with learned societies were re-established, and the prospects of returning the society to its former prominence were good. The toughest selling job, however, was among the local residents, as usual:\n\nWhile letters received from abroad show the high regard this Society and its institutions are enjoying in other countries, the local public is not taking much notice of it, as proven by the small number of visitors and users of our library. However, similar complaints have been voiced by successive librarians for the past 70 years without achieving the desired effect of a more extensive utilization of this Society's facilities by Local Public.\n\n38\n\nMr. Schwartz kept busy compiling \"A Descriptive Bibliographical Catalogue of the European Books Printed Before 1800 in the Library of the R. A. S.\", followed by one to the next century. Both were published in the Society's Journal.\n\nThe last issue of the Journal came out in 1948, and its only statement concerning the library was:\n\nIt has a library of some 14,000 books of reference which, though latterly hampered by lack of funds, contains many older works not available elsewhere in Shanghai, and which is constantly used by scholars and the public. The library is open daily (except on Sundays and holidays) from 9:00 a.m. to 12:00 noon and 1:00 p.m. to 5:00 p.m.\n\n39\n\nThe demise of the library as a result of the communist victory is beyond the scope of this paper. It ceased to exist as a separate entity, and what became of its collection, by all accounts the finest assemblage of Western language books on China ever formed in that country, is not known to this writer.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211521, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "214\n\nMeasurements:\n\n―\n\nAg. wt.: 4.60g - 0.43g. (wt. of 3 pins and lock) Size: 1.8 cm, diam., 4 mm. thick.\n\n=\n\n= 4.17 g\n\nSimilar original gold coins weigh 132.7 grain = 8.547 g. and have a diameter of 0.7 inches. It is only natural that the silver coin weighs much less, its density being 10.7868 compared to that of gold which is 19.6967.\n\nThe comparative volume of the coins shows a great approximation, Au. 43/Ag. 39, despite the difficulty in assessing the weight of the silver of similar original silver coins one.\n\nReports point to the possibility of the present coin being original. It is true that while gold was the precious metal ‘par excellence’ in Europe and in Asia Minor, silver was more commonly sought after in Asian countries. The coin is probably a contemporary or near contemporary copy of the gold original, probably made somewhere in the Persian Empire.\n\nDescription of the Coin\n\nObverse:\n\nHead of Demeter or Hera (?) wearing stephane (head band) and veil on the back of the head, earring and necklace. On the left, in front of the forehead, the letters TAPA (in Greek: Tara). A dolphin at the left, down the side, and a letter K near the neck, in front. A border circular line.\n\nReverse:\n\nYoung horseman (Kastor or Taras), naked, with javelin in the right hand and resting on the right shoulder. The horse is galloping or cantering. Below: AΠOΛ. In front of the horse's head a thunderbolt. On certain parts of the coin border dots are visible.\n\nNotes:\n\n1. TAPA is an abbreviation for TAPANTΩN, (Taranton), of the Tarantines.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211524, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "217\n\nthat one of the later owners found it worthwhile to set the coin in a bracelet shows that it was a significant symbol of some sort.\n\nO. William Borrell FMS\n\nTHE TAI SHEUNG LO KWAN TEMPLE, CHAI WAN\n\nJames Hayes led members of the Society on a visit to the Tai Sheung Lo Kwan Temple on 28th July, 1988 during a tour of Chai Wan, and supplied the following information from notes compiled by the Eastern District Office.\n\n\"The Hong Kong Chiu Chau Overseas Public Welfare Advancement Association (ABE) was first incorporated in 1970 under the Companies Ordinance as a limited company. The main objectives of the Association are to promote welfare and foster friendly relationship and affection among the clansmen of the 'Chiu Chau'. In 1972, the Association erected the Tai Sheung Lo Kwan Temple (大上羅關) at the hill knoll opposite Block 4 of Chai Wan Estate under Crown Land Licence. Henceforth, the temple acts as their premises for recreational activities and other religious ceremonies.\n\nAll Chiu Chau Clansmen and their blood relatives who are residing in Chai Wan and have attained the age of 21 are eligible to become members of the Association. At present membership of the association is below 1,000.\n\n\"Most of the worshippers of Tai Sheung Lo Kwan are Chiu Chau living in the Chai Wan Area. Nowadays, there are two main religious celebrations each year, namely, the Yu Lan Festival (盂蘭勝會) Celebration in August and the Tai Sheung Lo Kwan Festival Celebration (大上羅關寶誕) in December. Both of the celebrations are organized by the above-mentioned association with the aid of Chiu Chow \"Kaifong\" living in the area. Rice packets and other daily necessities are usually distributed to the aged and needy during the Yu Lan Festival Celebration.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211527, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "220\n\nstock of the company was $1,000,000, and it was all needed before the end of the first year's business.\n\nPrior to the appearance of Rennie as a miller, the chief obstacle to milling with a profit in China was the lack of a market for the offal. Practically all of the profit enjoyed by the Pacific coast millers came from the high prices at which they were able to market millfeed, for which there was no demand in the Orient. Rennie, without much investigation, decided that the offal from his two thousand barrel mill could be fed to pigs at a profit and he established a “piggery” with several hundred animals at the start.\n\nBut millfeed for Chinese hogs was but little more nutritious than poison, and they died by hundreds; the experiment proved a flat failure. This was the beginning of the trouble, and as there was no market for millfeed in the Orient, it became necessary, in order to dispose of it, to ship it to Honolulu. Here it was sold at a very low price in competition with the Oregon mills. As Rennie secured most of his wheat from Portland and Puget Sound, the bran and shorts that finally found a consumer at Honolulu, had to stand a freight rate across the Pacific, and thence half way back again, compared with a short mileage between the Pacific coast ports and Honolulu, paid by the American millfeed.\n\nWhile the pigs were dying, the Chinese were refusing to buy the flour. Mr. Wilcox had spent a large sum of money in working up a trade throughout the Orient for particular \"chops\", as the fantastic brands are known. The Chinese by years of experience had learned to have confidence in these “chops\". So long as Rennie had them for sale, they bought from Rennie, but when Rennie, with his new mill, attempted to sell something \"just as good\", the Chinese buyers politely but firmly refused.\n\nThe Orientals are conservative in the extreme and they steadily refused to take up the new brands put on the market by the Hongkong mill. With slow sales for flour, and no profitable outlet for millfeed, matters were far from bright last winter when a cargo of weevily wheat from India distributed the industrious weevil throughout the mill and warehouses so thoroughly that Americans who have since visited the mill express the opinion that it will be impossible to rid the plant of the pest.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211530, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "223\n\nthe gable was about 3 feet. The floor was a standard plaster floor. A single door, 3 feet 3 inches wide, and 5 feet 4 inches high, with two leaves, was provided. The door sill was a threshold stone rather wider than the wall, with sockets for the door-pins. The upper door-pins were fixed into wooden blocks attached to the lintel, which was also of wood. The jambs of the door were of burnt brick for greater strength, as were the sills of the windows. Four small windows were provided. Two were about 1 foot square, and were placed just below the eaves in the walls of that part of the structure used as a cattleshed or store; the other two were smaller, about 9 inches wide by 1 foot high, and were placed at about 2 feet 6 inches above the floor in that part of the structure used as the latrine proper. The latrine stood in the middle of a group of buildings of similar construction; it was abutted on one side by a number of pig-pens, and on the other side it was separated by a narrow alley way from a cattleshed, chicken-house, and more pig-pens.3\n\nThe structure was divided internally into three by a wall of mud-brick some 3 feet high. The door opened into the largest of the divisions, which was a simple shed, used either to tether cattle at night or as a store for agricultural equipment too dirty to store inside the house; chicken crates used to carry chickens to market.\n\nThe smaller divisions were the latrine proper, with its attached ash-dump, and a pig-pen. The latrine proper consisted of 5 planks which rested on two beams which in turn were supported on four brick columns. The planks were about 2 feet 3 inches above the floor. The planks did not cover the entire space of the latrine; a gap was left between two of them. The planks could be adjusted to move the gap towards the front or back as needed. Users of the latrine squatted on the planks over the gap, and defecated through the gap onto the floor beneath. For privacy, a wooden screen was placed along the edge of the planks, and the front was closed off with a swing door of planks, the pins of which were socketed into holes cut in the top of one of the brick columns, and in a wooden block attached to a roof-beam. For greater ease, a step was provided of two mud-bricks, and a stout bamboo to give an arm rest was provided across the latrine: it was let into the wall on either side.*\n\nThe ash-dump was next to the latrine proper, and within the same division of the structure. All the families which used the latrine (three", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211533, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 250, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "226\n\nto this one, although the bamboo arm-rest was a bit of a luxury not always found! This latrine was probably built early this century. Sheung Wo Hang had 30 latrines to service its approximately 100 families at the time of the Block Crown Lease in 1905; the great majority of them were very close in style and construction to this one.\n\nNOTES\n\nP. H. Hase\n\n2 Journal Vol. 23, 1983, p. 241-246.\n\nMy thanks are due to Mr. M.Y. Lee, of Sheung Wo Hang village, for drawing the latrine to my attention, and for helping me to measure it.\n\nSee plan attached, and plate 11.\n\n4 See plate 12.\n\nA NOTE ON RICE HULLERS (RE)\n\nIn March 1972, I visited the New Territories' village of Ma Yau Tong, situated off the Po Lam road leading to Rennie's Mill in Junk Bay. I knew the village representative, Mr. Li Tak (...) from my days as\n\nDistrict Officer South, 1957-60. He was aged 79 in 1972.\n\nWith friends from Ngau Tau Kok old village in East Kowloon, who knew the Ma Yau Tong people, I looked carefully round the houses, paying special attention to old ones and their contents.\n\nLike most N.T. villages, Ma Yau Tong had been a rice-growing settlement, but in their case they had stopped planting some 10 to 15 years before my visit. I was interested in the farming tools and equipment, and made notes on a pair of rice hullers that we saw. However, we were only able to learn the details about one of them. The other was much older, and had been in the house longer than the old lady who lived there. As she had already lived in the village for 48 years, after marrying into one of the village families when she was 20 years old, it had obviously been made before about 1920. “About 100 years\", they guessed, but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211535, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "228\n\nIt reads in translation:\n\n+\n\n+\n\n\"There are two sorts of rice huller. One is made of wood. The other sort is made of mud. This sort is made with a round bamboo frame, filled with clean yellow mud. Bamboo teeth are pressed into both the upper and lower hulling faces. The upper frame of the huller has a hollow to receive the grain, the capacity of which is double that of a wooden huller. If the grain is at all damp when it goes into the huller, it will be crushed. After hulling 200 shek (E) of rice, a mud huller will start to fall to pieces. Wooden hullers require strong men to operate them, but mud hullers are suitable for operation by women or young people. The ordinary peasants use mud hullers of this type.\"\n\nI am grateful to Mr. Yau for drawing my attention to this description.\n\nJames Hayes\n\nA GLIMPSE OF THE LAND SETTLEMENT AT SHEK PIK VILLAGE,\n\nLANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG\n\nIn the opening years of this century, following the lease of what is now the New Territories of Hong Kong, all land that was being utilised or had been occupied was surveyed by the new government. A Land Court was set up to settle all claims to ownership of land, and any disputes were adjudicated. Finally, a register of ownership for each of the 355 Demarcation Districts was prepared and bound into a folio together with a survey sheet and a Block Crown Lease.\n\nWhilst the work of the survey and land court are well-documented in the official reports of the time,1 few materials showing the process in the villages have survived.\n\nTo my mind, the most interesting of these are the small printed \"chits”, known to villagers and government staff alike as Chi Tsai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211537, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 254, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "230\n\nThe main additions to our knowledge of the land situation at Shek Pik afforded by the chi tsai come from the notations giving the local place name (4) of each property, and whether a field was being cultivated by an owner or another party, and whether the claimant held a mortgage on someone else's property, as did Chi Yau-kei in a number of cases. Other information, on the use of huts, the occupancy of houses, with the numbers by which they were known in the village (?), and on abandoned (uncultivated) land, was also provided. Mortgages held by Yau-kei were also noted.\n\nIn Chi Yau-kei's case, the chi tsai appear to show him in possession of a considerable amount of land, some abandoned or fallow but mostly under his own (and his family members') cultivation and use. His fields extend over demarcation districts 312, 315, and 318, but are mostly located in the last.\n\nIs such information reliable? It could only have been given by the claimant. Unless he was slack in his answers, deliberately to avoid giving more information than he had to, or because he could not be bothered — it would have been easier to say that he occupied and farmed everything himself — the chances of accuracy are fairly good. If so, it is a pity that more chi tsai from the village have not survived, as they would have told us more about land use than it is possible to gain from the ownership schedules in the Block Crown Lease.\n\nFinally, a word about the forms themselves. They are of additional interest because each carries a red oval-shaped \"chop\" bearing the title of the New Territories Land Court in English and Chinese. In every case, there is another \"chop\", also in red, from the District Officer, added after the claim of ownership had been substantiated, stating that the paper is only for identification and record purposes and has no value by itself, since only the Tsap Chiu would be taken as an accurate record — presumably in case unscrupulous persons tried to pass the Chi Tsai off as title deeds in a fraudulent sale.\n\nThe forms have another value, in that the District Officer's notice is the earliest example I have seen of the use of the Chinese title “Lei Man Fu (li min fu)”, the time-honored description of the officer and the implied duties of the post. The full inscription reads:\n\n!\n\n \nI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211540, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 257, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "DEZAKETTRE DWUKISME)\n\nJames Hayes\n\n233\n\nNOTES\n\nSee the list of printed papers given at pp. 271-272 of my book, The Hong Kong Region 1850-1911: Institutions and Leadership in Town and Countryside (Hamden, Conn., Archon Books, 1977). Perhaps I should add that whilst the progress of the survey and land settlement are described, the records of hearings in cases where disputes could not otherwise be settled are not now available, save for some reports in the local English-language newspapers.1 See Chapter 4, \"Shek Pik, A Multilineage Settlement of Cantonese Farmers\" in Hayes 1977, op cit, pp. 104-128. I have also used some of the documentary material in my paper Education and Management in Rural South China in the Late Ch'ing at pp. 575-592 of Vol. 1 of Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium on Asian Studies 1984, (Hong Kong, Asian Research Service, 1985).\n\n1 Although surviving “Chi Tsai” from the New Territories are few in number, they are not rare either. I have come across them here and there in my research, but unfortunately dismissed them as being of no particular interest or value, compared with the Block Crown Leases and actual customary deeds of sale and mortgage.\n\nOne entry from my Notes, for instance, taken at Chuk Yuen Village, New Kowloon, in July 1963, states, \"Her husband's father was Lam Hei (), and she showed me a few chits for lot numbers claimed at the Land Court in 1901. They included one interesting receipt for 13 tax receipts, presumably Ch'ing land tax receipts, which must have been submitted as proofs of ownership at the land settlement following the lease of the New Territories to Great Britain in 1898“. A collection of some dozens of chi tsai from New Kowloon villages is in the Public Records Office, Hong Kong (HKMS104): these will be the subject of a separate note in due course.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211563, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "256\n\nChinese woman at marriage is expected to literally \"cross over\" to the family of the husband (嫁 (C), chia (M)). By custom, the wife becomes a full member of the husband's family and thereby ceases to be a burden upon her natal family. It is possible for the analyst to see relations of \"descent\" within such a village by demanding verification of genealogical linkages or membership to various ancestral estates, etc., all questions about which will undoubtedly be answered to satisfaction. But there is a crucial difference between the concept of chan (closeness) and that of \"descent\" which can be tested. If the villagers of a \"single-lineage village\" indeed conceptualize themselves as sharing relations of \"closeness\", then there should be nothing to stop a married out woman's family, affines or all kinds of close relatives (親戚 (C), ch'in-ch'i (M)) from moving in as well. In fact, in terms of chan, there is nothing to stop such an occurrence. In Wo Hang, where I did my fieldwork, there were several instances of married out women, their husband and family moving back to their natal home to live, some for several years. They were, as expected, considered temporary residents, but it was not really \"descent\" that prevented their acceptance as villagers so much as the fact that this village was not their heung-ha. In other words, had it been any other residential community like a market town or urban block which was not a village of this sort, there would have been no problem about letting any kind of relative move in. That is precisely the pattern of residence one can expect to find in non-village (especially urban) communities today. Close relatives, irrespective of their descent status and all other things being equal, tend to reside close to each other. In a village, given the existence of a patrilocal residence rule and that set of moral obligations pertinent to a customary definition of marriage and the household, people then live among their nearest \"agnates\" precisely because they are their closest relatives. Within the village, brothers also tend to live close to each other in a way which creates a concentrically radiating pattern of residence over time. I repeat; the key to understanding the meaning of locality in the context of the village resides less in our ability to abstract functional criteria of membership than in our attempt to explain the nature of the Chinese village as a distinctive kind of moral community in light of its concrete historical situation.\n\nOne other relevant phenomenon which has caused confusion in the literature concerns the concept of the localized lineage. Quite distinct", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211566, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "259\n\nNOTES\n\nThere are several instances where Faure distorts the anthropological literature completely. The “frontier” which Pasternak (1969) refers to, for example, has to do with the socio-political consequences of a certain economic relationship between man and his use of specific strategic resources, namely water and land. Land reclamation is not an accurate translation of this frontier situation. Faure also reads Freedman's (1958:2) interpretation of a passage by Fei (1946: 1) superficially and without much understanding of its context or rhetorical intent. Freedman's purpose in quoting Fei was to argue that the function of the lineage as a political and local organization transcends its identity \"in name” as a descent group. But it should be noted also that Freedman deliberately distorted Fei as well. Had Faure actually read Fei, he would have also discovered that the phenomenon which Fei (1946:5) was describing was not even a descent group at all, which should make it quite enigmatic indeed. Sometimes among the peasants, the clan is found, but it is of another kind. In Yunnan, for instance, I have seen that in villages local organization is formed in terms of clan which includes even members of different surnames. Functionally these are not strictly kinship groups. I shall leave open as to the nature of the so-called clan-village. I rather suspect that such an organization among the peasants is a local organization, not a kinship organization.\n\nWhen reading Fried as he does Freedman, Faure confuses the model for empirical reality. Underlying the petty disputes over the definition of lineages and clans as analytical constructs, Fried (1970) was trying to make a more important point about the political functions of a genealogy in allocating differential access to scarce strategic resources (i.e., lineage property), this according to Fried being more important than the existence of property per se. The relative distinction between stipulated and demonstrated descent must be understood in this light.\n\nSheer numbers never mean anything. Even in Faure's (p. 96) analysis of a Chinese funeral, there is no a priori reason to believe that the lineage or village should have any role or obligation to play in ritual preparations. The scale of any such operation is always determined by the family of the deceased. “Work” is delegated among volunteers within the community (not necessarily a territorial one), whether it be neighbours, colleagues, or friends. Correspondingly, compensation for services rendered is made either as payment or as fa see.\n\nI suspect that variations in village organization and relationships within village clusters were shaped during the formative period prior to the time when the village had any formal identity. The diversity of local experience can only be attributed to the diversity of interaction within different villages. Rules prohibiting intermarriage in Man Uk Pin and the lack of an ancestral hall in Wong Keng Tei are other examples of local phenomena which must be understood in reference to the way the villagers themselves define or interpret the nature of their own community.\n\nSee Strathern's (1984) study of the \"community\" in an English village.\n\nThe whole problem with Faure's description of “lineage-building” is that it is too easy to project a genealogical structure onto residence patterns, especially with help from Block Crown Lease Demarcation District Maps and the like. As for the Sha Tin Wai example, I doubt whether Faure bothered to match up the registered ownership of houses with its actual inhabitants or even to seek informant testimony with regard to this period of household mobility. In practice, villages rarely update actual ownership records unless there is a conveyance of sale or other transaction that requires re-registration. That registered ownership is usually a couple of generations behind is thus the norm rather than the exception.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211621, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "1} \n\nAmerican missionary, the Reverend Elijah Bridgman,1 merely noted the formal possession of the island in its journal of occurrences; it gave no precise date nor any details.24 Another reference in the same journal in a historical review of events in China was only marginally fuller.25 The Canton Press, published at this point from Macao, expressed itself slightly puzzled by the lack of information about the event: 'On Tuesday last, the 26th January, the Island of Hongkong, the new settlement ceded by the Chinese to the English, was taken possession of in the name of Her Majesty, Queen Victoria. The English colours were hoisted, and saluted from the ships; we have not yet heard any further particulars of the ceremony.' Two weeks later the incident was mentioned again, but no further details were forthcoming.26 The Canton Register made no mention of the possession of Hong Kong except in the context of Elliot's treaty with Ch'i-shan; it seemed unimpressed by the terms and referred to 'the paltry island of Hong Kong'.\n\n› 28\n\nThe two groups with the most immediate interest in the acquisition of Hong Kong for the British were the merchants and missionaries. Unlike the troops, for whom the possession of the island was just one part of a long and arduous expedition in a foreign and unhealthy part of the world, the merchants and missionaries were already operating from the area and found Chinese restrictions on their movements irksome. And unlike the British government and its officials, the traders and propagators of salvation were most cognizant of the advantages that a piece of British territory in South China would afford them. They were not politically or ideologically committed to punishing China for the 'disrespect' it had shown to Britain. It is not known whether any missionaries attended the ceremony on 26 January, but some merchants who were late to have their fortunes inextricably bound up with the colony turned up to witness its official birth. According to a study of the Indian community of Hong Kong, at least four Indian merchants were present in Hong Kong at the flag-hoisting: Cawasjee Pallanjee, the representative of Cursetjee Bomanjee and Co. of Bombay; F. M. Talati; Albert Sassoon;29 and Rustomjee Dhunjee Shaw of P. F. Cama and Co. of Bombay. James Matheson of Jardine Matheson and Co.30 went from Macao to Hong Kong precisely in order to witness the hoisting of the British flag, and afterwards, as he wrote to William Jardine in a postscript to a letter of 30 January, he circumnavigated the island.32 Thus the future character of the colony can be gauged from the type of person with most to gain from its possession by the British.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211636, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "26\n\nthe destinies of mankind on behalf of the Jade Emperor.\n\nImages of four of his 36 ministers are to be seen with him on several altars. They are:\n\nHsu Chenjen (許眞人)\n\nSa Chenjen (薩眞人) both on his right hand, and\n\nChang Chenjen (張眞人)\n\nKo Chenjen (葛眞人) both on his left hand.\n\nTheir collective title is Hsu Lung Chang Ko Ssu Chenjen (許呂張葛四眞人).\n\nPopular versions of the deification of the Jade Emperor are no more than an echo of the stories related by tea house story tellers who, in turn, came by many of the stories from the Ming dynasty book containing a collection of myths describing the wars which ended in the fall of the Shang dynasty and its replacement by the victorious Chou, \"The Deification of the Gods' (Feng Shen Pang). The collection, also known as the Feng Shen Yen I, describes the appointment of the Jade Emperor by Chiang Tzu-ya, the Prime Minister of the Chou, in about 1180 BC. Chiang had appointed the majority of the heroes who had lost their lives in the wars to overthrow the Shang tyrant to fill vacancies in the bureaucracy of the spirit world with only one post left unfilled, that of the Supreme Deity, the Jade Emperor, which Chiang had been reserving for himself. When he was offered the post, with customary courtesy he paused and asked people to 'wait a second' (Teng lai) whilst he considered. However, having called out \"Teng lai', an opportunist, Chang Teng-lai, hearing his name, stepped forward, prostrated himself and thanked Chiang for creating him the Jade Emperor. Chiang Tzu-ya, stupefied, was unable to retract his words. However, in tense anger he quietly cursed Chang Teng-lai, ‘Your sons will become thieves and your daughters prostitutes!' Chang Teng-lai became the Jade Emperor but was unable to prevent the curse from working. The sons, in the Feng Shen Pang, planned to steal Buddha's lotus throne, but omniscient Buddha trapped them with his fingers and enslaved them under a pagoda. Despite this human origin, and his apparent lack of qualifications for the post of Supreme Deity in the pantheon, he is above all other spirits in the Taoist and folk religion pantheon and is a distant deity to whom all others must pay their respect.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211651, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "41\n\nto cure a member of the family before being returned to the temple altar with an offering. This service is available in Wang Yeh temples where the main deity is a Pestilence Wang Yeh and the row of small portable images of Pestilence Wang Yeh on the altar table before the main altar is available for devotees. The individual images can be any one of those available from the altar itself or from the altar table. Which image should be taken is determined by the Pestilence Wang Yeh who reveals his decision through his spirit block response. In a temple on a Singapore housing estate, all five images had been borrowed and the altar was bare apart from the outlines of the bases of the Wang Yeh images in the dust. In a very few homes, an image of the Pestilence Wang Yeh is maintained permanently on the family shrine, having been carved specially for the family at their request.\n\nImages of the Pestilence Wang Yeh's consort have been seen on altars in several temples in Taiwan. In Lukang, in the Shun Yi temple, the main deity, Shun Fu Wang Yeh (**E**) is accompanied by five others, T'ien, Ting, Chu, Ma, and Chin (BT✯54), and his consort Shun Fu Wang Yeh Fujen (KƒÆÂ). All six Wang Yeh are regarded by the temple keeper as Pestilence Wang Yeh, and although the main deity's consort is offered incense by devotees, she is not approached for benefits. Sometimes the consort is simply a small image of a matron and merely known as Fu Jen Ma (AA) without a surname.\n\nIn a number of South-East Asian Chinese rural temples, both corrugated iron structures and shophouses, one or three (and never two unless one has been borrowed by a devotee) Pestilence Wang Yeh images have been noted interspersed between other unconnected deities, often in addition to the main deity, whoever that might be, in no particular order and in no way connected. This again is private enterprise on the part of the temple keeper, often a poor peasant who has taken advantage of a gap in the local requirement for protective deities and who started up his own small temple from which he obtains sufficient petty cash to keep the wolf from the door.\n\nGenerally speaking, the deployment of Wang Yeh temples has followed the progress of the spread of Fukien people within Taiwan and South-East Asia. The most densely deployed areas in Taiwan are the Pescadores and Tainan, and to a lesser extent in the Chia I, Yunlin, and Kaohsiung coastal areas. The origins of these temples are related to the traditional practice of 'Fang Wang Chuan', the setting forth of the Wang Yeh Spirit", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211688, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "78\n\nextensively damaged; and close range fighting never actually reached us. The Japanese (as we discovered later) never actually located the two field gun batteries though they could tell their approximate position. They also seemed to suspect that something was concealed in the woods running down the valley from the Peak to Pokfulam, so this area was fairly intensively searched. So there was a rain of trench mortar and field gun shells and of air bombs (both high explosive and incendiary) all round us, and sufficient direct hits on the block of flats itself as well as near misses to make things unpleasant.\n\nThe Japanese landed on the Island on December 18th-19th and we had hardly absorbed this unpleasant information when we learnt that they had already crossed the hills and were in Aberdeen and Repulse Bay, thus cutting the island in two. On the morning of Christmas Day the Police sent round an urgent warning that the situation on the Peak was critical and that everyone who could move should go down the hill. Mrs. Witham and her baby got a lift in what must have been the last car to get through but there was no room for my wife and myself, and as we could not walk we had to stay where we were. Our fellow evacuees struggled down to Pokfulam and the servants disappeared so we were left alone in the flat. Our situation was, however, not so bad as it sounds, as there was a Police post in the same block of flats and the Police were very helpful during the following days in getting food and water for us. Hongkong surrendered on Christmas afternoon and the fighting, so far as we saw it, ended with a heavy burst of fire about 5 p.m. from one of our own anti-aircraft guns posted on one of the adjacent islands which was in Japanese hands.\n\nThe troops in our neighbourhood gradually collected, firing off their ammunition, blowing up batteries and dumps and making bonfires of stores. There were so many stores that if we had been mobile my wife and I could have provisioned ourselves comfortably. Even as it was, we got some tins of biscuits, jam and other odds and ends which came in very useful during the next fortnight. The troops were marched off to internment next morning but it was not until late that evening that we saw our first Japanese, when a Gendarmerie post was established in a nearby building. There followed a very disagreeable period. Though the Japanese established Gendarmerie posts here and there they seemed to make no serious effort to patrol the Peak area effectively, and it was in consequence being very thoroughly looted by bands of Chinese. The Japanese themselves were also very troublesome. Though the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211690, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "80 \n\nand get permission for us to move into the War Memorial Nursing Home, where the British staff were still functioning under the wing of a Japanese Doctor-Colonel and a gendarmerie post. He was able to arrange this for us, and we were fetched in a car and installed in the Nursing Home next day, January 6th. Dr. Talbot, an ear specialist attached to the hospital, looked at my ear and said the postponed operation should be performed without delay as the earhole had become completely blocked with scar tissue and pus was accumulating dangerously inside. On January 10th I was sent down to Queen Mary Hospital for X-ray photos to be taken both of the ear and the knee. The Martins were still there, and this was the last time I saw them. The expedition was of great interest to me since it was the first time I had visited the town since the Japanese occupation. The streets were crowded with Chinese, most of them in mile long queues trying to get cooked rice from \"co-prosperity\" congee kitchens. All the shops were shut and barricaded but the pavements in Queen's Road and the central district generally were lined with hawkers selling bread ($4 a loaf) and other foodstuffs, and large quantities of looted articles; bedding, silverware, cutlery, etc: one could have got almost anything one wanted, and all this without any apparent interference from the Japanese.\n\nAs the X-rays confirmed Dr. Talbot's diagnosis I let him operate on January 13th. He found it necessary to do a radical mastoid operation and make me a new earhole. At the time we expected to be left in peace for a month or so as there were a number of severely wounded British soldiers in the Nursing Home and we thought the Japanese would not insist on them and us being moved until they were fit to be moved. Eight days later, however, they announced that they needed the hospital and that it would have to be evacuated next morning. The military patients were sent to the military hospital at Bowen Road, and the rest of us to Stanley. I was told I need not go to Stanley Camp unless I wished, and I was given my choice of two other hospitals but I said I must go where my doctor went; so I was put on a long chair which was put on a lorry, and with my wife and our few belongings and half a dozen lorry loads of doctors, sisters and patients we went off to Stanley. That was on January 22nd. The place was in a turmoil as lorry loads and boat loads of people were arriving from all the Chinese hotels in Hongkong and Kowloon where the Japanese had congregated them and they were all scrambling for billets. The British personnel from Queen Mary Hospital (from which they and all the British wounded had been moved the previous day) were busy trying to get a hospital organised in a block\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "81\n\nwhich had been allocated for that purpose, but as they had to start with exactly nothing it was difficult. I was dumped off my lorry in front of the hospital-to-be at about 1 o'clock, and it was 5 p.m. before the staff had cleared a room and found enough beds to get the most elementary of wards going. There I stayed exactly two months. Meanwhile my wife had found a corner for herself in a room with three other married couples and a baby. She got on very well with two of the other couples (and the baby), but the third couple were very disagreeable and behaved in an almost incredibly disgraceful way towards the other people in the room, but particularly to my poor wife. So when I was fit to be moved from the hospital we tried to get quarters elsewhere but the billeting committee couldn't fix us in anywhere and the Japanese Chief Supervisor was unhelpful, so I just had to make one more in an already overcrowded room. And there we stayed, with one brief excursion to the French Hospital to have my knee X-rayed, until the Americans were repatriated early in July when we were moved into the block vacated by them where we shared a room with Mr. and Mrs. Witham and their baby and one other couple. Here we were perfectly happy and were facing with equanimity the prospect of internment for the duration when on July 20th we were told that we could, if we wished and if we paid our own fares, go to Shanghai. No further explanation was forthcoming and the permission did not extend to the rest of the Embassy and Consulate personnel in the camp. Of course I said we would go (the Swiss Consul sent in enough money for the fares) and we were shipped to Shanghai with some 60 other people who had also been allowed to leave the camp. I assumed that once I was in Shanghai I would be entitled to be repatriated with the rest of the Embassy people; but as soon as the ship berthed in Shanghai a Japanese Vice-Consul came on board and told me that though I had been allowed to come to Shanghai I was not going to be repatriated. It looked as if I was going to share with Sir Mark Young (who is interned at Woosung) the melancholy distinction of being the only British officials in Japan and occupied China. We were taken to the Cathay Hotel where the outport Consulate staffs and other persons destined for repatriation were being collected. We were given a comfortable suite and, except for the restriction in our movements, had nothing to complain about. I telephoned to Mr. Le Rougetel who had not been told that we were coming. He got the Swiss Consul-General to inform the Foreign Office and it seems that a special exchange agreement was made for me and my wife. So on August 17th we embarked on the \"Kamakura Maru\".\n\nAs regards conditions in Stanley Internment Camp I wrote a few notes,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211692, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "82\n\nand left copies with the Swiss Consul-General in Shanghai for his own information and for that of the Red Cross representative. In their original form I showed them to three responsible British subjects who left the Camp at the same time as I did, and they agreed that the notes gave a fairly accurate picture of the situation, though perhaps the colours were not dark enough. A copy of these notes, somewhat amended, is attached. A point which perhaps ought to have been made is that prior to internment at Stanley most of the \"enemy nationals\" in Hongkong and Kowloon had already been interned in Chinese hotels for periods varying from two weeks to six weeks in conditions of great discomfort and hardship and that they were seriously debilitated when they reached the Camp. They, and all the other \"enemy nationals\" who had so far escaped internment, were then thrown into the camp without adequate preparations having been made for their reception. In the Science Block of St. Stephen's College men, women and children found themselves herded together in large class rooms without beds, mattresses or furniture; there was only one lavatory for the block and no arrangements had been made for cooking food. Though the Japanese never actively ill-treated the civilian internees their whole attitude was unhelpful and unsympathetic. Consequently conditions were very bad during the first 2½ or 3 months. Then the Japanese began to realise the seriousness of the situation and conditions improved considerably, as I have indicated in my notes. Conditions were about at their worst in the middle of April, and when I was taken to the French Hospital on April 21st to have my leg X-rayed Dr. Selwyn Clark and Dr. Court both impressed on me that the food situation, not only in the camp but in the Colony generally was extremely serious since the Japanese were shipping all foodstuffs to Japan and were bringing nothing in. They said they expected the crisis to come at the end of July and they urged me to represent to the Foreign Office that if no relief was forthcoming the whole of the foreign community ought to be removed before the end of the Summer. I accordingly wrote a short message on these lines to H.M. Consul at Macao, which Dr. Selwyn Clark said he would be able to send through.\n\nI did all I could to get the Japanese to admit my diplomatic status and to include the whole of the Embassy and Consulate group in any exchange arrangements but, except for Mr. Yano's original assurance, they took the attitude that, as we had not been at our posts we had no special status, and beyond that there was a blank wall; we were not allowed to know even what had become of the Embassy and Consular establishments in occupied China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211694, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "84\n\nanti-aircraft fire, but as far as I could see, they were completely unscathed. The bombing seemed to me to be directed entirely against what were, or might be taken to be, military objectives, and this indeed may be said of the artillery fire also. During the 18 days fighting Queen Mary Hospital, 400 yards from Mt. Davis Fort, did not receive a single direct hit. The two hospitals on the Peak (i.e. the Matilda Hospital and the War Memorial Nursing Home) were repeatedly hit by shells, but I think this was due to the fact that the Japanese were searching for two field batteries which were located uncomfortably close to the two hospitals: this, at any rate, was the explanation given by a Japanese officer who came to the War Memorial Nursing Home while I was there after the surrender. One point which struck me very forcibly was the small size of the bombs and shells which the Japanese were using. I saw many direct hits by bombs on buildings on the Peak but in no case did I see any building completely demolished as my house in Chungking was; and the shells, which I am told were mostly from field guns and trench mortars, did not seem to have much penetrating power: they hardly scarred modern reinforced concrete buildings such as the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank building and the block of flats where my wife and I were living. I am told that the Japanese were using heavier weapons elsewhere, but my general impression was that the Japanese were mainly using what I think Mr. Hore-Belisha called “Woolworth” material.\n\nAs regards the behaviour of the Japanese in Hongkong I think I must distinguish between two phases, i.e. the actual attack and afterwards. There are many well-authenticated stories of the shooting or bayoneting of British prisoners during the attack, though how general the practice was I have no means of judging. (A Commissioner of Customs, Mr. Flanagan, who is in the \"Narkunda\", told me he had seen a number of corpses of British soldiers still with their hands tied behind their backs). There was also a very nasty affair at Stanley where two doctors, three nurses and a number of Canadian officers and possibly others were massacred. There were also apparently numerous cases of rape including a few European women and girls. The situation however was quickly brought under control and there was nothing at all resembling the licensed disorder which followed the capture of Nanking in 1937. We were indeed told by people who were in Kowloon when the Japanese came in, that the behaviour of the latter towards European women was good though numbers of Chinese and half-caste girls were taken off, obviously for ...\n\n* The staff repatriated via the \"Kamakura Maru\" were transferred to the \"Narkunda\" in Lourenço Marques. (Editor's Note)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211698, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "88 \n\nJ \n\nleft there were still many people who had neither beds nor mattresses. With the departure of the American internees at the beginning of July it had been possible to relieve a few of the worst cases of overcrowding, but the relief was quite insufficient, and for many I am tempted to say 'for most' — of the internees the overcrowding, the lack of privacy, and the consequent friction and nervous strain rank as a more serious hardship than the food shortage which I will deal with next.\n\nThe food question falls into two phases. During the first 2 1/2 months the food was very bad indeed, totally insufficient in quantity, poor in quality, ill-cooked and deficient in nourishment. When I was in hospital my normal food was: breakfast two thin slices of bread (sometimes with a scrape of jam or margarine, sometimes dry) and one cup of tea; dinner, a bowl of rice and soya beans cooked with two or three small pieces of buffalo beef, pork or fish and some greens; tea, one cup of tea only; supper, one slice of bread, sometimes with a sliver of cheese, and a cup of soup of sorts. (This was better than the ordinary camp fare). During this period there was no way of supplementing the basic rations of rice, soya bean, meat (or fish) and greenstuff, and everyone lost weight severely; some men lost as much as 70 lbs. The hospital was full of dysentery and diarrhoea cases and there were a large number of cases of beriberi and other malnutrition diseases.\n\nIn April, however, an issue of 1/2 lb. of flour a day was substituted for part of the rice ration and arrangements were made to bake bread in the camp. An immediate improvement in the general health of the camp appeared, and this was aided by certain other factors of which the principal were\n\n(a) the opening of a canteen where those who had any money could buy limited quantities of oatmeal, margarine, powdered milk, sugar, cocoa etc., at fancy prices, and\n\n(b) permission for parcels of foodstuffs, toilet necessities etc. to be sent in from the town.\n\nThose persons then who had money to spend at the canteen and friends in Hongkong were able to supplement their diet fairly satisfactorily. But there remained a large — a very large residue of people in the camp who had neither money nor friends in Hongkong and who were accordingly entirely dependent on their rations. These consisted when", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211701, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "91\n\nnumber of books was quite inadequate and the Japanese, with their usual suspicion of the written or printed word, would not allow any more to be brought in. Sea bathing is now (i.e. since the middle of July) permitted at one beach.\n\nChildren: Schools - a senior and a junior school were established by the Hongkong University authorities and some attempt made to arrange organised recreation for the children; but, there were hardly any toys, games or children's books in the camp, and the children were usually ragging about and getting into mischief. A little ping-pong and badminton apparatus, half a dozen old tennis rackets and a few dozen old balls would have been a boon to children and grown-ups alike, but there was no way of getting them.\n\nGeneral: Various 'shortages' have been mentioned in previous paragraphs, but in point of fact there was a deficiency of nearly everything - beds and bedding, clothing, shoes, toilet materials, brooms and other cleaning materials, plates, cups, dishes, cooking pots, knives, forks and spoons, glass for repairing war-broken windows, tools of all kinds, etc. etc. An \"International Welfare Committee\" formed in Hongkong by sympathisers under the auspices of Dr. Selwyn-Clarke (of whom I shall speak again) was doing a good deal to meet the most urgent needs and sent in cotton dress lengths, sandshoes, handkerchiefs, Chinese toilet paper, tin mugs, washing soap and numerous other articles; but the needs were far in excess of the resources of the Committee. The shortage was particularly serious in regard to clothing and foot-wear. Many people reached the camp with only what they stood up in, few were able to bring much. Clothes and shoes wear out. I remember seeing two ladies wearing shorts made of Australian flour bags and one girl in a frock made from the ticking of a mattress. Many people were going barefooted, others were wearing sandals made from gunny bags or home-made wooden pattens. The footwear situation was about July slightly—but only slightly relieved by the receipt from the Welfare Committee of some shoe leather, with which amateur cobblers did their best to effect repair.\n\nLetters: One of the worst features of the camp was the lack of communication with the outside world. We were allowed (in 6 months) to send one short telegram and two short letters, but the messages which I sent (to Mr. Le Rougetel) were never delivered. A few people got letters from Shanghai but this was exceptional. Internees were not allowed to write even to friends in Hongkong except (and even this was a very", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211702, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "92\n\nrecent concession) to the limited extent of replying to a message which must originate with a neutral. No communication with the various prisoners-of-war camps or hospitals in other parts of Hongkong was permitted, so that wives in the camp could neither send messages to, nor receive them from, their prisoner-of-war husbands. Some were unable to find out whether their husbands were prisoners or not. This seems a quite unnecessary cruelty.\n\nDr. Selwyn-Clarke. I have made a passing reference to Dr. Selwyn-Clarke (Director of Medical Services in the Hongkong Government), but he deserves more than that. The Japanese found it worth their while to allow him and his wife and a small group of British relief workers under him to remain outside the camp and they were primarily engaged on relief work in the Colony. But he had secured the confidence of the Japanese Military Authorities and was allowed to visit the camp frequently on the strict understanding that he gave no news and discussed nothing but medical and relief matters. He visited the camp once or twice a week, talked to the doctors and the Welfare Committee's representative, found out what wanted doing and then in Hongkong tried to get it done. Everyone in the camp knew that almost all the improvements in diet and other matters were the result of untiring efforts on his part, but not so many knew that he had been equally untiring in his efforts to relieve distress among the Chinese population of Hongkong whose plight was immeasurably worse than anything the Stanley internees had to endure.\n\nL\n\nCamp management, discipline, etc. When the camp was first opened, the Japanese put in a number of English-speaking Chinese as block supervisors. Their duties were never clearly defined, but they formed the only channel of communication between the Japanese and the internees. Then the internees elected Communal Councils (one for each of the three communities British, American and Dutch) and these Councils, working in cooperation, ran the camp and were recognised by the Japanese as the spokesmen of their national groups. Later a Japanese Superintendent was appointed (Mr. Nakazawa). He lived in a separate house in the camp and had two or three Japanese satellites. About the same time Mr. Gimson (Colonial Secretary) and Mr. Alabaster (Attorney General), who had hitherto been allowed to remain outside and to act as liaison officers with the Japanese, came into the camp. This brought to a head a conflict which had been going on subterraneously between the Hongkong Government officials and the rest of the community. For reasons which I need not go into here, the community", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211710, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "100\n\nTsun Wan has several local industries; . . . In the valley running up into the hills to the south-west of Tai Mo Shan there is a village consisting entirely of watermills, where wood is ground up for the manufacture of joss sticks. This picturesque place is about half a mile beyond Tsun Wan, near the 9th milestone, and follows the stream upwards, first on the one bank and then on the other. The first watermill is reached in 5 minutes' walk from the road, and beyond are a dozen more little houses perched on the sides of the valley, each with its waterwheels busily turning. For a small tip the owner of one of these mills will show you inside; the atmosphere is thick with fragrant dust, and through it you can dimly see great stone-headed hammers pounding away the aromatic wood.23\n\nFrom the description cited, the area seems to be Tso Kung Tam (2H), which is situated to the north-west of Tsuen Wan. According to elder villagers, there were six water-wheels in operation after 1930, and one of these was still in operation until 1952-1953. Later, they were replaced by electrically driven grinders, and manufacturing activities expanded to include the production of incense coils. Heywood's description was written during the last few years in which the incense wood was pounded by water power. The whole area was resumed by the Government around 1978 for the construction of the Tsuen Wan Mass Transit Railway Terminus.\n\nAlthough Tsuen Wan is the best known of the incense milling centres of the New Territories, and was the only one to survive after the 1920s, in the early years of the century there were at least two others. Sandalwood mills were noted at Pak Kiu Tsai between Pun Chung and Wun Yiu immediately outside Tai Po New Market during the Block Crown Lease surveys of about 1905. Similarly, early twentieth-century maps show sandalwood mills at Heung Fan Liu (56%, “Incense Powder Sheds\") just outside Tai Wai in Sha Tin. Heung Fan Liu and Pak Kiu Tsai are sites very similar to Tso Kung Tam in Tsuen Wan immediately alongside a fast-flowing stream with a substantial year-round flow of water to power the water-wheels. Heung Yuen Wai (I, \"Incense Tree Grove\") in Ta Kwu Ling may also be a placename referring to the incense trade → adjacent villages are called Tsung Yuen (AB, \"Pine Grove\") and Chuk Yuen (†, \"Bamboo Grove''), suggesting three local specializations. No sandalwood mills at Heung", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211722, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "The press stands 60\" high, its primary member being a wooden post 8\" square braced at the base by a plank which is 100\" long, 15\" wide, and 3\" thick. Resting on a wood block, the tube, which is 12\" high and 5\" in diameter, contains a piston made of leather disks with a steel disk on top, all with a hole in their centres, then a cylindrical piece of wood about three inches in diameter with a metal piece on the bottom and a vertical pin to penetrate the holes of the disks and, at its other end, a wood crosspiece. Resting on this crosspiece and inserted in a slot of the 8\" square post is a lever arm of wood which is 4\" x 3.5\" and 107\" long. Above it are wedges which are added as the contents of the tube are squeezed.37\n\nThe wedges referred to are step-like wooden blocks so that pressure could be exerted onto the piston step by step. When the dough was of the right consistency, it was put into the metal tube of the press until it was almost filled. Then the piston was inserted into the tube and pressure applied by a person standing on the lever arm. Such forces squeezed the incense paste through the two holes at the bottom of the metal tube, forming incense strings.\n\nIn the 1940s, a new machine was adopted in the joss stick industry to make incense coils, rendering the production of incense coils the only half-mechanized process of the joss stick industry. The procedure of squeezing, though remaining unchanged, was done much faster by mechanical power and production increased. In the 1960s, electric churns and electric presses were introduced, making the production of incense coils neater and much more agreeable for the workers.\n\nPacking\n\nAfter the incense products are dried, they are ready for packaging which is done in the same shed as the manufacturing processes. The most common type of packaging is by wrapping in transparent plastic. Sometimes, some joss sticks are put into plastics bags, paper bags or paper boxes. Joss sticks which are exported are packed into cardboard boxes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211725, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "115\n\ncheapest tenements, on the upper floors.\n\nConclusion\n\nFollowing the boom period in the 1970s, the joss stick industry is having a hard time in the 1980s. The failure of the industry to mechanize constitutes the major stumbling block to its future development. Faced with the problems of rising labour costs and labour shortage, the industry is now increasingly left in the hands of an aging labour force which averaged over 60 years of age in 1987. This decrease in overall productivity caused by aging would cope very well with the dwindling market if not for the increased competition from China. Since China's open door policy was announced in 1978, joss sticks were allowed to be produced again and production quickly resumed in Hsin-hui, Tung-kuan and Shao-hsing. The incomparably lower wages demanded in China and the availability of large pieces of cheap land enable the incense products of China to be more competitive. Though only two-grade products are currently being produced there, the potential of the Chinese supply is strongly shown in its dominance of the Hong Kong and South-East Asian markets for low-grade incense. It is generally felt that the aging of the labour force, shortage of capital, failure to mechanize factories and external competition will result in the inevitable decline of the industry in Hong Kong. The general attitude of the industry is pessimistic and a total collapse of the industry in Hong Kong within 20 years is anticipated.\n\nAcknowledgements:\n\nThis paper is based in part on an undergraduate thesis written by the author in the Department of Geography and Geology, University of Hong Kong. The author would like to thank Dr. Richard T.A. Irving for his supervision, and Dr. Elizabeth Y.Y. Sinn and Dr. P.H. Hase for their comments and suggestions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211733, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "123\n\nat Law Fong (Luofong), and so on to Sham Tsun via Wong Pui Ling (Huangbeileng). Between Wo Hang Au and Law Fong most of this old road survives as a rough, unsurfaced jeep track. The halfway point between the two towns was taken to be the summit of Miu Keng, and it was at that point that the nunnery was founded.\n\nThe site is a steeply sided valley. The headwater of the Ping Yuen River has cut what is almost a ravine between the mountains to north and south. The old road ran on a ledge about fourteen feet wide cut into the northern slope of the ravine. The nunnery is built immediately beside the road, to the north, facing approximately south, on two platforms cut into the face of the slope. The site is very remote, nearly a mile from the next nearest buildings in any direction. The only fields nearby were a few tiny plots scattered along the floor of the ravine, which provided vegetables for the nuns.\n\n*\n\nThe nunnery consists of a rectangular block of buildings almost square, about 48 feet broad and 46 feet deep. It is divided into four sections by three walls which run from the front to the back: the sections are not all of the same width, with the first (from the west), and particularly the third, being wider than the second and fourth. The second, third, and fourth sections have a common roof. This consists of two transverse gables, separated by a gap, which forms a Tin Tseng in the third section, but which is covered over by a flat roof in the second and fourth sections. The height of the gables is sixteen feet from ground level for both the front and rear gables. The first section has its own roof, rather lower, gabled at the back, but sloping inwards from all sides to a Tin Tseng at the front. All the roofs are of tile, laid on beams which rest immediately on the side walls: no beam-and-strut construction is to be found.\n\nThe buildings are, as mentioned above, built on two platforms, the rear one, furthest from the road, being some three feet seven inches above the front one. This height difference requires steep flights of steps to link the front and back portions of the building, except in the second section, where no steps were provided as there is no intercommunication between the front and rear parts of the building in this section. The front platform is about two and a half feet above the road level: steps linked the road and the entrances into the nunnery in the first and third sections. There was no courtyard or enclosure: the nunnery opened immediately onto the road in front, and backed immediately onto the tree-covered", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "135\n\nbeen only too pleased to have the buildings back in operation, and the daily prayers re-started. Kuk Shan Kit, however, died after being at the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz for only a few years. His disciples dispersed to other monasteries. Only one disciple, a lady of over 40 when she arrived from Lo Fau Shan, stayed at the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz, where she lived until she died early in 1991. It is because of Kuk Shan Kit's early death, and the dispersal of his disciples, that the nunnery escaped being rebuilt in the 1950s and 1960s.\n\nBefore the War, the nunnery seems to have been dependent on donations from villagers and on offerings made by wayfarers, despite the fact that, at least on paper, it owned a considerable amount of land. At the Block Crown Lease Survey (1905) it was registered as the owner of 2.49 acres of First Quality, 1.8 acres of Second Quality, and 0.23 acres of Third Quality riceland in the Ping Shan area (DD79), 3.79 acres, 0.42 acres and 0.26 acres in the Ping Che area (DD77), 0.87 acres of First Quality riceland in the Wo Hang Au area (DD38), and 1.22 acres of First Quality riceland in the Man Uk Pin area (DD37), totalling 8.37 acres of First Quality, 2.22 acres of Second Quality, and 0.49 of Third Quality riceland; 11.08 acres overall. The only houseland owned was the nunnery itself. Unfortunately, the title deeds for this land have been lost, and it is impossible to be sure when they were donated to the nunnery. The tiny plots near the nunnery were also owned by the nuns, but the value of these plots was so low that they were left unregistered.\n\nIt should be noted that the average holding of an average New Territories family actually farming their own land in the early part of this century was about one acre. Land rented out was usually rented at 50% of its crop, so that the 11.08 acres of the nunnery's holdings should have produced enough, if all rented out, to provide for the subsistence needs of five families, and hence should have been more than sufficient for the needs of a couple of elderly nuns, even if they did have to provide free tea to all wayfarers. However, it seems likely that only a small percentage of the income from this land actually reached the nunnery. This point is considered more fully below.\n\nThe Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz and the Ping Yuen Hap Heung\n\nPolitically, the nunnery stood at a nodal point in the tangled web of local politics. The area near the nunnery was certainly settled in the Ming period. The Punti Ho (I), Tang ( ), Man (A), To (#), and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211754, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "144\n\nThe Shing Ping She was thus required to maintain the Kim Ho Temple, and at least the Heroes Shrine part of the Ping Yuen Temple, and had to meet the costs of the rituals it conducted there. It also had to maintain the bridges and roads, and to meet the costs of the patrols it sponsored. However, it had no land at the time of the Block Crown Lease (1905). Apart from the temple itself, the Ping Yuen Hap Heung owned no land at that date either. Similarly, none of the individual villages of the area owned any significant amounts of communal land. The Shing Ping She did, however, have enough income to buy a good deal of land within the New Territories later — five and a half acres was bought, together with a house, between 1911 and 1920, at a cost of $1,272.50 for just over three of the five and a half acres. Villagers believe the She also bought land at Wang Kong Ha during this period.\n\n18\n\nThe She seems to have imposed a grain tax on all householders and cow owners within the patrol district. At least in the 1930s, as the elders recall, some of this grain was passed to the nuns at the Kim Ho temple and the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz for their sustenance, but most was sold.\n\nThe villagers claim that the Shing Ping She also bought from the Cheung Shan Kwu Tsz all the nunnery's lands within Ping Che and Ping Yeung, at a date somewhen in the 1920s, but without changing the registration of the land in the Land Registry. This is possibly why the She's programme of land purchase in its own name comes to an abrupt end in 1920.\n\nThis claim may well hide a more complex situation. As mentioned above, neither the Shing Ping She nor the Ping Yuen Hap Heung held any communal land in 1905, although they had significant communal commitments: Loi Tung, equally, seems to have had no communal land to provide income for the needs of the Loi Tung Yeuk. At the same time, the nunnery land does not seem to have been used to meet nunnery needs. After the fire, the abbess repaired the roof by seeking donations, not by selling or mortgaging part of the land, and this was clearly the position also at the time of the 1868 rebuilding, since the inscription in the temple records the donors. In the 1930s, the nuns' rice came from donations from the Shing Ping She, not from rent. It seems very likely that the Ping Yuen Hap Heung and Loi Tung people had placed their communal lands under the name and protection of the Buddha. This is not uncommon in the area; such an arrangement made it more difficult for managers to embezzle the land entrusted to them, and protected it from external...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211764, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "154\n\n19\n\n, at Law Fong) are believed to have entered the area after 1700. See Map of Ta Kwu Ling.\n\nIt is interesting to note that, of the 21 villages in the Ta Kwu Ling area, seven are purely Punti, nine are purely Hakka (including two of originally Punti but now Hakka speaking Mans), but five are of mixed Punti and Hakka residents, including the large village of Chau Tin (which has only a tiny handful of Hakka residents), Fung Wong Wu, Kan Tau Wai, and Law Fong, and Tong Fong which consists partly of Punti speaking Mans, and partly of Hakka speaking Mans.\n\n+\n\n1\n\nYeung, and Ng, at Fong Wong Wu; Siu, and Ho, at Chau Tin; Wong, at Kan Tau Wai; Pang, and Au, at Tai Po Tin; Fu Lau, (and others) at Wo Keng Shan; Yiut, at Chuk Yuen; Chan, and Yiu, at Law Fong (Luofang); Chau at Wang Kong Ha; Yeung, and Kwu, at Sai Ling Ha (Xilingxia), and others.\n\n21 The temple bell, of Chien Lung 21 (1756) was donated by \"all the faithful people of the Ping Yuen Hap Heung...\n\n...to stand for ever before the altar of the Lady Tin Hau*. Faure, Luk, Ng, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 670. The only earlier dated item in the temple, a Cloud Gong of 1727, was donated by a single family from Ping Che, Faure, Luk, Ng, op. cit., Vol. 3, p. 661. The temple continued to be owned and controlled by this group of villages. Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Oxford Univ. Press, Hong Kong, 1986, p. 104 is incorrect in saying that the temple was owned by Ping Yeung. In the Block Crown Lease, the Manager of the temple was Man Shan-fung, of Ping Che. The Tong Fong people, although closely related genealogically to the Ping Che people, were not part of the Ping Yuen Hap Heung, and did not take part in the Ta Tsiu.22 Faure, op. cit., p. 103.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n23 The four managers at the time of the Block Crown Lease were Tang Hung-wai (a houseowner of Loi Tung), Chan Shing-pong, called a houseowner of Ping Yeung in a District Office report of 1979), Man Ying-shau (probably a villager of Ping Che, a relative of the houseowners Man Ying-kei, Man Ying-wai, and Man Ying-fat), and Chung Choi-wah (a houseowner of Man Uk Pin). These died in 1938, 1926, 1925, and 1942 respectively, according to a report made to the District Office in 1979. The abbess, Wong Tik-yuen, was appointed a manager in 1926, but she died in 1931. After the War, the lack of managers caused trouble on a number of occasions. A temporary manager was appointed in 1968. In 1979 the Chairman of the Sha Tau Kok Rural Committee and others were appointed as managers, although he, as a Lin Ma Hang villager, had no connection with the nunnery. This seems to have been with a view to rebuilding the nunnery. This proposal has led to a string of vigorous complaints from the elders of the six villages with shares during the last three years, but the situation remains, at present (1991), unresolved.\n\n24 See Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op. cit., pp. 100-127, for a discussion of the Yeuk.\n\n25 The only alternative was a dangerous, difficult, and often impassable waist-deep ford, as the 1896 Kwong Fuk bridge tablet makes clear. See Faure, Luk and Ng, Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 298.\n\n26 See Robert G. Groves, \"The Origins of Two Market Towns in the New Territories\", Aspects of Social Organisation in the New Territories, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Symposium Report, 1964, pp. 16-20, and Alice Ng Lun Ngai-ha, \"Xianggang Xinjie xushi zhi xingqi yu shuailao: Dabuxu yanjiu\" [The Foundation and Decay of Market Towns in the New Territories of Hong Kong: A Study of Tai Po], in Chinese Studies, Vol. 3, No. 2, 1985, pp. 633-655. The very widespread support for the Tsat Yeuk can be gathered from the list of donors shown on the Kwong Fuk bridge tablet, Faure, Luk and Ng, loc. cit.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211784, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "174\n\nunfortunate that practically always only their stage names are known, making it impossible for us to identify any well known local citizens who were maybe also active in the municipal administration or social clubs. Not all pseudonyms were as transparent as Mr. Beverley Newcome, Mr. Circular Roller and Mr. Pickwick, nor so ludicrous as **Mr. Caput as Head Manager, Mr. Work-em-hard as stagemaker and Mr. Llanfair P.G. as the stagesweeper,” but we can never be sure about the real identity of most actors. Still, in a few cases the true names of participants were given (see: Calendar, 13.2.1863, 26.3.1863). With the managers of the companies things stood no better: the names have come to us of a Mr. Doldrum, Horatio Buskin and Peter Proteus, but they are mentioned here merely for curiosity's sake. In some instances the performers were nothing loath to adopt the names of well known contemporaries. Thus the orchestra at a theatrical night was reputedly conducted by the “Veteran Melodist Sir George Smart,” who indeed was a conductor, organist and composer (1776-1867), certainly not in Shanghai but in Britain, where he had conducted, among other performances, the first performance of Beethoven's Ninth Symphony in 1826. Another example was the appearance of \"our old friend Mr Bravo Rouse\". Rouse, always nicknamed Bravo Rouse, had been the originator of the Grecian Saloon in 1838, the precursor of the music hall.77\n\n**76\n\nOne feature that should be highlighted is the absence of ladies on the stage until 1876. On April 18 of that year Shanghailanders witnessed their first amateur actress in T.W. Robertson's School.” Before that, however, there may have been attempts to break the male monopoly in the theatre, to judge from a short remark in the local satirical magazine **Puck, or the Shanghai Charivari”** in 1873: “We hear that the actresses of the Dramatic Club bitterly resent the movement that has lately been made by the ladies of Shanghai in the direction of amateur theatricals as they consider their rights infringed. We however think differently; the presence of these fair debutantes if of more frequent occurrence [my emphasis — JH] would tend to inspire the male actors, and while we should certainly have fewer sticks on the stage, we might have more matches”. Not that Shanghai in this respect lagged behind the amateur dramatic societies in other Far Eastern ports: Yokohama introduced women in 1878, Hong Kong in 1879 and Singapore in 1884.82\n\n20\n\nAs far as Shanghai is concerned the reason for the lack of women on the stage is not difficult to find. Their general paucity in the Settlement", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "183\n\nJanuary 27 1874 William Suter's Incompatibility of Temper and Tom Taylor's Masks and Faces or Before and Behind the Curtain opened the season in the New Lyceum Theatre. This one lasted much longer than its predecessor, indeed, until 1929 when it was sold to be resuscitated in the French Concession in 1931.\n\n——\n\nBut to return to pre-1867 conditions, some final notes should be added. Shanghai saw its first tentative steps in lighting its streets with gas in 1865 which was no luxury as the state of the roads was often rather dubious. Lighting in the theatre therefore, both the auditorium and the stage, was by means of either candles or oil lamps, the danger and inadequacies of which require no further comment.\n\n—\n\nRegulation of the climate in the hall was also difficult. Temperatures in Shanghai can be as low as 12°C in January and as high as 40°C in June-August. In order not to deter the audience, heating had to be provided in winter, which was duly advertised: \"Thoroughly warmed with splendid stoves\", whereas in summer which was certainly in the early years an unusual time for entertainment - one could read that \"to obviate the excessive heat of a crowded house, the Company beg to state that they have had two large Punkahs hung and have otherwise improved the ventilation\" (a punkah was a large rectangular fan suspended from the ceiling and moved by servants).\n\nPerformances started generally at 8 o'clock or 8.30 (even 9) (1864-1865) and entry prices were $3 for the best seats and $2 for the other ones (back seats and gallery) (The Mexican dollar, one of the currencies used in Shanghai, fluctuated in value, but may be said to have been worth about 4/6 during these years — so no \"shilling gallery\" here).\n\nIn addition to the godown theatres there were a number of other localities where artistic entertainment occurred in 1865. On February 23 1865 a concert was given at the Astor House Hotel. This hotel had been founded by an American, D.C. Jansen, in 1860 and it was situated in a part of the Settlement known as Hongkew (or American Settlement), north of the Soochow Creek, near the bridge. It was destined to become one of the most famous hotels in Shanghai and it was rebuilt several times. But in 1865 it was still a low construction. Other concerts, on October 17 1864, February 15 and March 1865, were given at the Shanghai Club, a redoubtable pillar of society located at the southern end of the Bund where it was opened in 1864. It was built in a neoclassical", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "233\n\n(SCR 5,6. 1865). \"The gentleman is gifted with rare powers of voice and action which enable him to throw an immense amount of dramatic spirit in his readings and recitations\" (NCH 3.6.1865). It was his second (recorded) performance; earlier he had been successful on March 3 1857.\n\n1.6.1865 (Thur)\n\nPerformance by the Shanghai Amateur Burlesque Company Ltd.\n\nNo titles have been recorded. (NCH 3.6.1865; SCR 5.6.1865)\n\nR: It was \"not quite so successful as some of their previous representations\" (SCR).\n\n3.6.1865 (Sat)\n\nPerformance by Mr. Benjamin Seare.\n\nTh: N.N. (I)\n\nEarly June 1865\n\nConcerts by the Police Band on the Bund.\n\n17.6.1865 (Sat)\n\nC. SELBY: \"The Unfinished Gentleman\" (1834)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs of the 67th Regiment\n\nF: Music\n\nTh: N.N.\n\nR: Whereas in days gone by it was quite usual that there were only a couple of theatrical or musical entertainments during the whole season, now, after a fortnight since the last occasion, the Herald complained that \"considerable dullness has prevailed in Shanghai during the week owing to the lack of any public amusement of any description\" (NCH 17,6,1865). The night of the 17th was \"well attended and gave great satisfaction” (NCH 24.6.1865).\n\n30.9.1865 (Sat)\n\nW. BROUGH & A. HALLIDAY: \"The Area Belle\" (1864)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nH.J. BYRON: \"The 'Grin' Bushes or Missis Brown of the Mississippi\" (1864)\n\nT: Burlesque extravaganza (1 act)\n\nC: Shanghai Amateurs Burlesque Company Ltd\n\nTh: N.N. (1)\n\nR: This was the first night of the new season (NCH 30.9.1865). No review was published in the Herald or the Record.\n\n10.11.1865 (Fri)\n\nH.J. BYRON: \"Princess Springtime\" (1864)\n\nT: Fairy extravaganza\n\nJ. KENNEY: “Turn Out!\" (announced as \"Turn Him Out!'')\n\nT: Musical farce (2 acts)\n\nC: Amateurs of the Shanghai Mounted Rangers\n\nF: Prologue spoken by Capt. Markham\n\nTh: N.N.\n\nR: The evening \"proved a complete success. The acting throughout was excellent and not a single hitch occurred\" (NCH 16.11.1865)\n\n20.11.1865 (Mon)\n\nRepeat of 11.11.1865,\n\nR: The proceeds of this performance went to the Shanghai Hospital, an institution founded", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211865, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 280, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "255\n\nDIARY OF VOYAGE TO CHINA*\n\nFrom March 10, 1861 to August 6, 1861\n\nIt is with a combination of curious feelings that this journal is commenced. There is a mingled hope and fear, gloom and light, anticipations of a bright future, and occasional forebodings of ill. Yet whatever may befall, whether pleasure or pain, prosperity or adversity, it is a joyful fact that nothing can happen unless directed by a Father's hand. Jesus knows all, and safe under his guidance all will be well.\n\nSunday, March 10th\n\nWent on board at ten o'clock, and just put matters straight enough in the cabin to be able to spend the Sabbath. About eleven I came on deck, just as the vessel began to move out of the basin. She was towed down the Thames. A great crowd of people saw her departure. As she floated down the Thames I often gave way to melancholy thoughts, when I considered all I was leaving behind, and all that is in store for me. Sometimes the burden felt greater than I could bear. Yet I felt that Jesus was with me, and under his guidance I feared no ill: it was my Father's business I was about, and surely he would give me grace and strength to perform it.\n\nThe Prince Alfred went easily down the river, and cast anchor off Gravesend. On board were several people, friends of the captain, who although it was Sunday, were going to Gravesend for a holiday and treat, at his expense. They were a swearing set of fellows, and seemed to be old captains of ships. A Sunday in such company I never spent. I would not go to lunch with them, and at dinner time I was glad when all was over, and I could be alone in my cabin. But even here their shouting and laughing, when the wine and spirits began to take effect, was a great nuisance to my ears and mind. I never spent such a Sunday in my life. So as soon as it grew dusk I fastened my cabin, made up a bed and tried to sleep. For two days I had had a headache, which now grew worse, and very little sleep I had. My cabin, although in the quietest part of the ship, is rather the worse for noise. Every person that walks overhead on the deck is distinctly heard, and the noise is enough to keep one awake, to say nothing of the rolling of the ship.\n\n* From the John Fryer Papers, The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211870, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 285, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "260\n\nlearned. He was however bullied and swore at, and then locked up in a room all day, and then handcuffed and put down in the hold, and then tried again, when at last the captain laid hold of him by the nose, and sent him out of the cabin. We have now the cook as steward, and I fear he will not stay long. It must be a misery to live with such a man, and all I wonder at is that the crew put up with so much bullying, and cursing. I would not, for an hour.\n\nWe are now getting into a regular way of living. We breakfast at half past eight. There is coffee, eggs, biscuit, cheese, butter, beefsteak, hash, etc. every day nearly. Since my seasickness I have a most ravenous appetite. I am quite ashamed at the amount of food which I eat, and then I am always hungry. I shall soon grow fat at this rate.\n\nAfter breakfast I put my room in order, and set all straight for the day, after which I read a little and go on deck, where I walk about for an hour or two, and amuse myself one way or another till twelve o'clock, when there is luncheon of bread and cheese, etc. Then I read, or sing, or walk the deck till three o'clock, when it is dinner time. We generally sit an hour or so over dinner.\n\nThe captain generally spins a good long yarn to Captain Moult, which to me is never very interesting. Sometimes they try to get me into an argument about something or other, and generally do it by running out against missionaries, or something of that kind. I find it hard work to stand my ground alone.\n\nLast week I lost a day in my reckoning, and thought that Sunday was Saturday. It might have been for all the difference that was made on board. They never make the least difference between Sunday and other days. It was the most miserable Sabbath I ever spent, except the week before when I was so unwell. I spent the greater part in my room alone, reading and singing. Often did I wish myself at home again, among those who love and serve Jesus. Yet I must try to do something for him here, for there is plenty of room for it.\n\nBut to return to my subject in hand. We take tea at six o'clock, and then there is a bit of a supper at eight. Then about nine we all go to our berths. It is generally about ten before I am in bed. Even there the noise and rolling about prevent one from sleeping all the time. But I suppose I shall grow accustomed to the inconvenience before long.\n\nPage 285\n\nPage 286", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 290, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "265\n\nshade in the saloon. It will not at any part of the voyage be very much hotter. I hope to be able to endure the heat without much inconvenience.\n\nI have got into a kind of system of living of which I will give you today as an instance. Rose at half past six, had a wash all over in salt water, and then at half past seven went up on deck for half-an-hour's parade. Breakfast at half past eight. Study Chinese from nine till twelve. Lunch, and then read Milton till dinner time, committing some portions to memory. At four o'clock I went at Milton again till six, when I stopped to view the sunset and walk up and down for half an hour. Then tea, and am now here writing.\n\nToday several whales played round the ship. One was estimated at 50ft long. One I saw was I believe 30ft, and leaped clean out of the water. As yet we have not caught a fish of any kind, but hope to when we reach the line, which we expect to do in eight or ten days with a fair wind.\n\nIt is now about one fourth of the voyage over, which is a great comfort to think of. The other day we killed a sheep, and now have only one left. We have still fowls enough to last for some time to come, although we generally have two every day.\n\nI am often thinking of what lies before me in China, and expect I shall find it rather strange at first, but I mean to make the best of it come what may. The sun has regularly browned my face, and made me look quite a different person, quite unlike the palefaced fellow I used to, and I am getting quite stout, so much so as to burst my waistcoat. We now have an awning spread over the deck, so that the deck is very cool and comfortable.\n\nFriday, April 19th\n\nI have nothing of any importance to add to my journal, yet I may as well put down what there is. This morning's observation showed that we have very nearly reached the line. Tomorrow if all is well we shall be crossing it. The captain and others have been joking me a great deal about what I have to undergo, according to the usual custom, on this occasion. They talk about having a long boat half filled with water for my ducking, and preparing a fine lather and iron hoop for the purpose of shaving me. But I only laugh at their nonsense, although they may perhaps want to try it on as a bit of fun. So if they do I must even make", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211877, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 292, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "267\n\nTomorrow Captain Moate and I are thinking of commencing to exercise with a pair of 18-pound shot, which for a few days will prove warm work. On Wednesday one of the men refused to go aloft to the top mast and tar the shroud on the plea of illness. But the captain made short work of it by having a rope tied round him, and hoisting him up, where he hung till the evening about eight o'clock, when he was let down, and has since been below on the sick list. The captain declares it is all sham, but I do not think so.\n\nWednesday, April 24th\n\nLast Sunday we crossed the line early in the morning. The weather was intensely hot. During the day we spoke with an outward-bound ship, the Pathfinder of Swansea, bound for Cochin in India. She had been out 39 days, and so in proportion was no better off than we are.\n\nThe hot weather makes but little difference to me. During the day the sun shines on the top of my cabin, and then at night it is like an oven, so that it is difficult to get off to sleep. I slept for some nights with no clothes on, and even now it is a trifle cooler I can only bear one sheet and the window wide open. Yet this is not nearly so hot as Hong Kong will be when we get there.\n\nWe are now going along capitally. The ship seems almost to fly through the water. We generally make about 200 miles a day. I expect now we are about 10 degrees to the south of the line. It is now 45 days since we left London. How glad I shall be when we can add another 45 to them. It begins to get rather wearisome work since it is the same thing every day, and I like a variety.\n\nThere is only one person on board, whom I can at all associate with, and that is Capt'n Moate, and he is poor company, since his views will not accord with mine. Yet I can notice a considerable improvement in him since he came on board, and once or twice I have caught him reading his Bible. I cannot help speaking out sometimes, and Capt Harper says I can never touch lightly, but I always do it with a \"regular maul\". So it shows the cap fits him.\n\nWe had rather a rough sea lately, and on Monday it made me feel rather squeamy, but today I am all right again. We have had some fine moonlight nights lately, and I have sat on the deck for hours, thinking.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211883, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 298, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "273\n\ntask of adding to my journal. Today however the weather is more moderate, and the sun shines out quite refreshing, so as to make one feel in a little better spirits than of late.\n\nAnd now to begin the chapter of misfortunes. We went along pretty fairly till Saturday week, when the jolting of the ship, which was labouring heavily under a wind, snapped the top sail yard, which is the next to the largest in the ship. Of course it had to come down and another one to be entirely made and put up. It was an immense spar above 55 feet in length, and thick in proportion so you may imagine it was a work of time to refit a new one with all the hoops, block, etc. All day Sunday all hands were kept hard at work, and well supplied with grog, so much so that the carpenter cut away the new spar too much, and made one side of the new yard very weak. I said to myself all the way along that Sunday work and grog would be sure to bring something amiss, and was not mistaken. It took all hands till Tuesday night to put the new yard in order and readjust all the ropes and tackling.\n\nOn Wednesday the breeze grew rather strong, and the sea very heavy; on Thursday it increased, although even then it was nothing really alarming. While I was at dinner it came on to rain, and I sent Fin the Chinese youth to see if my window was closed. He came in with the startling information that my room was full of water from the sea. All my bedding was thoroughly saturated and the water covered the floor several inches, so that as the ship rolled to and fro you may imagine the scene, and the mischief done to everything. Towards night, however, I got them a little dry, and contrived to sleep as well as I could, and as dry as I could.\n\nOn Friday the breeze kept increasing and the wind rose, while the barometer fell rapidly. About eight o'clock the sea burst into my room though I had secured the window and thoroughly stopped it up. It gradually grew into a hurricane. The sails were out, and the sea dashed over the ship fearfully. The men, as I expected they would, ran and hid themselves, and no one could be found to reef the sails. Of course the men will take such an advantage when they are daily bullied and treated like dogs.\n\nAt last no one could stand on the poop, and things were quite alarming. Suddenly the wind veered round eight points, and the ship was taken very comically as you may imagine. A heavy sea came just at the same", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211884, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 299, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "274\n\ntime. First she reared up, and then plunged down under the water, so as to be as nearly as possible upright. Of course under such circumstances everything gave way; no fixtures hardly were left standing. I was in the saloon, or rather entering it from my cabin, and holding fast to the door post, just managed to save my bacon. The state cabin windows were dashed in and the captain's cabin flooded. The saloon was like a pond. I hurried to my cabin, and found everything shaken off the shelf, and all the contents of the shelf swimming on the deck in prime confusion. I hurriedly threw them into the sleeping berth, and let them drain there. The dressing case was dashed open, and its contents mingled with the rest. What a pickle to be in and no mistake, and expecting every moment to go under.\n\nAs the storm increased, the masts snapped off just like so many carrots, about half way down, rendering the two topmost sails on each of the three masts quite useless. The sails were nearly all made ribbons of, or were blown away entirely. The captain went about like a madman, and were it not for the first mate, who is a thorough sailor, I do not know what would have become of us. I did not feel at all alarmed at it myself, but took it all as coolly as if nothing at all were the matter. I knew that we were all in the hands of a merciful and gracious God, who could control the winds and the waves, and casting all my trust on him, I did not fear what might happen. I felt quite resigned to suffer whatever was his will concerning me. However, after some time the storm providentially abated, and gradually grew calmer, although the next morning it was quite a heavy gale still. I went on deck as well as I could among the ruins, and truly it was sad to see the devastation that was done.\n\nIt took all day Saturday and Sunday to clear away the wreck of the masts and tackle. Enough sail was left to keep the ship in motion, at a few miles an hour, and so on we went crippled, and fortunately not beyond repair.\n\nIn the morning some of the men saw a wreck at a distance. The mate did not tell me of it till noon, and the captain was not told of it till four o'clock. Upon close questioning the men who saw it, they reported it as the hull of a ship which was probably dismasted during the night and almost foundered. It was a barbarous thing not to have mentioned it, as we might easily have gone to their help, but when it was known it was too late. All who did not see it supposed it to be merely a few spars", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211885, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 300, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "275\n\ntossing about. Great blame is therefore due to those who saw it for not describing what they saw, and to those who ought to have been on the lookout for not seeing it.\n\nJust before dark we saw another ship in the distance, quite disabled, or rather nearly so, and laid to. We steered close under her stern, and found the crew all right, and preparing to set her to rights. She was a Dutchman from Cape Town, bound for Batavia, Every sail in her was blown to rags and gone, except two spankers which helped to keep her steady. Yet she laboured fearfully. Instead of being thankful that we were not so badly off, the captain kept laughing at the poor fellows, and saying how mortified they must feel to see us going on so well under the circumstances.\n\nOn Sunday as they were clearing the wreck away, a lot of the upper rigging fell on the new yard that had been put up, and snapped it off as clean as possible, to add to our troubles. I expected no other, and am only surprised it did not give way during the storm. It will take two days to \"scarf\" the pieces together and put it up again, and even then it may not stand.\n\nI do not know how long it will be now before our journey will end. I am almost disheartened about it. Three months gone, and not yet got to St Paul's Island or Amsterdam, in the Indian Ocean. As to you ever hearing from me again, it seems out of the question altogether. This storm will have put us by very considerably and no mistake. I dare say you all very much wonder you have not heard before, but I have only this consolation, that it is not my fault. I am continually thinking of home, and picturing in my mind all the pleasures of the country in May and June, while here I am tossed on the ocean, in the depth of winter, where the cold is enough to freeze anybody, with everything damp and cold. No more going round the Cape for me while my name is John Fryer, if I can avoid it. It is worth a pound a day to put up with all the inconveniences, and were it not for the thought of what I am going to do, I could not endure it at all. It is now dinner time, three o'clock, so I must now stop.\n\nThursday, June 6th\n\nSince my last entry our circumstances have been much on the improve. Yesterday we got the topsail yard up, and the sail bent. The old yard\n\nPage 300\n\nPage 301", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211886, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 301, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "276\n\nwas \"scarfed\" together and \"fished\" and \"dowled\", which operation has rendered it nearly as serviceable as a new one. We cannot use more than about a quarter of the sails yet, and it will take a long time to get the new masts up, and new sails made. Yet we are going along quite favourably considering, with a strong favourable wind.\n\nYesterday we were on the look out for St Paul's and Amsterdam, two small islands in the Southern Ocean. Through the chronometer's being out of order on account of the storm, we had made a wrong reckoning, and did not pass between the islands till after ten o'clock at night, when the captain came and told me to look out of my window and see them, as I was gone to bed. It was too dark to see more than the bare form of them. In fact Amsterdam was the only one I could see from my side of the ship. It is simply a rugged rock, about 15 miles long, and quite uninhabited except by sea-birds, of which a great number were soon flying round the ship.\n\nThis morning when I went on deck they were far out of sight. We ought to get to Java in 12 days if we were in good trim, but in our shattered condition we shall perhaps make nearly double the time. There will be a short stay also at Batavia to lay in stock of masts and spars to repair with. As yet we have been wonderfully favoured by the wind, and notwithstanding the storm and the fortnight tossing about in the Channel, we are four days ahead of the last voyage the ship made to Batavia. We shall now soon be going northward into warmer weather.\n\nThe captain was quite knocked up with the storm, and has not yet got over it. He does not take his meals with us yet, and Capt Moate and I are in no hurry for him to do so, for we get on far better by ourselves. In fact I may say we are good friends, and have been so all the voyage. We have never had a misunderstanding between us, and as long as he does not swear or talk improperly I do not much mind him as a companion, especially as he is a far better scholar than I am, and has resided at Hong Kong, so that I know by this time what I must expect when I get there. I have got him to read some good books, and now and then a little serious chat with him, which he submits to just to oblige me. I know all his personal history, and in fact could write an account of his life with tolerable accuracy. He is thoroughly disgusted with Capt Harper, who is quite an uneducated man, and thinks he is a perfect gent. For my own part, I never disliked anyone more than I do him. I can hardly be civil to him at times; for he acts in such a disgusting manner", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211888, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 303, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "278\n\nit is a comfort that the greater part of the journey is over, and the best of it is that it is the worst part, for we can now reckon on fair winds nearly all the rest of the way.\n\nSince I made my last entry we have had an accident of some sort nearly every day. The topsail yard sprung again and had to come down and up for the fourth time. What could be expected when the Sabbath was broken to repair it in the first place. It was the beginning of our misfortunes.\n\nOur provisions and water hold out very well; and in fact it appears we shall have all the best last. For a fortnight past we have been regularly feasting. There are six fowls left still, I am so tired of fowls that I would always prefer a piece of salt beef; which let me say is the best I ever tasted. The potatoes are getting rather \"seedy\" but that is no matter for next week we shall have plenty of yams that are far better.\n\nThere has been a comet in sight every morning for some time. This morning I go up at half past five to go on deck and inspect it. I suppose you can see it in England. It is gradually increasing in size and looks much like the one in 1858.\n\nI find the early rising was so beneficial that I mean to turn out early every morning to acquire the habit of doing so when I reach China. I had a cup of tea, etc. at six o'clock, which I think will also be a good idea. All hands in the cabin have coffee at six, but they make it so strong and disagreeable to my fancy that I cannot take it; so I have hitherto gone without, and had tea for breakfast at half past eight.\n\nI shall know a thing or two about navigation before I am done. Every day I keep finding out something fresh.\n\nThe captain has used some of the men rather cruelly in my estimation, In fact all his actions partake of such a brutal character that I am thoroughly disgusted with him. I cannot endure it sometimes, and manage to tell him of it pretty plainly in an indirect way, so as to lead him to pass sentence on himself. Sometimes after I have put matters before him he confesses he is the worst man he ever met with, and that no man could be worse than he is; he also has confessed to me that his conscience torments him sometimes. But it is useless to argue with an ignorant headstrong man, so I can do little in the way of convincing him. I have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211889, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 304, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "279\n\nsome hopes of Capt Moate, for it is possible to talk to him, and we have had some very serious conversations together on religious subjects; and he has even read his Bible occasionally; but he still swears dreadfully when he is talking to any of the rest.\n\nMy clothes have lasted out well; especially the shirts, which I have saved by using the \"flannel ones\". I intend to do a small \"dab\" of washing on my own account this week, that I may have less to have done when I get to Hong Kong.\n\nWe ought to sight Christmas Island on Friday, and with a good strong wind I have no doubt but that we shall do so. I intend to write another letter to send you from Batavia, because it is only a quarter ounce I can send for you to get it soon. I often trouble myself to think how disappointed you are not to have heard from me before, but of course it is not my fault. I dare say this yarn will stretch out long enough before I get to China to last you several hours reading it through.\n\nTuesday, June 18th\n\nToday has occurred the only event of the least importance for a very long time. About ten o'clock we spied a sail in sight and at noon the ship came up with us. She was a whaler about half the size of our ship. She lay to for us to come up, and then sent off a boat, supposing from our shattered appearance we were in distress. The whaler was from New Bedford, United States, and her name was The Congress. The boat was soon alongside, pulled by six stout strapping Yankees. The captain, a very gentlemanly fellow in every respect but dress, came aboard, and had a good yarn with our \"skipper\". To hear the fellows talk was quite amusing to me. They have all such a nasal twang that when I heard one speak I went and looked over the side, expecting to see \"old Bobby\" there, for I never heard anything more like his \"cackle\".\n\nThey had been out nearly two and a half years, and had only taken 800 barrels of oil. There are four men continually at the mast heads, on the lookout for whales, and in the distance you may imagine how very small they appeared to be. They will make about a four years cruise of it before they return to their home. What a life it must be, to stay on the water so long, and in such dangerous employment. They had eight harpoons in the boat which came off; and the boat seemed to fly over the water.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211891, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 306, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "281\n\ninhabitants of the tropics which I encountered.\n\nAs the moon rose the scene was grand beyond description, and the sailors' voices as they pulled the ropes echoed far and wide among the forest covered hills in the distance, and far away over the calm clear water, which reflected the moon's rays. The splendour of the moonlight and stars is far beyond what is ever seen in England.\n\nOn the following afternoon we began to move a little, and I made several drawings of the land as we went past. Never did I see such a fertile island as Java, even at the distance. Its lofty hills were partly hidden by clouds, yet where they could be seen they were covered with trees up to their very summits.\n\nOn the next day we were fairly in the Strait of Sunda, and could easily see Java on the right and Sumatra on the left. One peak in Sumatra called Krakatoa was in sight for a day or two. It was dreary work to sit on deck under the awning all day long, and see how slowly we moved. About noon the sea breeze blew toward the shore, and at five in the evening the land breeze blows from the island. No one who has not experienced the land breeze, after a hot day, can imagine how cool and refreshing it is, and it has such a delightful perfume which it brings with it from the land, that you seem in the midst of a blooming flower garden. In the early morning it is just about the same.\n\nAt last we sighted Anjer Hill in the evening, and in the morning I rose at four o'clock to see the village as we passed it, which however we did not do till nearly noon. The sun rose behind the hills, and was the grandest sight I ever saw,\n\nAbout eight o'clock the steward came and told me a boat was alongside, so I went on deck to see it. It came off from the observatory and lighthouse on shore, which we saw very plainly, and the headman had a paper for the ship to fill up. There were plenty of fruit and provisions which the man brought on his own account. He and his crew were Javanese, and their appearance was not more prepossessing than their language, which is a strange conglomeration of harsh sounds as they speak it. They were all but naked. Every rag that one of them had on was hardly so large as a pocket handkerchief. Only fancy a fellow to come stalking on board in such a condition. The captain's wife instead of acting with modesty in such a case, was one of the foremost to go", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211896, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 311, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "286\n\nand pretty. There are abundance of trees of all sorts growing at the sides of the roads. The shops of the Chinese amused me very much as we went along. At last we came to \"Hughan's store\", where there is a great space, with easy chairs, etc. for loungers and loafers. Hughan is a ship chandler, and by keeping this place pretty comfortable he gets the captains of all the English and American ships there, and of course gets the job of supplying their ships with provisions, etc. Before the whole lines of stores and offices there is a path, with a roof to it so that one can walk about for an hour without being in the burning hot sun, which in Java is very injurious, especially to Europeans.\n\nWe took a short drive about the town with the captain, who was looking out for some spars for the ship, and then set off out in the country to Madame Baines' Hotel, which is the only English place where one can get to. It was a three-mile drive, but the beautiful appearance of the place made me think nothing of the distance. The Dutch, to whom the island belongs, are the greater part of the European population; consequently, the town is in every direction intersected by canals as is Holland. These canals serve the purpose of drainage, washing, and to keep the air cool. On each side of them is a very wide road, shaded by large trees from the sun. Thus the streets are very wide and airy. There are, of course, a great many bridges. The European houses are very grand, and nearly all built on the same model.\n\nOur two poor horses at last brought us up to our Hotel, where we arrived about two o'clock. It was half an hour before we could get anyone to attend to us, since it is the custom to sleep in the middle of the day. At last, after walking about over the house, we were met by our hostess, a Scotch lady of colossal dimensions, but withal a pleasant agreeable old party, who at once made us at home, and got us some \"tiffin\", or breakfast. All her servants are Malays, and she can speak the language very fluently. Indeed, when well spoken, Malay is a pretty language.\n\nHer house is an average specimen of all the European houses in Batavia. It has only one story on account of earthquakes, but it is very lofty and airy. There is a large dining hall and entrance hall, while round the house are the verandahs, where people spend a great part of the day, and especially the evenings. Facing the road, the verandah is very wide and lofty. In the garden is a stream, running round a small island, which has some fine clusters of trees, which are so curious that I cannot describe them. Some of the leaves are as large as a good-sized tablecloth. Round", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211898, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 313, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "288\n\nI had a good long yarn with Madame Baines on the verandah. When I told her what I was, she became very religious all at once; but I could see it was only hypocrisy, although she had an oily tongue. The Bishop of Victoria was there in 1856. The people were highly pleased with his visit, and all who I heard speak of him seemed to do so with respect. She was acquainted with a Mr King of the Scottish Free Church, who had returned from Scotland only three months ago; and promised to introduce me to him and drive me there in her carriage.\n\nAt eleven o'clock I went to bed. My room was very fine and airy. All the beds in Java have to be curtained all round to keep out the mosquitoes, which would prevent sleep, and sting finely into the bargain.\n\nThe captain and wife came from the ship to the hotel the next day. They made themselves such fools by wanting to appear grand that everybody laughed at them behind their backs. No sooner had the captain left the table, and the rest began to talk, when Mr Phillips began: “Well of all the disagreeable obstinate men I ever saw, I never saw anybody to beat him. I can see it in his looks although I have never spoken to him nor know who he is\". When I told him it was our captain he wanted to know if he had not guessed right. I told him I must be excused from answering that question. Madam was finely laughed at, and reckoned up in just the terms she deserved. Since our return to the ship these parties have been equally run down by the captain and wife,\n\nA\n\nTwo days I took a walk into the town in the middle of the day. I was afterwards told that no European would ever be able to do it, for it was enough to kill the strongest man on account of the sun's intense power. However it had not the least effect upon me. In fact I felt all the better for it.\n\nOn the first day I started to go into town but took a wrong turning, and went out through one of the Chinese quarters into the country, where I had a few miles' walk. The scenery was very fine indeed. The palm and betel nut trees, and trees of which I have no idea formed a delightful shade. Even the country is intersected by canals. But whether in town or country, you always find the shore of the canal crowded with washermen. The clothes are never washed, but merely beaten. They get a smooth stone, and after soaking the clothes in the water, they keep dashing them on the stone, swinging them for that purpose round their head.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211900, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 315, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "290\n\nalthough I knew he was fond of spirits and wines. He called me at last and begged me to help him and take care of him. So I treated him as a child, and took away about a quart of gin, and stowed it in my room. I sat up with him all night, and by trying hard I managed to keep him quiet, although he became delirious. The next day I persuaded him to take a drive in the country, and the fresh air soon restored him to his former self. He was very much ashamed, and if I had not been there he would have been robbed upside down. So much for drink. But he won't leave it off, and since, drinks his grog as usual.\n\nI got Madame Baines to drive me up to the Revd Mr King, of the Free Church. No sooner did I see him than I knew we should soon be friends, and sure enough in a few moments we were like brothers. He is a clever fellow, and a thoroughly good man. After a long conversation I agreed to come up to tea on the following day. His wife is a neat little Scotch woman, or rather lady, for I found afterwards that she is from a high Scotch family, although she married [a] comparatively poor man. She has a well cultivated voice, and sings very much like Anna. In fact it seemed almost as if I were hearing her sing. We spent the evening in conversation, and closed with family worship. It was such a treat to find a man whose ideas were at all like my own. Nobody can imagine it unless they had been shut out from society as I had been. I paid them a second evening visit, which was spent in a similar way. A mutual friendship has arisen between us, and he has agreed to carry on a correspondence with me. She has a brother at Hong Kong, about 19 years of age, who is in a good situation in a merchant's office. She wants me to find him out and exercise a little brotherly superintendence over him. Mr King is a good Dutch scholar, and can preach in Dutch and Malay. At present he officiates in the Church of England by permission, till he gets another church built for himself. He went over the orphan house on Ashley Down about a year ago, and we had a good chat about it.\n\nI returned on board ship on the Saturday afternoon with the captain, whom I met in Batavia. But there it was nothing but swearing, etc, as usual. He worried a man, and annoyed him in such a mean way, that he had to iron him, and then he went mad. On Sunday morning he became quite raving, and therefore since I found out we should not go till Wednesday, I made a start, and hoped to get out in the country by eleven o'clock, in time for Divine service. I had a pleasant row ashore alone with the Malays, and steered the boat, which is a thing I never attempted before. When however I got out to Madame Baines, I found she was\n\nPage 315\n\nPage 316", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211901, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 316, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "291\n\nout at church, and would be back before long, as the service began at nine o'clock. They only have one service, and get it over by eleven in time for breakfast. I was much disappointed, but of course it could not be helped.\n\nI took a long walk one afternoon with Mr Phillips, and posted my two letters. He took me through some parts I had never seen before. He had to call on business, so I came home alone. I passed the barracks, where I heard some native music, which to my ears was rather discordant.\n\nIn addition to their horses, the Malays use bullocks for drawing water casks etc. These bullocks are great thick clumsy brutes, with monstrous horns, and a great hump on their back. They have scarcely any hair, and go along at about two miles an hour. There is a strange breed of dogs and cats. There are plenty of snakes; one was shown me about three yards long, but with a very thin body, and covered with beautiful green and yellow marks. The frugivorous bats are very large, and as one walks about under the trees in the dark they almost flap their wings in one's face.\n\nAt last on Wednesday night we came off to the ship and once more took up our abode within its dreary sides. Everything seemed so dull and dreary, but I consoled myself with the thought that a fortnight ought to bring us to our journey's end. I brought with me a stock of pomeloes. They are a species of orange which grow larger than one's head, and are so healthy a fruit that one cannot eat too much of them. I got fourteen for two rupees. I have felt the benefit of eating them freely. In fact, they are such a cure for the bile that I have not been in the least troubled with it since eating them.\n\nI managed to catch two butterflies and a moth, all of them very large, compared with any to be seen in England. There are some very fine ones which seem to be very common there. The birds have the most brilliant plumage, of all colours; one kind of dove, which is wild, naturally keeps up a most curious noise which can be heard a long way off. Its note is rather long, and has a peculiar sound when heard in the stillness of the night. Indeed, Java abounds with everything that is lovely and enchanting. There is a perpetual summer. Everything is always in season, and the excessive fertility is the means of making the natives indolent and careless. They never work unless compelled to do so. Then having got a few cents, they live on it till it is gone, and only work again when they can go no further in debt. They creep about so slowly that one cannot help feeling tempted to help them to a kick. Even a small establishment", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211903, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 318, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "293\n\nfrom our journey's end. The wind for days has sent us along at two or three miles an hour; but we hope it is now freshening for good. We ought here to have the regular SE monsoon, but it seems we do not deserve it. The captain tries to persuade everybody that it is through someone on board; and often he makes out that no ship can sail, with a b---- of a parson on board, as he considers me. All I wonder at is that his swearing has not been more severely punished, and that worse visitations have not befallen us. It is truly wretched to live with such a man, whom you perpetually feel to be your enemy, and whom you know hates you from the very bottom of his heart. Nowhere can I get out of the way of his swearing; and his daily conversation, saying nothing of his swearing, is enough to disgust even the lowest of the low.\n\nThe night before last an amusing incident occurred, which at the time was rather alarming. Of course you know these islands are infested with Malay Pirates, who attack every ship that falls in their way, and murder the crew to get the cargo, after which they sink the ship. About four o'clock I was woke out of sleep by a shout. I heard the captain run on deck and in a tone of despair say: \"Good God, it is a pirate boat alongside; we shall all be murdered.” I instantly got up, and dressed, and after putting my watch out of sight, was ready to sell my life only after trying my best at fighting. I determined that if I was robbed, the fellows should pay dearly for what they got. No one had seen the boat come alongside. The lookout had not seen it through negligence, and the second mate on the quarter deck had not seen it, because it lay the other side of the mainsail. But nobody moved, and there the boat lay, till at last we came to look closely at it, and found that it was an old tree that had been washed away by the sea, and drifted along side of the ship. The shoals of fish following it and leaping out of the water, sounded like the oars of a boat. Poor captain's guilty conscience made him a coward. He did nothing and said nothing through fright. His heart I believe was up in his mouth, and he came down to his cabin, where I heard him vomiting at a fine rate. It just shows what he is, with all his bullying. It was, however, very gratifying to find out our mistake. Yet I cannot reflect that if it had been a true alarm, there could have been but little resistance, since the firearms are kept out of the way and out of order. We have nearly 50 muskets, but not one can be used. Our two signal guns are both dismounted, and lie down on the main deck.\n\nThe heat continues very great, but it does not effect me in the least.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211904, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 319, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "294\n\nIn fact since reaching Java I never enjoyed such good health. Captain Moate continually jokes me about my stoutness. I am really getting quite a corporation, in spite of having my clothes continually saturated with perspiration. Even now as I write the perspiration stands in great drops on the backs of my hands.\n\nOur diet holds out wonderfully well, in fact we laid in a good store in Batavia. Every morning I have a great dish of rice and curry. It is a capital dish and the condiments in the curry tend to strengthen the stomach, so that I can now almost digest a brick bat. I mean to live chiefly on it at China if all is well. Today there has been a pig killed, so tomorrow there comes a feast of liver and crow and roast pork. Meat here never keeps over a day, even under the most favourable circumstances.\n\nA few days more and with a fair wind we ought to finish our journey. I shall begin to pack up tomorrow. I brought a piece of American Drilling at Batavia. I got forty yards for eight rupees. Already I have made myself two pairs of trousers and nearly finished a third. I cannot however finish them off before reaching China. All on board in the cabin dress in white, as is the universal custom in Java, and China.\n\nMy cabin is like a little oven on account of the hot sun shining on it all day. At night I sleep with my window open and of course never think of bed clothes. It is only towards morning that the temperature of the room becomes bearable. All day nearly I sit on deck under the awning, where there is generally a fresh breeze blowing when there is a breath of wind. Walking about or taking exercise is an utter impossibility on account of the heat.\n\nI find however the benefit of taking nothing of stimulative drinks. I am always myself, which is more than I can say of the rest of the folks. Only fancy a man taking these things during the day:- at seven o'clock a stiff glass of grog, made with full quarter pt [pint] of rum. Ditto at eleven, at twelve, at five, at eight and at midnight. At dinner a large glass of beer, and three or more glasses of port or sherry. I might have just as much if I liked to drink it, only I know a trick worth two of it. Captain Moate is almost if not quite a slave to spirits. He envies me for looking so stout, while he is continually troubled with a dysentery and is quite thin.\n\nA The Chinese has come off rather badly lately on account of this", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211905, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 320, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "295\n\nweather, in which it is impossible to study. Today and yesterday however I have brushed it up a little.\n\nI am looking forward with the most intense anxiety to get a letter from you at Hong Kong. Till then, unless our voyage is unexpectedly prolonged I shall write no more. I think that what I have already written will occupy many an hour to read; but if it interests or amuses, I shall consider the time spent in writing not to have been thrown away.\n\nSince the voyage has been unusually protracted from Batavia to China I must just describe the last few days. We had light winds all the way up the China Sea. Day after day we lay with scarcely a movement. Everything went on worse than ever, swearing increased fearfully. So we went along till Sunday evening, when a wind gradually began to blow, and took us along at a comfortable rate.\n\nOn Monday morning we took in a pilot about 60 miles from the Ladrone Islands. He was about as smart a fellow as ever I saw, and knew his business thoroughly. I was most thankful to see him, because I could not trust the captain. I could see he neither knew where he was, or what to do; and in a few more hours we must have been among the hundreds of islands, which to one that never saw them before, could never be navigated. I look upon the unusual fact of the pilot coming so far out to sea, as an interposition of Providence on our behalf. The wind increased and we went along famously. We were to get to Hong Kong early in the morning. I sat on deck watching the ship as it threaded its way among the groups of islands and rocks. At last I went down to my cabin, but there was no sleep. My mind was all activity.\n\nAt day break I went on deck, and there I saw the sight my eyes had so long desired to see. Hong Kong lay before me, and rising up the slope of its rocky sides stood Victoria. Everything looked green and flourishing. As I glanced round the town my eye rested on the Cathedral, and then there stood the college on the hill side, almost buried by the trees round it, and as much unlike the photograph I had, as winter is unlike the summer,\n\nI packed all up, and went to breakfast, but it was not till eleven o'clock that I could get on shore, since all the boats were gone. At last I got a chance, and went on shore with a very intelligent Chinaman, who cautioned me against the thieves and pickpockets. The heat was dreadful.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211975, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 390, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "365 \n\nfor supporting the back frame of the King of Ghosts. From their conversations I learned that the procession was to exorcise \"dirty\" things. Such evil spirits resided at places such as waterfronts where people had been drowned and the sides of the road where traffic accidents had taken place. Such spots were \"cleansed” by letting the King of Ghosts face them for a short moment. The procedure was referred to as \"shining on [the dangerous place]\" (jiu) by the villagers. \n\nAs in the other rites where ghosts were involved, speaking peoples' names out loud in the procession was taboo. One of the young men told his companions to phone the Ko Po people, \"Tell them not to speak peoples' names\", as it was unauspicious to do so. Although those young men gave the impression of a taboo against women seeing the King of Ghosts in the procession, this was denied by an elder and a middle-aged lady whom I talked to. According to the elder it was unlucky only for pregnant women to see it. The lady told me that some women, including herself, were afraid of the ghosts, and therefore would avoid seeing the Daai-Si Wong. \n\nThe procession was accompanied by simple gong patterns played by one of the villagers. The exact pattern to use was made clear near Tai Hong Wai when the gong beater was told to correct the rhythm. The pattern he was beating was that for funerals (which was a quick succession of beats). The appropriate rhythm was two medium quick beats followed by a short pause, which sounded, to me, the same as the one used in processions with the statues of the gods. \n\nAt about eight o'clock in the evening the Bak-Bin team arrived with the King of Ghosts, which was about 25 feet tall. The first thing their Naam-Bin counterpart had to do was to take over the gong and continue the beating. The paper image was lowered from the supporting poles of the Bak-Bin villagers and was carried flat before it was raised on the poles of the Naam-Bin team, who performed the second part of the procession. \n\nThe Naam-Bin procession went towards the Mung Yeung School, avoiding trees and lamp-posts on either side of the narrow road. From near the school they proceeded towards Ko Po on the main road. On the way they turned the paper image occasionally towards either side of the road. Once they were in Ko Po the team shouted to a few young girls who watched, “Close your doors, and do not come out to look”. \n\nPage 390\n\nPage 391", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211999, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 414, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "nine Fung Shui sites in the Dragon's Mouth (ref. EMPZ-). The story goes that the Ho family used to worship there twice every year, at the Spring and Autumn rituals. They required all the boat-people to use their vessels to make a floating bridge, so that the descendants could go to and fro to worship at the grave. It was solely because the boat-people feared the power of the Ho family that they obeyed their commands. Because of this, the boat-people all considered for a long time whether it was possible to destroy the Fung Shui. The result was that they employed a Taoist of great magical powers. He dug a hole on one side to allow him to inspect the bone-urn. He saw that the bone-urn was completely wrapped around with the roots of a banyan tree. The Taoist realised that the name of the site corresponded with the reality. He therefore cut away all the banyan roots. However, the next day, when he went back to inspect, he found that they were all back as before. In the same way, he cut the roots away on a number of occasions, only to find that they immediately returned to their original form. Eventually, the Taoist took a black dog and a black cock and sprinkled their blood all around the cut back banyan roots. In this way the Golden Bell Hanging on a Silken Thread was totally destroyed, for the roots could never grow back into their original form. After this, Ho, the Minister of the Left, found it very difficult to retain either his position or his life, and the boat-people never again had to suffer the hardship of building a floating bridge\". \n\n389 \n\nP.H. HASE \n\nNOTE \n\nJournal of the Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 28, pp. 198-203. \n\nTHE WHITE TIGER \n\nWhenever an opera performance is to be staged in a venue where no operas have ever been staged before, it is customary for the actors to stage a short piece called \"The White Tiger\" (白虎), first, before any of the advertised operas. This piece involves a fight between a man dressed in black and an actor dressed as a “white” (usually yellow) tiger.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212011, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 426, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "401\n\nconnections between the local guilds, membership on the committee and the emergence of a Chinese business elite, the importance of a Chinese alternative to the colonial government which the Tung Wah essentially represented, and the links between traditional Chinese political culture and the symbols and trappings of authority with which committee members sought to enhance their status. It would be interesting to see how these patterns of social control changed after the colonial government introduced more controls over the hospital in 1896. But that is another story. Dr. Sinn's book will stand as the definitive study of the early history of the hospital and it is essential reading for anyone wishing to understand Hong Kong society and politics in the nineteenth century.\n\nIAN SCOTT, University of Hong Kong\n\nPaul A. Cohen and Merle Goldman, eds., Ideas Across Cultures: Essays On Chinese Thought In Honor of Benjamin I. Schwartz. Cambridge, Massachusetts and London: Harvard University Press, 1990. xi + 400 pp. Index.\n\nThis Festschrift for the recently retired Harvard professor of Chinese history and political science, after nearly four decades of teaching and writing, is a genuine tribute to the iconoclastic Schwartzian tradition. All ten articles, written by former students of the last three decades, address questions in Chinese studies which engage broad ranges of comparison with other Asian and Western expressions, in search of Schwartz's 'possibility of a universal human discourse', (p. 314). In every case, the thematic questions take Schwartz's previous work as a starting point from which to embellish, extrapolate or challenge academic evaluations of China. Raising issues from such diverse fields as Shang oracular bones, Mo-ist and Confucian utilitarianism, medieval metaphysics, folk-opera in the 1920s, non-Eurocentric Marxist theory and recent democratic overtures in the People's Republic, the authors create a literary monument to the probing and sensitive studies of their teacher. Precisely because of these varying degrees of reference to the Schwartzian corpus and the unusual breadth of themes, the lack of an exhaustive bibliography related to the honored scholar and the absence of a Chinese glossary are regrettable.\n\nThe first and ninth articles, by Hao Chang and Thomas Metzger, pinpoint their correctives to Schwartz's claims. Chang repeats a claim already made in 1985 that the ‘axial age' (qua Karl Jaspers) of Chinese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212018, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 433, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "408\n\nin Guangdong eventually shifted back to paddy cultivation or went over to the growing of vegetables. But what is important to note is that their decisions were made only after prolonged hesitation and after having incurred repeated losses in the sugar market. It is clear in retrospect that the decline of the sugar trade since the 1890s had been an irretrievable one. Back in those times, however, it was well-nigh impossible for the average peasants, who had little information about overseas market conditions, to predict whether demands and prices would rise or fall in the coming year. When the trade recession began to set in, it was just natural for them to entertain hopes that the situation would soon improve. And more often than not, they suffered losses before giving up hope and changing their production plan. Compared with the cane-cultivators, the mulberry-growers and silkworm-rearers admittedly fared better because the boom in the silk trade was more sustained, at least so right up to the turn of the present century. Though Guangdong raw silk began to lose ground relative to the more standardized Japanese silk and the new, competitive artificial fibres (rayon) in the world market, its export did not fall off sharply. There was again a boom in the period 1919-1923 after which the price of Guangdong raw silk progressively declined although export was maintained at a fair level until the world depression set in, producing unprecedented hardship for the sericulturists who found it impossible to switch over to another product because their capital was locked up in mulberry plantations.\n\nThere is yet a further question regarding trade increase and peasant livelihood. It is beyond doubt that cash-cropping increased the peasants' income-earning opportunities when market conditions were favourable. But even assuming that such conditions prevailed, the question remains as to whether the benefits derived from such opportunities were necessarily reaped by the average peasants, be they owner-cultivators or tenants. In view of the dearth of investment capital and the lack of credit/marketing systems operating in their interest, the average peasants presumably stood at a disadvantage to those who had the necessary cash, marketing knowledge and useful connections. The merchants, in particular, fared better because they possessed what was required for operating effectively in the primary markets and for providing the connections with the secondary and terminal markets, although their fortunes would equally be affected by the vicissitudes of the market. Thus, we should direct our attention not only to the question of whether cash-cropping was profitable, but also to the question of how differential access to opportunities might have affected rural income distribution. I think", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212025, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 440, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "415\n\ncommunity elders and magistrates who represented the central government in these localities.\n\nEarly conflicts over such issues as taxes and militia were resolved when Britain began to send civilian commissioners experienced in colonial administration. They were also blessed with long tenures — J. H. Stewart Lockhart, who had advised the Hong Kong Government on administration of the New Territories, was British Commissioner at Weihaiwei for nineteen years, and R. F. Johnston for sixteen.\n\nWeihaiwei was not a major port boasting access to other areas of China. Despite efforts at cultivation - ineffective except for ground nuts — its lack of a marketable product meant the absence of a powerful foreign business community like those that challenged the authority and policies of British officials at the treaty ports. The British administrators, therefore, could establish and carry out policies without having to consider other vested interests. As a rule, they were free to work within the framework of traditional Chinese institutions.\n\nThe conservatism of the local gentry and the absence of a strong Chinese middle class meant that there was no pressure on British administrators to bow to forces that clamoured for reform and modernization. During the first decades of the twentieth century, Chinese institutions were undergoing changes. Certain constitutional features were being introduced into the Chinese government, and, with the abolition of the civil service examination system in 1905, education based on Confucian classics was being replaced by a more modern, westernized curriculum. At Weihaiwei, however, neither the local elders nor the British administration sought to change the status quo.\n\nWith the establishment of the Chinese Republic in 1912 demands for ending foreign privileges increased. Subsequent civil war among various warlord factions meant hardship for the people of Weihaiwei, but, until the formation of the National Government under Chiang Kai-shek in 1927, Britain did not have to give serious thought to returning Weihaiwei to Chinese rule. Meanwhile, administrators kept expenditures below revenue, partly because they wanted to make sure that sufficient funds were available for staff pensions and other expenses when the British withdrew, (p. 168).\n\nThe actual transfer of administration to the Chinese took place on 1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212090, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "Thus it was that the stones with the inscription \"Kowloon Customs leased seven feet of land” and “Kowloon Customs” came into existence.4\n\nThis case is particularly interesting for the light it sheds on the character of the villagers: at least, as interpreted by themselves. Quick to react to injurious actions by the authorities, their concern fanned to anger by the lack of attention to their representations, they had assumed the mantle of \"righteous people\" and raised support from their neighbours, making the Kowloon Customs head-office realize it was best to come to an early accommodation with them. It was very typical of village behaviour in the Region, and a classic case of its kind.\n\nThus, whilst deferential, the people were assuredly not servile. Moreover, they considered that criticism of officials at need was definitely part of the relationship, and one to be vigorously exercised on occasion, when it served both to remind officials of this fact and to keep their feet on the ground. In the course of my earlier official career, and in my Tsuen Wan days, I was to receive scoldings and lectures, from women as well as men, on how far short of the expected norm the government's position was thought to be in regard to particular issues. Such tirades usually included the words, \"You [the] Government! times.' by way of introduction, and repeated several\n\nHowever, as A.L. Lyall, a very experienced Chinese Maritime Customs official and sinologue once observed, the Chinese people \"are singularly amenable to moral suasion\". In my experience too, this was certainly the case. The villagers' basic sense of \"right-mindedness\" usually lead to acceptable compromises being achieved, and to a change of ground if their attitudes or behaviour turned out to be unwarranted by the facts. The Kowloon Customs did get their access, if it was a narrow one! Moreover, the villagers were usually well aware of when their own or others' actions had transgressed the norm. Many times Tsuen Wan leaders told me that someone's behaviour was reprehensible, and not supported by public opinion.\n\nOn the other hand, it was not enough for officials to proceed on the basis that Confucius and traditional values nudged along by fair dealing, humour and understanding would take care of everything.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212152, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "71\n\ntexts of these two works. Adam, working in the imperial library in Ch'ang-an sixty years later, probably translated Reuben's Syriac originals into Chinese without realising that translations had already been produced in far-off Tun-huang. Later, as the Book of Praise implies, he sent Chinese translations of thirty-five Syriac works to Tun-huang, and his new translations of the Kai-yuan documents were among them. The Tun-huang monks were evidently unwilling to destroy their own Chinese translations and replace them with Adam's, and it is their version which has survived, but in a copy made in the 780s. Adam had probably directed that new Chinese texts on Christian subjects should consistently use the 'Syrian brilliant teaching' identity, and that old texts should be edited where possible, to be brought into line with the new style. The monks therefore recopied and lightly edited their own Chinese texts to conform to the new identity. But they continued, understandably, to acknowledge the translation work carried out more than sixty years previously by their own monastery's monks, Chang-ku and Su-yüan.\n\nEpilogue: the Five Dynasties Period\n\nWe have seen how Adam tried to ensure that all Nestorian churches in China consistently used the term 'Syrian brilliant teaching'. During his lifetime, his position as metropolitan of China ensured that his flock complied with his wishes, but it is clear that the consistency by which he set such store broke down once he was no longer there to enforce it. This process can be seen at work in the manuscript in which the Hymn in Adoration of the Holy Trinity and the Book of Praise have been preserved. The former work seems to have been copied in the 780s, as it consistently applies the terminology found in the Sian tablet inscription. But the Book of Praise, although written on the same piece of parchment as the Hymn in Adoration of the Holy Trinity, is written in a different hand and clearly at a much later date.\n\nThe Book of Praise, much of which is a hymn of thanksgiving for the existence of the 35 Syriac works translated by Adam, seems to have been written either in the tenth or the early eleventh century. The Tun-huang cave in which it was found was sealed in 1036, providing a terminus ante quem for its composition, and the formulation ‘emperor T'ai-tsung of the T'ang', proves that it was written after the final collapse of the T'ang dynasty in 906. At any rate, it was written not long before or after Abu'l Faraj met the despondent Nestorian monk", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "77\n\nexalt the magical power of the tree god.'\n\nOn the 23rd day of the first lunar month in 1925 just west of Suifu in Szechuan province some Chinese saw a beggar lying on the ground. They returned very shortly after to find the beggar had disappeared completely, the ground where he had lain was bone dry and his imprint on the wet grass stood out. They realized that he must have been an Immortal and built a small shrine dedicated to him. Once a year thereafter, on the 23rd of the first month anniversary local people held a special festival to celebrate his disappearance.\n\nInnumerable stories are told of the creation of such new deities. These tend to have the following common factors:\n\na. a human dies under unusual circumstances and his spirit is 'found' to have special and supernatural characteristics.\n\nb. An image is carved and placed on an altar as a direct result of the god's behaviour or action. Usually the deity has appeared in a dream, or in a more tangible form as a piece of wood sometimes rough, at other times shaped (a gate or door) — floating in the sea, on a lake or a river, and manifesting supernatural characteristics.\n\nAlthough in theory the deification of a dead soul requires the joint authority of the supreme Taoist deity, the Jade Emperor and the terrestrial emperor of China, there have been a large number of minor deities in particular who owe their deification to the common people, voting with their feet, going to shrines to offer up incense and oil. And just as gods fade and disappear because of lack of support from devotees who have found other and apparently more potent deities, so the creation of new gods springs from a natural but unusual happening such as was the case of the small boy in Singapore, who, as we shall see later, was killed in 1963 by lightning.\n\nCults spring up whenever the spirit of a dead person responds to public devotions and offerings and grants devotees their requests. The deceased need not be from the distant past. An image of Chiang Kai-shek, who only died in 1976, has been seen on at least one major altar in Taiwan, against the wishes of the Kuomintang government, though they would appear to have turned a blind eye. Sun Yat-sen, one of the Republic's greatest worthies, has also been seen in both image and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212170, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "89\n\nCHINA ON THE BRINK OF WAR*\n\nNanking 1937\n\nP. H. MUNRO-FAURE\n\nIn 1937 my business took me to Nanking, to which the government of General Chiang Kai Shek had some time previously removed the capital. His government was now known as the \"Central\" government, not so much to distinguish it from other governments which might pretend to a share of control at the fringes, but rather to identify it with all China; for the character \"chung\", which in the past had been translated \"middle\", as in \"Middle Kingdom\", was used by the Chinese to represent their country. Thus historically the translation \"China\" government would have been more accurate than \"Central\" government.\n\nThis government in the ten short years from 1927 had achieved the most astonishing improvements. It had certainly not attained standards of nation-wide control, justice, individual freedom, fair taxation, or even public works, of the excellence taken for granted in the more advanced democracies of the west, but it had given ample proof of a capacity for progress.\n\nOne weakness in the Chinese administrative system had been the failure to separate the judicature from the executive. The magistrate who tried a case also prosecuted, and then carried out the sentence. The system, of course, gave rise to many abuses. But now a beginning was made with the establishment of independent courts, known as \"Modern\" courts, whose officials had purely judicial functions. These courts were still few in number, the judges were inexperienced, and because they were very poorly paid they were open to corruption; but it was a sound beginning.\n\nSimilarly the lack of a stable civil service had meant that whenever an official was changed, whether, for instance, the magistrate of a country district, or the Commissioner in charge of the former Concession at Kiu Kiang, or the Minister for War, the new man\n\n* This is the second extract of Col. P.H. Munro-Faure's Memoirs. See the Editor's Note at p 61, Vol. 29. [Editor]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212186, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "105\n\ntimed with their fuses set to burst just a few feet above water level. But the gunners evidently found the moving targets difficult to follow, because the aim grew wilder and eventually the shelling ceased. As the sun set in the west, the British ships came to anchor off the Three Hills, where I had my last pheasant shoot, while the American ships anchored in a group a few miles lower down.\n\nNext morning broke clear and sunny, one of those late autumn days in China, when there is not a ripple on the river, and the smoke hangs low in a thin pall over the country villages. Gun fire could be heard in the distance, both above and below the concentration of neutral vessels; and by-and-by the three American ships, escorted by the U.S.S. \"Panay\", got under way and steamed upriver. As she went by, the \"Panay\" stopped to pass back one of our wounded men, who had been kindly accommodated in her sick bay, and the Commander explained that he was taking his ships further up towards **Pidgeon Island** as the Japanese had been dropping some \"bricks\" in the river just below them. Not for the first, or the last, time in China, the Americans elected to play a lone hand.\n\nMeanwhile the refugees on the British vessels whiled away the time counting up the splinter holes in their ships, attending to the wounded, and in mutual visits for gossip over the events of the previous day. Every one thought it was all a mistake, although some concern was caused at about 10 o'clock, when a number of Japanese military landing craft were seen upriver pulling in to the north bank, on to which they ran a small gun which was openly trained at the ships. But the feeling of security was confirmed when the Japanese craft, one after the other, steamed out towards the British gunboats, circled round them, waved a salute or two, and then went on their way down river. There appeared to be no Chinese troops in the neighbourhood, and the Japanese sailed down the Yangtze unmolested, stopping to burn an occasional junk.\n\nIt was without an after-thought that we all sat down to lunch on that lovely Sunday morning on the Yangtze. We were anchored off the reed beds which grow round Rosina Beacon, and through the porthole I could see across the river the clumps out of which not so many months before we had driven our last pheasant. Imagine our astonishment and indignation when suddenly we heard the approaching noise of planes, the roar of power dives, and bombs", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212190, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "109\n\nand the civilians were advised to leave their ships and get into the British gunboats, because if the battery opened fire the gunboats had instructions to steam out of range and leave the merchant vessels to their fate. The attraction of this invitation was not evident to the Britons concerned and they preferred to stand by their ships and the Chinese crews and employees, for whom they felt responsible. Fortunately the guns did not follow the example set in Wuhu, where they had opened up at point-blank range on H.M.S. \"Bee\" carrying the Rear Admiral Commanding Yangtze Flotilla. Japanese planes flew over on a number of occasions, and even swooped in playful dives over the ships, but no bombs were dropped and it gradually became evident that the urgent protests addressed by the neutral powers to the Japanese government were taking effect.\n\nThe whole of that day and the next were spent between the ships and the reeds. Each time a Japanese plane appeared, the few people still remaining in the ships would emerge, cock an eye at the approaching aircraft, and make for the reeds at a speed regulated to the rate of approach. Stretches of reed had been cut by the local farmers and the stooks were still lying about. They provided a convenient cover into which to dive, and as the noise of the aircraft receded you could see an array of dishevelled heads pop out, to be followed in due course by the bodies to which they were attached.\n\nWhen it was quite evident the immediate danger was passed, sufficient hands were collected, with some difficulty, to raise steam, and the ships again anchored in mid-stream. Here we were joined by other British ships from Wuhu where they had had troubles of their own. The U.S.S. \"Oahu\" also steamed by, bearing the bodies of those who had been killed in the \"Panay\" bombing. Some days later, with Japanese permission, we moved down to Nanking, now in Japanese hands. From the deck of the ship the smoke of burning buildings could be seen rising beyond the city wall, but we had no information at the time of the extensive raping and mass murder, whose memory will make the Japanese army for ever infamous.\n\nI had hoped our ship would be allowed to remain anchored off Nanking until it was again safe to go ashore, when we could reoccupy the various properties we had vacated. The Rear Admiral, in H.M.S. \"Bee\", had preceded us and it was his idea that the British ships still off Nanking should remain there until other ships could come", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212216, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "135\n\nPolice Station, and were allocated various districts to patrol. We worked in pairs. Sometimes a regular French policeman accompanied us, in addition to several Chinese constables of the French Police Force. We would walk along as the spirit moved us; and on arriving at a cross-roads would take up a position in the middle of the street, cock our pistols, and stop all cars to look inside them. The idea of this was to catch kidnappers, as they usually carried off their gagged victims by car. One day we stopped a large car, only to find the venerable Mr. Yu Ya Ching in it. He was the senior of the five Chinese representatives on the Municipal Council. I do not know who was the more astonished, he or we! On another occasion when we looked into a car we found a complete thuggery of Russian gunmen; there is a large White Russian community in Shanghai, a survival of the Russian revolution, and many of the men were engaged by rich Chinese as bodyguards. They looked ugly, as if they were more used to holding people up themselves than being held up. The next car turned out to contain the puppet Mayor of the Chinese Municipality, who durst not venture abroad without a heavy escort. All passed off with mutual compliments. In my time we fortunately never ran into a real gangster: I have difficulty in hitting a haystack even with a snug little weapon, let alone with so heavy a piece of ancient ironmongery.\n\nUntil about 10 p.m. a heavy traffic would continue in the Avenue Joffre, the main highway on our beat. Sometimes, when we went out on bicycles, a form of sport to which I had been unaccustomed for at least a quarter of a century. I found it rather tricky moving in patrol formation amidst the traffic. If we came across an obstreperous drunk, we would turn tactfully in the opposite direction. It at least gave the Chinese some confidence to see armed foreign patrols out at night, a confidence which, I fear, may have been exaggerated. Sometimes we would stand at the corner of the street, at about the time the cinemas came out, and watch our families go home; and, when the time was up, we might go into that little bar on the ground floor of the Cathay Mansions for a bottle of \"Ewo\" Beer.\n\nAt the police station the French Municipality provided sandwiches, crumbly French rolls split in half, buttered, and holding a slice of ham, which we would munch, while our leader made his report. Then early in the morning we would go home, feeling we had earned our sleep.\n\nThe cinemas of Shanghai are as luxurious as any in the world.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212231, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "150\n\nSix of them by means of bamboos can carry a very large block of granite to any distance. Their ingenuity is very surprising. There are a few cows, and a few goats to be seen, but there is little verdure except for the goats and mountain sheep. The Chinese dogs are not worth a straw, except to eat, and their flavour is no doubt not so bad. They keep cats in hutches like rabbits; and feed them with rice till they are in good condition for eating. Rats are very abundant; pigs abound, for pork is the chief native food. The birds are not very numerous. Fowls are sold by the pound, at the same price as pork. Geese the same. Wild birds are not allowed to multiply very much. There is the common house sparrow, magpie, the wag-tail, and different species of pigeons. Insects are far too plentiful. Butterflies as large as birds. In fact I have sometimes to look for some time to distinguish whether what I see is a bird or a butterfly. Spiders are very large, and look like young crabs. Cockroaches and beetles are also quite gigantic and very plentiful. They eat up whatever they can get hold of, not being particular whether it is books, shoes, hats, clothes, or food.\n\nThe ants are the worst of all the vermin; black ones are like those in England, perhaps smaller, and not injurious. They take however a great fancy to hair-brushes, so that before you can use one you have to knock out all the inhabitants. They get everywhere, but one does not mind them. The white ants however are greatly dreaded. In one night they will completely destroy a box of clothes, so that in the morning you may find the fragments of the box, that will crumble in your fingers, and find nothing but a few rags and dust for the clothes. They get everywhere. The other day I happened to notice something wrong in a box of Mongolian bibles in the Lumber room. On taking it out, the box fell to pieces, and there were just a few fragments of leaves left, the books being all reduced to black looking dust. I have to be very careful of my boxes, and stand them on bricks to keep them off the ground, which is considered as some protection. The only way to preserve food, etc., is to stand each leg of the meat-safe in a small bowl of water, so that they cannot get at it. The same with things kept in cupboards, etc. These things however do not trouble me in the least, for the servant has all that to attend to. The mosquitoes, that were represented to me as so formidable and annoying, seem quite a hoax. Neither at Batavia nor here, have I so much as seen one. I have no clear idea what they are like; as to being bitten by them, it is out of the question. Mosquitoes to me are quite fabulous. Perhaps however I am one of the favoured ones whom they do not molest. At Batavia I had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212236, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "155\n\nworldly minded, money-making, aristocratical people. Having come here to make money it is all they seem to think about, except their own pleasure, which is not always of a sinless description, as the cemeteries testify. Yet they are munificent, when charity is required, thinking as they often say, \"Charity covereth a multitude of sins\". Dress is carried to great excess. About six o'clock when the sun sets all the year round, they come out, dressed up regardless of expense, and parade the streets, and public walks, in their sedan chairs. If however they prefer walking, you invariably see the chair carried along behind. If Mr Brown wants to take Miss Jones out for a nice little quiet walk in the country, and have a little pleasant conversation, you always see their two chairs carried along a hundred or so yards behind them, by the industrious Chinese. Nobody ever thinks of walking except just in the evening for pleasure, and even then they generally ride! Consequently all the young men are poor pale looking things for want of exercise. For my part I will never, unless absolutely unable to move, ride in the lazy things. Some are very neatly covered up; some open at the top, while many are merely constructed of two long bamboos, a small board for a seat, another to lean back against, and a board hanging down to rest the feet upon. A fellow looks, as I told Mr Beach, just like \"Guy Fawkes\" going to be thrown in the bonfire. Sometimes ladies, just to show themselves, ride in these last species: making great I do not know what's, of themselves. At church there is a display of aristocracy and fashion. The service is gone through in a listless sort of way, and every one seems glad when it is over. Many ladies ride on horseback. I have seen no one, as yet, with whom I care at all to associate with. There is plenty of work for me to do however for my pupils in one way and another, so that company is perhaps out of the question.\n\n―\n\n―\n\nThe Parsees come next in point of number, and importance. They are a fine looking race of men, bearing a strong resemblance to the ancient Jews. Their complexion is very brown however and they wear a long black beard. They dress in long flowing robes, and could not be distinguished from Arabs but by their hats, the shape of which is very strange. You may have perhaps seen pictures of them. It is enough to make anybody laugh to see them. What surprises me is that the hat does not fall off. They are a very wealthy class of people and are considered excellent subjects. In fact they may be said to be but a very little behind the English. They have a fine cemetery in Happy Valley.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212243, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "162\n\nIt is a bonny great room. The books are arranged in mahogany cases round, or rather at the sides, against the side walls. In the middle is a fine mahogany table, a round ditto at the end nearest the window, where I generally sit to study and write. At the other end a sofa, and a settee, while round the room you see any number of arm chairs. You will not fail to notice the scientific apparatus, and the globes, etc. The books form about the finest collection I ever saw, except the \"Museum\".'* There is a large case of foreign bibles and testaments in every language one can think of, presented by the Bible Society. Hours and hours have I spent in looking over all the books. I shall never be able to see the inside of one fourth of them. A great number are on Theology. I noticed Dr Stevenson's works, and the Memoir of the brother of the Misses Breay at Chudleigh. There are so many books that I am quite bewildered which to read first.\n\nThere is a round cylindrical tin case, containing a copy of the Scriptures in Hebrew, found among a number of Jews in the interior of China. They are a most interesting set of people,\" and retain the Hebrew language and Jewish religion, although very much corrupted. It is supposed by those who discovered them that they are of extreme antiquity. The book is just like pictures I have seen of the Jewish Pentateuch. It is written in most beautiful Hebrew characters on soft white leather, and when unrolled would reach a long way. It is regarded as a great object of interest. Before going out of the library I will call attention to the chandeliers, and the great punkah over the large central table, where I might dine if I felt disposed, but I prefer my own snug little parlour.\n\nNext I will show you the Chinese dormitories. Each contains two rows of iron bedsteads, on which during the summer is spread a Chinese mat, and pillow, which is like a square block of wood, although soft when one gets used to it!! Each has a box at the side of his bed. I shall only allow them to go to their boxes twice a day for a quarter of an hour. The rooms are very open and airy. The students have to be very quiet, for every sound can be heard. I shall not allow a sound after the lamps are put out at nine o'clock, when all hands assemble. At the sides you will notice the masters' room, shut off by a curtain. Before the entrance on the verandah is the staircase.\n\nWe now pass through a door into the Bishop's part of the house,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212246, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "165\n\n10 each article taken altogether. The washermen are a regular set of scamps; one has to look very sharp after them. I had no end of clothes to wash on my arrival. I make my servant bring in his bill every morning. You would stare to see the amount I was supposed to eat the first day: Really it was enormous, and so for the first few days. If I send them to get anything I do not see all of it I am sure, or else pounds and ounces are very much smaller here than at home. But I find it is the general rule here; it seems to be regarded as a lawful perquisite. But when I can talk to them I will see all about it.\n\nI generally rise soon after six. At seven I go to the library and give a lesson in French to Hahn-shan, after which I make him work me up in Chinese. Breakfast at a quarter past eight, [and] prayers at a quarter to nine. School at nine, where I stop a short time and then leave the students to themselves, as I have no notion of working in holiday time. Study, etc., till one, then to dinner, after which I write, or study or get the masters or students and talk with them, till five, when I go to tea. At a quarter to six I go out for a walk, etc., till half past seven, then come in and read, etc., in library or parlour, prayers at eight, then walk in the grounds till bed time. When the pupils assemble I need only superintend the school from nine till one o'clock.\n\nMr Beach has gone to Macao for a few days so I am all alone. He is really a capital fellow, and we agree famously. I treat him just like an old college friend and he ditto. He is very rough and blunt in his manner however, and I fancy he might be far more explicit in his explanations. But I think he is ashamed of the present state of the College, and knowing I am one of the trade, he fancies I have private opinions of my own as to the way it has been managed; and he is quite right if he does fancy so. He wishes to leave me to myself entirely, and to let me begin on Sept 1st by myself, if he is not gone up north before then. However I do not care.\n\nMr Irwin lives so far away that I seldom go to see him. The last time I found him just going for a walk, so went with him right through Happy Valley, and round home to his house. As we were going up the hill we met Mrs I. and her daughter, who were also out for a walk, so we joined them and went over some of the ground again. Of course I had the honour to escort Miss Irwin, and carried on a considerable chat with her. I think her voice for singing very nearly", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "205\n\n“Scottish Commonsense” philosophy was a conscious effort in the eighteenth century to counteract the sceptical implications of the radical philosopher, David Hume. The young Legge had read the writings of Thomas Reid, Dugald Stewart and Thomas Brown while a student at King's College in the early 1830s. He claimed later that he did not agree with all their philosophical implications, preferring a less rationalistic philosophy (perhaps that of William Paley), but even his granddaughter, the late Prof. Mary Dominica Legge, underscored his preference for Aristotelean ethics over the Confucian equivalent. If the content of James Legge's thought is rooted in the Biblical interpretations of the Non-Conformist tradition and Paley's evangelical system of natural theology, the categories came largely from the Commonsense tradition.\n\n72\n\nIt was these categories which, as translator and interpreter, James Legge employed in evaluating Confucian ethics, education, and epistemology. The lack of rational precision in a number of places in Confucius' life evoke from Legge a sense that there was a “want of freedom” in Confucius' behaviour. He likewise criticized the important Song dynasty Confucian commentator, Zhu Xi, for implying that, when knowledge is complete, the thoughts are by this means necessarily made sincere or without self-deception. For Legge, the moral life stemmed from a spiritual source related to the moral will, which was more penetrating and more complex than a mere mental grasp of things.\n\n7.1\n\nIn his study of Confucius' philosophy, Legge identifies specific details of the sage's biography in which his evasion of the truth (in one case involving an oath) is claimed to have produced an \"injurious influence” as an example to later Chinese people. There is also a conflict between Confucius' more humble claims about himself and the claims made about him by later Confucianists. At times these claims approach blasphemy, and Legge minces no words in decrying these assertions. The fact that other canonical texts included passages in which Confucius appears as the advocate of an ethic of revenge, especially when it involved family or clan ties, was an additional issue Legge regarded as deserving unqualified criticism. Whether or not these texts were historically reliable, their negative ethical influence was undeniable.\n\nWhat is important here is that the ethical questions Legge asked", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212305, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "224\n\ntwelve o'clock gun firing is due to the liberality of Mr Magniac (a partner) of Messrs. Jardine Matheson and Company, who, when the Home Government ceased to provide this small return for the heavy Military Contribution forwarded annually from this Colony, purchased a gun, etc. and had it fixed up at Messrs. Jardine's, where it is fired daily.\n\nAlthough their gun is still at East Point, not far from where Jardine's started trading in 1841, their head office moved to Central District as long ago as 1864. It has been said there is not one field of commerce in which it does not hold a prominent position and its 'tentacles' extend to interests in many other firms.\n\nHong Kong Land\n\nThe Colony's leading businessmen have usually had considerable interests in land, and it was thus fitting that two of them, Paul Chater (later Sir Paul) and James Johnstone Keswick, should be prime movers in the Hong Kong Land Investment and Agency Company which was incorporated in 1889. The latter, as Taipan of Jardine's, following in the footsteps of his great-uncle William Jardine, was also founding chairman of Hong Kong Land. James was the first of six Keswicks, spanning five generations, to hold the position.\n\nThe company soon began buying sites and erecting office buildings. Between June 1904 and December 1905 it erected Hong Kong's first 'skyscrapers', five major buildings each of five or six storeys, which dwarfed the two and three-storey structures surrounding them.\n\nHong Kong Land acquired Humphrey's Estate and Finance Company, which owns residential property in Mid-Levels, in 1972, and for 14 years 'Land' had a controlling interest in the Dairy Farm, Ice and Cold Storage Company. Today, the latter is once again an independent public company. In its centenary year Hong Kong Land owned some six-million square feet of commercial space of which five-million is in the so-called 'Core Central' area. The firm has been described as \"... perhaps the most valuable property company in the world and certainly in the region ....\" Whether this is true is not known. Certainly, today, some Japanese companies hold considerable interests in real estate on a global scale.\n\nL", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212314, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 256, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "233\n\nHong Kong for several years, Bill Wyllie, was seconded to Hutchison in 1975 by the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, as 'company doctor' to put the business house's finances in order. After he had achieved this he left Hutchison's in 1981.\n\nThen in the early 1980s Li Ka-shing, believed to be the richest man in Hong Kong, became the largest shareholder in Hutchison's. His company, Cheung Kong (meaning long river and signifying 'everlasting'), held a 37 per cent stake. With a Chinese Taipan the company was no longer the bastion of British management that it had been in earlier days. However, under Chairman Li Ka-shing there is an English Group Managing Director, Simon Murray.\n\nToday Hutchison-Whampoa is thriving, and its activities range from general trading, including importing and exporting, to property, engineering and building materials. The group also has major interests in such subsidiaries as Hong Kong United Dockyards (in the past Hong Kong and Whampoa Docks), Hong Kong Electric Holdings, and A.S. Watson and Company of which more later. These firms, which in the past were basically British, are thus now largely Chinese controlled.\n\nDockyards\n\nThe first Hong Kong built vessel, the 80-ton Celestial, was launched from a slip at East Point on 7th February 1843, and a Royal Naval Dockyard started in 1854 (this was phased out in the late 1950s). Docks were also built by Douglas Lapraik and J. Lamont at Aberdeen in 1857.\n\nNevertheless, it has been claimed the first 'great firm' to be established in the Colony was really the Hong Kong and Whampoa Dock Company, although the industry had its origins, regionally, in Canton. That is why the word Whampoa (a place in Canton) is included in the above name. The firm is No.1 on the Register of Companies. Austin Coates maintains in his book, Whampoa, Ships on the Shore, that the formation of Union Docks (which was absorbed into the Hong Kong and Whampoa Docks in 1870), in 1863, was\n\nthe most significant commercial and industrial moment in Hong Kong's history.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212315, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 257, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "234\n\nWhen it opened, in 1868, it gave the Colony a new orientation. The first vessel the Docks built was the 46-foot launch, Duncan, for their own use, which affectionately became known as Old No.1.\n\nCertainly a considerable outlay of capital and expertise was involved, and the Docks were well supported by the P&O line, which ran a service from Hong Kong to Shanghai from 1849, and by Jardine's.\n\n**From Rangoon to Shanghai there is nothing equal to that great concern (the Docks); nor along the entire Pacific Coast of North and South America is there any undertaking equipped with better facilities...** (MacMillan, 1925).\n\nThe Cosmopolitan Docks (later purchased by Hong Kong and Whampoa Docks) began at Tai Kok Tsui in 1880, and by the 1890s the main docks at Hung Hom had built up rapidly. The local community (even by 1881 the population of old British Kowloon numbered only 9,021) was among the largest industrial settlements. It worked day and night for years with queues of ships waiting to be repaired. The Hong Kong Guide 1893 records:\n\n**The Docks**\n\nare the most extensive of any in Asia. Vessels of 550 feet in length and 30 feet draft of water can be docked at Kowloon.\n\nExtra dividends were awarded to shareholders twice a year, and sons of skilled craftsmen from Hung Hom followed their fathers into the Docks. The village was never asleep as journeymen worked on shifts around the clock. It was one of the most prosperous places in the Colony.\n\nWith a population of only 260,000, at the turn of the century Hong Kong was the second largest port in the world. By then her own ships sailed the Pacific Ocean and the seas of Asia. Easterners (the Chinese) and Westerners (the expatriates were mostly Scottish) had joined forces in the Dockyard, and the Board was representative of many nations of maritime importance. A strong sense of pride and community spirit existed. During World War I, ships of more than 5,000 tons were built.\n\nButterfield and Swire started to construct their dockyard at Quarry Bay, on Hong Kong Island, in August 1902, and work was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 259, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "236\n\nThe Dairy Farm Ice and Cold Storage Company Limited\n\nThe supply of ice for the preservation of food is obviously important in the tropics. George Wingrove Cooke, correspondent for The Times, in 1857 provided a vivid picture:\n\nIn Hong Kong and Shanghai, a dinner table in the summer season is a melancholy spectacle of spoiled food. The creatures to be eaten were necessarily killed the same day, and the tough tissues are as hard as death stiffened them.”\n\nIn the 1850s, large expatriate households often owned at least one cow, and a block of ice bought from George Duddell prevented the milk from going sour. The selling of ice was one of the earliest trades in Hong Kong, and the first consignment of ice was imported by Jardine's in 1843. The Ice House Company was established in 1845. The price fluctuated depending upon the season and the demand and varied, in 1849, from three to six cents a pound. The ice was stored in a specially constructed building at the corner of Ice House Street at the southern side of Queen's Road. Importers often lost money. Although the Tudor Company imported ice from North America in the early days, by the 1870s ice manufacturing apparatus was shipped into Hong Kong, and, in 1874, the Hong Kong Times reported the ice making establishment at East Point was completed. In 1881, the Hong Kong Ice Company was founded with its headquarters at East Point.\n\nLater the Hong Kong Ice Company was taken over by Jardine's, although Butterfield and Swire was the first company to diversify into selling Australian butter, and, later still, frozen foods including poultry, pigs, and the provisioning of ships. B&S was also the first to sign a contract to supply the armed forces. The frozen food business was taken over from Butterfield and Swire, by Dairy Farm, in 1904.\n\nDairy produce\n\nIn those early days milk was obtained from native buffaloes and a few sickly cows. Then, John Kennedy, a veterinary surgeon who died in 1902, imported cows from Britain, and, in 1880, the dairy (established 1856) stood next to the Horse Repository close to where the Peak Tram is now situated in Garden Road. At a time when expatriates", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "239\n\nBoswell (1815 to 1860), a graduate of Edinburgh University, who set up in private practice (previously owned by Doctor Anderson) in Macau in 1845. He was a physician and his wife, Elizabeth (née Stedman), joined him the following year. Watson was also an amateur artist and a friendship with the famous George Chinnery lasted from 1845 to Chinnery's death in 1852.\n\nWatson wrote to his sister in Scotland, in 1848, about Macau:\n\n“Counting ourselves, there are just four families and one or two Americans and French. There are Portuguese of course, but I do not class them as foreigners as it is a Portuguese settlement.”\n\nLife out East for Watson meant 14 years of hard work, ill health, and a constant struggle to make enough money for him and his family to go home. Nevertheless, in Macau he was surrounded by a happy family; he lived (as he phrased it) in a “sweet abode the prettiest spot on earth with a spacious open terrace and a wonderful view.”\n\nWatson sold his practice to a Doctor B. Kane (it took time to dispose of it as Macau was on the decline), and he moved to Hong Kong in 1856 where he became part owner of the Hong Kong Dispensary. His rent for a house on Queen's Road then was $1,200 a year. Watson was also involved with the Victoria Dispensary but this closed in 1857 because of lack of business. It appears there were too many British doctors competing for custom. Watson was said to operate the most successful practice in the Colony.\n\nIn 1857, he was closely involved when patriots of China attempted to poison Europeans by putting arsenic in the bread at the Ah Lum Bakery. He managed to rush home to warn his family before they had eaten breakfast. Fortunately, because the amount of arsenic was excessive, it induced vomiting and nobody died. To the intense annoyance of the European community Ah Lum was acquitted for lack of evidence.\n\nWatson sent his family back to Britain in 1857, and he himself returned to Scotland by the overland route (by ship to Port Suez,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212327, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "246\n\nlater, made up part of the Lombard Insurance Company.\n\nHong Kong Hotel Company\n\nThe Company started in 1866, and the Hong Kong Hotel opened in 1867 on the site of the defunct Dent and Company's offices on the then waterfront at Queen's Road Central. In 1893, in addition to the 'Hong Kong', other leading hotels included 'Windsor' and 'Victoria', in Central, and 'Mount Austin' and 'Peak' hotels, both on the Peak.\n\nThe Professions\n\nAs well as traders, a few British professionals set up practices in Hong Kong in the last century. Victor Hobart Deacon, for example, arrived in the Colony in 1880 to join a firm of lawyers that was already 30 years old. In the 1840s, the nearest lawyer was said to be in Calcutta.\n\nAt about the same time there were a number of people who described themselves as architects, but they were probably only draughtsmen. One such man was named Langer, who arrived in 1842 to supervise the erection of buildings for Jardine's. He was stricken with fever after only working for two months. The civilian architects produced nothing of the calibre of the military architects who designed such structures as Murray House and Headquarters House.\n\nWilson and Salway, architects and engineers, were established in 1872; and Leigh and Orange, although not the first, was among the early practices to be set up. This latter firm dates back to 1874, under the name of Sharp and Danby who were engineers, and in 1894 it became Leigh and Orange. The founding fathers were ex-Public Works Department employees. The Ohel Leah synagogue in Robinson Road, completed in 1902, is one of their buildings, as were the old Queen's Building and the old Prince's Building, both completed in Central in 1904.\n\nOther structures, since demolished, were the entire premises of the Hong Kong and Whampoa Dock Company, at Hung Hom, and the wharves and premises of the Hong Kong and Kowloon Wharf", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212330, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 272, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "249\n\nand at six o'clock on December 1st, 1890, 50 electric lights were switched on in Queen's Road Central, Battery Path, and Upper Albert Road. All testing had been done in secret so nothing would mar the excitement of that first night. On the second night a fault put the electric lights out and sceptics were saying, 'I told you so!' A week later, during rain, the lights went out again, and they were not restored for two days. There were no more breakdowns from then on for 26 years.\n\nLater, all streets west as far as Bonham Strand and Caine Road at Mid-Levels, and, later still, along Queen's Road East and Wanchai Road to Mission Hospital Hill (the present site of Ruttonjee Sanitorium) were lit. Hong Kong and Shanghai were the first two Asian cities to have a public electricity supply, and Hong Kong Electric is the only surviving company of the many that pioneered electric power throughout the Far East. It is one of the oldest suppliers of electricity in the world.\n\nOf the three chief men who pioneered the Hong Kong Electric venture, Bendyshe Layton is credited with providing the momentum, and Sir Paul Chater, who was a director for 37 years, was responsible for finance. Capital amounted to $300,000, divided into 30,000 shares of which half were offered to the public. The third person was William Wickham the electrical engineer. He designed and supervised the building of the first power station and remained as manager of the company until 1910.\n\nInterest in electricity soon developed, and, in the 1890s, the first private homes were wired up and electric fans began to replace punkas. Also, by 1898, the first substation was constructed to service the new tall buildings, which had electric lifts (elevators), along the newly reclaimed waterfront. By 1905 the company was supplying power for 15 lifts, hundreds of fans, the equivalent of 34,500 lamps and street lighting. The Royal Naval Dockyard, near where Queensway now runs, was a blaze of light.\n\nPower was later extended, underground, to West Point, then the centre of the colony's busy night life. Subsequently electricity reached the Peak and Shau Kei Wan, and, by 1916, Aberdeen and Ap Lei Chau were supplied. Gradually large organisations like Dairy Farm, Taikoo Docks, the Peak Tram and the University, which had been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212391, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 333, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "310\n\nDr Elizabeth Sinn explained at intervals during the three-day trip something of the history of Amoy. Together with Ningpo, efforts were made by the British to establish the two towns as centres of trade before Canton secured commercial dominance in 1757. The Canton monopoly was broken in 1842, with the Treaty of Nanking, by the opening of not only Amoy and Ningpo but also the Treaty Ports of Foochow and Shanghai. From and to these ports, among other commodities, were shipped tea, silk, and opium.\n\nBut before then, in the late 17th century, Amoy had been the lair of freebooting, swashbuckling Koxinga (Zheng Chenggong), who not only drove the Dutch from Taiwan to make it an anti-Manchu base but also attempted to wrest power from the Qing Dynasty. Today, the People's Republic is trying to proclaim that Koxinga, who had a Japanese mother, was no common pirate but a national hero.\n\nAmoy also played a big part in the infamous, so-called in Chinese, 'pig business'. The first Chinese contract coolies left Canton in 1845, but they were soon being shipped from other ports in southern China. Recruiters frequently shanghaied labourers who departed for various countries, including Hawaii, Trinidad, British Guiana, Jamaica, and British Borneo. The journey to Peru or Cuba took about 130 days. Conditions aboard, because of overcrowding, were unimaginable. With a lack of food, unsanitary conditions, and harsh treatment, and 500 men crowded into a hull with barely room to lie down, riots and murders sometimes occurred. Over one-quarter of the labourers are said to have died aboard in their 'pens'.\n\nMany others, however, emigrated from Fujian under somewhat better conditions, and today most families in Xiamen have relatives living overseas. But the Province's most famous son has to be Tan Kah Kee (1874-1961), well known for his philanthropy, which is evident in several parts of town, including Xiamen University. This was completed in 1919 on its 100-hectare campus. Tan (pronounced Chan in Cantonese) was born just north of Xiamen to a father who had emigrated to Singapore and was engaged in the rice, pineapple, and rubber business. At an early age, Tan Junior also transferred to the British Colony, as it was then, where he later had four wives and fathered 17 children. Although he spoke neither Mandarin nor English, for business convenience, he became a British subject in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212395, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 337, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "314\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nPeter Hopkirk, The Great Game, On Secret Service in High Asia. (Oxford University Press 1991) 524 pp. illus., index.\n\nWhere Britain and other Western powers extended their colonial influence by the sea-routes, Russia's empire was achieved overland, first into Siberia and then east and southeast into Central Asia. Inevitably this brought Russian armies and officials nearer the frontier with British India, causing alarm in London; and throughout the nineteenth century a continuing system of intelligence-seeking and diplomatic nursing of local chiefs occupied some of the brightest and most adventurous of Russian and British officers and agents.\n\nThis was the Great Game of Hopkirk's title, a phrase popularised by Kipling but first coined by young Lt. Connolly of the 6th Bengal Native Light Cavalry fifty years earlier. It was certainly not a game for the soft-hearted, the difficulty being that any Briton found making maps or gathering information in the wild kingdoms north of the Himalayas was suspected of plotting a British invasion and would certainly risk death.\n\nThe story begins after the defeat of Napoleon when the Russians were strong and confident and felt that Central Asia was their rightful sphere. Russian troops fought their way southwards through the Caucasus, then inhabited by fierce Muslim and Christian tribesmen, towards northern Persia. Then the pressure switched eastwards, and by the middle of the century, as one after another of the cities and khanates of the former Silk Road fell to Russian arms, it looked part of a grand design to bring the whole of Central Asia under Russian control. Once that was achieved, strategists in London feared, the final advance would be on India.\n\nAs the gap between the two frontiers gradually narrowed, the Great Game intensified. Despite the dangers, there was no lack of young officers ready to risk their lives, filling in the blanks on the map, reporting on Russian movements. One of the earliest in the field, in 1810, was young Lt. Henry Pottinger, who would become Hong Kong's first Governor thirty-odd years later. He was bright, brave and self-confident. And there were just as courageous operators on the Russian side.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212411, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 353, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "330\n\nabout China took place' (p. 15), he effectively excludes the Jesuit missionaries in China from being the originators of Sinology! In contrast to the latter, the Proto-Sinologists 'knew very little about China', never 'set foot in China' (p. 135), and were primarily compilers and editors' of information and words provided by the missionaries (pp. 135-37). Their own scholarly output suffered from 'the lack of adequate Chinese' (p. 227) or the absence of a developed knowledge of the Chinese language' (p. 209). An important distinction between the works of proto-Sinologists and later Sinologists (as well as, one should say, the Jesuits in China) is the 'non-sinological thrust of the former (p. 14; on this point see also pp. 164 and 174) who 'geared their interests in China toward Europe' rather than toward China itself (p. 15).\n\nIf the author's observations are correct, then the Jesuit missionaries in China are the true originators of Sinology, not the proto-Sinologists. In his concluding paragraph he finally puts the role of proto-Sinologists into historical perspective by asserting that they deserve credit for bringing the fruits of Jesuit accommodation into the 'flow of history' where they would be picked up by later Sinologists and become 'the foundation of modern sinology' (p. 358). If this is the case, then this book has something to do with the advent of modern Sinology in the 18th and 19th centuries, a period which the author does not cover. The origins of Sinology, however, are to be found in the writings of the Jesuit missionaries in 17th century China.\n\n―\n\nFor one who is unfamiliar with the Jesuits' accommodative approach to China, their publications, or European scholarship in the 17th century, this work has much to offer if the reader is willing to work hard enough to get through the author's sometimes frustrating style and numerous errors which proof readers and editors should have caught (the two page \"Errata\" at the back of the edition under review is not nearly adequate and a little unusual in that it allows the author a chance to do some revision!).\n\nIn Chapter I the author frames his study by noting the concerns of European scholars with such issues as Aristotelianism, Copernicanism, Humanism, Hermetism, the search for a universal language, geography, and history (particularly, biblical chronology). The remainder of the book follows a basically chronological format beginning with the early development of Jesuit accommodation and their creation of a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212484, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "18\n\nthe old Co-hong system at Canton.\" The appointment of Wu indicates the power of Cantonese merchants which had gradually become the most predominant group. The Kiangnan Arsenal which opened in 1865, with additions of more industrial projects as dockyards and guandu shangban enterprises, attracted numbers of Cantonese working class to Shanghai. For instance, in Kiangnan Dock and Engineering Work, Cantonese workers constituted the dominant group. They were experienced and most of them had worked formerly in foreign dockyards at Hong Kong and Canton.\n\nCantonese in the early development of Shanghai found themselves particularly at an advantage in foreign trade as against other groups of sojourners. First, they were more experienced and better connected. Canton had been opened to foreign trade for centuries, and Cantonese merchants were connected to foreign firms in Canton or Hong Kong, most foreign firms in Shanghai at that time were only branch offices. Second, Cantonese were linguistically better equipped to deal with foreigners. It is probable most, if not all, were able to speak English, at least Pidgin. Third, early compradors of major foreign firms at Shanghai as Jardine, Matheson & Co., Augustine Heard & Co., Dent & Co., and Russell & Co. were all recruited from either Canton or Hong Kong. Fourth, Cantonese were more skilled in western industries such as ship-building and ship-repairing since most of these modern industries started earlier in Canton and Hong Kong,\n\n22\n\nBecause of the turmoil of the late nineteenth century, employers had to recruit workers on the basis of personal ties so as to prevent desertion or betrayal, thus conflicts between local ethnic groups were obvious. Cantonese in Shanghai did not meet with no competition. Sojourners came from other regions near Shanghai. The Ningbo group was regarded as a great rival. Ningbo people, for instance, concentrated in the French concession and in the northern part of the South City (nanshi) along the Huangpu River; Cantonese mainly settled in Hongkou or along Guangdong Road, near the large shipyards where many were employed. Ethnic groups in Shanghai, such as Cantonese versus Ningbo men, competed with each other not only in commercial interests but also in the local government. Ningbo merchants like Yang Fang challenged the Cantonese by connecting his business in the silk trade with Jardine, Matheson & Co. Since Zhejiang was an important silk producing region and Zhejiang merchants strictly controlled the regional marketing system in the Lower Yangzi. Zhejiang compradors rose to break up the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212536, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "70\n\nhostile rhetoric, they provided no chance for their citizens to know the other country and its people. So, when Nixon made his initiatives to open relations with China, cultural exchanges did receive certain priority, at least as a gesture to break down the fence between the two countries. He lifted restrictions against wanting to travel to China. China, similarly extended to an American table tennis team an invitation to visit China, which was accepted and the trip was made.\n\nFollowing the Nixon visit, American interest in China soon mounted. American cultural groups began to arrive. Among these visitors, the most important was the Philadelphia Orchestra, the first major Western musical group to tour this country. The Philadelphia Orchestra performed in Beijing and Shanghai, staying in China for ten days from 12-23 September 1973.\n\nIn both cities the Philadelphia Orchestra was given a very courteous reception. The then powerful Politburo members in charge of ideology and cultural affairs, Jiang Qing and Yao Wenyuan, attended their performance in Beijing and chatted with leading members of the group afterwards. Meanwhile, the media gave friendly and sufficient coverage of the event. The media even allowed a musician to publish, in a leading newspaper, a review entitled \"friendly, enthusiastic and glorious\" in which he said that the Chinese people and Chinese art workers were very pleased to have the opportunity to enjoy the performance of this world-renowned American performing group and that China could learn from the American artists. He also expressed his hope for further development of friendship between Chinese and American artists and people.\n\nThe tour by the Philadelphia Orchestra took place against the background of the contemporary impoverished Chinese artists scene. Throughout the Cultural Revolution there had been a consistent tendency to eliminate foreign influence in arts and to produce a new \"proletarian\" culture for the Chinese people. As a result, many musicians, a large number of whom had been trained in the west, were either sent to prisons or to the May 7th Cadres' Schools to receive re-education. At the same time, the surviving musical organizations could hardly perform any symphonic music, due to the political environment and lack of qualified musicians. Under such circumstances the significance of the Philadelphia Orchestra's visit could only be political, not artistic.\n\nBy their use of the media and arts as the means for power struggle,\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212539, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "73\n\nIn China's foreign policy one goal has never changed - the quest for national prestige. The modernization programme, judged from the international perspective, is an expression of China's striving for prestige. In that context, to have her national flag saluted, the national anthem played, and China's name mentioned was something for China to pursue. For a long time, China had viewed international sports competitions as chances to enhance her prestige. Since 1979 high culture was incorporated into the Struggle to the End. To raise the level of Chinese artists to that end needs foreign expertise.\n\nThough Western art forms such as ballet had been introduced to the Chinese scene in the first decade of the Republic, China has long been suspicious of Western influence in China's cultural life. Before the Cultural Revolution, few Western cultural groups visited China. The Cultural Revolution not only continued that tendency of suspicion, but also cut Chinese artists totally off from foreign artists for a period long enough for them to fall behind in artistic achievements. To reverse that situation, China needed to use foreign co-operation in arts.\n\nOn the other hand, Chinese audiences had become very dissatisfied with the monochrome culture developed in the years of the Cultural Revolution. After the conclusion of the Cultural Revolution, Chinese artists tried to enrich the cultural life of the people, but progress was slow due to many factors. This naturally led to a growing interest in cultural pluralism. The lack of high-quality indigenous cultural performers provided a rationale to invite Western arts groups to make up the deficiency.\n\nSince 1978, a few organizations have been deeply involved in hosting artists from Western countries, among which the most important is the China Performing Arts Agency (CPAA). In the period 1979-1981, the CPAA hosted 37 Western performing arts groups, nine of which were from the United States. Among the nine American groups it hosted in this period, seven fell in the category of non-governmental exchanges. As a state agency, its policy in regards to what programmes should be accepted was surprisingly liberal. All \"orthodox\" performing arts forms, such as classical music, ballet and operas, were considered acceptable by it as long as the group was qualified and, with few exceptions, able to cover its own costs, as the agency had a limited budget for hosting foreign groups, which went almost exclusively to official exchange programmes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212557, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "91\n\nto reconsider its policy of importing non-action movies.\n\nThe relatively stable policies of the CFEIC do not mean they are rigid and lack flexibility. While leaving the basic policy of making everything politically safe intact, the CFEIC modified its policies to suit the development of the movie industry and the needs of the audiences whose level of appreciation is ever rising. During the 1981 film week, there was hardly any movie which reflected contemporary American life. As the situation changed, some movies reflecting contemporary American life began to be introduced. In the film week held in 1985, the United States could present what it considered the best of its movies: On Golden Pond, Kramer vs Kramer, The Turning Point and A Coal Miner's Daughter.\n\nConsequences\n\nThe previous discussion of Sino-American arts exchanges has provided a picture of how such exchanges were overwhelmingly dominated by political considerations by both governments, though sometimes the goals of the governments and the non-governmental-artist sector merged with each other unconsciously. Nonetheless, these exchanges produced unanticipated consequences. As arts exchanges were part of the broader framework of the Sino-American relationship since 1979, when exchanges were institutionalized, and the number dramatically increased, an analysis of the effect of these exchanges on the general relationship between the two countries is necessary. In this context, the frequent travels of performing groups, arts exhibitions and specialists between the two countries did create a feeling of intimacy in the period of 1979 and 1981.\n\nThrough the exchanges, the American government conveyed its intention to have a closer relationship with China. Compared with economic and technological relations, arts exchanges were only secondary in importance to both governments. They were even less important compared with strategic considerations. However, ties in the cultural sphere were something that Chinese and American leaders had to give a thought to, because they were expressions of a sound relationship which political leaders of both countries wanted to claim. Moreover, Chinese and American political leaders also needed cultural exchanges to maintain such a relationship. These exchanges might, too, be intended as a showcase to the Soviet Union in the triangular game of superpower", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212576, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "110\n\nbuildings, traffic congestion and increased costs, erecting stagings became impracticable.\n\nWith the advent of death the 'blue lantern' used to be hung outside the house. This corresponded to the matt black 'mourning boards' that were fixed outside a home in Britain. The latter went out of fashion in the early part of this century.\n\nThe three important events in a Chinese life are birth, marriage and burial. If a person is not 'buried well' he may suffer in the next world. A great deal of money can be expended on a funeral and giving a parent a good 'send off' epitomises filial piety. Relatives are unlikely to haggle over cost. Although the undertaking profession has few bad debts, and is said to enjoy a profit margin of from 30 to 45 per cent, it is not seen as a salubrious occupation: 'Such men are bad luck and their touch is very filthy.' Misfortunes of the deceased can be transmitted to the toucher. In slang, a corpse is known as 'salt fish' (MA).\n\nThe Day Before the Funeral\n\nIn sub-tropical Hong Kong there used to be a 48-hour limit for storing corpses. With refrigeration and 70 to 80 per cent of bodies being embalmed, which includes injections, this is no longer so. A cadaver can be kept for two months. The ceremony in this study took place seven days after death and close relatives arrived at the 'Hong Kong Hotel' (slang for funeral parlour where a funeral is known as the 'complete menu') the day before, at three o'clock.\n\nA multi-storey funeral home contains many halls to cater to both Christian and (like this one) non-Christian funerals. Two large 'blue lanterns' hung outside the hall. These are in fact white, with the family name in large, purple (at a Roman Court this was the royal or imperial colour) characters and the deceased's age in smaller red characters. On that day and the day of the funeral close relatives were 'not allowed to kill'; namely to eat meat, fish or eggs. Also, sexual intercourse should not take place during the mourning period.\n\nIn addition to the deceased's 16 by 20 inch photograph, incense was burning on the altar. Western candles (candles are normally burnt in pairs) symbolised Christianity and Chinese candles Buddhism, another example of hedging. Also on the altar were tasty snacks that the dead person", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212579, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "113\n\nBe born in Soochow; Live in Hangchow; \n\nEat in Kwangchow; \n\nDie in Liuchow, \n\nThe first is noted for beautiful women, the second magnificent scenery, the third tastiest cuisine, and the last durable timber for making coffins.\n\nIn 1988 coffins ranged from about $2,500, for a humble pine ‘box', to $300,000 for one smelling of eucalyptus. The coffin in this study cost $7,200. Coffins, known in slang as 'four half boards' (*), come, basically, in either Chinese or western styles. Timber for western coffins, say teak or rosewood, is often imported from Malaysia. For Chinese coffins, boards can be roughly hewn, up to four or five inches thick, retaining the curved outside of the tree trunk and hollowed out on the inside. Good quality China fir (**) from Luchow, in Kwangsi Province, can last, buried, for up to 100 years as demonstrated by old buildings in Hong Kong with their China Fir, piled, foundations. There are a number of coffin shops, some watched over by Ts'oi Shan the God of Wealth, at the western end of Hollywood Road. Many coffins with their white or yellow cloth linings are imported from China.\n\n23\n\nBy comparison, a British coffin is normally made of English oak (elm was used for cheaper coffins before World War II) with boards one-inch thick.24 This is usually rendered watertight with pitch or mastic and lined with a bed of sawdust, white drapery and a pillow stuffed with fine wood shavings.\n\nBecause of space, in present day Hong Kong it is not practicable for the elderly to have coffins made in advance and stored in an ancestral hall or at home, as was the custom in old China. They were revarnished every year. But if a person is too interested and 'finds the smell of coffins more appealing than the smell of cooked rice' (聞見棺材香過飯) the gods may come after him. (Similar words are occasionally uttered as a curse.) Some believe a small piece of coffin wood, if boiled and the water drunk, will keep away ghosts.\n\nContinuously, from three o'clock the day before to the actual funeral ceremony in this study, relatives and friends visited the hall to give face to the family and the departed. It is a greater offence not to attend a person's funeral than not to attend his wedding. The author recalls", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212588, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "122\n\nwas held by the eldest daughter. The spirit had to pay spirit money and cross the 'demon gate barrier'. Six weeks after death the 'gold and silver bridges' spanning rapids and whirlpools, with enormous snakes in the water, had to be crossed. The deceased was placed on a pair of scales. The good person is 'as light as air': the sinner 'weighs the balance down'. While all this was staged the son-in-law held a lantern and a granddaughter fingered her Buddhist prayer beads. All the time mantras were chanted, cymbals clashed and a flute was played. There was a paper bath house: the dead woman's spirit entered: the second daughter went through the motions of bathing her. This whole charade lasted about 20 minutes.\n\nAt seven o'clock everyone went up to the roof to burn the addressed, paper trunks, containing paper money, in a steel incinerator. 'Good' and 'silver bars' were also sent to long dead relatives. In addition effigies, made of coloured paper and cardboard stretched on bamboo or rattan frames, of a maid, a driver, a car (with lucky registration number 888), a house and furniture, and little black mourning strips which had been pinned on jackets, were burned. The names and messages of all donors were also burned so the dead person would know who had sent her presents. A Japanese business associate of the eldest daughter donated $1,000 'condolence money' (##) to purchase offerings. In 1988 an ordinary paper car was $350-1500, a Rolls Royce $2,000 and gold and silver bridges $500 each. A television set cost $100. It takes about two days to make a paper car. The middle-aged and elderly craftsmen who made them had served apprenticeships.\n\nA young Chinese friend of the deceased had sent her a doll from Canada two years earlier. She had become very fond of this. It was therefore burned and ‘dispatched' to her. But the donor telephoned from Canada to say the deceased had asked her in a dream, days after the doll had actually been burned, for it to be 'sent'. Everyone wondered what had gone wrong with communications.\n\nThis custom of burning offerings stems from earlier times when live slaves (later terra cotta warriors replaced them), sets of household utensils and elaborate paraphernalia were buried in tombs to ‘serve' the dead.\n\nIn this study, at the end of this fifth tsat, all immediate family members kowtowed three times and received lucky packages. The picture of the deceased's mother, who had died earlier in Canton, was also placed in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212596, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "Topley asks whether the poor trace hardships, basically, to lack of money. Cash can solicit and secure worldly and spiritual favours, advantages as well as goods.” At a funeral there is abundant, cheap, 'mock' money which mourners 'remit' to the deceased. The dead can be 'looked after' in a style not often possible on earth.\n\nOther ritual ingredients are belief in supernatural powers making up driving forces of the universe, whether these be magic, the complementary powers of yin and yang, ‘dragon vapours' (lung hei) of feng shui, fuk hei (divine blessings) or other superstitions. They must be handled correctly so no one is alienated.\n\nThere are, nevertheless, inconsistencies. If even the average Chinese does appear to believe that everything depends upon impersonal whims and pulsation of feng shui through the universe he does not resign himself entirely to fate. The contradiction is that most Chinese display a strong motivation to achieve wealth, power and prestige. Ability and education are valued. To complicate the issue further there is the Buddhist karmic belief that one's afterlife depends upon morality and performing good deeds on earth. So with a broad streak of pragmatism, if, with ancestor worship, forefathers do not provide adequately for present generation - even though forebears' bones have turned white instead of black - the living will still try to achieve objectives in other ways, such as by following the Confucian work ethic. But the need to perform the will of the gods, if one wishes to be saved, is also stressed, although ascetic practices and abstaining from worldly comforts appeal to a limited number of Chinese. But effort on its own is not enough. Something else, something special, is required.\n\nWith Chinese civilisation going back to the Shang Dynasty (circa 1600 to 1100 B.C.) beliefs do not usually change overnight. Yet, as explained in this paper, a number of Hong Kong funeral customs have altered significantly since World War II, such as acceptance of cremation and streamlining of funerary formalities. In many ways, Hong Kong Chinese think differently to westerners and even to their mainland cousins. Yet, if a European reflects after attending a Chinese funeral, many aspects are very meaningful. These can help a westerner strengthen Christian beliefs.\n\nEven those Hong Kong Chinese who do not profess a faith still usually engage Taoist or Buddhist monks to perform last rites. The author recalls\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212606, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "140\n\ninhabitants got to know us better; they accepted our lack of dinner jackets, our effect on the drink stock at the Club, our — regrettable — neglect of the traffic signals, and our other little mannerisms, and treated us right royally.\n\nThere were two seasons in Maymyo, the second and briefer one, lasting several weeks, towards the end of the rains in October. The Club, a long rambling creeper-covered building, became gay with visitors. It looked out over a pleasance, cleared from the jungle, and spreading a mile towards the reservoir dam, built by Turkish prisoners in the last war. It goes without saying that a race course and golf links were laid out over the meadowland, very pleasant to behold. But here we were next door to India. The plumbing in the gentlemen's cloak room, consisted of a row of rusty and battered enamel utensils, set out at more or less even intervals on a long low shelf. Without the door, a shadow hovered, poised to dash in the moment he heard the rattle of a utensil returned to the board. No Americans visited Maymyo while I was there. It would have been interesting to hear their first reactions to these Arcadian simplicities.\n\nAfter all Burma was a rich enough country; it was not any lack of money that left it a Victorian remnant. Amongst the Burmese there is no caste, nor is there any desire to work. The house servants everywhere are Indians, of whom there were over a million in the country. Of the annual increase of 5,000,000 in India, a substantial proportion must be of the sweeper caste. Amidst a population with so abnormal a rate of procreation, the border line between a sufficiency and famine is a fine one, easily crossed; and any modernisation of sanitary installations would create serious unemployment: thus in India the vested interest in caste puts the brake, not only on plumbing, but on all progress; and Burma, until recently had been the backwater of India.\n\nI spent six months in Burma, but had little opportunity to learn much of the country. I saw very little of the Burmese, and never met one of those attractive country maids, who wait by the old Moulmein Pagoda, looking out to sea. Of the seventeen million inhabitants, only ten million are Burmans; besides the Indians, there are 300,000 Chinese, and the remainder are tribesmen from the hills.\n\nThe history of Burma is a bloody one; the country had seldom for long been united. The Chinese under Kublai Khan, the Mongol,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212620, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "154\n\nwas that of two Americans and an Englishman in April 1942. In the summer of 1942 a young American, who spoke fluent Chinese, hearing that he would soon be ordered into one of the concentration camps, walked up to the wire one night, crawled under it, and got through to the guerillas without previous preparation. Later still a small party of Russians came out. Then there was a gap until the summer of 1944, when five British civilians made a daring and successful escape from one of the camps, followed soon after by an equally daring escape by a mixed American and British party of military personnel, from another camp. The guerillas always gave the utmost assistance to those who succeeded in getting as far as their lines, sometimes at considerable risk to themselves. At least two parties, of whose attempted escape I received information, came to grief. The one loitered in the vicinity of Shanghai too long, while one of their number returned to recover some arms they had left behind. Through an informer the Japanese got onto their track; and, when the foreigners opened fire with their weapons, the Japanese are reported to have taken and murdered them all, including one woman. The other party was just unlucky and ran into a Japanese patrol; they were held for trial, and sentenced to long periods of solitary confinement.\n\nIt was quite impossible for the Japanese to prevent information from Shanghai leaking out to the guerillas. They were maintaining the fiction that the Wang Ching Wei government was in alliance with the Axis powers; under those circumstances the control of movement in and out of Shanghai, a control anyhow of great difficulty owing to its size, was left largely to the puppets, who were neither efficient nor loyal to their overlords.\n\nHongkong had fallen in December, much sooner than expected, and the sinking of the American fleet at Pearl Harbour, the full significance of which was not yet understood, had certainly not facilitated the defence of Singapore. Things were going badly for Britain; but the Chinese generals by whom I was surrounded never once made any remark which could be construed as a reflection on the British, or as evidence of any lack of confidence in the final outcome of the war. Such amiability was noteworthy.\n\nAt about this time I was joined by Mac. He had been one of a party of foreign journalists and military officers sent to Changsha to witness the results of the victory recently won there by the Chinese when they", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212626, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "160\n\ninterested.\n\nThe British officers at the school acted as instructors. The school staff for the rest were Chinese, and I was amazed at the long hours they expected the students to work. As we had no relief instructors, I was unwilling that the lectures should exceed six hours a day; but on top of this the Chinese Commandant produced a long syllabus of other subjects, some of which, it appeared to me, hardly fitted into the picture. He even wanted us to start teaching the students English! The wretched students had to start work at six in the morning, and with two brief breaks for meals, at 10 in the morning and 4 in the afternoon, they worked up to six in the evening. The ordinary Chinese rations were, by western standards, quite inadequate, and the consequence was that the students often seemed tired out. The situation was aggravated by the heavy incidence of malaria and scabies. The former sapped the strength of the students and the latter often broke out in boils, caused by scratching, so that students could only limp to and from classes and demonstrations. The cheerful spirit with which the students faced these hardships only increased our admiration for them; at the same time we were not so impressed with the notions of the Chinese officers.\n\nWe were handicapped by the lack of wireless for communication with the Mission in Chungking. We had to use the Chinese civil telegraph lines, which had become somewhat disorganised by the pressure of war. They, nevertheless, did serve us well enough, and we could usually expect a signal to reach Chungking within three or four days of our handing it in. Perhaps, the absence of W/T mattered less than we thought, because nobody in Chungking was really very interested in us.\n\nIn April, two more officers joined us. One of these, Pitt, had served in the Navy; he brought us a useful selection of tools and equipment from one of the British Upper Yangtze gunboats which had been dismantled.\n\nThe reinforcement was most welcome as we could now spare two officers to go forward to decide on the sites of the supply dumps, which we intended to establish at forward points near the areas where the teams we were training would operate. Leo and Mac went off on this work, and it was largely due to their initiative that any small success with which our efforts may have met is due. Leo was a tower of strength: besides a thorough knowledge of his work, he had that quiet, persuasive way,\n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212631, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "165\n\nrain had caused a number of minor landslides. At several places large rocks lay across the road, but we were able to move these sufficiently to allow the lorry to pass; then about midday we were told the road further on was entirely blocked by a heavy landslide. At the village nearest to the scene we stopped to collect as many labourers as Michael could get the headman to round up, and then went on to investigate the damage. We found it would be possible in time to clear the road, except for a large rock about the size of a billiard table. We could only blow it up, unfortunately we had not packed our lorry to meet such a contingency and, of course, the primers were stowed under everything else. However, in time the necessary material was collected and a Chinese engineer officer, a casual passenger, and I got down on our stomachs in the mud to scoop out a hole under the rock in which to place the charge. After you place a charge in a hole it is necessary to tamp it well with earth to ensure that the blast does not merely blow back along the hole you have made. Our first attempt was not very successful as the tamping was inadequate and most of the blast came back through the hole and blew the tamping, like a shrapnel fougasse, out over the countryside. For the second shot we used a larger charge and tamped it better, and on returning after the explosion found the rock shattered. Willing hands had soon rolled the pieces over the hillside, and we set to with shovels to clear the rest. It was late afternoon when we reached the Tsien Tang river ferry, to find that a regiment of soldiers had arrived on the opposite bank and had seized all junks and ferry boats for use in crossing. The invaluable Michael went over to see the commanding officer, who readily released one of the ferry boats which was sent over for us. The Japanese were only a few kilometres down river with a large fleet of junks and motor launches, and I was very glad when we had successfully negotiated the crossing. That day, owing to the various delays with which we had met, we were only able to cover about 100 kilometres.\n\nWe stopped for the night at a village, where we had previously made friends when passing through. All the lights were out, and the village seemed deserted; the military police told us that only that afternoon they had opened fire on some farmers, whom they took to be Japanese plain-clothes men. The fact is that when Chinese troop movements take place the soldiers need coolies to carry for them; they impress these wherever they can find them with the consequence that on the approach of bodies of troops it is usual for the population of a place to lock their houses up and hide in the mountains. The soldiers are naturally annoyed when they arrive in a place to find everyone gone; no one to help them make fires,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212642, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "176\n\nguerillas with whom we had our connections were not the so-called “communist\" guerillas of the North West. They were right-wing guerillas; in fact the largest and most effective group were under the direct orders of Tai Li.\n\nAs can be seen from the Map, our school was well placed to receive teams for training from all the guerilla areas of operation in the delta. If we imagine a clock of which the school was the centre, 200 kilometres away at 11 o'clock was Wuhu; 300 kilometres away at 12 o'clock was Nanking, at 12.30 Chinkiang, and at 1 o'clock Soochow. Shanghai stood at 2 o'clock, 400 kilometres away, and Hangchow at 3 o'clock only 100 kilometres away.*\n\nThe second course finished in November. At about this time I received a signal from Chungking to say that in place of the British troops, who had returned to India, the Chinese authorities had asked the British to open another school on the same lines as ours, under general X......., and asking my views of a suitable establishment; it was thought that General X... would be moving over in our direction. Later still I heard that the new school was to be established far away in an area remote from any targets. I knew that our success had thrived on the close contact we had been able to maintain, owing to our location, with our teams and the quick news we received of their successes, and they in their turn derived encouragement from our proximity and the advice we could give them at short notice with any special problems. I felt that in the absence of targets the new school could have none of those successes that had meant so much to us; and when later still we were ordered to move our school to amalgamate with the new school the situation became incomprehensible. It looked as if our teams were to be left in the air and a whole year's work wasted. The frontline generals with whom we had developed most cordial relations thought it was by our own wish we were leaving and inundated us with letters requesting us to stay.\n\nIn the meantime the third course had commenced. It included fewer teams of regular soldiers and more guerilla teams than either of the first two courses, possibly as a consequence of the growing better understanding of our work amongst the forward generals. At the end of each course we held competitions and offered small prizes to the teams who\n\n* Very approximately", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212644, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "178\n\nIn November we were sent a medical officer, who had a long experience in China, and we also at last received some medical supplies, including a limited quantity of quinine. We were able to treat the sick students and also give some assistance in the neighbouring villages, an assistance which was much appreciated and created a lot of goodwill. A severe epidemic of meningitis broke out soon after; our stock of sulfanilamide was barely adequate to cope with the cases amongst our own students and staff and for lack of the drug we had to watch many around us die.\n\nLate in December the first lorry got through to us with a small supply of much-needed explosive. In the previous summer the roads had been destroyed by removing the wooden bridges, and cutting trenches across the roadway at a number of places. The trenches had now been filled in again with the spoil left on the roadside, but with rain the filling settled so as to leave a six-inch drop where the trench had been; it made for slow and rough driving, and it was very hard on the vehicles. The bridges were not replaced until later, but in winter the water level in the rivers fell and tracks were cut down the river banks so that the lorry could be driven across through the water.\n\nThere was some delay in winding up our affairs and we were still in the midst of it, when I was suddenly informed that a party of Americans had arrived. I wired this information to our people in Chungking and as it was the first they had heard of it they were even more surprised than we. The American party, consisting of men who had not been in China before, were able to pass on to them a lot of information regarding local conditions, for although they had spent five months in Chungking en route, much in the country was strange to them. They were also unused to the food. One of them, Bill, suddenly developed acute appendicitis, and our medical officer had hurriedly to perform an emergency operation with crude instruments to save his life. The operation was successful and the invalid stayed in our mess until he was stronger; his companions shot pheasant for the pot, a luxury to which we were unaccustomed as we had no shotgun. Bill had been a member of the guard on the American Embassy in London during the Blitz and he gave us descriptions of those days which were of great interest to us, as we had none of us been home at the time. It was not till May, 1943, that all our affairs were settled and we then left our new American friends with real regret. Several of them had been through our Commando schools in England, had seen something of England at war, and understood some of the difficulties", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212654, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "189\n\ninvestigated the special field of Chinese Medicinal Plants and published a book \"An Atlas of Chinese Medicinal Plants\". It was wartime and, owing to some unskilled people who helped him, his 125 specimen drawings, the typing and the printing of his French manuscript, were full of errors. I corrected this publication and filled 12 typed pages. Years after, as I corresponded with someone in Malagasy, I discovered that J. Roi was there. I wrote to him and among other things, I asked him about his book. He told me he had published another one on the same subject. I ordered a copy from Paris: Les Plantes Medicinales Chinoises. This was a quite different achievement, a well-documented and well-presented volume containing chemical analysis, explaining the uses of plants and their extracts, with references from Chinese and European Medical Literature.\n\nDuring the Japanese occupation of Shanghai, at the end of 1941, I often met scientists who normally would have been connected with the Shanghai Museum in the International Settlement. One of them was Mr. Arthur de Carle Sowerby. He had offered the Museum a small but interesting collection of plants from Eastern China. This was prepared and published in 1950 by I. V. Kozloff, a Russian botanist who was working at the Museum at that time. But his main publication at the Heude Museum was his book illustrated by the author in Chinese-style drawings. Unfortunately, it was printed on newsprint paper, the only type available at that time. Copies couldn't last long.\n\nKozloff was a white Russian botanist who had acquired a good knowledge of the North China flora. He had many articles to his credit. When he came to Shanghai in the 40s, he couldn't find a job as he spoke only Russian. He contacted me through the school where his son was studying. I found out that he was living in an attic with his family and that they were starving. He was invited to work at the Museum with a decent salary. Later, he migrated to the USA.\n\nI could not fail to mention Charles De Vol, of America's Fern Society who was encouraged by Dr. Roi to publish Courtois' fern collection. When Dr. Belval published Courtois' Flora, he did not include the Pteridophyters. De Vol's book is a classic but suffered the effects of the war, i.e., lack of proper proofreaders, poor printing, and wartime paper. I met De Vol again at the Herbarium of the University of Taipei. He had contributed the volume on Ferns in the Flora of Taiwan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212663, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "198\n\nin car headlights on Mount Nicholson in the 1980s.\n\nEven in a built-up District like Central wildlife abounds, and the large flock of common crested mynah make a tremendous noise in the leafy banyan, between Murray Car Park and the Bank of America Tower, before going to sleep in the evening.\n\nWhat have you spotted recently? Members would be interested to hear.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212675, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "210\n\nevaluation section that records the joys and pains of fieldwork, and reflects our youngsters' genuine affection for things Hong Kong as they seek to further their understanding of their own cultural tradition and social milieu.\n\nThe collection starts with a section on religion, which is the most coherent part of the book. The first report is a general study of tian de sheng jiao, a cult that started at the turn of the century and which attempts to integrate the five great religions of Confucianism, Buddhism, Taoism, Christianity and Islam. The report includes a brief history of the cult and a description of its beliefs and rituals. But the most interesting and enlightening part of the report is the interviews of members of other religions who tend to take an inclusive and accepting stance towards the cult.\n\nThe second report deals with one school of Taoism, chuan zhen jiao, through the study of its monastery in Fanling, feng yin xian guan. Besides giving a very brief introduction to Taoism, the report has also paid attention to a variety of aspects to the religion, such as social service provided by the church. Of special interest should be the rather detailed description of the religious festivals, rituals of worship and divination, and a short questionnaire that reflects a lack of understanding of the Taoist worldview among its followers.\n\nThe third report has picked a less known sample of Protestantism in Hong Kong, dao feng shan, which aims at converting Buddhists to Christianity. The report is highly focussed - on the main worship hall on the premise. A detailed description of the architecture and its symbolisms is informative. But, instead of shedding light on the reasons for the special mission in its historical context, the report unfortunately is skewed towards rationalizing and justifying the moral objectives of the unopportune mission.\n\nThis section provides a glimpse of the diversity of religious life in Hong Kong and the processual nature of religious development in different social contexts. Unfortunately, all of the reports have chosen to describe the architecture, the catechism and the organization of the churches, etc, rather than describe the architecture, the catechism and the organization of the society at large. In other words, readers are given a paraphrase of the structure of the institutions, rather than an analysis of the ways they are lived. In many instances, the researcher's views", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212707, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "A JERSEY ADVENTURER IN CHINA GUN RUNNER, CUSTOMS OFFICER, AND BUSINESS ENTREPRENEUR \n\nAND GENERAL IN THE CHINESE IMPERIAL ARMY \n\n1842-1919* \n\nKEITH STEVENS \n\nPART ONE \n\nThis is the story of General William Mesny, Knight Ying of the Order of the Pa-t'u-lu, a man who lived an exciting life from the day he left home on the island of Jersey at the time of the Crimean War to sail the oceans until finally he settled in a turbulent China having served with two of the provincial armies of the Chinese Imperial forces as a mercenary or, in modern parlance, a foreign adviser. He became a general in the Imperial army before he was 30, suggesting that his services were greatly valued by the Chinese though at the price of being viewed by the western community in central China, and Shanghai in particular, as too pro-Chinese and probably very eccentric having ‘gone native'. The remaining 47 years of his life were spent, first travelling around China, after which he tried to make a fortune in Shanghai but, sadly, having failed, eked out his latter years in virtual obscurity. He put a brave face on his troubles during the last 25 or so years with the occasional glimpse of disappointment and despair showing through in his writings. Considering his lack of formal education his publications deserve respect even if he displayed the undoubted large chip on his shoulder due to 'them', both Chinese and westerners, not affording him the respect and esteem he felt his due, in view of what he considered to be his radical ideas for modernising China. We only know details of Mesny's life, especially his time with the Chinese army, from his own writing, and his serialised autobiographical essays in the journals he published in Shanghai, Mesny's Chinese Miscellany. \n\nThese journals contained not only short autobiographical essays but also a wealth of interesting but unconnected snippets about Chinese customs, Chinese military organisations, mineralogy, Chinese food, commercial notes, etc, though concealed within these essays are a number \n\n* This article is somewhat long for the Journal, but in view of the level of scholarship it has been left at more or less its original length & [Editor]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212713, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "Until the middle of the 19th century China assumed and acted on the principle that the world owed allegiance to the supreme ruler, the Emperor of China, a view considered by the British in particular as ludicrous, and despite costly emissaries to try to persuade them otherwise, the Chinese were only forced to accept change by military force—leading to what it was hoped by foreigners would be an era of equality such as existed between other nations. Mesny experienced but probably failed to appreciate the depth of change within China in which he was involved; Chinese military commanders in the field without the presence of their foreign overlords, the Manchus, being one. But much more important were the changes in style of xenophobia, a newly acquired awareness of the power of western nations by the Chinese and most of all the deep resentment of the imposition of foreign equality. It is this more than anything else which makes Mesny's story so fascinating and refreshing.\n\nHe also lived in China during the era when the attitudes of Christian missionaries were changing, from those who felt such a strong cultural superiority and behaved arrogantly, with an attitude of self-righteousness and a complete lack of sensitivity towards Chinese feelings, which caused the vast majority of Chinese to become even more xenophobic than they had been before westerners forced through 'unequal' treaties; to those with more sympathetic views. By the end of the century many missionaries were comparatively understanding and tolerant of Chinese customs and culture, and though their mercantile compatriots were still of the old views, a number of missionaries were working with Chinese and helping to bring about the modern transformation of China. Although Mesny was one of the few foreigners whose sympathies lay with the Chinese, with his feet in both camps he found good and bad on both sides. One of Mesny's more revealing snippets is the irritated and grieving rather than angry digression; an item in the Miscellany on an uncommon Chinese saying \"Tsai ssu szu wei\" meaning \"Try, try and try again\". He wrote 'It (the phrase) is probably worth using by foreigners as a very expressive and convenient tenor when trying to persuade natives [Chinese] that it is impossible to comply with the requests and importunities to \"do something for them\". I have reflected on the matter,' he continued, 'and though I have repeatedly tried still I have not succeeded.' Many foreigners, even to this day, will sigh in agreement.\n\nMesny would, in later life, doubtless have seen himself as a ‘China Expert' and would also have wished others to regard him so. He cultivated this impression in print from the first issue of his Miscellany with his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "8\n\nregular references to his deep knowledge of things Chinese and in particular, their formal rituals. As with many foreign writers on China and the Chinese, Mesny frequently implied exclusive access to hidden corners. This was indisputable because, whilst most foreigners who pride themselves on having Chinese friends and have visited them at home, even perhaps having stayed with them, few have the opportunity afforded to Mesny when he served with the Chinese military forces and lived as one with them on the staff. However, in retrospect we can see that Mesny knew little of the private life, thoughts and policies of the native Chinese higher classes, or more importantly, of the ruling Manchus, simply through his lack of access. The great majority of foreigners in China were dependent upon what they could glean from their native interpreters whose depth of understanding was limited by their lack of knowledge, especially about state policies. Such people as Mesny, foreigners who spoke and read Chinese and had Chinese contacts, were one up on the foreigners who heavily depended upon their Chinese employees, but for Mesny to maintain his credibility with possible foreign investors he had to clutch at any crumb from the tables of the great and worthy, hence his repeated name dropping. It is also well nigh impossible to judge simply from his own account of events the extent to which Mesny understood the power politics of senior Chinese Imperial military officers or the nuances of the accusations aimed at a number of the generals. If he did, then his poignant description of the removal and demotion of his own Commander-in-chief from his command in Kueichou is very sympathetic.\n\nShanghai, where Mesny spent many of his later years, was one of the first Treaty Ports, opened in 1842, and by the turn of the century the largest foreign settlement in the East with a western population of many thousands. Mesny spent all but five of his last thirty-three years in the city.\n\nA Briton, Oliver Ready3, writing in 1904 of the time when Mesny first reached China said, 'Forty odd years ago, at the close of the second great war [i.e. 1860, the year in which Mesny reached the China coast], China was a veritable Eldorado for Europeans, where all turned to gold beneath the slightest touch of alien hands. Fortunes were made with startling rapidity, and money came in so freely that the standard of living amongst foreign merchants and their employees reached such preposterous heights of luxuriousness, that even when the inevitable reaction set in, want, and even ruin, supervened where plenty should have been found. Forty years ago the foreign trade was practically monopolised by Englishmen, who only had to place their goods on the market of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212717, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "The Boxer Rebellion in north China in 1900, which involved the massacre of some western missionaries and a siege of the Legation area in Peking, did not reach as far south as Shanghai, though in his curriculum vitae Mesny mentions 'Volunteered for service at Peking 1900'. Unfortunately, we do not know whether his service was accepted or what he did during that period.\n\nThe Chinese Imperial government survived these rebellions but slowly became even weaker as the years went by. Western nations also took full advantage of Chinese imperial weakness until in 1911 the Revolution overthrew the imperial government and established a very weak republic which, after some further thirty or so years of both inner turmoil and invasion by the Japanese, ended with the Communist victory. Mesny lived through the first eight years of the Republic, and though they were stirring times, he must have had many nostalgic memories of his prowess and success in the Chinese imperial army, particularly in the latter days of the suppression of the Miao rebels, and the time when he was a prisoner of the Taipings, features which make his eye-witness accounts of value today.\n\nMesny lived in a China which followed a predominantly masculine routine. The majority of foreigners were either isolated loners or members of small groups in remote parts of China, or they lived in treaty ports, enclaves in which the relative comfort of 'home', friends, and social occasions made life bearable, even though foreign women tended to live circumscribed and artificial lives. However, his accounts lack such intimate detail of his and his family's lives. Despite the autobiographical notes in the Miscellany, not only in segments but selective in the extreme, Mesny remains somewhat of an elusive person, and, as none of his letters appear to have survived, much of his personal life would seem to be largely irrecoverable. His enigmatic snippets about his Chinese family are such that they do little more than fuel guesswork. We still lack an account of Mesny's private life in his later years, one in which we might hear the voices of his wives and children as clearly as those of the senior officers we have been provided in the Miscellanies, of the senior Chinese officers during the Kueichou campaign.\n\nMuch of the raw material provided by Mesny contains stark, bald statements which leave loose ends and strands which we cannot gather together without straying into the realms of guesswork. Regrettably, there would appear to be little chance of ever satisfying our curiosity from...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212723, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "17\n\nsuccessful. He made the lengthy journey but would appear never to have achieved arranging the loan.\n\nIn 1879 Liu K'un-yi, Governor General of the Two Kuangs, was disposed to retain Mesny on his staff at Canton to take charge of the Foreign Affairs Department, and superintend the creation of a local naval force and the fortification of the coast of Kuangtung province. Mesny related a lengthy story about the local gentry in Canton requesting him to visit Peking to persuade a 'well-known prince' with a bribe of Taels 100,000 in order to gain permission to re-open the Wei-sing Lottery Offices in Kuangtung province. After being put under considerable financial and other inducements Mesny decided that he did not want to have anything to do with the lottery business and at his next interview with the Viceroy he was told that there were no funds available to build ships and forts and therefore there was no further need for his services. Mesny added that he understood the money derived from the lottery would have been entrusted to him to build ships of war and fortifications. He concluded [and this was written in 1895] that after that episode his friends deserted him and he never had an offer of really substantial employment after that day. He later added, 'I have been reduced to the lowest ebb of poverty. I have lost all my property, and been left unemployed ever since, so that I am sometimes driven to think that honesty may not be the best policy in China.' He also claimed that after Mason's trial in 1891 when his name had been linked with a major anti-imperial secret society he had never again been offered employment by [the Chinese] government.\n\nOn 7 September 1891, according to Mesny, a typhoon struck Shanghai and did much damage. He referred to the disaster when describing his precarious financial state, explaining that it had destroyed the Olympia Skating Rink in Lloyd Road, his property, thus ruining him financially.\n\nDuring the publication of his Miscellanies, in addition to his many references to his weak financial position, signs of financial circumspection are obvious: for example, Volumes 1 and 2 were produced on very cheap paper, and in No 20 of Volume 2 in 1896 he announced that the printer had not delivered the edition on time to the Editor through lack of funds to pay for printing... ‘difficulties,' he added, ‘had now been overcome.'\n\nHe recorded a loss of over $2,000 on first year's publication but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212738, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "32\n\nthem during his journey across the province in 1879 and accepted their offer of sworn brotherhood. He later explained that he had done so to prove to them that Englishmen believed in cultivating and cementing friendship with all civilised beings of whatever creed or nationality. He also mentioned several times his 'never-to-be forgotten friend and brother, Yü Te-k'ai, an officer in Kueichou of the fifth degree of civil rank, the confidential correspondent to the C-in-C beside being commandant of the battalion of guards.' It would have been interesting to have learned the views of these sworn brothers about Mesny.\n\nAlthough Mesny described quite a substantial number of contacts with Chinese officialdom and his views on the very senior officials, he frequently simply referred to the names and titles of senior Chinese officials with or for whom he had worked or by whom he had been interviewed in such a manner as to imply a personal relationship which, in the majority of instances, raises suspicions that he was trying more to bolster his own ego in his passing years and convince himself as well as his readership. However, he also had many an axe to grind and debts of personal slights to repay and these he undertook with great relish in his Miscellany. He sat, in his fifties, in Shanghai, after a life of action, musing over Chinese officialdom's ingratitude, lack of foresight, ineptitude etc. taking pleasure from the opportunity afforded him to write about those who had earned his displeasure.\n\nMesny had particular respect for one very senior Chinese official, Tso Tsung-t'ang, whom he first met when Mesny called to pay his respects during the winter of 1867 in Hankow. After discovering Mesny had been a captive of the Taipings at the age of 25 and spoke French and English, he offered Mesny an appointment as French and English Secretary on his staff, with a recommendation to the Emperor for the civil rank of Fourth Degree. He also offered to take Mesny on his impending campaign to the North-west of China where Tso had just been appointed Governor-General of Shensi and Kansu provinces and C-in-C of the Imperial Forces. The offer was scuppered by the refusal by the local British Consul, Medhurst, to provide a British passport as Mesny's parents had written objecting to his involvement in recent escapades, and capture by both the Taipings and Imperial forces whilst running the blockade. Mesny was next involved or very nearly involved with Tso in 1879 when Mesny trekked from Canton to Tso's headquarters in Hami in the extreme North-west to offer him a French loan. However, Tso had been recalled to Peking just", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212741, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "Bearing in mind that much of what he claimed was written from either notes or memory between the ages of 53 to 63, the almost obsessive way he describes the semi-nudity of the girls from the minority Miao suggests that he must have been sex-starved, a red-blooded young man, and a lone Westerner amongst an army of Chinese. Mesny described various tribes and sub-groups of non-Chinese and their customs in some detail in his articles in the Miscellanies, though he did seem to be more interested in their love life and marriage customs than, for example, births and deaths.\n\nHis description of the 'fair maidens' en route during his treks in central China eyeing him and he ogling them are frequent, with no lack of comment on their bare bosoms in particular and occasionally their genitalia. These were, as one would expect in Kueichou province at that time, not Han Chinese but tribeswomen from the Chuang, Lolo, Miao, and other tribes. He also allowed himself the pleasure of preening before them and, in one instance, washed the upper part of his body, combed his beard, and brushed his hair in full view of the local ladies who, he believed, 'expressed great admiration' for him. He was 36 at the time and ostensibly unmarried, though we suspect that he had already taken a Chinese lady to wife by Chinese rites.\n\nMesny, on the subject of marriage, made much of the fact that he very nearly became the son of a Cantonese millionaire named Huang, conditional on Mesny changing his name to Huang. This apparently took place in Hong Kong shortly after he had arrived in the Far East, in 1861, when he was still under the age of twenty and a turn-key at a Hong Kong gaol. It is hard to believe that a wealthy Chinese would be so desperate to acquire a foreign son-in-law, though we know no more than Mesny has seen fit to tell us. In the event, the marriage did not take place, and though he does no more than hint at it by stating that something unforeseen had turned up, it would seem more than likely that his dismissal from the Hong Kong Prison Service had something to do with it. He was then nearly ensnared by a Chinese friend who wished him to marry his sister. Mesny, however, claimed to have declined to be a party to any scheme depriving another man of his prospective wife, as she had been betrothed to a young man in accordance with the custom of the country. Mesny added that he did not wish to break the law, even if it meant hurting the feelings of the Chinese friend who, in Mesny's words, was 'no ordinary personage, in the common sense of the word, and the [proposed] voyage up the Yangtze with him gave promise of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212752, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "46\n\nHis essays on his soldiering days consist of strings of facts and incidents, strong on action but showing little attempt at analysis or motives. He often managed to mingle action scenes with romanticised ones. According to his writings he, at 26, displayed strategic and tactical wisdom which his seniors, experienced Chinese generals greeted with acclaim, or so Mesny would have us believe.\n\nHe lived in exciting times and enjoyed experiences worthy of being recorded for posterity. A case in point is his description of the incidents when twice in a twelve month period he had to call on British gun boats to deliver him from the hands of Chinese captors. The first was the deliverance from the 'Imps' [the Chinese Imperial forces] at the forts below Nanking and the second from the Taiping rebels at Nanking itself. His description of his experiences living with the Taiping rebels, of life in a treaty port and his explanations of, for example, the process of the literary and military degree examinations in China and the organisation of the Tsung-li Yamen [The Chinese Bureau of Foreign Affairs] are fascinating even if some of the material has been copied from other works, and some of the autobiographical episodes seem at times to be exaggerated or 'edited'. An article in The Pilot [July 1946] claimed that Mesny had served under General Gordon during the Taiping rebellion as a lieutenant and, when Gordon returned to England in 1865, Mesny remained on in the Chinese army. This would seem to have been misunderstood folk memory as it is certain that, if such had been the case, Mesny would have described it during his autobiographical essays in the Miscellanies. His love life with Chinese ladies also at times reads like a Mills and Boon novel, but however much we may smile at his amorous memoirs, the military side of his autobiographical essays ring true throughout.\n\nMesny wrote about himself as if he needed the constant repetition to reassure him of his place in society and perhaps history, and was frustrated by the lack of influence he considered his due. In March 1905 Mesny wrote that scarcely a day passed but that he was asked to adjudge of important matters between Chinese and Chinese. He added that he did not always comply though his Chinese rank was sufficient as an excuse to act as a judge. He certainly saw himself as a bridge between Chinese and foreigners, and appeared to have many nodding acquaintances in both societies.\n\nA number of foreign authors describing China as they saw it around the turn of the last century each in turn complimented other writers", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212754, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "48\n\nIn the end he must have been disappointed at his inability to make and keep a fortune and to have public recognition. He must have felt rejected by the world to which he would have liked to have belonged, an outcast having married a Chinese during an era when it was considered beneath one's dignity to do so, and then having to live with the 'stigma' for the rest of his life of having 'gone native'.\n\nAs with most westerners in China, ending up frustrated at being unable to bridge the gap between themselves and the Chinese, Mesny appears to have resigned himself in his later years to being a westerner who, though still claiming to understand and being able to communicate with them, was one of 'us' and not of 'them', despite the opinion of other Shanghai westerners to the contrary.\n\nLet it not be forgotten that he had fought his way up from poverty and a lack of education to being the writer, editor, and publisher of a magazine which appears to have held its own for several years in a community which would have been comparatively discriminating. Despite being self-educated, he appears to have entertained high hopes of achieving popular esteem through his 'academic' and other achievements. He attempted to write for the edification of others and produced his Miscellany which, though only marginally out of the ordinary, does have some value for its detail of the late Taiping era; the organisation of the Chinese Imperial Army of the day, in particular the provincial forces under Chinese rather than Manchu generals; his contacts with Chinese officialdom and his knowledge of obscure facts about China. Many of the latter, however, were culled from other western sources, and he appears not to have translated much, if anything, from Chinese material.\n\nMesny must have been a difficult man to live with. He was self-made, with a great pride in his achievements offset by his egotism, self-absorption, and his apparent need to denigrate others. He was dependent on his wits, and perhaps his charm, to improvise an alternative existence.\n\nHis obituary appeared in two separate Shanghai English language papers some ten days after his death. Both cover three columns, most of which are taken up with an autobiographical account of his life written shortly before his death. They provide additional biographical detail but fail to answer the many questions which naturally spring to mind.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "53\n\nChinese government officials to modernise and import technology with Mesny's assistance. These overtures seemed always to run into trouble over the officials' inability to appreciate the future Mesny was holding out to them, though on more than one occasion such plans were later put in hand and came to fruition after many years, with the assistance of others, leaving Mesny to comment that it had been his idea in the first place and had they only had the vision it would all have been achieved ten or twenty years earlier.\n\nHis leading articles frequently offered future economic and social concepts, ideas and plans he proclaimed as original, which quite often were no more than logical progressions of current trends. Frustration showed at every turn, mainly due in his view to lost entrepreneurial opportunities. His regular theme was the inability of the Chinese to get their act together to build major railway trunk routes necessary to modernise their country. He claimed that the British had been slow in developing the Canton/Hong Kong Railway and that even the Portuguese were going ahead in the matter of railway building, constructing as they intended a line from Macau to Canton. He also vehemently blamed the British for not pushing ahead with a line from Burma via Chiang-hung to Ssu-mao Ting in Yunnan. At one point he stated that Sir Thomas Wade, the British Minister in Peking had told Mesny that he had been asked by an English gentleman to offer Mesny £2,000,000 at any interest above 5% for the construction of anything which Mesny might deem advantageous to China and her people. [He does not explain why it never came to anything].\n\nIn an editorial in May 1899 Mesny explained that he felt that he had *a sort of an inspired mission in China to set forth, preach and proclaim the inspiring and magic words of Reform and Progress to the inquiring multitude amongst China's 400 millions of black-haired people.' The notes and anecdotes in the Miscellanies however, clearly betray the personality and empiricism of the writer, though his colourful use of words and phrases, apart from a rather tedious repetitive use of 'money makes the mare move,' provide a picturesque and interesting read. There is a marked lack of careful proof reading, careless use of capitals and punctuation, and not infrequently intuitive spellings. One of his nicer words was the description of something standing 'slanting-dicularly.'\n\nMesny printed an intriguing and unusual Notice at the beginning of an edition of his Miscellany [Volume III, no. 18: 22 July 1899], a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "57\n\ntaken advantage of, possibly due to the cost of reproduction in his Miscellany though more likely because he did not possess a camera during his travels.\n\n[2] Campaigning in Western China. Regrettably, despite a note in the Miscellany to the effect that he would be writing more, possibly the most interesting part, the second Kueichou campaign, he only completed the first campaign.\n\n[3] Mesny's Itinerary - from Canton to Kashgaria which was later renamed Mesny's Journeys through China (from Canton to Turkestan). This was never completed. Mesny wrote in the Miscellany that he had written an account of his journey from Canton through Kuangsi in 1879 for the London Daily News. \"This very influential and highly respectable journal did not consider my poor contribution sufficiently interesting to insert it in its widely read columns, so the useful information then written by me practically remained unpublished owing to my lack of funds until 1896 when I wrote up some of it in Mesny's Chinese Miscellany.\"\n\n[4] Varieties of Food in China [in which Mesny covers plain and exotic food and menus, eating etiquette, banquets and the production of foodstuffs such as tou-fu]\n\n[5] Progress in China [editorial essays explaining how China kept missing opportunities, and how it would have been different and better if his advice had been taken]\n\n[6] How I made my Fortune by an Old China Hand ['who is even now neither too old to row nor too heavy to ride']\n\n[7] Notes on Tibet; Mongolia; Kueichou and the Miao-tzu [and in several other places he again described Miao customs and tribal differences]; Yunnan and its Trade Routes; and Kuangsi and the West River", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "67\n\nMesny, writing in the first person some thirty years later, was not in any way slow in claiming that he played key roles in the campaign and frequently related how his improvements on the battle plans conceived by the Szechuan Force's senior officers were immediately adopted and were always successful. On the occasion when a general went ahead with his plan without Mesny, which ended in defeat and failure, Mesny made no bones about it; the failure was due to the lack of foresight of the general concerned for not first consulting Mesny!\n\nAlso of significance is the infrequent mention by Mesny of the Manchu Tartars. Considering that China was at this stage still under the rule of the Manchu dynasty, with the main forces of the Imperial Army in Manchu hands, and whose armies consisted to a considerable extent of Manchu bannermen, there is no indication from Mesny of Manchus being involved in the campaigns to suppress the Miao, and his only reference to the Manchus was the sighting of Manchu women in a town on his journey along the Yangtze. Manchu emperors had permitted only Manchus real power and had not allowed Chinese to hold independent commands until Tseng Kuo-fan was given a military command during the Taiping rebellion, in 1852. His army, called the Army of Hunan, won many of its battles leading to other Chinese armies being raised, one of which was the Army of Szechuan into which Mesny was recruited. How much Mesny understood the behind-the-scenes politics in play directing the control of the force in which he served is difficult to assess as, for example, he does not refer to the Manchus at any point. He would have us believe that he was frequently the confidante of Chinese senior military officers; logic, however, suggests that he, a foreigner in his twenties who had had no previous military experience, would be unlikely to be told anything of the more complex struggles and challenges for control and power within his or other Chinese forces.\n\nMesny's position within the Chinese Imperial military, as he described it, was complex. On joining the Szechuan Army Corps at Kuei-yang at the age of 26 in 1868, he was given a commission and brevet rank of Ch'ien-tsung +, which he equated on one page of his Miscellany to a First Class Warrant Officer or Sergeant Major, and on another page with a Company Commander or Captain.\n\nIn early 1870 he was awarded the rank and honour of ts'an-chiang hsien. The 'hsien', according to Hucker in his Dictionary of Official Titles in Imperial China, is a troublesome term. It is often", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "76\n\nThe Chinese Government, Mayers does not refer to the Lien-chûn Ying. Mesny's ambiguous descriptions are confusing though it would seem that there were four separate bodies, the Banner Forces, the ill-trained Green Standard armies under provincial control, the Disciplined Battalions formed from the Green Standards forces, and the local defence train bands.\n\nThe standing army was divided into two great classes, the Banner Forces, [Ch'i-ping], and the Militia Forces (Chih-ping]. The real Chinese National Army also called Ying-ping generally styled by foreigners as the Green Banner Force [Lu-ch'i Ying'] derived its title from the colour of their triangular standard, green satin with a red satin scalloped border and a golden dragon embroidered in the centre. Each province had a separate army corps under a C-in-C styled Ti-tu Chün-men [one such force was the Kueichou Provincial Force operating alongside the Szechuan Force in which Mesny served]. The forces consisted entirely of Chinese and were, in fact, a part of the local militia. Three centuries ago, wrote Mesny, it was the finest military force in the world: as it was in 1895, he added. The force was beneath criticism.\n\nThe Disciplined Army battalions, the Lien-Chün Ying [troops trained by and after foreign advisers], was a new organisation instituted by Ts'en Yü-ying, formerly Governor of Yunnan, Kueichou, Fukien and subsequently Governor-General of the Yun-kuei provinces. It consisted of detachments from the various Territorial Green Regiments formed into battalions and bearing the same territorial name as the regiment from which they had been detached and of which these detachments actually formed or constituted a fighting or field battalion. The Disciplined Battalions were armed with obsolete rifles but far superior to anything opposed to them in Yunnan or Kueichou. These Disciplined Armies, often referred to as the Anhui and Hunan Armies, were originally privately raised and financed by Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang to combat the Taiping rebel armies and were under the personal command of Han Chinese generals. Later, they employed westerners such as Mesny to assist China's programme of 'self-strengthening', primarily in the sphere of armaments.\n\nAlthough Mesny explained that there was a lack of uniformity in organisation throughout the whole of China he went into some detail, and added that each provincial army corps was considered a regular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212820, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "114\n\nits population. With the fall of Tengyueh, soon after, the rebellion was finally suppressed. Survivors of Sultan Suleiman's family took refuge with King Mindon at the Court of Ava in Mandalay. Two years later a British consular official, Margary, who had been appointed with the consent of the Chinese government to accompany a British expedition, which was to leave Bhamo to explore a commercial route to Tengyueh - now called Tengchung - was murdered under treacherous circumstances near the latter town. It was thought at the time, but not proven, that a Chinese official, named Li Su Tai, whose mother was Burmese, was implicated: the incident led to negotiations between the Chinese and British governments and was settled by the Chefoo Convention.\n\nAfter the British occupied Mandalay and Upper Burma in 1885 they sought to define the boundary between Burma and China. The question was not found to be easy because the Chinese advanced claims to large sections of territory which had obviously been part of the Kingdom of Ava. However, a considerable length of boundary was agreed upon and marked by enormous stones: they are the size of a small cottage, I suppose to discourage easy removal, and each stone is numbered and its position is marked on the quarter-inch map. The length of border left undefined made for an unsatisfactory situation, not unlike that between the United States and Mexico before that boundary was fixed, or like the situation which now exists on the border between China and Tibet. Various attempts were subsequently made to agree the undelimitated part of the boundary, and by 1942 only a stretch of the frontier from just N.W. of Tengchung up to Tilset remained undemarcated.\n\nThe railway from Haiphong, through Indo-China, reached Kun-ming in the early years of this century and so opened the province to French influence; whether, however, owing to strong local conservatism or a lack of enterprise on the part of the French, their influence appears to have left little mark. It was only with the opening of the Burma road in 1939 that Yunnan for the first time felt the full impact of the modern world.\n\nI had had no previous experience of western China. I knew that Lung Yun, the Old Dragon, as the Governor of Yunnan was generally called, had for long been almost independent of the National Government. It was only with the transfer of Government troops to Burma through Yunnan in 1942, and their subsequent retreat to Yunnan, where they remained, that the Chungking government had established a partial", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212825, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "119\n\nissued for the passage of our party through Yunnan to Kokang in Burma. The suggestion was added that it might at the same time be possible to give some assistance to the Chinese guerillas, reports of whose existence in western Yunnan had come to our ears. On looking back I think this suggestion was a mistake, because the guerillas were Lung Yun's men and the Central government might be unwilling to encourage them.\n\nWhile awaiting the passes I remained in Kun-ming, where I found old friends and made many new ones. Our bungalow on the lake side became a popular resort, particularly on Sundays, when many Chinese, American, and British comrades would come out to drink tea on the lawn and to enjoy the lovely sunny weather. On the hill at the back several old and picturesque temples provided objectives for an afternoon stroll. One of the temples, carved out of the rock face overhanging the precipitous mountain side, was approached along a ledge, also cut out of the rock, an approach to inspire qualms in any but the strongest-headed visitors. At week ends wealthy Chinese from Kun-ming would flock to these temples, where the priests kept special guest rooms for those who wished to stay. Earlier on, when Kun-ming had been subjected to occasional bombing raids, the rooms were at quite a premium.\n\nWe had some good friends among the American officers, many of the more senior of whom were regular soldiers with long years of service in the Philippines and other tropical places. One in particular who some years before had met the officers of my regiment, the Sherwood Foresters, when they went over from their station in the West Indies to visit Panama, at a later date provided us with very considerable assistance. If it was part of American high policy not to encourage the presence of British troops in certain areas of the Far East, the attitude was certainly not reflected in the manner of the American officers towards us. They invariably treated us with the greatest cordiality: with their large establishments and regular system of supply they were often in a position to assist us, especially over transport* and many are the good turns for which we have to thank them. I am sure this camaraderie of the field is the best possible antidote, and a very effective antidote, to the mischievous propaganda put out by our common enemies in the attempt to create discord between America and Britain.\n\n* The American Army had an excellent and well-managed hospital where they treated British patients just like their own.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "122\n\nIn the air the intention was then to apply to the Chinese for permission for a British party to proceed overland from Kun-ming with supplies for the parachute party. The Salween front was really the Chinese front, but in view of the lack of information from that front and its apparent entire quiescence it was thought to be not unreasonable to establish a small British party there, whose first duty would be to organise guerilla-work among followers of the loyal Myosa. To arrange a parachute expedition of this kind took time; the selected personnel had to be trained in parachute work, wireless equipment had to be prepared, and an initial list of stores collected; also we had to wait for suitable weather. The party was not dropped in until early in December.\n\nIn that mountainous country it was difficult to discover a flat stretch on which to drop the parachutists and the place where they did eventually land was four miles inside the Chinese border. They walked, without interference, over the border to the first village in Kokang, where they met and were welcomed by the circle-headman; then the local Chinese troops heard of their arrival and not unnaturally expressed astonishment. At the time they were dropped in, the Commander of the Chinese Expeditionary Force had been informed, but it took some time for the news to trickle down to the Chinese troops on the border. The parachutists were provided with identity papers in English and Chinese issued by the South East Asia Command, but the drop used was, of course, unknown to the local Chinese. Of this they made much play and for a few days the wires were hot explaining the situation. Pending clarification the parachute party was held in friendly detention, and when the situation had been cleared up they were provided with a Chinese escort for their protection. In the meantime the application was made in Chungking for permission for the British party from Kun-ming to go through to Kokang. Towards the end of December I returned to Kun-ming and recommenced the work of collecting material and personnel for the trip.\n\nIn early January 1944 we heard from Chungking that the necessary permission had been granted. I called on the general commanding the Rear Headquarters in Kun-ming of the C.E.F., who however had no knowledge of it. I was thus kept waiting more days, and meanwhile the parachute party reported that they had found the Chinese so uncooperative that they had decided to find their way out to Paoshan where they would meet me and explain all their difficulties. Eventually my party was allowed to leave for a town down the Burma road, where the Headquarters of the C.E.F. was stationed. The British Assistant Military", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212831, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "125\n\nto hold the local headman responsible for the collection of the number required; they were paid for at fixed military rates. Throughout Yunnan commerce in peace time moves by pack saddle. The Yunnan mule is a large strong animal, at one time much in demand for work in Burma; but now the wear and tear of war had created a shortage. We had to wait some days at Paoshan before the necessary number of beasts was produced, and then we only got off because I had carried introductions to some of the local gentry, who willingly came to our assistance.\n\nWe took seven days to reach Shunning, over a series of mountains; the mule track went up and up and up, and down and down and down; it seldom ran level and we seldom covered more than ten miles by the map in a day. In actual ground covered the distance was often double. We arrived at Shunning in time for the Chinese New Year. We had to wait over for the festival, a day on which no one will work, and the general commanding the Army very kindly invited us to a feast prepared for his American allies. Here again we stayed at the American mess and were made most comfortable. From Shunning to Tetang we took five days; mules became scarcer and on several stages bullocks were brought in from the fields to carry our wireless sets and equipment. Pack bullocks move more slowly than mules, but get there eventually. Our chief trouble was in trying to get off sufficiently early in the morning. On arrival at the destination for the day, the headman would be warned how many beasts we would need the next day, and he would promise to have them ready for an early start at 7 o'clock. But there was often difficulty in collecting the requisite number and it might not be till long after midday before we could move off. It was wearing on our patience.\n\nIt was on this stretch that I received further confirmation of the sort of trouble we might expect. At one deserted village, where we stopped for the night, we were joined by a stranger who appeared friendly enough. He was later heard haranguing the Chinese members of our party in Cantonese which he thought we did not understand, asking them why they worked for the foreign British, telling them it was unpatriotic to do so, and threatening them with dire consequences.\n\nI cannot tell the whole of our difficulties, only sufficient to make the story clear; but that much I believe should be told. It is only fair to the British public, particularly at a time when the most important conferences are to be held concerning arrangements for the future peace of the world, to know how their compatriots fare in foreign countries, and how", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212835, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "129\n\nfloor, on one or two sides; while the upper storey is reserved for the various members of the family. Almost always a fire is kept going on the open verandah which looks onto the courtyard, and here the old men sit and smoke, the women boil the kettle, and the children play about. A kitchen somewhere in the background will generally be full of babbling women attending to the day's cooking.\n\nThe difference between Burma and China was noticeable immediately on crossing the border. Years of peace and security, but recently disturbed, told their tale. In Kokang the people looked more prosperous; they were more independent. Off the beaten track you could find chickens in plenty, pigs, cows, bullocks, mules and ponies. One day we suddenly came across a whole flock of sheep. The men all carried arms; generally a dah, sometimes with copper and silver bound handle. The headmen were usually attended by a follower or two armed with ancient muskets: and the hill-top people carried cross bows, beautifully made, fitted with a trigger to release the string. The arrow, a short length of hard wood, would be dipped in a deadly poison of which they retained the secret.\n\nIt was at Nancha that we had our first trouble with our escort. The parachute party had particular cause to complain of the officer in charge of the escort, who would leave them no freedom to do what they wished, but continually interfered, especially when it came to communicating with the natives. The officer, dubbed Percy, apparently received his appointment because he had misled his superiors into believing that he understood a lot of English. He only understood a little. I thought I had made it clear that I would not welcome any interference between myself and the local population, so when Percy was also appointed to command my escort I did not worry. But he began to behave in exactly the same way as before. He had obviously threatened the old circle-headman, who was terrified of being seen in solitary conversation with us: not that we had much opportunity for it; Percy was always on his heels. We even several times caught Percy eavesdropping on us, and when I had established some outside contacts and discovered how the whole countryside was held under intimidation, and that the people had been instructed to give us no co-operation or information, I decided the time had come to do without an escort. We were due to move further into Kokang and I told Percy that on arrival at our new destination I should no longer require the services of himself and his men. I thought there would be some trouble in getting rid of them but they left without fuss, only to be replaced next day by an entirely new detachment. I ordered\n\nH :\n\n-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212850, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "144\n\nshortly after to have raised Tsai's house, so that at any rate part of his ill-gotten wealth probably fell into their hands. Tsai and the Chinese assistant commander were then taken and executed by the Chinese troops. We saw their graves at Sincheng. This had all happened some months before our arrival. While I was in Kokang at least one further store of money belonging to the Myosa was discovered and the bullion sent to Sincheng; for whose benefit, it was no part of my business to enquire.\n\nWhen the Chinese appointed the Puppet to the Myosa's position they also made him commander of the Defence Force and gave him a Chinese colonel as second-in-command. On arrival at Sincheng, as anticipated, I found the Chinese flag flying and Chinese officers, who never left the Puppet's side, behaved as if they had taken over the country. I hoped to persuade them of my friendly disposition and to enlist their co-operation. I was not successful; at a feast given by the Puppet the second-in-command got slightly drunk and openly twitted me with my alleged friendship for China, a lack of manners with which I had never before met among Chinese.\n\nAll through Kokang there are extensive poppy fields. The crop ripens in the spring. In Burma, following the Indian practice, opium was controlled by monopoly, and could only be smoked by licence. The Burmese themselves do not smoke opium, though they sometimes eat it; only persons of Chinese blood smoke. Supplies for the Burma monopoly used to come from Kokang; there was also smuggling across the border from Yunnan, where it was for long grown openly. By the efforts of the Chinese government the cultivation in Yunnan had been very largely suppressed — I myself never saw any growing in Yunnan but a great deal of opium was still smoked in Yunnan. There was no secrecy, for instance, about the opium dens in Kun-ming. So now the flow of traffic was reversed. Yunnan received its opium from Kokang and the Wa states, and the commerce in the drug must have produced large profits for those who took part in it.\n\nIn Kokang the Myosa had been the agent for the collection of the small annual house tax, of which he retained a percentage, remitting the bulk to the government. Now there was no government to which to remit, but the Puppet had heavily increased the rate of taxation, and collected it in opium. According to the reports of the village headmen he had so assessed the tax that nearly the whole of the annual opium crop went into his hands. It was a very heavy burden for the village people to bear,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212880, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "174\n\nto indigenous status, though now living in multi-storey apartment blocks following an earlier removal from their village. The grave was in thick bushes and clearly had not been visited at the two grave-worshipping festivals for a very long time. The elder confirmed this, but added that the fung-shui had turned bad.2\n\nWhere adverse influences were detected by experts, stones were placed at the grave, so as to block off the tablet. An instance of blocking-off is given in one of the files. It comes from Northeast Lantau. The grave belonged to a family from Tai Lam Chung on the mainland. A branch had also been settled for a hundred years at Tai Pang Po, Lantau, where this particular grave was located, on account of the good stake-net fishing there. The land officer provided a photograph of the grave. He reported that it was some 60-70 years old, but added, \"The inscription cannot be seen as the tombstone is covered by small rocks, because of poor fung-shui.\" The claimant told him there were four burial urns inside the grave, and gave the names of the persons whose remains were interred there.\" In another case, also seen on Northeast Lantau, the names of the deceased had been deliberately chipped off the tablet.\n\nObligations Outside The Family\n\nWhen it came to securing the removal of old graves, we found that the obligations to take up and rebury could sometimes ramify beyond the clan concerned. I had several cases of this kind when serving in Tsuen Wan. In another instance, the link was not so direct or as clear, but it was just as well-established as an obligation in the minds of those involved. The case involved an old grave, required to be removed for further development at Sam Pak Tsin, Texaco Road, Tsuen Wan. Since it had been repaired in 1813, it assuredly dated from the 18th century. Moreover, the grave tablet referred to the earlier burial of the remains of the husband and wife at other places, one of them at Kwai Chung. A lineage of a different surname, belonging to Hoi Pa Village, had responded to our notices posted on site, and came forward to state its obligation to arrange for removal and reburial of the remains. This was not simply a matter of taking compensation (if we were satisfied with the claim) as the reburial would involve the family in much trouble and expense. Such cases were not encountered frequently. Elders of this lineage (and the village representative who also belonged to it) said that the link with the persons buried in the grave was through the female side of their family but was no longer known clearly to even its oldest living members. Whatever it was,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212913, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "207\n\n100 boys in the Boys' School and 100 girls in the Girls' School. The Prep School, as the primary school was called, was in an old building and I can well remember the misery of homesickness. After tea at six o'clock we were sent to bed, which seemed ridiculous. My father stayed a few days before sailing for Hong Kong but I saw very little of him. When he left I felt abandoned. Others even younger suffered the same fate but seemed to survive.\n\nIn fact these schools were run by a most devoted staff of missionaries who took great care of us - body and soul. They were of a fundamentalist persuasion and expected very high moral behaviour from all of us. The standard of teaching was high and the students got good marks in the Oxford School Certificate exams.\n\nThe Four Seasons\n\nSchool life was regulated to fit the climate. The winters were bitter and so cold that one year we came back from holidays to find the sea frozen over. We walked from the docks to school over the sea. The summers were glorious. I suppose they were hot as I remember hearing of temperatures of 100°F or more but it was dry and on the whole not so hot as Hong Kong. The sea was perfect for swimming, which was allowed once it had reached the temperature of 64°F for three successive days. Spring and autumn were intermediate - considerably colder than the summer but not the freezing temperatures of the winter. To cope with these extremes in climate we had three sets of clothing - khaki shirts and shorts for summer, wool jackets and shorts for spring and autumn and thick wool jackets and plus fours for the winter. The school buildings were also designed to cope with these extremes. The spacious verandahs round the playground of the Boys' School kept the hall and common rooms cool in the summer. In the winter, wooden frames with glass were put up in the arches of the verandahs giving an extra layer of insulation while central heating was going full blast.\n\nThere was always some excitement with each change of season. Watching the removal of the glass frames on the verandahs heralded the abandonment of our plus fours. The production of khaki shirts and shorts meant swimming and rowing was not far off. I can remember so clearly gazing out of the bedroom windows across the glassy calm sea in the early mornings wondering if it had reached the magic 64°. In the autumn the halcyon summer days would end abruptly with the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212914, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "208 \n\n'breaking up storm'; a wild blow whose climatic explanation I cannot remember. Then came the first snow and the wooden frames for the verandahs were brought out again.\n\nWhen I was at the school a new building was completed for the Prep School and a new classroom block was built where the boys from the Boys' School and the girls from the Girls' School could take co-educational lessons. Reading Jean Moore's account of her days at Chefoo I learned that boys and girls were not only kept apart in their sleeping accommodation but also for lessons. This had been dropped by the time I went so it was strange to find myself in a school for boys only when I went to England later on. We only mixed for lessons and church (where we sat apart except in the choir which I joined) and for the rest we existed in entirely separate schools.\n\n—\n\nIn this school we were also kept pretty isolated from the local population. We did not learn the Shantung language, though the teachers were entirely bi-lingual. We did not go into town but would come across Chinese on our walks in the hills. Here we would see men pushing incredible loads on massive wheel barrows or carrying loads on bamboo poles. Mules were the beasts of burden as there were no motorable roads outside the town.\n\nWhen the Japanese overran Chefoo they set up a road block right outside the school and we would try to engage the soldiers in chat. The Japanese controlled the town but the hills were infested with guerrillas and we could occasionally hear firing in the night. The Japanese left us alone at that time for they were not at war with Britain. I had left China before Pearl Harbour but once the Japanese were at war with the British and Americans the school was closed down and shipped off to another location as part of a prison camp.\n\nOut of School\n\nIn the Prep School our lives were confined to the school area and, in the summer, the beaches in front. We also went for long hikes in the hills behind the schools but it was the beach that was most fun. On Sundays we walked in crocodile the couple of miles along the waterfront to a church in the town most going to the Union Church but some went to the Church of England. I do not recall any Roman Catholics among us and doubt whether I had heard of them then.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212991, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "38\n\nDefinitions of key terms follow:\n\nEnhancing\n\nemphasis on positive results of Chinese athletes/ team's large proportion of positive contents/ favourable location of positive contents/ bold characters/ front page; use of enhancing words.\n\nEntitling\n\nemphasis on responsibility of oneself against results; e.g. hard work by athletes/ team earn the results.\n\nBIRG (we)\n\nemphasis on responsibility of oneself in producing positive results of a larger aggregate or of others; e.g. responsibility of China in making Asian Games\n\nBIRG (flattery)\n\nemphasis on successful results produced by “friends” e.g. N. Korean performance being enhanced (when not rivalled against China).\n\nExcuse\n\nlack of intention, e.g. accident;\nlack of volition, e.g. injured athlete;\ndenial of agency, e.g. not being defeated.\n\nDisclaimer\n\nprospective excuses, e.g. injured athlete, not full team, thus anticipating hard battles/ poor results; review of past performance/ status of Chinese athlete/ team, thus unfavourableness in coming events.\n\nBlame\n\nputting unfavourable results in a long time frame when there have been many favourable results gained by the team, e.g. losses/ defeats placed amidst large proportion of positive results.\n\nApology\n\nadmission of poor performances, failures, inappropriate manners, e.g. the press would report defeats, losses in the games, impoliteness to the judges, but would at the same time promise to correct or revert them with an implication that such would be the responsibility of the athletes.\n\nJustification\n\njustifying negative results or unfavourable conditions, e.g.\ndepicting the negative results as being over-represented; comparing with other teams, e.g, rival did well, rival foul play.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "89 \n\n+ \n\nThe reason given was the LMS financial position. Yet the fares, salary and expenses of the lady doctor had been guaranteed by the Chinese subscribers at a rate of $2,000 per annum on a five or six year contract basis. \"If there is the slightest prospect of a Lady who would be either self-supporting or supported privately I would prefer to wait a year even\" Dr. wrote to Mr. Cousins and, in a postscript added: 'Mr. Pearce has suggested a code of answer by telegram and I strongly recommend the Society's answer to be \"wait\". While saying that he saw a lady doctor as important for the credibility of the maternity hospital and claiming that she would be equal, his resistance to the type of appointment which was eventually made is clear. Dr. Gibson's position is consistent with his medical training and the social mores of his day. Edinburgh had been the site of strong resistance to female medical students, and the admission of women doctors to the British Medical Association was recent. As well as the 'nature' perception of women, the organisation of medical work itself was modelled on patriarchal family roles and relationships, wherein male doctors were dominant.\n\n10 \n\n申 \n\nDr. Sibree was warmly welcomed, however, began her language classes and was introduced to the Chinese subscribers and visited their wives. Dr. Gibson noted that she seemed ‘eminently fitted for the task which lies before her.'\" In June, 1904, the new six-bed hospital was opened.\n\nAlthough, as Paterson notes, Dr. Sibree's Annual Reports show the growth of the maternity work and midwifery training, her correspondence with the Joint Foreign Secretary of the LMS paints a different picture. Dr. Sibree, within six months of the hospital's opening, complained of lack of work and the LMS District Committee General Meeting of 1904 recorded support for her opening of a dispensary for women and children at Sham Shui Po to provide more work.\n\nThe problem appears to have been two-pronged. With respect to Chinese people, their knowledge of and therefore use of the maternity facilities was low, at an average of 1.5 patients per week in the early years. The wives of the Chinese subscribers also did not use her services, either because they were not in Hong Kong, were ignorant of the service, or were already patients of private doctors.\n\nThose we did see were in perfect ignorance of the whole scheme. Mr. Wells took a great deal of time and trouble in trying to explain", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213042, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 110, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "90\n\nto them that I came from the new Hospital and that I should be glad to do anything for them if they would send for me Very few of them grasped it I am afraid Chinese husbands I suppose do not tell their wives much.\n\n35\n\nThe remedy for this situation was precluded by the organisation of medical practice at the time, the second issue. Professional ethics made it impossible for Dr. Sibree to increase her work by taking patients from the registered doctors in private practice in Hong Kong, 36 who in 1900 numbered fifteen. Outpatient work and home visits amongst poor patients were the territory of students of the Hong Kong College of Medicine, for whom the Alice was the training ground. While Dr. Sibree bemoaned the fact that she was becoming 'rusty' for lack of general medical work and that the work with women and children was inadequate, with no way clear to improve the situation, Dr. Gibson was adamant that she be given no share of the general medical work of the Alice or Nethersole Hospitals. Indeed, he dissented from the District Committee's support for her clinic at Sham Shui Po on the grounds of her health, itself an attitude produced by prevailing views about women:\n\nWith reference to the foregoing minute and Resolution Dr. Gibson desires it to be recorded that he takes no responsibility in the event of the work becoming too great for Dr Sibree as it is likely to do if she undertakes much general medical visitation.\n\n19\n\nThe Sham Shui Po clinic apparently did not eventuate. Why was Dr. Alice Sibree not acceptable for general medical in addition to maternity work? Before her arrival, Dr. Gibson had requested that a male medical missionary be sent as locum so that he could take furlough. It is not coincidental that this request was made shortly after the appointment of Dr. Sibree had been advised. Dr. Sibree, although a claimed equal, was not considered, and appears to have been excluded from consideration, as an acceptable replacement for Dr. Gibson. The reason becomes clear when the locum, Dr. Mitchell, explained why Dr. Sibree had been excluded from general medical work. The reason, simply stated, is that a woman doctor was unacceptable to the Chinese, be they patients, doctors or medical students:\n\nNeither of the House Surgeons would be willing to take orders from a lady doctor, nor would it be easy to find any Chinese medical", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213047, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "95\n\nThis request set at loggerheads the subscribers, the District Committee and Dr. Gibson. Dr. Gibson took offence at the suggestion that Dr. Sibree was other than a full member of staff, claimed the initiative in the development of the maternity hospital and therefore considered the subscribers' demands unreasonable, as secondary supporters.\n\n63 Further, he refused to concede any transfer of the Nethersole Hospital to the control of the lady doctor, both because that work had been his sphere for ten years, and a loss of students would result. Since at this time discussions about a University for Hong Kong were in the air, a role for the Alice Hospital group in clinical teaching was more than ever important. At the same time, the difficulty of finding a lady doctor who would be prepared to work solely in maternity at low salary was recognised.\n\nThe District Committee vacillated. In October they proposed that a midwife, supervised by a male doctor, be appointed. Dr. Sibree, of course, had claimed all along that her work needed only a midwife's skills. However, the proposal was rejected, since a midwife could not legally perform an operation if that were necessary, nor could any other than a lady doctor fulfill the terms of supervision of the government midwives. Dr. Ho Kai urged speed, and this was conveyed to London by Mr. Pearce. Dr. Gibson, in contrast with his views in 1903, now strongly supported the appointment of a lady doctor, for pragmatic reasons. First, the maternity hospital had grown to a point where he could not resume the work involved. Secondly, he recognised that only a lady doctor could gain access to the 'richer classes of Chinese', whose private medical work was a source of hospital finance, and whose conversion to Christianity was desirable.\n\nBy this time, it seems that Dr. Sibree had lost the support of the District Committee. Her erstwhile supporter, Mr. Pearce, commented that she had not made a way through to do what she wanted: she would have found a way or made it and have kept it unquestioned. If Dr. Sibree had been a Dr. Tribe of Amoy, I do not blame her with no intention on her part save to do her duty faithfully. Life has not been what she hoped and expected, and her share or the lack of it in the medical mission work has been the subject of sharp controversy.\n\n47\n\nIn the same letter, he commented that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213049, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "97\n\npatient numbers. That she was unsuccessful indicates the ability of Dr. Gibson to control a discourse in which both medical and patriarchal interpretations converged.\n\nEarly in 1909, Dr. Sibree indicated that she would be prepared to return for at least a year. Her offer was acceptable to the Chinese subscribers, even though they had expressed a preference for an older woman. However, while the District Committee Annual Meeting Minutes record that Dr. Sibree had offered to stay for at least a year, she denied that. In September, 1909, she announced her decision not to return to the hospital at all. Poor Mr. Pearce! He had sided with Dr. Sibree against Dr. Gibson; he obviously felt that she had let him down, and now, as an independent lady doctor in Hong Kong, she was a threat to the mission hospital's work with women and children. He urged the LMS to make sure that their replacement was sent before Dr. Sibree returned to Hong Kong.\n\nDr. Sibree had previously indicated that she was likely to continue as supervisor of government midwives, as she had the support of the Medical Officer of Health, even though that position was seen as the province of the Alice. Subsequently, Dr. Gibson proposed a new hospital in Kowloon, with a women's ward which was to be the charge of the lady doctor. In January, 1910, the outpost was visited by a 'Deputation' of the LMS Directors from England, including Mr. Curne Martin, the Joint Foreign Secretary, their interest presumably in this matter as well as the other sources of tension, including the change in the role of the District Committee, discernible from correspondence.\n\nBy September, 1910, Dr. Sibree had returned to Hong Kong and in correspondence with Mr. Cousins referred again to the superintendency role which Dr. Gibson had taken in relation to her work, and complained of the lack of interest shown in her problem by the LMS, although this was denied by Mr. Pearce. She had begun a private practice with Chinese women and was again the supervisor of government midwives, despite the objections of Dr. Gibson, who could not take the position because of his lack of Cantonese. It is clear from her letter that she was confident that she had defeated Dr. Gibson in the competition for that position.\n\nHer replacement at the Alice, Dr. Eleanor Perkins, arrived in December 1910, nearly two years after Dr. Sibree's resignation. Dr. Gibson noted that 'she is interested in obstetrics and gynaecology' and promptly introduced her to Dr. Ho Kai and Mr. Brewin, Registrar-General, who\n\n78", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213051, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "99\n\nof the Union Church, in 1914,2 and continued her private practice and work with the Chinese Public Dispensaries Committee, setting up the Tsan Yuk Maternity Hospital in 1922. She was reappointed to the Midwives Board in 1914, became Supervisor of Midwives in 1916, and was awarded an MBE in 1919 for wartime services. From 1918, she was employed by the government, when she became Acting Medical Officer of Health, being appointed Assistant Medical Officer in Charge of Native Hospitals in 1923.* On her untimely death in 1928, she was lauded for her work amongst poor Chinese women over nearly twenty-five years.\n\n84\n\nShe must have been a woman of strong personality to persist and achieve difficult goals in the alien environment of Hong Kong. Dr. Sibree's interaction with others was moulded by her personality, partly formed by her experience of gender, class, and patriarchy, in a Christian family environment. She reacted in a 'feminine' non-confrontational way, according with social expectations.* Had she behaved in a 'masculine' mode, she would have been no more likely to achieve her goals. Thus, she was in a 'no-win' situation. Breaking away from the LMS in Hong Kong, which perhaps reproduced family relationships, may have been necessary for her autonomy. Dr. Perkins' experience was different, but the circumstances cannot be equated. First, given the delay in her appointment, and Dr. Gibson's overwork, her presence was welcome and doubtless upset would be avoided, by either Dr. Gibson or the District Committee; secondly, the service was well set up and not pioneering, as in Dr. Sibree's case; thirdly, Dr. Gibson went on leave in 1912; and fourthly, she developed a romantic attachment with the widower* locum, Dr. Mitchell, resulting in their marriage in 1913.\n\nThe barriers facing Dr. Sibree in the early years resulted not only from the relationship with Dr. Gibson and the perceived lack of support from the LMS Hong Kong. It is probable that the barriers to work with Chinese women, and to access to work with women at the Tung Wah were entrenched cultural barriers. China had been through waves of anti-European feeling and, both in Hong Kong and in China itself, there was minimal contact between Chinese and European women.7 Chinese women of the upper classes lived behind 'a bamboo screen', unlike their menfolk who learned English and engaged in commerce with the foreigners. These barriers broke down to some extent in the changed political and value climate of the years after the Manchu overthrow. Even before that, change was discernible in the trend to education of daughters.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213052, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "100 \n\n빠 \n\nin the schools of Hong Kong, although the strength of traditional attitudes is reflected in the failure to admit female students to the University of Hong Kong at its inception. Dr. Sibree's relationship with the LMS in Hong Kong was permanently soured, although in a letter to Dr. Thompson in 1910, she said: 'I assure you I felt leaving the LMS very much and am anxious to help the Society as I ever was',\" and she corresponded warmly with Miss Rayner, the Matron of the Alice, during the 1920s. Mr. Pearce advised against her being invited back to run the maternity work in 1922, claiming that she wherever possible undermined the mission's work.\" She is seen as the most significant figure in the development of maternity services and midwifery training in Hong Kong, yet the most successful part of her career appears to have followed her resignation from the LMS. \n\nThe dominant position of the Alice group of hospitals in the development of Western medicine for Chinese people, and in particular the provision of midwifery and training of Chinese midwives was itself undermined in later years, overtaken by secular progress in provision of maternity services, and the lack of continuity in its own service, as Dr. Gibson had feared. Dr. Perkins resigned in 1913 to marry Dr. Mitchell, returning to Hong Kong and the hospital in 1919, and a new Lady Doctor was not in place until Dr. Turner arrived in 1921, but she also resigned to marry in 1922, the year in which the Drs. Mitchell also took leave. A long-term woman doctor was only found in the arrival in 1925 of Dr. Annie Sydenham, who developed the maternity service until her retirement in 1954. Dr. Gibson served as Medical Superintendent from his arrival in 1896 to 1918, and again from 1924 to 1935, in all 33 years, during which the hospitals expanded, including their maternity work, \n\nIt is ironic that the much vaunted factor in preventing Dr. Sibree's satisfaction with her work, the fact that she was unacceptable to students and hospital doctors, backfired. With the professionalisation of medicine, the Hongkong College of Medicine was transferred to the University of Hong Kong in 1911. Dr. Gibson was proud of his role in lecturing to the College students and was concerned that the Alice should maintain a role in clinical teaching after the establishment of the University faculty. An Endowment Fund had been set up in 1907 to support the growth of the Hongkong College of Medicine in a separate building. At the opening of the University, Dr. Thomson, the former Medical Superintendent of the Alice, and Dr. Gibson were appointed life members of the Court. Subsequently, Dr. Gibson's teaching was removed. In 1913, he reported \n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213053, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "101\n\nthat he had been reinstated as a lecturer, but in 1916 he resigned that position, since the Chair of Surgery had been established, and could only be held with clinical rights at the Government Civil Hospital. Why Dr. Gibson was treated as Mr. Pearce said 'shabbily', is not known, although in Dr. Mitchell's eyes, there had been no necessary connection between the LMS and medical education, and he had warned against any expectation of a linkage.\" The effect, however, was to remove the students from the institution of the Alice, and with it, the main rationale justifying the exclusion of the lady doctor from general medical work. By this time, maternity work had grown and lack of work was no longer an issue. 94\n\nThe AMMH was most important in the establishment of Hong Kong's maternity service for several reasons: first, the resources set up were both hospital-based and domiciliary, and therefore set the parameters for subsequent development, which included hospitals, maternity clinics, and government midwives attending home births. Secondly, under the umbrella of the LMS, the place of Western medical practice amongst the Chinese people was strengthened, demand increasing in the post-World War I decades. Thirdly, female doctors acquired a primary role in service provision and thereby a career pathway for Chinese women as doctors and midwives was opened. That pathway was to extend to general nursing, although even until the 1930s at the Alice Hospital, male dressers, supervised by female European nurses, were needed to work in male wards. Fourthly, a service which was accessible to all classes of Chinese women was set in place. That is, poor women were looked after on the basis of need, whereas the wives of the wealthy Chinese subscribers were entitled to care in terms of the Lady Doctor's contract. The outcome was a service that was, as much by default from the power play between Dr. Gibson and Dr. Sibree as by intention, culturally appropriate to the Chinese community. That is, status differentials were recognised, and at the same time, the level of qualification seen as adequate for a public health-oriented service was selected, analogous to the level of training for the Chinese doctors.\n\nThe lack of continuity in the service left a gap which, with greater recognition of need, was filled by secular agencies, as the Chinese Public Dispensaries Committee set up a maternity home in Wanchai in 1919, run by Dr. Alice (Sibree) Hickling, followed by the Tsan Yuk Hospital in 1922. The Tung Wah and Kwong Wah Hospitals improved their maternity service, and domiciliary care was the province of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213136, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "186\n\n# APPENDIX I\n\n## Calendar of Disturbances in the Border Area, 1899-1940\n\n(Orme = Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hongkong, 1912, (Sessional Papers 1912, printed by Noronha and Co, Government Printers), No 11 of 1912. \"Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912” (The Orme Report), pp 43-63, SP = Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hongkong (Sessional Papers), STJLS = Shatinjiade Lishe, op cit. AP = Administrative Reports, \"Report by the District Officer New Territories\", JLHG = Judonghaiguan Baoguan Dashiji op cit. Note JUHO is limited in material for 1921-1927, and AP has little to say on the border 1931-1938, except to comment on the levels of smuggling)\n\n \n Year\n Event\n Source\n \n \n 1900\n Abortive Rebellion in Wai Chan Sham Chun valley in turmoil Sam Chau Ti in revolt 5 piracies in Hong Kong waters\n SP 1901 STJLS Orme\n \n \n 1901\n Chinese military patrol formed on frontier\n SP 1902\n \n \n 1905\n Most serious crime in New Territories caused by cross-border gangs these impeded by new blockhouses at Ta Kwu Ling Second rebellion at Sam Chau Tin\n Orme STJLS\n \n \n 1906\n Market strike at Sha Tau Kok\n STJLS\n \n \n 1907\n Riot against Customs at Sha Tau Kok\n STJLS\n \n \n 1911\n Law Fong, Chor Uk Wai, Shu Tau Customs Stations sacked by bandits Law Fong Customs Station destroyed by bandits\n JLHG\n \n \n 1912\n Fighting in area near border Increase in banditry and piracy In Hong Kong, military assistance needed by Police Law Fong, Lin Tong, Sha Tau Customs Stations sacked by bandits, at Law Fong claiming to be \"new revolutionaries\" Situation confused Executions in Sham Chun\n SP 1912 AR JLHG\n \n \n 1913\n Nam O, Yun To Customs Stations sacked by bandits\n JLHG\n \n \n 1914\n Nam O attacked and sacked by night Tai Chan, Chek Wan Customs Stations sacked by bandits\n JLHG\n \n \n 1915\n Chan Hang (Siu Mui Sha) Customs Station sacked by bandits\n \n \n \n 1916\n Increase in smuggling opium into China Bad outbreak of cross-border crime, due to \"lack of any reasonable system of policing\" on the Chinese side Yum Tin (3 times), Kai Chung, Lung Tsun Hui Customs Stations sacked by bandits (40 men attack Kai Chung, up to 200 Yum Tin, and 150 at Lung Tsun Hui) All Customs firearms removed to Hong Kong for safe-keeping (until 1932)\n JLHG AR JLHG\n \n \n 1917\n Hakkas fleeing disturbances in Waichau arrive in New Territories Outbreak of crime in New Territories by \"undesirables\" from across border Kai Chung, Lung Tsun Hui, Sha Tau Customs Stations sacked by bandits\n AR JLHG\n \n \n 1918\n Times \"very disturbed\" on border Outbreak of cross-border crime \"half the offenders come from Chinese territory\" Kai Chung, Tip Fuk, Ha Sha JLHG Customs Stations forced to close (April) Sha Yue Chung and Kai Miu Customs Stations sacked by bandits and forced to close (August)\n AR JLHG", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213141, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "No. Name of Shop\n\n191\n\nAddress\n\nof Shop\n\nName of Owner\n\nVillage of Owner\n\nSource\n\nComments\n\nTobacco\n\n67\n\nGuesthouses\n\n68-71.\n\nWIS\n\nC\n\nC\n\n'3 or 4\" guesthouses See below under \"Others\" Basel missionaries. 1859\n\nOpium Divan\n\n72\n\nWIS\n\nLunie-burners\n\n73-74\n\nYin Lou\n\nC\n\nC\n\nFt.L\n\nOilers\n\n75\n\n=\n\n}\n\nWH\n\nC\n\ngroceries\n\n76\n\n77\n\n仙\n\n78\n\n利\n\n79\n\nSE\n\nB\n\n1 or 2 limekilns\n\nLockhart's Report, 1899\n\nsweets and small\n\n) these may be two of\n\nB\n\n) the guesthouses\n\nB\n\nJ\n\nB\n\n)\n\nHO\n\n...\n\nB\n\n) nothing is now\n\n18\n\nW\n\nB\n\n} remembered about\n\n82\n\n87\n\nK\n\n4\n\nB\n\n> these shops\n\nB\n\n}\n\n#4\n\n¥\n\n}\n\nProstitutes\n\n85-96\n\nRow neat\n\nCity\n\nC\n\nLS\n\nSaltworks\n\n97-115\n\n-\n\nYon In EL\n\nC\n\nHawken\n\nC\n\nWIS\n\nPunti girls from City\n\nOffered opium to clients\n\nHL workers from\n\nSwabue, sold salt retail\n\nDetail of works in Block Crown Lease\n\nFish, meat, vegetables, cooked food (including noodles), handicrafts\n\nfuel. Also at Yim Liu Ha\n\nE\n\nNOTES\n\nSee G A C Herklots, The Hong Kong Countryside, Hong Kong, 1951, pp 86-89 for tigers and leopard on Ng Tung Shan, and the Hsin An County Gazetteer (1819 Gazetteer, ch 3. Chung Lap Pao Edition, 1979, p. 45) for tiger, wild boar, and deer in the area\n\n2 1688 Hsin An County Gazetteer, ch 3, 127\n\nA salt commission was established at Nam Tau (Nantou) just outside the present borders of Hong Kong, probably in the Nan Yueh period, in the second century BC This was later divided into 4 commissions, probably during the Nan Han period (tenth century A.D) Of the 4 Nan Han commissions, the Kwun Fu commission certainly covered the Mirs Bay area in the Sung; the headquarters of the commission were moved temporarily from Kowloon City to Tip Fuk (Deep Fuk) on the east coast of the Bay in 1163; and probably did so from the establishment of the commission The borders of Tung Kuan County and its predecessors bent round to include just the coastal strip of Mirs Bay.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213143, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "193\n\nH\n\nDetails of the early Hakka examination successes are known from a recently recovered genealogy, of the Chan (陳) lineage of Nam Chung. It is understood that a copy of this genealogy will be deposited with the Hong Kong Museum of History. I am indebted to Mr Chan Wing-hot for drawing my attention to the information in this genealogy.\n\nQ Seen 8\n\nAt the time of the Block Crown Lease (1905), 12.68 acres of saltpans were recorded. However, the serious inadequacies of the first survey here led to another being conducted in 1912, when 17.11 acres were recorded. However, in 1912 two areas were left unclaimed, probably because storms had breached their bunds and ruined them. These two areas totalled about 3.3 acres. In addition, there were about 0.6 acres of houses, huts, and waste within the saltpan reclamation, which, therefore, totalled about 21.2 acres. The saltpans were very valuable property in the nineteenth century - the Basel missionaries (see below, n. 17) record the sale of a share by a Tam Shui Hang villager in 1882 for \"several hundreds of dollars\" (Basel Mission archive, doc. AT-16, Nr. 45). In the 1920s, however, and still more in the 1930s, cheap imported salt caused ever-growing problems, which led to the closure of the saltworks before the War. A bridge was built to the saltpans in 1934 (Administrative Reports for the Year 1934, App. J, \"Report on the New Territories for 1934\", p. J17). After the War, the abandoned saltworks became the site of a major squatter settlement, recently cleared. Today, the saltpan area has disappeared under new reclamation, and all that remains is a new Tin Hau Temple, replacing the old one previously on the saltpans, built on a new site on the new waterfront.\n\nFor details of the history of the temples in the area, on the settlement of the Hakka in the area, the reclamation projects they undertook, the founding and management of the market at Sha Tau Kok, and the functioning of the Shap Yeuk as the district management body, see P.H. Hase, \"The Alliance of Ten Settlements and Polities in the Sha Tau Kok Area\", in D. Faure and H.S. Siu, eds., Down to Earth: The Territorial Bond in South China, Stanford University Press, 1995.\n\n12. No details on the earlier history of the temple survived the very full restoration of 1894, but Shan Tsun elders believe it to be very old.\n\n13. In the 1688 Gazetteer (Ch. 3) a ferry “along the coast” is mentioned called the \"Ma Tseuk Ling Ferry\". There can be no doubt that this is the ferry to Sha Yue Chung (Shayuchong, etc.), 12 miles down the coast. Ma Tseuk Ling, at the head of Starling Inlet, is the nearest old village to the Wu Shek Kok Temple (Wu Shek Kok village - probably a foundation of the early nineteenth century). The coasts of Starling Inlet within two or three miles of Ma Tseuk Ling were blocked with mudflats and mangrove everywhere except at Wu Shek Kok, where alone a hill falls steeply into the sea. Wu Shek Kok is, therefore, the only possible site for a \"Ma Tseuk Ling Ferry\" landing place. The Ma Tseuk Ling villagers owned the Wu Shek Kok Temple, and the Ma Tseuk Ling military post (1688 Gazetteer, ch. 7), was at Shek Chung Au, just a few hundred yards from Wu Shek Kok. These Ma Tseuk Ling connections with the Wu Shek Kok area strongly suggest that the Wu Shek Kok hill was regarded as forming part of the Ma Tseuk Ling area. Later, Wu Shek Kok formed part of the Ma Tseuk Ling Yeuk of the Shap Yeuk.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213144, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "194\n\n14 The oldest surviving dated object is the bell, of 1922 (D Faure, A Ng B Luk, F. M. Xianggang Beiming Huabian, Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, Urban Council, Hong Kong, Vol 3, p 733) The temple, however, appears in the Block Crown Lease (1905), and the local villagers believe it is old\n\n15 The Sam Heung villagers have recently elected a tablet at the resited replacement temple, stating that the temple was first built in the Chia Ch'ing reign (1796-1820), and that the Ta Tsiu was instituted as soon as the temple was built While the grounds for these statements are not given, they are reasonable, and probably correct, although a date late in the reign is likely\n\n16 D Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, op cit. p 107\n\n17\n\nA copy of this genealogy is in the collection of New Territories historical documents at United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong I am indebted to Dr D Faure for drawing my attention to this reference\n\nOur information on mid-nineteenth century Sha Tau Kok comes primarily from documents of the Basel Mission, which had a Mission Station in the town 1849-1854, and whose missionaries regularly visited it in the late nineteenth century The missionaries rented four houses from a local village elder, near the western end of Upper Street, backing onto the wall The missionaries drew a map of the town in 1853, plans of typical shop units in 1849 and 1853, and wrote a long description of the town and district in 1853 – Map 2 is a re-drawing of the missionaries' map of 1853, corrected by measurements taken from the 1924 aerial photograph of the town (13 November 1924 original in the Department of Geography, University of Hong Kong) The written description of 1853 is Basel Mission archive, doc Al-2, Nr 44, “Half-Yearly Report of the missionary Rev P Winnes, from 1st January to 1st July 1853\", printed in translation in P H. Hase. \"Sha Tau Kok in 1853”, in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol 30, 1990, pp 281-297 See PH Hase, \"The Alliance of Ten\", op cit, for redrawings of the plans of mid-nineteenth century shop units, and also for a drawing of a cross-section of such a shop unit I am indebted to Rev Carl Smith for drawing my attention to the importance of the Basel Mission documents to the history of Sha Tau Kok, and for allowing me to use his transcripts and notes I would also like to thank Mrs W Haas, and the staff of the Basel Mission archive in the preparation of this article\n\n19 The Tung Wo Kuk was so named in direct emulation of the older Punti Council in Sham Chun, which was also known as \"The Council for Peace in the East\", PA, Tung Ping Kuk - the choice of the name Tung Wo Kuk must be seen, in these circumstances, as a marked sign of local pride and self-confidence\n\n20 See n 11\n\n21\n\nThe villagers believe that the name Sha Tau Kok is taken from a poem by a Ch'ing official who passed by and was so impressed by the beauty of the sun rising above the sand-dunes that he wrote a poem on it ADV AEAA. \"The sun rises from the sand-dunes the moon hangs where land and ocean meet\" I have heard this story from a Sheung Wo Hang elder, and see also Shatoulaode quwer xuanguanbu (Sha...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213155, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "205\n\ncould not have been possible, or would have been substantially more difficult to conduct had I not been Chinese with a social network already established within the Chinese community in Britain. At every stage I traded on my ethnic characteristics, e.g. using my Chinese name on cover letters, and speaking Cantonese in telephone conversations with informants whenever possible. The ethnic familiarity (name, language) was intended to arouse a sense of ethnic identification in the respondents, which in turn would hopefully help to produce a feeling of ethnic obligation to cooperate with my call for assistance in this survey,\n\nIn any research project selecting a representative sample, for example, is always difficult, but in the case of the Chinese it is particularly acute. Many earlier researchers had documented this problem of sampling. Until data from the 1991 Census was made available, there was a total absence of any reliable statistical information on this population. For example, Baxter in 1988 complained of the lack of the most basic information such as the size and distribution of the Chinese community in Britain.\n\nThe frustrating methodological problem of sampling caused by lack of statistical information on the Chinese population in Britain has been a major contributory factor in the emergence of a certain type of research which has been carried out on the Chinese in Britain. One of the characteristics is that they tend to be qualitative in nature. That is, there is a tendency for data to be collected through interviews or through observation and case study techniques, such as those studies conducted by Watson (1977) and Ng (1965). Another feature is that most of the studies usually focus on the Chinese in a particular locale. This may be the result of the fact that the sampling problems described above are compounded by the geographical dispersion of the Chinese over Britain. Not only are the Chinese one of the smallest ethnic groups in Britain, they also have the most dispersed pattern of settlement compared to any other ethnic group in Britain (Owen, 1992). This additional problem for the researcher of locating the Chinese, therefore partly explains why many previous researchers have opted to study the Chinese in areas in which they are most concentrated. However, this does not reflect Chinese settlement in Britain, which due to the nature of the Chinese catering business and its reliance on the indigenous population for custom, distributes itself spatially to reduce competition. The third characteristic of existing studies of the Chinese is that the researchers who conduct the investigations are usually themselves of ethnic Chinese origin. The reason", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213187, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT FOR 1994/95\n\nMay I welcome all of you here this evening, the 35th gathering since the resuscitation of the Society in 1960.\n\nFor me one of life's real pleasures is to be a member of the Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong Branch) and I hope that this feeling of enjoyment is shared by all of you this evening. It is not idle enjoyment, it is of the active voluntary kind, which stimulates the mind, and gives you insight into areas of activity which you would not normally tread into given the very busy lives which most of us lead in Hong Kong. In other words most of us make time to come to the activities of the Society, because we know that when we come to hear a talk or go on an activity we will learn something we did not know before, or are given some insight into Hong Kong's history which is much more fascinating than many of us imagine.\n\nThese words, although they may be obvious to some, are worth saying because it gives me a lead into the very active programme which we have had since I last reported to you this time last year. At that time I said I thought we had had one of the most active years ever, but looking at this last year we seemed to have even surpassed last year. We have had no less than seventeen lectures, fifteen visits to various parts of Hong Kong and two very successful visits: one to North Vietnam, and I am very pleased to see so many Vietnamese veterans here this evening and one to North Taiwan; the former organised by Dr. Patrick Hase and the other by Mr. Keith Stevens. (Some of us did our best to conquer the Perfume Pagoda high in the Vietnamese hills but lack of time and breath in some cases prevented us from reaching the top, and seeing members of the Society sitting and wobbling precariously in a Vietnamese sampan trying to eat a picnic lunch out of a box without falling into the water was something which is not easily forgotten by those who had the privilege of seeing them). For the success of the talks and visits we have to thank the very active Programme Committee, i.e. Mrs. Rosemary Lee, Rev. Carl Smith, Dr. Patrick Hase, Dr. Elizabeth Sinn, Mr. Geoffrey Roper, Dr. Dan Waters, Mr. Philip Bruce, Dr. Michael Lau and Dr. Joseph Ting. They have really done a splendid job.\n\nviii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213190, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "and a platform for members to publish, and in this connection may I draw your attention to Vice-President, Reverend Carl Smith's book recently \"Chinese Christmas\" which can be bought at all leading book stores, and also at the back of this room. In addition one of Hong Kong's oldest members and of this Society, Dr. Dan Waters, has published his own memories entitled unashamedly \"An Old Hand's Reflection\" - again it can be bought at all leading bookstores and at the back of this room.\n\nIn addition we have an excellent quality library with many interesting books and, not only is this steadily augmented by our past roving President, Dr. James Hayes, from Australia, but in this past year we have been given a magnificent collection of books on China and Hong Kong from Mr Archie Graham, who at the age of 91 has emigrated to New Zealand. All these books are now in a special room on the 3rd floor of the City Hall, High Block; and at this point I would like to give a sincere thanks to the Urban Services Department and their library staff in particular. In the past year not only have they moved the Society's library from the rather inaccessible Kowloon Public Library to the City Hall library in Central but they have computerised the collection and altogether made the whole collection far more accessible than it has been in the past. I really do urge you to visit this and see for yourself what is there, and of course members can borrow most of the books. For this improvement in our library facilities I must also thank our Librarian Mr. Y.C. Wan who has been very helpful in making all this possible.\n\nI said earlier that the Society makes its views known to the public: I should also add that public and Government organisations also seek the views of the Society, not only on an individual basis, but also on a collective one. I mentioned last year the assistance we gave to the Antiquities Advisory Board in helping them to grade some of Hong Kong's older buildings. At one time the Society had 20 members involved in this, but as I understand it since many of the eligible buildings have been graded then the members have declined: this project has been led by Dr. Dan Waters and we owe him and his team a vote of thanks for their hard work.\n\nOn a collective front the Society has continued to be very active in monitoring the situation over the Public Records Office. Last year I reported to you that we thought we were making some progress and the position at the moment, whilst not completely satisfactory, is considerably better than we hoped for two years ago. The Public Records Office is\n\nXI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213213, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "14\n\nheard that Petersen's barman had been discharged for neglecting his duties due to lack of supervision. The board commented that Petersen's more lucrative employment at the German Consulate led him to neglect his business. If he was to continue to hold his spirit licence, he could not leave the management of his business to others (DP 2 Nov. 1875).\n\nPeter Henry Schmidt was a German by birth but came to the East as a young man and married a Portuguese girl from Macao. For many years he was the proprietor of a licensed boarding house for seamen. Over the years he and Petersen built up a money-making business as shipping masters for the recruitment of crews. While Petersen worked his business through the German Consulate, Schmidt did the same through the American Consulate. In 1881, Mr. Smith - he had changed his name from Schmidt to Smith - brought action in the Supreme Court against the American Consul, Colonel John Mosby, for slander. The alleged slander were remarks published by the Consul concerning the involvement of Smith in the desertion of two seamen from the \"Belle of Oregon\". The Consul had been informed that Smith had harboured the deserters in his garden in Kowloon and that after the \"Belle of Oregon\" left port, he brought them to his boarding house in his launch. The testimony of Smith stated he had been in Hong Kong about twenty years and had held a licence for a seamen's boarding house for some eighteen years. \"During that time,\" he continued, \"I have done a great deal of business for the various Consuls. I and Mr. Petersen have done lately more than half the foreign business of the port. On December 24th, they (the two deserting seamen) brought permits to ship and I took them into my house. They were Scandinavian. I do work for the Consulate. I have done so for the last ten years, gave them board and lodging in the ordinary course of business.\" Smith then goes into some of the history of his connection with the American Consulate and its licensing of crews, \"Since Colonel Mosby has been in the Colony, I have not been an officer of the American Consulate nor in any way connected with it. Under his predecessor I had a desk and a clerk in the U.S. Consulate.\" Mr. Smith's assistant testified that Colonel Mosby had said, \"You can tell Peter Smith he is not going to ship any more men in this office. I shall tell all the American shipmasters not to have anything to do with him.\" The assistant also told the court that in his despatches the Consul had called Mr. Smith some very hard names. Mosby had attacked everyone who had previously been connected with the Consulate.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213232, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "33\n\nof Adolf Andre in the firm ceased in 1889 (DP 16 Feb, 1890) He left Hong Kong about 1882 and settled in London. He also had interests in France, and at the time of his death in Paris in 1911, he was director of Paguin Ltd and Maison Virot Ltd, as well as the London-based firm André, Mendel and Co. At the time of his death, he was a baron. For some years, he had been the Austrian Consul in Hongkong (DP 25 July 1911). Wilhelm Rainers was admitted a partner in 1874 (DP 3 Jan. 1874). He was appointed a Consul for Russia in Hong Kong and was an Acting Consul for Austria. He took charge of the Shanghai office in 1881 and was elected to the French Concession's Municipal Council (CM 17 Jan 1881). He retired from the firm in 1883 and returned to Hamburg (DP 16 Jan. 1884). Carl Krebs, a former bookkeeper at the Hong Kong and Dock Yard, was admitted as the partner of Melchers in 1877 and sent to open a branch in Shanghai (DP 4 July 1876, 13 Apr. 1877).\n\nMax Carl Johann became a partner about 1884, but left the firm in 1887 (DP 3 Jan. 1888). He then joined the firm of Chater and Vernon. About the year 1897, he entered into a partnership with H.Z. Just and J.J.B. Heemskerk. The partnership was dissolved soon after. Heemskerk and Grote continued under the style of Heemskerk and Grote (DP 3 Jan 1888) In 1903, he retired from this firm (DP 1 January 1903). Laurenz Heinrich Carl Melchers Jantsen - usually known as Carl Jantsen - was an assistant in Melchers and Company in 1869. Sometime after 1880, he became a partner and was placed in charge of the Shanghai Office.\n\nStephen Cornelius Michaelson became an assistant in Melchers and Company in 1887. In 1888, he became a partner. As had been other partners in the Company, he was a Consul for Russia in Hong Kong. Upon the occasion of Tzar Nicholas' visit to Hong Kong, when he was still the Tsarevitch, Mr. Michaelson was awarded the order of St. Stanislaus and St. Anne. Mr. Michaelson's interest in Melchers ceased when he left China in 1898 (HKT, 30 Mar. 1898). Gustav Adolf Melchers, a nephew of Hermann Melchers, became a partner in 1894 (DP 1 Aug. 1894).\n\nAs opportunities for trade increased, the company opened new offices: Shanghai 1877, Hankow 1884, Canton 1893, Tientsin 1897, and Chinkiang 1900. In 1914, the partners were Hermann Melchers and A. Korpff of Bremen, C. Michelau, J.W. Bandow, and A. Widmann of Shanghai, G. Fiesland of Hong Kong, and K. Lindemann of Hankow. Mr. Fiesland, as the managing partner in Hong Kong, was a director of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213248, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "49\n\nBy 1861 Mr. Glatz had left Hong Kong and was in Paris, and George Reinhold Lammert, his partner, was in charge of the Hong Kong store. At that time watchmaking is no longer mentioned and the firm of Glatz and Lammert was described as auctioneers, storekeepers and commission agents. About the year 1863 the name was changed to Lammert, Atkinson and Co., Mr. Glatz having retired and James Atkinson having joined. Atkinson left the firm about 1867. William Henry Moore and Otto Friedrich joined as partners in June 1870 (Daily Advertiser 2 Oct. 1871) Mr. Moore was with the company until 1877. He died in Brixton, England, on 30 Apr. 1897. Mr. Friedrich severed his connection in 1874 or 1875.\n\nGeorge Reinhold Lammert married on 28 January 1862 at St. John's Cathedral, Hong Kong, Miss Jane Hilder. They had ten children. He died on 21 September 1897, aged sixty-six. For many years his auction house was at Pedder's Wharf (DP 6 May 1892). Their next premise was on Duddell Street. From there they moved in 1935 to the Oriental Building on Connaught Road, the present site of the Ritz-Carlton Hotel. After the liberation of Hong Kong in 1945 they moved into the Pedder Building. Only recently has the company again relocated (SCMP 7 Apr. 1958). After the death of George Reinhold Lammert, his eldest son George Philip took charge of the business. The business eventually passed to G.R.'s youngest son, Lionel. Lionel's son-in-law Ken A. Watson became a partner in 1956 (SCMP 8 Apr. 1956).\n\nTobacconists\n\nKruse and Co.\n\nThe founding date of the firm Kruse and Co., in the liquidation list of 1914 is given as 1868. From 1868 to 1871, Johann Carl Kruse, the founder of the firm, was an assistant of Raynal and Co. In February 1871, Mr. Kruse announced he had for sale at the premises of Messrs. Charles Hock and Co., cigars (CM 1 Feb. 1871). Three months later he informs the public that he has established himself as a wholesale and retail tobacconist and commission agent at No. 10 Queen's Road Central, next to the premises of Lammert, Atkinson and Co. (DP 15 Apr. 1871). He also advertised himself as a jeweller and watchmaker. Mr. Kruse died in Yokohama in August 1876 of consumption, aged thirty-two.\n\nAfter his death the company was carried on by Charles Theodor Henry", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213274, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "76\n\nto the homing instinct of some birds, the salmon's sense of smell and the robin's sensitivity to stellar radiation.\n\nA trained person can walk across a field with a forked twig and he or she can say with certainty whether water is present below. The influence given off by the movement of water has been likened to an electric field (Pike, 1945:16 and 24). Similarly, horses during periods of drought will locate an exact spot where water is to be found below in an otherwise waterless district. Dead horses have been seen at such spots, with hoof-marks left on the ground, where the unfortunate animal tried to paw his way to water.\n\nAs a leftover from our animal past, the skill of divining in which the 'human radio set' picks up cosmic waves, magnetic energy or radioactivity is possessed by different people with varying degrees of sensitivity. 'Listening to the earth' has been likened to developing the powers of clairvoyance. Such fields and lines of currents radiate patterns of energy. They vitalise the countryside. Some spots produce more life, in the form of trees, flowers, animals, birds and minerals, than others. Cows, for example, prefer to stay in parts of a meadow which are places of energy (Pennick, 1979:38). Dowsing, with its 'inner eye', has sometimes been used to trace leylines in Britain (Miller, 1989:26). The author, however, knows of no cases where dowsing has been employed to try to trace the 'dragon veins' of fung shui.\n\nLinking Chinese fung shui and dowsing; it is interesting that an old Hakka village in Tsuen Wan, in Hong Kong's New Territories, has a well which was sunk in the position advocated by a fung shui consultant. And even during bad droughts, like that of 1963 when water was on tap for only four hours once every four days, villagers maintain the well always remained 95 per cent full (Leung, 1986:19).\n\nCase Study One\n\nThis paper now examines an actual case of fung shui, at Realty Gardens, 41 Conduit Road, Mid-Levels, on Hong Kong Island, where the author has lived since 1976. The flat in question is situated in the centre block of five blocks. A fung shui master visits the flat annually. It is said to be situated in a good geomantic spot. Many uninitiated Westerners would more likely phrase it as, 'the flat has good spatial orientation'. Both", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213275, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "77\n\nEuropeans and Chinese have commented that, on entering, one senses a feeling of tranquillity.\n\nOne Chinese lady was keen to live in Realty Gardens. She paid her deposit in 1972, shortly before the flats were completed, and she was allocated a flat in another block. On learning the fung shui in the second block was not so good as the flat examined in this case study she promptly withdrew her application. Even though she could ill afford it she relinquished her deposit,\n\nIn today's world much is happening at a rapid pace. Yet the powers of the natural environment are still important. Psychologists, sociologists and environmentalists warn of the dangers of alienation of people from nature. The Eight Chinese Elements of Nature are: fire, thunder, heaven, water (the ocean), water (rain), wind, earth and the hills. A valley with favourable fung shui is considered good for farming. A village should preferably be situated at the foot of a hill so that the vitality of fung shui flows down. Also, paths leading to or from a hamlet should meander or zig-zag so that evil spirits, which travel in straight lines, cannot follow people walking along them.\n\nMost Chinese feel they are part of nature, and, everywhere they turn, they try to imagine things are alive. Consequently, most do not move into a flat blind to fung shui principles. It is important to 'examine the earth and taste the water'. One of the 'tests' is to take a babe-in-arms into a house and see how it reacts to its surroundings. Does it cry or does it lie peaceably?\n\nUntil the late 1960s, the gracious old Foreign Correspondents' Club stood on the site where the housing complex, Realty Gardens, now stands. Many of the old features in its communal garden, such as steps, retaining walls, rainwater catchment channels and pavilions with green, sweeping, glazed tile roofs, are still there.\n\nJust as alongside a path on the edge of a village an earth god shrine is usually positioned, so, as you enter the flat in this case study you are faced by a figurine of Chung Kuei, the eighth-century physician. Wearing a maroon and white robe he stands, smiling, on a ledge by the front door. In his hand is a fan on which a bat perches. Chung is a protector against evil and an expert at catching ghosts. He may be likened to a guardian", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213276, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "78\n\nstar or a god shrine decorated with 'prayer flags' (). All these have the power to protect the occupants.\n\nAlso, just inside the front door of the flat, the electric light, symbolising the sun, is always switched on. Dark rooms oppress. Brightness stimulates chi and transforms yin to yang. A chandelier can distribute chi around a room. Conversely, a room cluttered with objects will obstruct the flow of chi.\n\nThe flat in this case study faces Victoria Peak, which towers over Tai Ping Shan (Hill of Great Peace) District. The flat also faces (approximately) 'compass south'. Fung shui south, namely 'Red-bird Aspect' (a Chinese constellation in the southern sky), is not always true south. An old Chinese proverb states:\n\nEven with 1,000 taels of gold, it is not easy to buy a house facing south.\n\nIt is believed by many that houses, temples, graves, and the Emperor on his throne should all face sunny south (Tatlow, 1993: 9). The south is pure, auspicious, and warm. In short, it is yang. With the south-westerly monsoon (actually, it mostly blows from the south-east, the direction that most typhoons come from) blowing in the summer, and the north-easterly monsoon in the winter, no one quarrels with this assumption. A flat facing south is thus warmer in winter and cooler in summer. This helps promote harmony among family members. Some Chinese believe people living on the south side of a building have better chi than those living on the north side. The latter are said to be less intelligent, less successful, and lack the vitality of their neighbours who live facing 'sunny south'. For a person who was born during the cold of winter, it is even more important for him or her to live in a building facing the warm spirits of the south (Tatlow, 1993: 9).\n\nBut, having said all that, it must be pointed out that in the Sha Tin district, in Hong Kong's New Territories, out of 60 villages or hamlets, only two or three face due south. Facing south is more important in the north, where bitterly cold winds blow, than in the sub-tropics, where other factors, such as the back-up of a mountain or copse, may have to be considered.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213277, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "Fung shu' originated from the love of, and the worship of nature. It consists, simply, of geographical advantages and orientation rules similar to requirements home builders take into consideration in many parts of the western world today (Maitland, 1977:11). Often, with the landscape being manipulated so it falls into line with culture and cosmological requirements, 'the setting can be more important than the Jewel'. For example, a house on low-lying ground may become flooded and water can affect the foundations. Fung shu doctrine maintains that dry soil which is arid and does not support vegetation is bad. Earth which is dark and moist and has an appropriate bearing pressure will bring happiness.\n\nIf the architect prepares a good design the occupants will be contented living there. A home shapes the destiny of its master and his family. If a Chinese makes a fortune while living in a particular house he is likely to believe it brings him luck. He will be loathe to move. The flat under examination in the case study has a superb view. That makes sense in any language.\n\nIn Chinese culture vital cosmic breath and magical currents, known as hei shar (*) and described as a form of primordial force, animate superbly landscaped countryside. This may be studded with pagodas, grottoes and temples. Generally, highland and ridges are yang and valleys are yin. But in every type of ground, in every range of mountains, in every bluff or rock, nature has laid down a certain quantity of yin. Or terrestrial breath. Balance between the two is important. In an idyllic place, where life forces flow from heaven along the veins of the earth, obviously, people are more likely to be content. If there is not a 'bond' between person and place, then he or she will feel miserable, and, in the extreme, illness, paralysis or death will result.\n\nBruce Lee, the popular martial arts expert and film star who died tragically in 1973 at the age of 33, lived, many believe, in an 'unlucky house' (Block, 1974:passim). A fung shu master would more likely say, 'compatibility between Lee and his home in Hong Kong were lacking.'\n\nFung shui has been described as the doctrine of nature's breath in which one 'inhales and exhales nature'. Fung shui enters every stem and every fibre (Eitel, 1882:37). Just as acupuncture is about subtle energy in the body, so fung shui is about discriminating energy in the earth.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213281, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "83\n\nThere was a severe landslide on Fathers' Day, in June 1972, on the steep slope 200 metres to the west of the flat in this case study. After three days of torrential rains the hillside, with its excessive yang, turned to mud. When the earth is healthy humans thrive. When it is 'sick', humans suffer. The slippage extended from Po Shan Road, down to Conduit Road and below to Kotewall Road. The conclusion of the public enquiry was that extensive site development had caused the disaster. Sixty-seven people lost their lives after a 13-storey block of flats was cut off at its base and swept downhill. Life can be incomprehensible and vicious.\n\nHong Kong is not liable to seismic activity. The last earthquake, in 1918, did little damage. But a report by the late Professor S G Davies of Hong Kong University, shortly after the 1972 Kotewall Road landslip, noted fault lines. One line is said to run from Wanchai Gap over to Aberdeen, to the south of the flat in this case study. It is thus not difficult to appreciate how villagers, mentioned above, feel living at the foot of, or on the slopes of, a mountain. In the flat in this study, when it rains heavily and the slopes above turn to mud, as residents put it, 'one finds oneself gazing up at the mountain with its latent, supernatural power and wondering.' This is basically why, even if there is rhythm in the cultural landscape of nature, gentle slopes are preferred.\n\nUnderstanding the empirical ground rules of fung shui land usage, and the aesthetics of Chinese geomancy as a traditional form of spiritually based planning, can provide lessons for western architects, townplanners and environmentalists even today. Fung shui attempts to ensure that everything is in harmony with its surroundings. Its scope ranges from the planning of an entire town, to the construction of a high-rise building, to the design of an interior in an office or a home.\n\nWith respect to fung shui the owner's study, in the flat in this case study, is probably the best room in the flat. The owner has, however, been advised it would be better, even if he would miss the view, if he moved his desk around so he faced the door, rather than looking out of the window. With his back to the entrance much of the time, he always half-expects someone to come in. There is a loss of 'power'. It is not easy to concentrate. If he moved he would also not have to turn around when visitors come to see him. One's back should never face a window or a door as the force of chi is too great. The operator of a computer, which can stimulate chi, on the other hand, should face a door. If not, he or she may feel nervous and suffer stress.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213292, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "94\n\ntoys. These can include handheld windmills and objects like whirligigs. For good business, chi must be stimulated. Along Lockhart Road, for instance, there is both a yin and a yang side. This affects all establishments (Kahn, 1985: 4). On the sunny side, business is usually brisk, while on the opposite side, it is normally quiet. Yin and yang are really like two poles and two aspects of hei shai. It all amounts to balance and complementariness of opposites. This helps promote and bring about harmony within that abstract thing which mankind calls nature.\n\nEitel described yin and yang as two 'magnetic' currents; the latter male, positive, and favourable; the former female, negative, and unfavourable (Eitel, 1984: 17). All sorts of things, situations, and movements stir up energy or chi, even, for example, a garbage chute constructed in a block of flats. Hong Kong's Mass Transit (underground) Railway has been likened to a dragon which can move vast amounts of chi. On the busy side of a street, business activity makes more business. Some commercial premises have a vehicular flyover constructed outside. This is described as a kam tu tai (gold waist belt) (...). The fung shui master who visited the business premises in question likes to position 'capstan timepieces', or clocks with moving parts such as pendulums. He is fond of utilising octagonally shaped clocks because they represent ba gua.\n\nTHE\n\nSuch methods, the fung shui expert in question claims, are based on 'his own theories'. He tends not to use octagonally shaped mirrors to bounce bad influences back to source, as do many other masters. An experienced fung shui consultant can, so they claim, 'see' chi, just as it can be 'sensed' in high places at dawn where there is an absence of structures. On such occasions, when the air is fresh, you feel better.\n\nWind chimes and Buddhist bells, which have become more popular in the West of late, are also supposed to be able to summon, redirect, or temper 'dragon energy' (namely chi) into domestic or commercial premises.\n\nOf the two major schools of fung shui (Lung, 1980: 84), the Fukien School places emphasis on the use of instruments, such as the compass (although each school has its own variation of the compass). The Kiangsi School, on the other hand, sometimes known as the 'School of Form', is more concerned with the numbers theory, the trigrams, and the 64 hexagrams. With the latter School, expressions like 'stirring up dangerous forces' or 'reaching a bottleneck' are not infrequently made. Astrological elements,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213308, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "110\n\nBibliography\n\nTheses, Books and Journals, and Papers and Articles in Books and Journals\n\nAimer, Goran, 'Being Caught by a Fishnet, On Fengshui in Southeastern China', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 8, 1968\n\nBaker, Hugh, 'Burial, Geomancy and Ancestor Worship', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, week-end symposium, 1964.\n\n'Geomancer'. Ancestral Images, A Hong Kong Album, South China Morning Post, 1979\n\n'Grave', More Ancestral Images, A Second Hong Kong Album, South China Morning Post, 1980\n\n'Red', Ancestral Images Again, South China Morning Post, 1981\n\nBall, J Dyer, Things Chinese, Graham Brash, 1989 (first published 1903).\n\nBard, Solomon, In Search of the Past: A Guide to the Antiquities of Hong Kong, the Urban Council Hong Kong, 1988\n\nBlock, Alex Ben, The Legend of Bruce Lee, Dell Publishing Co, 1974.\n\nBloomfield, Frena, The Occult World of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Publishing Company Ltd, 1980\n\nBurkhardt, V.R., Chinese Creeds and Customs, South China Morning Post Ltd., 1982\n\nChatwin, Bruce, The Songlines, Picador, 1987\n\nChinese Landscapes: The Village as a Place, University of Hawaii Press (c. 1992)\n\nCumine, Eric, Hong Kong Ways and Byways, Belongers' Publications Ltd, 1981\n\nDudgeon, David and Richard Corlett, Hills and Streams, An Ecology of Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press, 1994\n\nEdwards, W.H., An Introduction to Aboriginal Societies, 4 April 1990", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213327, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "131\n\nwas intended to build up a library collection of books on Asia. It has been an abiding personal interest, for I have at all times been instrumental in adding to it. Although modest in size, it contains a good stock of works on Asian subjects in Western languages, with a major emphasis on China. Over the years, our books have been housed in various places: in the British Council; in the Hong Kong Arts Centre in Wanchai after its completion in 1972; and for almost a decade from 1985, in the new Kowloon Central Library. They are now back again on Hong Kong Island, in the City Hall Main Library.\n\nPlacing the collection in Kowloon turned out to be a big mistake. In the past, expatriates who lived on Hong Kong Island talked and thought of Kowloon almost as though it was on another planet.* One might have hoped that two harbour tunnels, cross-harbour buses and the Mass Transit Railway would have altered old perceptions and prejudices. However, during the ten years the Library collection was kept in Kowloon, few of our members found the way there, or made much use of the book retrieval service provided for them at the City Hall Library. As it turned out, after computerization of our membership records in the mid-1980s, most of our members did live on Hong Kong Island, and the old views of Kowloon had apparently persisted. Still being added to yearly, the Collection is now housed on the 9th floor of the re-modelled City Hall High Block and is under the care of the Urban Council Library staff there.\n\nHonorary Editor\n\nI was Honorary Editor of the RAS Journal between 1966 and 1980, responsible for producing fourteen annual issues for the years 1967-1980 inclusive, as well as a number of the Society's Symposia Brochures—the published papers of those presented at symposia devoted to special subjects. I much enjoyed editorial work, and benefited from the many friendships it brought with it. One among them was with the late Professor Luther Carrington Goodrich of Columbia University, whom I first came to know in 1967, after asking him for a note on Ming cannon found in Hong Kong and sending on details of newly discovered pieces. He forwarded other contributions to the Journal thereafter; and once, when lagging in my editorial work, he had sent a \"chaser\", urging me to put a bomb under our printer. Of course, I had to reply that the bomb needed to be placed under me, as the guilty party.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "140\n\nbeing much lower. One reason for this may be connected with our public image. In the past, our leadership has been closely tied to the Hong Kong \"establishment\", and in tone and membership the Society itself was outwardly and distinctively British. We were probably more interested in learning and passing on information about China to other expatriates than in encouraging local Chinese membership. We could be snobbish and certainly inward-looking, and with very little difficulty could easily degenerate into a cosy little club of people who all knew each other and were mutually comfortable in the association of like with like.\n\nBy degrees, as Hong Kong changed, and as the knowledge of English widened to include a very large school population being educated up to secondary level and above, the Council had become more concerned with encouraging Chinese membership, especially as the Shanghai Chinese element mentioned above had diminished with the passage of time. We had thought of going bilingual, as one or two other of the local cultural societies had done from time to time. We also wondered whether we should change the Society's name by dropping the \"Royal\" prefix; though this has never been a bar to the continued existence, and undoubted success, of the RAS Branches elsewhere in Asia.30 These and other topics were discussed at length during a well-attended Symposium on the present and future state of the Society held in 1987, carefully prepared and largely motivated by the coming reversion of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty in 1997.11\n\nFollowing the Symposium, there was a gratifying and considerable increase in membership, perhaps due to the re-energizing of the Society that took place then, and the number and quality of its programmes. However, to this day, there has been no great interest among the English-speaking Chinese public in becoming members. The fault may of course lie in ourselves, through being too British. Yet we have usually prided ourselves on being friendly and outgoing, especially in the last decade; and our venues have been popular and easily accessible ones, like the Urban Council's lecture rooms in the High Block of the City Hall in the Central business district and the lecture room at the Hong Kong Museum of History in Kowloon Park. Partly offsetting this discouraging trend, it should be noted that the Council and its working sub-committees have always included keen Chinese members who contribute much to the Society and its work.\n\nT", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213376, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "185\n\nbe a stone or brick fireplace in which paper money and other paper offerings are burned. Occasionally a Tai Wong may be dedicated to a particular deity, such as at Pak Kung near Sai Kung which has its Tai Wong dedicated to Tin Hau, protective goddess of fishermen. A large village may have its own Tai Wong, but it may sometimes be shared with other neighbouring villages of the same lineage, as occurs with the Lam Tsuen villages.\n\nThe Paak Kung shrines, of lesser importance, are more simply built, often no more than an \"archway\" arrangement of stones upon a flat rock, with perhaps wooden boards on which paper scrolls are pasted. In any village there would normally be several Paak Kung. The village of Pat Heung, for example, has around ten Paak Kung and earth god shrines.\n\nIn some cases, especially with the lesser ranked Paak Kung, the shrine may be the tree itself and is only marked by the presence of joss-sticks and porcelain cups for rice wine offerings, sometimes on a flat stone at the base of the tree. Examples of such tree spirit shrines may be seen by the large banyan trees behind Sheung Ling Pei, and the enormous camphor trees, Cinnamomum camphora, behind Sha Lo Wan, both on north Lantau. In both cases, the surrounding fung shui woods were felled by the Japanese during the Occupation in the Second World War, with the exception of these trees, which are now venerated for having \"saved\" the village. The camphor tree at Sha Lo Wan is one of the biggest in the Territory, with a girth of over seven metres.\n\nIn the New Territories, the fung shui tree par excellence is the banyan, Ficus microcarpa, which symbolizes longevity, fecundity, and perseverance in the face of adversity. Apart from its natural resilience in the face of typhoons, the ability of the tree to survive in an environment where wood has been at a premium is explained by Ng (1983). \"Its wood is gnarled and so cannot be used as timber, it will not flame and so cannot be used for firewood. Its very lack of useful properties ensures its invulnerability and survival. It is often favoured as a single fung shui tree, when it becomes the home of a local tree spirit and is given great respect and provided with offerings, so that it often appears to be a form of tree worship. The \"grandfather\" tree at Kuk Po is an example.\n\nSometimes the fame of a particular tree-dwelling earth god extends beyond the locality of the village. Near the village of Lam Tsuen, a venerable banyan is claimed to have a spirit which is especially efficacious.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213402, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "212\n\nStockholm Statens Etnografiska Museum, 1866\n\nSkrine, CP, Chinese Central Asia, London. Methuen, 1926 (Hong Kong Reprint Oxford University Press)\n\nSladen, Douglas Brooke Wheelton, The Japanese at Home, 5th edition, with Bits of China, London and New York Waid, Lock and Bowden, 1895\n\nSmedley, Agnes, Chinese Destinies - Sketches, New York Vanguard, 1933\n\n- China Correspondent, London Routledge and Kegan. 1934\n\n- Battle Hymn of China, New York Knopf, 1943\n\n+\n\nSmith, Carl T, Chinese Christians Elites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong, Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1985\n\nSmith, Richard J, Mercenaries and Mandarins: the Ever-Victorious Army in Nineteenth Century China, New York KTO Press, 1978\n\nSmith, Ronald Bishop, A Projected Portuguese Voyage to China in 1512 and New Notices Relative to Tome Pires in Canton, Bethesda (Maryland) L Decatur Press, 1972\n\nSpence, Jonathan, To Change China: Western Advisers in China 1620-1960, Boston Little Brown, 1969\n\nThe Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, New York Viking Penguin, 1984\n\nStaunton, Sir George Leonard, An Authentic Account of An Embassy from the King of Great Britain to the Emperor of China, London G Nicol, 1798\n\nStein, Sir Mark Aurel, Detailed Report of Explorations in Central Asia and Westernmost China. Oxford Clarendon Press, 1921\n\nStern, Simon Adler, Jettings of Travel in China and Japan, Philadelphia Porter and Coates, 1888 (WB11894)\n\nSzczesniak, Boleslaw, The Writings of Michael Boym, Monumenta Serica XIV (1949-55), 481-538\n\nTaylor, Francis, mss (Bodleian Library Ms Rawl D391/95-98) Letters of Francis Taylor to Dr Edward Browne April 25, 1703 off Ancuago on coast of China,\n\nTeignmouth, Henry Noel Shore, (b 1847), The Flight of Lapwing, a Naval Officer's Jottings in China, London Longmans, 1881\n\nThomas, James A, A Pioneer Tobacco Merchant in the Orient, Durham NC Duke University Press, 1928.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213413, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "municipal library. For some reason which I have not been able to fathom South Korea has a Royal Asiatic Society - founded about thirty years ago and very flourishing it is.\n\nThe Hong Kong Branch however after its foundation in 1847 did not survive for very long and due to internal dissensions collapsed in 1859, not to be resuscitated until 1960 at the initiative of one of our past Presidents, Dr. J.R. Jones. It was resuscitated very much on the basis conceived by the founders, i.e. monthly lecture, an annual journal, the occasional symposium and publication. The one thing we do not have is our own building and permanent office, but to a certain extent we have overcome this since our library is very well housed in the Urban Council facilities on the 3rd floor of the High Block at the City Hall. In the past few years, however, the Society has added and expanded on the activities originally conceived by its founders, i.e. we have arranged a considerable outreach programme whereby we visit not only many places of historical interest, within Hong Kong, but travel to nearby places which has helped to put our perhaps rather narrow perspectives into a larger context. We have also arranged exhibitions, and we are now consulted on many aspects about Hong Kong, its history, the preservation of buildings, and other areas in which some expertise by our members is perceived to be important. In the last year for instance our members have been consulted by the Hong Kong Government, the Hong Kong Tourist Association, the British Broadcasting Corporation and an Australian Radio Station. We publish and provide a useful platform for our members to publish. In short we have expanded our activities and enlarged our fields of interest into wider fields than our founders originally conceived.\n\nThese developments are I feel to the Society's advantage. They have kept the membership up to a reasonable level with a good cross-section of nationalities. They have enhanced the Society's public profile, and they have given a strong basis for the Society to move forward confidently through 1997.\n\nThe above is of course a rather potted history of the Society but I think it is important to remind ourselves of the Society's background, because quite clearly we have entered changeable times and they are not likely to go away in the foreseeable future. Your Council has in the last year reviewed the society's activities and its objectives, in the\n\nviii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213443, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "6\n\nfrequently in consultation with rural committees and village representatives.\" For example, during the year 1956-57, of 138 land disputes which the District Officers dealt with, 30 were settled through rural committees or other local bodies, 92 were settled out of court and 16 were decided in court.” And in the following year, of 112 land disputes, 19 were settled through rural committees or other local bodies, 70 were settled out of court and 23 were decided in court. The method of disposal of one such case is recounted in the District Commissioner's report for the year 1948-49:\n\n\"For the first time since 1913 a land dispute, which had dragged on for nearly a year, was resolved when one of the parties satisfied the District Officer Taipo of his good faith by decapitating a cock in a local temple, a supreme test of honesty. As the dispute was not formally heard under Part II of the Ordinance, the legality of this expedient will fortunately not be subject to review by a Judge.\n\n1920\n\nThirdly, the Full Court ruled that it had no jurisdiction to entertain a further appeal from the decision of a judge of the Supreme Court under section 23 of the New Territories Regulation Ordinance, 1910,\n\nThere are, however, a further eight unreported cases of the Supreme Court sitting in its appellate jurisdiction from decisions of the land officer in land cases arising in the New Territories. The cases all date to the first post-war decennium until 1956. The pre-war records of the Supreme Court were destroyed during the Japanese occupation 1941-45; and since 1956 there has been no appellate proceeding of this type.\n\nWithout proof by evidence in court, it would clearly be dangerous to rely upon works describing customary law obtaining generally or in certain areas of China in the past, as information as to customary law obtaining in the New Territories for Chinese customary law \"is subject to divergencies not only from Province to Province but sometimes from clan to clan in the same neighbourhood.\" Such books may have some comparative value. It is, however, to be regretted that it is difficult in Hong Kong today to trace even one copy of those works written in English to which reference was made by the 1948 Committee.*2\n\nApart, then, from the Report of that Committee, which covers the wider field of Chinese customary law generally obtaining in Hong Kong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213450, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "13\n\nwithin 30 years, perpetual leases at low rentals and leases for short terms of 5 to 10 years. Red deeds are the only deeds of which the Government takes cognisance and the Crown Rent is collected on these deeds only.'\n\nWe need not consider further the details of the Chinese deeds and their system of registration since Lockhart reported-\n\n\"Although the system of land registration adopted by the Chinese is apparently simple, the difficulties that have been experienced in connection with it show it to be of the most unsatisfactory nature, especially as not much reliance can be placed upon the accuracy of any title deeds registered under it.\n\n15\n\nThe expedient adopted by the Hong Kong Government to resolve these difficulties is well-known, a Land Court was set up to hear claims to tenure of land and those established were confirmed by the Government and recorded as Block Crown Leases, commonly known as \"Old Schedule Plots.'\n\n11\n\nLockhart in his Report described the Chinese method of Land measurement:-\n\n\"Owners or occupiers report their land in mau or Chinese acres, but as it has not been the general custom in the districts to calculate the area of land by mau, but rather by the amount of grain required to sow a field, they also report the area of their land in this manner, two and a half tau of grain being equivalent to one mau (0.1515 English acre)\n\nBut even this tau varies in different localities. The Kun Tau or Chinese official standard measure of 10 shing, is adopted at Taipo, in Sheung Shui District and at Sha Tau Kok. The Ts'ong Tau or grain measure of 11 shing, is used throughout the Fanling District. The Tsin Tau of 8 shing is employed in the Tsuen Wan and some other Districts..\n\nAs to hill and waste land the Memorandum reads:-\n\n\"All hills and waste lands are claimed by the nearest villages or most powerful clans in the neighbourhood or even at a distance.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213451, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "14\n\nEven portions of the sea and the bed of the sea, foreshore, sand beaches, and any land whatever which may be turned into use and profit, are claimed and in some cases registered\n\nAll land in the New Territories with effect from 23rd July 1900 was declared to be Crown Land.\" Any Crown Land not included in a Block Crown lease was, therefore, unleased Crown Land. But the District Commissioner records:-\n\n\"Certain prescriptive rights over \"Crown Land\" have, however, always been recognised either tacitly or by official acknowledgment; most villages have rights of this kind over a greater or smaller area adjoining them, where they graze their cattle, cut grass and bury the dead...\"\n\nThe question of clan lands has right from the outset been a thorny problem. The Memorandum states:-\n\n\"Small villages and hamlets often place themselves under the protection of large and influential clans to which they refer all their complaints and from which they expect assistance in case of attack, robbery, and lawsuits. In some instances the smaller villages pay their land tax to the Government through the influential clans... These clans have, as before stated, claimed large tracts of land, which they have never occupied, but which they have leased in perpetuity to others, who undertake to bring the land under cultivation. The greater part of the land claimed by clans was never registered and, as a rule, it appears that no land tax was ever paid on this land to the Government.\" The cultivators, who have paid rent for years to the clans, in view of the fact that the land had not been registered, were afraid to dispute the rights of ownership, as they anticipated it would result in the land being resumed by Government and they would thus be deprived of their right of cultivation.\n\n+\n\nThe sequel is to be found in the \"Memorandum of the work done in the Land Office, Hong Kong, in respect of the New Territories for the year 1899***.\n\n\"The most serious matter of all, however, has been the stand taken by the farmers against the clans, their former landlords. The clans and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213459, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "22\n\nhowever, cases of marriage by proxy have come to notice and although the validity of such a marriage has never been decided by the Courts, at least there is a case wherein, it can be argued, there was implied recognition of such a marriage.\" Dyer Ball, writing nearly sixty years ago, describes the custom:-\n\n\"When a man is absent from home and unavoidable circumstances prevent his return to be married, a strange marriage by proxy takes place sometimes in some districts of the Canton province; we are not aware whether it prevails in other parts of the empire or not. But the curious thing about it is that, instead of a man acting as the proxy, a cock does duty for the latter to the marriage ceremonies, though it is not even necessary that he should be sent by the bridegroom. This fowl is sent by the bridegroom, the presence of the fowl at the wedding being sufficient.\"10\n\nOn 1st July 1940 an action was brought before Sir Atholl MacGregor C.J. for the purpose of obtaining letters of administration. The plaintiff claimed that she was the lawful widow of a man whom she married by proxy in China in 1922 and who was presumed to have died in City Island, New York, in 1930 without having consummated the marriage. She gave evidence that at the ceremony carried out in the deceased's village while the deceased was in New York, he was represented by a cock decorated with golden flowers and draped in red. At the time of that marriage ceremony the plaintiff was a widow of a previous marriage to another and had three children.\n\nAs is usual in cases involving Chinese customary law, there was a battle of the experts: one gave evidence that after the cock draped in red had been taken together with the bride to the ancestral hall and had entered the bridal chamber, the marriage was regarded as valid and complete as if the bridegroom and the bride were present and even though there was no subsequent consummation; the other expert gave evidence that according to the Ching Code, the most essential point for a valid marriage was a betrothal, for the validity of which there must be a marriage contract or marriage presents exchanged between the two families. Where there was a valid betrothal there must be some kind of public ceremony in order to complete the marriage. A marriage without a valid betrothal in the first instance and without a formal ceremony to complete it, could not, the second expert stated, have any legal effect. He conceded, however, that there was some local custom allowing representation of the bridegroom by a cock.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "23\n\ndecorated cock but in order to make this valid three conditions must be fulfilled.\n\na valid betrothal;\n\nan intention of the bridegroom to attend the marriage ceremony; and the eventual arrival of the bridegroom for consummation.\n\nThe witness explained that in certain parts of China because of lack of communication a bridegroom was sometimes delayed and as a matter of expediency a cock was sometimes allowed to represent him.\n\nA settlement was negotiated by the third day of the hearing and the learned Chief Justice held that he was entitled under the circumstances to grant letters of administration jointly to the plaintiffs and the defendant but by consent the grant was made to the first and third plaintiffs, that is to the widow and one of her sons, and they were to pay about a quarter of the value of the estate to the defendant, who had filed a caveat as next of kin, against his abandoning all claims to the estate.\n\nCases of such marriages by proxy are rare and those which have come to the attention of the authorities in Hong Kong were celebrated in the neighbouring Chinese territory.\n\nIn 1954 Mr D. R. Holmes, the present District Commissioner of the New Territories, took statements from two villagers from the Po On District of China in regard to this customary form of marriage. One witness first distinguished the custom of a representative of the bridegroom's family taking a cock with a red thread tied on its leg to the bride's home in order to fix the date of the wedding. This custom takes place a few weeks before every wedding whether by proxy or otherwise. On the evening of a proxy wedding day there was a distinct and separate cock representing the husband carried by an attendant, which went together with the bride into the household shrine to worship the ancestors of the bridegroom's family. This cock too had a red thread on its leg. The act of worship was an essential part of the marriage custom. Only a “kit fat” wife could be taken in this way.\n\nThere is no form of customary marriage by proxy where the bridegroom is present but the bride absent.\n\nThe custom of “sam p’o tsai” or prospective daughter-in-law exists in the New Territories. Since it is practiced particularly by Hakka.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213463, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "26\n\nsuccessful tenderer the fixed sum in full which he had collected from this particular winner at the first meeting. (The winner therefore gets in our example ($45 × 9)+$50 = $455). Thereafter the winner becomes a \"dead\" member. At the subsequent meetings the same procedure is repeated but \"dead\" are debarred from tendering again and have to pay in full the fixed sum to the successful tenderer of that particular meeting. At the last meeting the sole remaining member will collect his full amount back again. He will have profited by the interest accrued on the sums loaned to each successful tenderer. Each member eventually gets back roughly the same amount as he put into the association for in effect they are borrowing at a low rate of interest without knowing when their loan will come. The chairman in effect gets an interest-free loan on the sums he collected at the first meeting until he repays each member. Sometimes a different system is followed and the chairman charges the successful tenderer each month a commission instead of collecting a sum from each member at the first meeting. This commission is usually fixed at 50% of the sum fixed by agreement to be paid by each member.\n\nThere are several reported decisions on such money loan associations,\n\n152\n\nOaths\n\nThe Chinese customarily settled by a form of trial by ordeal in a temple which party to a dispute was telling the truth. Both parties, the witnesses and any interested villager would repair to a temple mutually agreed (miu, never a clan temple or 'tsz t'ong). Each party would then be expected to pray to the god of the temple affirming the truth of his case and inviting the god to do him an injury if he had lied. Each party would then in turn be called upon to attempt to strike off the head of a live cock with a single stroke of a chopper. If he severed the head cleanly, the party proved his case. An incomplete severance proved his case false. In practice it was seldom that both parties were required to chop off a cock's head. Usually the guilty party would find himself unable to invite the god's wrath and would retire.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213473, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "36\n\nHong Kong Sessional Papers, 1900, pp 26-269 This Report was forwarded to London under cover of Sir Henry A. Blake's despatch to Mr Chamberlain of 19th February 1900 and this Memorandum of Land was subsequently published as Command Paper 403 in November 1900 (vide Committee Report, 1953, Chap III para 39 and Appendix 10 at p 207, where only two extracts appear) Mr Lockhart stated that the Memorandum was prepared with the assistance of Mr. Messer and Mr Ts'oi, Cader and First Clerk respectively\n\nA later, verbose but less informative source is \"Some Notes on Land Tenure in the New Territories\" attached to the Report, dated 4th March 1901, on the Land Court for 1900 by Mr HHJ Gompertz (who in 1909 was elevated to a puisne judgeship), a Member of that Court - Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1901 p 371 at p. 374\n\n17\n\nThe Emperor of China\n\nre the Chinese Government and Imperial Rent\n\nReport, DCNT, 1959-60, para. 171. The District Commissioner's Report for 1947-48 records (at para 29) that it was discovered in that year that one hamlet had never paid Crown rent since the British occupation of the New Territories This was remedied by the grant of a Block Crown Lease\n\n90 8. New Territories Ordinance (Cap 97)\n\n\"Report, DCNT, 1959-60, para 171\n\nTA\n\ne The Chinese Government\n\nby Bruce Shepherd, Deputy Land Officer, dated 17th January 1900, being Appendix VIII to Lockhart's Report, para. 12 (Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1900, p 277 at p 279)\n\n44\n\nReport dated 18th February 1905 of Mr C. Mcl Messer, member of the Land Court (Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1905, p. 149)\n\nReport dated 7th March 1905 of Mr JR Wood, Member of the Land Court (Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1905 p. 147)\n\nIbid, and see also Report on the New Territories 1899-1912, para 21(1), (Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1912, p 46)\n\n7\n\nTregear, op cit, p 62\n\nDA\n\nReport, DCNT, 1959-60, para 177 and Tregear, loc cit\n\n44 Wilson's Notes\n\nalso sometimes termed \"Ching Sheung\" according to Wilson's Notes", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213482, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "46\n\nThe Play Writers of the Peking Opera\n\nMost of the early play writers of the Peking Opera were uneducated men with little knowledge of Chinese history. Some of the cues used in the play are risqué, vulgar and very, very rough. We do have our own Shakespeares in the T'ang or Sung Dynasties and their plays are among the best written literature of the times, but the general public would not go to their shows because they could not understand the literature - and the plays died a natural death. It is exactly the rough language of the later age that the people could understand, that made them flock to the theatre to see them.\n\nSome of the Funny Things You See in the Peking Opera\n\nWhy should a man's whiskers be three feet long from his chin almost to his knees? Why should an official, or a warrior, or a country squire wear such clumsy shoes with paper soles about two inches thick? Human nature! Once I heard an American cut an album whose main theme was:\n\n\"Anything you can do, I can do better.\"\n\n11\n\nFrom the very beginning, we didn't have any sharp art critics who would condemn these anomalies. Theatre, like politics, if not held in check at the beginning, can be a dangerous thing.\n\nThe Prop and the Gesture\n\nYou will notice that all Chinese theatres have a scarcity of theatre props. They make use of certain movements of the body or gestures to indicate any situation or event. This is because it is much cheaper. For instance, you cannot bring a horse to the stage, so the actor holds a horse whip (an ornamental one) to indicate that he is riding a horse. The following are more examples of the same:\n\n(1) when the actor enters a house, he lowers his body, and steps over something. That means \"stepping over the threshold.\"\n\n(2) when he enters the room, he makes some movements with both hands in the air. That means \"latch up\" or \"lock up\" his room.\n\n(3) if he holds a candlestick, or if someone else carries a paper lantern, it shows that it is night time.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213493, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "57\n\n19\n\non the stage and never mention the word \"Meng\" when back stage. What do you do when you have to use the forbidden words in a specific place? You simply substitute, as in the first place, the word “Geng” with the word “Jing”. So instead, the actor will sing, in one play \"Ting qiao lou da chu jing,\" which means \"When I heard the Drum Tower strike the first hour ..\" You will note that in the script the word \"Geng\" remains, but when the singer sings it, he immediately changed it to “Jing” in order to comply with the Taboo. There is no singing back stage, so when someone struck up a conversation with someone else and needed to use the word \"Meng\", you simply say “Da Huang Liang” instead. I have asked many people inside the profession, but no one can tell me why it is so and who started it.\n\nFinal Word of Appraisal\n\nI have written so many paragraphs of anomalies in the setting and acting of the Peking Opera - the question arises as to why the Chinese people still flock to see it. The answer is that the Opera gives them \"beauty\" - beauty in singing, beauty in the acting, beauty in the story as written and acted upon. (Sometimes, though, the beauty is far fetched and subject to logical questioning.) This is why some of the audience will go back to see the play a hundred times and never get tired of it. Certainly, in their heart, they have some fondness toward the acting, the singing which they want to enjoy, which they could not do without, like drugs. In China, we have a word for this kind of mentality, we call it \"itching\". They go back to see the same play many, many times in order to “quench” their itching.\n\nThen what about the anomaly?\n\nIn the psychology of the theatre goers, the whole play is a fake, not the real thing and if there is some small misinterpretation of the story, or the wrong costume the actor wears on the stage, why worry. As long as their \"itching\" is touched and satisfied, everything will be just fine.\n\nA Word of Thanks\n\nOn June 16, 1991, the Shenyang Beijing Opera Troupe was in town for a nine-day performance at the City Hall in Hong Kong. My friend,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213494, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "58\n\nMiss Elsa Bueanaventura, had never seen a Peking Opera before and was anxious to see one. She asked if I could go with her and explain some of the things to her. I agreed and chose Sunday, June 16 to go. Before we went there I wrote most of the parts of this essay and three synopses of the three plays that happened to be staged that day as a guide, namely:\n\n(1) The Reunion at Gucheng (#)\n\n(2) The Story of the Black Pot (??) \n\n(3) The Trial by Three Judges (###)\n\nAfterwards, I found this guide contained much valuable information for the initial theatre goers, too good to be thrown away. Consequently, I wrote several additional paragraphs to complete this essay. Thanks are due to Mr. and Mrs. Albert Neudeck, Mr. Yeh Yuen-chang and Rev. Kerry Schottelkorb for correcting and polishing my English to make it readable.\n\nNOTE\n\nIt happened that only these three plays were staged that day. They were good plays and the actors and actresses did an excellent job, but the plays lack the universal appeal of the general theme of this article so they are excluded from this rendering.\n\n!\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213508, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "72\n\nTable 2 Population according Overcrowding Report and Census\n\nof Sai Ying Pun\n\n \n Block No.\n Population as shown in\n Population\n Difference\n \n \n 6\n the Report on Overcrowding 1890\n by 1891 [Census]\n \n \n \n 6\n 436\n 387\n -49\n \n \n 8\n 697\n 1167\n +470\n \n \n 9\n 684\n 680\n -4\n \n \n 10\n 581\n 483\n +2\n \n \n 11\n 1129\n 1020\n -109\n \n \n 13\n 435\n 367\n -68\n \n \n 15\n 25\n \n \n \n \n 16\n 729\n 995\n +266\n \n \n 17\n 1808\n 1936\n +128\n \n \n 18\n 1693\n 1468\n -225\n \n \n 19\n 2124\n 1755\n -369\n \n \n 20\n 1805\n 1533\n -272\n \n \n 27\n 1687\n 1590\n -97\n \n \n 28\n 1751\n 1207\n -544\n \n \n 29\n 1946\n 1957\n +11\n \n \n 30\n 2148\n 1795\n -353\n \n \n 31\n 1057\n 1370\n +313\n \n \n 32\n 299\n 295\n -4\n \n \n 33\n 638\n 659\n +21\n \n \n 34\n 687\n 780\n +93\n \n \n 35\n 535\n 625\n +90\n \n \n 36\n 102\n \n \n \n \n 37\n 3168\n 3359\n +191\n \n \n 38\n 1073\n 1192\n +119\n \n \n 39\n 491\n 449\n -42\n \n \n 40\n 63\n 64\n \n \n \n 983385\n 1171\n 1115\n -56\n \n \n 1919\n 1999\n \n +80\n \n \n 323\n \n 523\n 200\n \n \n 65\n 2101\n 1361\n -740\n \n \n 66\n 1380\n 1082\n -298\n \n \n 67\n 568\n 563\n -5\n \n \n 68\n 657\n 715\n +58\n \n\nSource: 1891 Census Report\n\nT", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213566, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 162, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "131\n\nThe Chinese have two words for chopsticks. The common one, found in Mandarin, the Wu dialects, Hakka and Cantonese, is kuaı-zi. The other word, appearing in Classical Chinese and the Min dialects, is Zhu.\n\nChinese etymological works relate that the classical term, zhu, rhymes with the word in the Wu dialects for \"becalmed\", and therefore superstitious sea-faring folk in that region adopted the word kuar to avoid a taboo word. If this seems far-fetched, it should be noted that such derivations of words in Chinese are commonplace.\n\nIt is therefore possible to establish that the concept of “speed\" and \"chop-stick\" are related in Chinese, but not because anyone ever found chopsticks quicker to eat with.\n\nWhile we do not wish to overturn the folk-etymology (indeed, we have no evidence for doing so), we should like to point out an alternative: seventeenth-century craftsmen used the word \"chops\" both for \"jaws\" and \"vice\" (like the ones you lick). See the OED for evidence on this.\n\nChopsticks were known to Western writers from c. 1540 (Portuguese), and the English word “chopsticks” appears in 1711 describing Chinese eating habits in an account of trade with India.\n\nChow\n\nThe word, meaning \"food\", is given in Tong Ting Shue as jaau-jaau. It may be related to the word “chow-chow\", meaning \"mixed”.\n\nDr Batalha defines a Macau Patoa word, chau-chau, as a Chinese fried food in a sauce, a mixture of different things, or a muddle. She gives as the origin the Cantonese word chaau, to stir-fry.\n\nIt seems clear that two different words existed, one of Indian origin, meaning \"mixed condiments\" or just “mixed”, and the other meaning \"food\".\n\nBut Tong Ting Shue uses jaau-jaau, employing the Chinese characters for “a cover\"; he was clearly not struck by any similarity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213606, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "174\n\nwith radio and telephone, which is manned continuously. In the wall, at head height around the circumference, windows afford a 360° arc of vision to the duty constable. The Control Room gives access on either side to the flat roof of the arms of the post. This roof has a low, castellated parapet, and forms the Observation Bridge. Here is located a petrol generator and a searchlight. The former supplies electricity to the searchlight by night, and re-charges the R/T batteries by day. The bridge is also manned throughout the twenty-four hours of the day.\n\nThe lower storey of the tower forms the men's mess room. In one of the wings, there is sleeping accommodation for the personnel, with built-in bunks and lockers. In the other wing, there is a kitchen, bathroom, and storage space, all small, but adequate. The windows of the ground floor perform the dual function of admitting light and protecting the post, since they are fitted with movable steel shutters bearing loopholes. The whole building is surrounded by a barbed wire perimeter of some depth.\n\nThe personnel are Cantonese and Hakka constables, the number varying with the area covered by the post, and the activities which it has to perform. This also influences the choice of command: in the more heavily staffed posts, a Sergeant is in charge, and in the remainder, a Corporal. All posts are well armed, having automatic weapons and grenades as well as the rifles and revolvers normally to be found in the N.T., and there is a plentiful supply of ammunition. Emergency signalling and lighting equipment is installed so that the posts are able to continue in their work in the event of a breakdown in their mechanical equipment.\n\nIn short, each post is so designed, constructed, equipped, and staffed that it can, if need be, carry on an independent existence as a unit, without assistance from the main station.\n\nToday the posts still retain very much the same appearance as when they were built. They are in a good state of preservation despite their exposed positions. Modern installations include room coolers, thermal imagers, external cat ladders, safety railings, and windows to the upper storey of the control tower. In the fenced compound of each post, there is a separate ablution block and generator house, and at some locations", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213614, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "183\n\nones, having sprung up through private enterprise. Others, like a large newly completed temple in Tampenis New Town, were a complete surprise.\n\nBack in the early sixties I came across a deity who intrigued me because he did not appear to be worshipped elsewhere, and had an unusual multi-coloured striped face. He was known as the Great Emperor of the Seven Stars [the Northern Dipper], Qixing Dadi.\n\nThe temple was a basha hut with an attap roof in a humble and impoverished village on the road across the north east of the island towards Changi. The villagers were unable to tell me anything about the deity apart from it being a powerful stellar god, feared and carefully propitiated. I returned to the village a number of times and always came away disappointed. Nothing seemed to be known about his background and legend. Then, in the early seventies I again tried to find the temple but this time neither the village nor the temple remained and no one seemed to know where the temple had gone to.\n\nIn 1993 I was once more fortunate to revisit the Republic for a short visit and driving my hire car from the airport lost my way in the welter of new roads and found myself in Tampenis New Town. There ahead of me in the midst of the blocks of flats was a new and comparatively large popular religion temple. I parked and entered wondering just what I might find and was amazed to see a row of some nine separate altars facing me, all with two or three images on them with a large Pestilence Wangye shrine in the centre. I began to make notes and sketch in the detail when, at the first altar at stage right, was my old friend, Qixing Dadi.\n\nIt transpired that each altar was occupied by deities from nine separate temples from the area around the New Town, all of which had been demolished over the years to make way for modern development. The ending, however, for me anyway, is sad. Having re-found the Great Emperor and sought out the temple staff, no one again was able to help with his legend. A visiting devotee offered to help and over the next few months wrote several times explaining the progress or lack of it ending with the report that the old man who might have known more had died a matter of months earlier.\n\nSo here we have a minor cult, almost certainly brought to Singapore\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213635, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 231, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "206\n\ntrials, International Military Tribunals were established, and Russia took part in the Tokyo trial although it had been in the war against Japan for only one week before the surrender. In all the other trials, Tribunals of Officers were set up to hear the cases. The range of offences to be tried as war-crimes was never precisely defined, but broadly concerned “offences against humanity” including events causing cruelty, indeed often death, to prisoners and civilians in occupied territories. The notorious Kempetai (military police) had tortured, and indeed, killed, many thousands usually in an effort to extract confessions. Were these trials a \"Victor's Justice\"? It is true that the Japanese surrender had made the trials possible, but the catalogue of criminality left no doubt that those appearing in the dock deserved the punishment they received. There were acquittals mostly as a result of problems of identification, and some because the required standard of proof had not been satisfied. Tribunals did not attach much weight to affidavit evidence since cross-examination was not feasible. Documents which were contemporaneous on the other hand usually told their own story, although bonfires of such documents had been destroying such evidence in the interval between the Emperor's surrender broadcast and the arrival of the Allied forces.\n\nThe first trial was of General Yamashita, the \"Tiger of Malaya\", who became Supreme Commander of Japanese Forces in the Philippines, and this began in Manila on October 29th, 1945. He was sentenced to death. Other trials were conducted by U.S. Tribunals: 90 were sentenced to death. During 1945 and 1946, Nationalist Chinese Tribunals convicted 504 as war criminals. The French convicted 198, the Dutch 969, Australia 644, and in Singapore and Hong Kong, the United Kingdom Tribunals convicted 811.\n\nAccused were permitted legal representation, and given interpreters and the assistance of an Allied officer, and this was strictly adhered to in the British trials. We had the assistance of Army Investigation Units which collected evidence. One problem was that mistreated P.O.W.s wanted to get home to England or Canada as soon as practicable for rehabilitation, and tribute should be paid to the public-spirited few who agreed to return as witnesses.\n\nMy first case in Hong Kong concerned atrocities in Kinkaseki Camp, Formosa, and its \"Hell Mine\", and one of my star witnesses was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213636, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "207\n\nJack Edwards, since well-known for his work on behalf of ex-P.O.W.s, and their families. The trial began on October 3rd 1946 and ended with convictions two weeks later. I need say no more as Jack Edwards had written a graphic account of the conditions at Kinkaseki in his book \"Banzai you Bastards\".\n\nMy second case turned into a marathon. It opened to a crowded courtroom on October 21st 1946 and ended in an equally-crowded court on November 30th - Hong Kong's longest-running War Crimes Trial. The Royal Navy took a special interest in the case due to the number of Naval Personnel who had perished, and the Hong Kong Commodore sent out a signal that all Naval Officers not on sea duty were to attend the opening of the trial in No.1 uniform with medals and swords. About fifty did so, arriving early to take up the front spectator seats in the Jardine East Point Godown (since demolished) which had been furnished as a court. A Naval Officer sat as a member of the Tribunal.\n\nThe accused was of medium height, and aged 45. He held himself well in the dock. He spoke passable English, but preferred to give evidence in his own language. The accused, Captain Kyoda Shigeru, had been Master of the \"Lisbon Maru\" which sailed from Hong Kong for Tokyo on September 27th 1942. It had on board, in overcrowded conditions, 1816 undernourished British and Allied P.O.W.s who were being moved to Japan to work in factories there. It also carried a substantial number of Japanese troops returning for relocation and a general cargo. Three days after sailing from Hong Kong the \"Lisbon Maru\" was torpedoed by a U.S. submarine which punched a hole in the stern and thereafter the vessel was slowly sinking. The Officer-in-charge of the P.O.W. detachment, a young Lieutenant Wada, ordered the accused to batten down the prisoners in the hatches, and to remove the ventilation chutes.\n\nAccording to evidence, the accused first argued with Lt. Wada, but when the order was repeated he gave instructions to the Ship's Carpenter to carry it out. As the ship slowly sank, conditions in the holds became more and more intolerable, and deaths due to drowning and asphyxia began to occur. No food or water was supplied. The air was foul, and they were in darkness. There were no latrine facilities.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213646, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "218\n\nThe book is a remarkably accurate and sensitive account of life as a public servant in the Colony of Hong Kong (this term with its perceived pejorative overtones was de-emphasised in the eighties in favour of Territory; Now, of course, we have become a Region) in the decades after the Second World War. Hong Kong in the fifties, when James arrived, was far from what we know it to be today: still recovering from the ravages and privations of the Japanese occupation; swamped with hundreds of thousands of refugees fleeing the civil war and subsequent revolution in China; tuberculosis and other diseases rampant; people living from hand to mouth; the squatter areas - the list of maladies could go on. Amongst other things which come out vividly in this book is how well Hong Kong has done. There has always been a tendency amongst Westerners to compare the worst in Hong Kong with the best elsewhere, which is unfair. Hong Kong has had more than its share of problems but now has the money to minimise them. In the fifties and sixties, the wealth was simply not there.\n\nThe author came to Hong Kong as a “Cadet”, the rather noisome name given to members of the Administrative Service. As such, in James' words, he “…belonged to a grade of the civil service that was generalist in nature, whose members were moved around, filling middle and upper level posts in key departments and in the Government Secretariat.’ The Administrative Service is a proud, elite force which produces most of Hong Kong's public sector leaders but it is often criticised for this 'Jack of all trades, master of none' mentality; its members being likened by its more vocal critics to 'lighthouses in the desert' (brilliant but useless). This is going altogether too far. Like all organs of Government, the Service has had its share of incompetents, but James was demonstrably not one of them.\n\nJames also accurately describes the ethos in post-war Hong Kong and how it has evolved. Many, if not most, expatriates existed in small, enclosed, expatriate ‘rings’, almost completely cut off from the real Hong Kong. It was rather like living in a cocoon. To the modern-day observer, this lack of contact, other than professional, between the main ethnic groups seems amazing. But when you get down to it, have things changed that much? There was also, at any rate below the surface, a fair amount of racism, parochialism and delusions of grandeur around. It has been said more than once that many allegedly competent and successful, and certainly senior, British Hong Kong civil servants", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213685, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "recorded as having 29 males and 10 females resident. The boat people at Kowloon City and Sham Shui Po may have been included in the Victoria Harbour grouping. But it seems likely that the bulk of the Northern boat-people population was omitted from the statistics in 1911.\n\nAt Cheung Chau, 4,442 boat-people are recorded in 1911, 2,601 of them male. This probably includes those boat-people usually anchored at Ping Chau and Mui Wo. At Lantau, 5,413 are recorded, 3,159 of them male.** The Lantau figure probably includes, not only the floating population at Tai O, but also the people living in \"boat-huts\" on stilts there. It also probably covers those boat-people anchored at Tung Chung, and may cover those at Tuen Mun as well. In 1921, 3,552 boat people are enumerated at Cheung Chau, and 3,894 at Tai O (probably not including the “boat-hut” residents). Given the absence of some deep sea fishing boats during the 1921 Census period, it seems that the Southern District floating population statistics are broadly similar in 1911 and 1921.\n\nThe careful notification of New Territories residents as to the purpose of the 1911 Census, and the use of local men as enumerators, led to a lack of practical problems with villagers, who seem to have responded surprisingly well to the process. The police escorts had \"not very much to do,” and “no trouble whatever\" occurred.\n\nOn a more detailed basis, the civilian enumerator teams in the mainland New Territories, and the police on Lamma, in the Sham Shui Po area, and, to a lesser extent, on Lantau, seem to have done a more careful job than the police on Cheung Chau, and in the Tsuen Wan and Kowloon City areas. 598 villages were separately enumerated in the nine mainland civilian enumerator districts,\" 18 on Lamma, 49 on Lantau, and 23 in the Sham Shui Po district.\" Very few of the villages or hamlets on Lamma or in the mainland New Territories outside the Tsuen Wan and Kowloon City areas were not separately enumerated. The few that are not are hamlets closely connected with a nearby village and enumerated with it. On Lantau, however, some villages are not separately enumerated. The villages to the south of Tai O (Fan Kwai Tong, Yi O, Fan Lau), those immediately east of Tung Chung and along the upper edges of the Tung Chung valley (Tai Po, Tung Chung Hang, Wong Lung Hang, Lam Che, etc.), most of those in the Chi Ma Wan peninsula (except Shap Long), and most of the very tiny villages in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213686, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "10\n\n-\n\nextreme north of the island, are omitted. It seems likely that the populations of these villages most of which are rather small were combined with the populations of the nearest market, port, or major village. In most cases the market, port, or major village was where the police post was from which the census was being conducted. Thus, the populations of the missing villages are probably buried in the figures recorded for Tai O, Sheung Ling Pei, Shap Long, Cheung Chau, and Ma Wan.\n\nThis is certainly what happened at Tsuen Wan and Kowloon City. In Tsuen Wan, populations are recorded only for Tsing Yi, Tsuen Wan, Ma Wan, Chai Wan Kok, and Kwai Chung.1 Clearly, all the Tsing Yi villages are lumped together, as are all the Kwai Chung villages. Equally clearly, the Tsuen Wan villages - with the odd exception of Chai Wan Kok - are combined in a single entry with Tsuen Wan Market. In Kowloon City district, none of the central Kowloon villages (i.e. the very important villages of Nga Tsin Wai and Po Kong and the smaller villages such as Chuk Yuen) are entered separately - their populations are, clearly, subsumed under the entry for Kowloon City.1 In part, the lack of detail in the Kowloon City census may be due to the heavy rain which interfered with the first attempt to hold it.\n\nThus, when conducting detailed analyses of the tables of statistics in the 1911 Census, it is necessary to bear in mind that the populations recorded for the towns and major villages in the south of the New Territories are inflated to some degree, and their social characteristics are likely to be obscured, at least in part.\n\nThe villages still existing on Hong Kong Island and Old Kowloon in 1911 are separately recorded. Po Toi Island is included under the Hong Kong villages.1\n\nThe process of holding the house-to-house enumerator visits lasted “a few days” on Lamma, and three months in the bigger districts.3 Assuming Lamma was completed in five days, and the largest districts (Au Tau, Sha Tau Kok, Ping Shan, and Sai Kung) required 50-60 working days, the average population enumerated each day varied between 143 and 181, with between one and four villages being dealt with each day.1 This is clearly not excessive, and, again, suggests that the statistics produced should be treated as reasonably accurate.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "110\n\nand their brothers several generations earlier than the one with whom the last part of the genealogy starts counting generations from one.\n\nThe above shows that celebration of Fengchao is connected with ordination names. It is not meaningful to ask if all those who celebrate the rite had ordination names in their genealogies—in any case, as mentioned before, all Hakka genealogies I examined, except short excerpts, contain ordination names. There is a similar problem in asking if all lineages with ordination names in their genealogies celebrated Fengchao. One may ask, however, the following question: if two lineages trace to the same ancestors who are the only ones who had ordination names, and one of the lineages celebrates Fengchao, would the other celebrate Fengchao too? There are some cases in the New Territories of which we may ask this question: e.g., Ping Yeung and Ting Kok, So Lo Pun and Lai Chi Wo, Shuen Wan and Wu Kau Tang. At this stage of research, I cannot answer the question for any of those pairs.\n\nAccording to the memorial for the ritual of Fengchao, it is dedicated to ancestors. Chao is also written as Zuchao, zu meaning \"ancestor\". Elsewhere in the memorial, it is written as shangzu, “early ancestors”. Many of the sessions in the ritual are named in the memorial. They were for maintenance of an “immortal army” which seemed to be under the control of the ancestors. When a priest read the memorial to demonstrate his rendering, he added zugong (\"ancestors\") before bingma (\"army\") in the passage, indicating that he does think of the army as belonging to the ancestors. He compared the army to \"policemen\", and told me that they were to guard the village to prevent entry of outsiders. The rites were to remedy possible loss of soldiers and horses due to lack of provisions; loss of the wuhua qihao flags of the army; and the loss of yingsuo stations [garrisons?]. One major feature is petitioning the Jade Emperor and his subsidiaries for issuance of a Zhaobing Pai order for recruitment of soldiers.\n\nThe rite I witnessed was performed inside the ancestral hall, with the exception of a session to “pacify the kitchen god” at the kitchen stove of the bridegroom's house. At the ancestral altar of the hall, the priest hung a picture showing the Three Pure Ones and gods peculiar to the popular tradition, including the Three Ladies. Three temporary spirit", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "111 tablets were set up on a table before the picture. The one in the middle is dedicated to Taishang Laojun (styled Taishang Hunyuan Jiaozu Daode Tianjun) and the masters of the priest. On the right was one for the ancestors of the groom styled Pengshi Tangshang Shigaozhengzu Kaobi shenwei (“Founding ancestors, and great grandfather and grandfather\"). On the left-hand side was one for the gods of the four domains Heaven, Earth, Water, and Yang. Offerings on the table included plates full of homemade red-colored buns from, I was told, each household of the village.\n\nThe rite started at a quarter to 7 p.m. and continued, with intermissions, until about half past 4 a.m. the next morning. The assistant who dressed as a woman joined the priest in most of the rites, with the exception of the first rite “invitation of gods”, and probably the last one of “seeing off the gods” which seems to have been performed by the priest alone, and the rite of “pacifying the kitchen god\" which was performed by the \"woman\" assistant alone. The assistant held a fan in one hand and a handkerchief in another. The two danced together, forming postures in which the priest kicked at his \"female\" assistant. The rituals made frequent use of the horn, the divination block, and mudra formations. A third assistant played percussion instruments to their accompaniment.\n\nThe series of rituals begin with an invitation of gods. I recorded in my notebook that in the final section of the rite the priest faced the table at the ancestral altar and mentioned langming and gongming in a recitation about the purpose and scope of the ritual. I have already mentioned the rituals connected with the maintenance of an army under the control of ancestors. Another important session is the Jianchao, \"witnessing the Chao”, which is an offering of a raw pig. The pig was placed before the table at the altar, with its head facing inside. The offering included the whole pig, with even blood and hair. On the back of the pig's neck, three cuttings had been made; fixed in the middle one were incense sticks and the two sides candle sticks. The chicken song should have been performed in the series. Some of the villagers present expected to hear it. But the priest and his \"female\" assistant omitted the singing because they had not recovered from their sore throats that had resulted from the Anlong rite they performed at Cheng Lan Shue a few days ago.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213811, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "135 o'clock we had our dinner on the deck. Such fun and such make shifts. Our stock of portable soup was very good however, and what with venison pasties and other items we got a very comfortable dinner, much to the amusement of the Chinese passengers, about 20, and the sailors. My servant came in very handy, as he was the only professional cook of the party. Our food was cooked in the Chinese way, in a little earthenware stove, and a camp canteen kettle. The deck all the while was at a very considerable slope, so that it was necessary to mind one's p's and q's, in order to avoid catastrophies. Then when we were done and cleared away, the Celestials came forward and took the deck and began their meal. Each passenger pays 30 cash (not quite three halfpence) for his meal of rice and fish and little nic nacs: and as they only eat two meals a day, you may imagine that there is not much profit to be got out of it. They did walk into the rice and no mistake.\n\nOne little boy I took a fancy to: he was a friend of the owner of the ship and his father a rich man at Sam-tsun the place we were going to. I had a long talk with him, and we read some of the Pilgrim's Progress. He had been to school 6 years, and literally knew nothing after all. The Chinese system of education is the greatest folly imaginable: No Chinaman, in less than ten years is supposed to be able to know the meanings of the characters. Many learn 5 years and only know the sounds.\n\nHowever this little fellow and I got on very well together. He was much amused with Stringer's dog, and asked dozens of questions about it. Then I offered to sell it for a dollar, but the youngster said it was no good only to eat,\" and therefore was too dear. So I joked him that he had not a dollar belonging to him, whereupon he produced a handful of dollars from his purse, and showed me a bundle of paper which he said had 7 dollars inside. He seemed to have perfect confidence in us that we would not try to rob him. It was hard to talk with him, through his dialect. It was like a Londoner and Yorkshireman. “Tea” he called \"Chay-yup\" and we call it \"Chah-eep.\" About four o'clock we entered the “Kup shui moon\" a channel opening into the \"Bogue” or as English people say \"Bocca Tigris\" or \"tiger's mouth.\"\n\nHere we passed the Canton steamer going to Hong Kong. The people stared to see Europeans on board a Chinese craft. Towards evening the breeze dropped off, and at sunset there was quite a calm.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213812, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "136\n\nWe coasted along, and could only move by using the sweeps behind, and the six oars in front. Capt Drummond and I took each an oar, and had a long pull. Just before we entered \"Deep water Bay\" we found the tide had turned and the current was dead against us. So we came to anchor, and the other accompanying ships did the same, all near each other, for fear of pirates. When the anchor is cast the boy who attends to the Religious ceremonies, ascends the poop with a roll of paper which he lights and waves to and fro and then throws overboard. Then the gongs began to ring at a fine rate, to frighten away the evil spirits, and at last the shouts of the men gradually died away in the stillness of the night; and only an occasional shout was heard from the distant shore from the huts of the fishermen, who were boiling their nets in very large coppers.\n\nWe had previously taken tea, and Mr Lechler had addressed the passengers in the hold: and then, it being late we prepared to turn in for the night. We had our evening devotion, and as we knelt on the deck in the moonlight, and listened to the voice of prayer, breaking the stillness of the waters, in the sight and hearing of the heathen around us, I felt a sensation which words cannot describe. Then as we rose and sang \"From all that dwell below the skies,\" there was something so soothing, so comforting in the music, that as the last notes died away in the distance, and all was calm and still, I felt transfixed to the spot. \"Music hath charms to soothe the savage beast,\" and never did I feel its power more than on this occasion.\n\nMessrs Irwin and Drummond slept on the deck, while I tried to sleep down below in the small box, with Lechler. But sleep I could not. A tooth began to ache, and gradually increased to such an extent that at 1 o'clock I got up, and went round to the man on the watch and all the Chinamen I could find, to beg a morsel of tobacco to put into it. At last one fellow gave me a piece, which though it did not prevent the pain, yet gave me so much relief that I got nearly an hour's sleep. At 3 o'clock the tide turned and we again got under weigh, after which there was no more sleep for me. The night before, I was up till after two o'clock writing for the Bishop: so that I was quite worn out.\n\nThe wind was against us, what little there was, and so we had to scull and row all the way. At daylight we were entering the river, and after a good wash, and breakfast, we were ready for action. The men", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "137\n\nwere all tired so for exercise we took an oar to help them. We had several shots at the birds, principally teal. One great bird sat on a bush, and as we rounded a point, we got close to it. Two of them shot at it, and the thing did not move; after a minute or two it got up and flew away, much to the chagrin of the marksmen. We were gradually getting into closer quarters, and at every turn the river grew narrower. We were also getting nearer the abodes of man. At last we swept round and came to a village, where, through the shallowness of the water, we were forced to disembark, since the tide was very low. All round was nothing but immense oyster shells, in immense heaps. Some apparently very old. One would think that from the time of Mathuselah the inhabitants had fed upon nothing else but oysters. We got ashore, and off we started since we had a long walk before us. We met a man with about 1000 ducks, and I levelled a two-barrelled gun at the lot, and asked the fellow how much he would let me have a shot at them for. He was fearfully frightened, and I was obliged to tell him I was only doing so for fun.\n\nWe went through this village, and as we went through the principal street it was like a grand circus procession in England. Five of the Western barbarian foreign devils, fully armed, and followed by about 10 servants, was a sight many had never seen before. They certainly seemed to know how to make good use of their eyes, and I warrant they will never forget us in a hurry.\n\nAt last we got clear of the town and were hurrying along across the country to walk to Sam-chun. On all sides were large covered jars, or what in Kent would be called \"covered crocks,\" glazed on the outside, and standing in rows of from four to ten, at every few hundred yards. These contain the remains of Chinamen, who have been buried, and according to custom, have been exhumed, as soon as the flesh was decomposed. These jars no one ever dares to touch, much more to violate or desecrate. The mischievous urchins anywhere in England would have had a \"Cock shy\" at them, and not a jar would stand many days like that, on the road side, with plenty of nice smooth stones, made apparently on purpose to \"shy\" at them, and no one near to see or know. But Chinese boys never are up to such things. From infancy they are taught to venerate and respect, yes, and to worship the dead, and this superstition prevails over what perhaps would otherwise be as great a propensity in them as in England.\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213814, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "138\n\nIn many places the country was remarkably pretty. Very much like Devonshire, with this exception that all round were the barren dreary dry looking hills. Some clumps of trees were very fine.\n\nAfter above an hour's walk we began to go down into a valley, that was considerably cultivated, and just at the beginning of the descent under the shade of several lofty trees was a Chinese public house - would that in England there were such on the roadsides - We went up and sat down at the table which was covered with packets of cakes, and in a few minutes, away came cups of tea from the house. Real Chinese fashion, with covers. The tea is made in each cup. And you dip it out from the leaves with a small cup holding about a tablespoonful. Really it was delicious. It was tea, such as I never tasted. No milk or sugar wanted. It was milk and sugar in itself. Such tea! Didn't we enjoy it, and didn't we eat the cakes, and didn't we have no end of fun! No one should travel in China who cannot speak to the people and understand them. We gave them 1/4 dollar for all we ate and drank, and really refreshed we went on our way.\n\nAbout 12 o'clock we entered Sam Chun, a fine village, or rather market town. We entered the temple, where were many curious things, as well as the group of idols in the Centre, representing a great officer who died heroically, and his family and a black servant who is honoured because when his master died he killed himself. What noble heroism! These images were all larger than life, and no pains had been spared on them. They were all spangling with gold. I obtained the history from the officiating priest, whose apartments were adjoining the temple. At Sam Chun the same curiosity was manifested, and we at last went into a shop of one of the former converts of the German missionaries from Po-kuk. Here we rested and got chairs for the remainder of the journey. Adjoining was a rice shop, and a man was hulling rice. Another was winnowing it, with a curious machine.\n\nThe people swarmed in crowds round the door, and when we rose to depart we had to push our way through them. Our chairs were of the most curious kind. Two long bamboo poles, 1 1/2 ft apart, a board hanging down by ropes to sit on, and a stick hanging down by two strings to rest the feet on. Nothing could be more simple, and withal, it was not so very uncomfortable. The men were twice as strong as the Hong Kong carriers. And we got on very well. Our route lay through a large", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213816, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "140\n\nat the top was another of these tea houses and here we called a halt. I soon got into a chat with an old priest with his clean-shaven head. His temple, or rather hovel, was close there and he got his living by begging. He was stone blind. It was a mendicant Friar, and a wandering Friarð in argument. He freely acknowledged the absurdity of his creed. He is a Buddhist: and offered me on the spot to go with me and learn my creed if I would feed and clothe him. Then I jeered him about his idols, and why he did not get them to help him. The worst of them is, they all acknowledge the absurdity of it, but say it is their custom. Western Foreigners have customs and celestial's have customs, and all creeds are good alike: here the matter ends.\n\nWe again got on our route, and descended the valley. Mr Stringer and myself were so long with the old priest that we were far behind the rest of the party; but we were armed and therefore there was no danger. When we again reached the valley at the bottom, our road lay along a small stream for a few miles. The rest of the party were out of sight, and we went on alone, partly uncertain that we were going right. At last, however, the road suddenly opened into a deep valley on the right, and at last we saw the German Mission House, just under the brow of the hill, and our companions seated very comfortably on the balcony [Ed.: An illustration of the Lilong Station accompanies this article.] So we put our best leg foremost, and at last tired of walking and riding we got in about 5 o'clock. The house is not a very grand affair. But it just has served their purpose. There is only one other house near it for a long way. The situation is beautiful in the extreme, and as healthy as possible. They have a little ground in front, and on the sides of the hills are plantations of tea shrubs, though nothing very bright about them.\n\nThe missionary staff consists of Mr Winnes, who has been in China nearly 20 years, and a fine young German, named Eitel\". I was much struck with him. There is a nobleness and firmness in him which I greatly admire. In fact, there is something almost severe about his look. But the animation with which he speaks, and the natural energy of his character, together with his pleasing and gentlemanly deportment, lead you soon to see he is not an ordinary person. [Ed.: Photographs of Lechler, Winnes and Eitel accompany this article.]\n\nWe took a short walk on the hills, and then came home to dinner, which by the bye I enjoyed with a keen relish. Then we sat a while on", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213818, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "142\n\nround, and is about a yard in diameter. At last we entered into a better looking sort of a house, and found only two women in it. One ran away, but the other stopped and asked me politely to take some tea. So we asked for some water and when I told her our Saviour's religion said that whoever gave a cup of cold water to one of Christ's disciples would not lose their reward. She said \"yes I know that, I know your holy book I am a Christian and have received the holy washing ceremony.\" I am a disciple, and scholar of Mr Winness: every Sunday he teaches me, and tells me all the holy doctrines.\" She gave us some pretty flowers out of her garden, and we went on very much gratified with this little event. Between one and two we returned home, and found the others had returned long before.\n\nThe people of the village had assembled, and made a fierce noise outside, and presently the elders came up into the parlour to settle the dispute. They made a long palaver, five of them, about the new part added to the Mission house. On the opposite hill was a tomb, and the corner of the new part of the house had been built about a foot and a half too high, so that it was higher than the tomb, and that when people stood on the tomb, they could just see the top of the house, above them. Now this was a serious matter they said: for the descendants of the man in the tomb, had one of them very sick, entirely through that corner of the house being so high; and while the peace of the ancestors was disturbed, the whole family would all suffer sickness and death. Fancy five old grey bearded Chinamen talking such superstitious nonsense.\n\nI have since heard that soon afterwards they came again, and demanded 100 dollars as the compensation for the injury done to the family. And at last agreed to take 10 dollars, and let the house remain, (and of course cause the death and sickness of the family)!! This is about all their religion is worth. Religion with them is merely a custom, and a dead letter. About 3 o'clock we started and bade goodbye to our hospitable German friends, and pushed on for the river. No incidents worthy of note occurred, except shooting two birds as they flew over head and which my man secured, and I had them for dinner next day at home.\n\nWe got on board our ship, which had been able to come up the river and discharge its cargo, about sun-down, and after a while got", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213819, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "143\n\nunder weigh, and went down the river like a dart. The wind and tide were in our favour. We took our tea, and the night came on very bitter cold. I wrapped up in my deci skin, which was very serviceable, and I was laughed at by the Chinamen who called me \"The red flower spotted butterfly\". As we tacked out of the river the ship rolled, and I felt rather funny. Towards midnight we were rolling very considerably and I had to get up on the sly and pay that tribute to Neptune which she always exacts from landsmen, who are not used to the sea. About 3 o'clock we came to anchor in the Kap shui moon, and there we were till about nine, when we managed to steer out as the tide turned, and got soon into a fresh breeze which took us off to Green island, then we tacked again and came round into the harbour. I felt glad to get ashore again after so much of knocking about and want of sleep. Fortunately Stringer's dog neither got shot nor eaten, although it was threatened over and over again. I was glad enough to get into a sort of tub and get on shore the best way I could, with Irwin and Lechler, and reached home after 75 hours absence, in safety.\n\nAlthough I did not immediately feel the benefits of the voyage, I did so afterwards and hope to make another similar trip some day or other. My whole expenses were just over 5 dollars, and I saw what would cost any of you “Western barbarians” at least a couple of Hundred Pounds sterling.\n\nThe next night I went to bed early, and slept on till quite late next day, to make up for lost time. The officious man I took with me had put Mr Eitel's large feather pillow and two of his shirts and other items belonging to the others in my box, so that when we got to Hong Kong, I was puzzled to know what had been done. The beauty of the thing was this, that the fellow seemed to think he had done a capital thing for me, and said \"you have gained by me\". Poor Eitel sent word to know if I wanted to be like the magpie that borrowed the feathers of other birds to improve its own plumage - since I had gone off with his feather pillows and shirts. They all tease me finely about it and it will be a joke for a while to come.\n\nI ought to have mentioned sooner how the house was attacked at Li-long by about 50 robbers.* They threw in \"stink-pots\" as they are called, and tried to enter, to rob them, about 2½ months ago. But the Chinese cook gave the alarm, and shot a man who had got up the balcony.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213980, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "The report gave thought to the degree of control which ought to be exercised over these new 'creatures of statute' by the Central Government under the Letters Patent & Royal Instructions which were Hong Kong's constitution. Legco should provide by law for central:\n\n(a) right of access to all records, approval and inspection of project plans in certain fields, approval of by-laws, and issue of binding memoranda on such matters as financial procedures;\n\n(b) financial approval or disallowance of annual estimates and loans, and the setting of a rate where a council failed to strike a sufficient or any rate;\n\n(c) audit, including power of surcharge subject to Exco's confirmation; and\n\n(d) direction, removal of powers or dissolution of defaulting local authorities.\n\nOffice accommodation, distinct from any existing for current government purposes, should be provided in advance. Finally, the details of each separate proposal for a new local authority council should be the subject of an inquiry and wide local public consultation before the relevant instrument received approval. The enabling Ordinance should be supported by a large-scale information campaign, to dispel the current lack of awareness. The present Urban Council should co-operate in devising a phased programme for implementation.\n\nThe report was submitted just as the 1966-67 'troubles' were beginning to afflict the streets and resettlement estates of Hong Kong. Little Red Books and parcel bombs preoccupied the Governor and his security advisers, and the Colonial Secretariat which gave the report a lukewarm reception was happy to leave it in the pending trays and to slumber in the background, while other officers placed on special duties dealt with the emergency with panache and publicity hitherto quite unknown in the colony. Just as great post-war events across the border up to 1949 had given reason for Hong Kong's governing minds to forget about Young's municipal proposals, so in 1967 the Cultural Revolution seemed excuse enough to concentrate on civil stability and to forget local participation in the daily administration of public life.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213981, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "The effective block was however contained in the Dickinson Report itself which, although signed unanimously, contained two Notes of Reservation by four of the six signatories. An undogmatic report in which only the chairman and one other seemed wholeheartedly to believe was easily left on one side.\n\nThe officer who admired the Urban Council subscribed to the spirit of the report but was unhappy with the possible division of the colony into as many as nine council areas within a single command span, without an intervening tier, in that tier he saw a future for a widened Urban Council, in the oversight of the fledglings. He preferred a gentle step by step evolution, taking into account Hong Kong's present lack of talent and expertise in administration, the need not to offend traditional institutions and loyalties, Chinese unfamiliarity with elections, and public suspicion of all uncharted changes. He did not co-ordinate his note with the other semi-dissenters.\n\nThe Chinese officer and the two with a general Hong Kong administrative background thought that the report provided a sound basis for citizen participation; but because of its reliance on the ballot box they doubted widespread public acceptance and goodwill, and whether it would attract the best candidates instead of unscrupulous or corrupt power-seekers. If the Urban Council could not attract heavy registration or electoral turn-outs, nor substantial numerical following among ordinary citizens (a picture which most of those who had never served with the USD recognised), how much less would the new authorities? They pointed to a recent UK National Association of Local Government Officers (NALGO, in modern times absorbed into the public services trades union UNISON) submission recommending abolition of small local authorities and restriction of British local government to regional councils with policy powers only, thus giving wider executive powers to their officials, the union's members. This was bolstered by the Note of Reservation's confidence in a Chinese pattern of strong bureaucratic control disciplined by strict moral principles. They too therefore sought a step by step approach, through a preliminary more determined tapping and usage of the known valuable reserves of respected, able and public-spirited true community leaders who were, they said, at present rarely found among the government's nominated or appointed councils. They wished to see greater decentralisation of government departments (already implemented in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214041, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "76\n\n1\n\nright, government officials and village representatives have powers to grant or block the application In this essay, my study of the Pang villagers in Hong Kong's Fanling shows how their building rights have been re-defined to have their applications granted Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities Reflection on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism (Revised Edition), London: Verso 1991\n\nIt is called small house in government's terms under the 1972 Small House Policy\n\nSee Hugh Baker, A Chinese Lineage Village, p. 154, Stanford: Stanford University Press 1968, Allen Chun, Land is to Live: A Study of the Tsu in a Hakka Chinese Village, New Territories, Hong Kong (unpublished PhD thesis, University of Chicago 1985), pp. 249-250, H. Nelson, \"The Chinese Descent System and the Occupancy Level of Village Houses\", p. 117, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 9 (1969) pp. 113-121, James Watson, Emigration and the Chinese Lineage: The Mans in Hong Kong and London, p. 160, Berkeley: University of California Press 1975, and Rubie Watson, Inequality among Brothers: Class and Kinship in South China, pp. 106-110, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1985\n\nThe data presented in this essay was collected during my fieldwork in Fanling Wai from the end of 1993 to early 1995\n\n4\n\nT\n\n#\n\nPang Beng Fu (Ed.), Bao An Xing Fen Ling Xiang Peng Shi Zu Pu (The Genealogy of Surname of the Pang in Bao An Province), 1989\n\nIbid, p. 59.\n\nAt the end of the summer of 1950, approximately 700,000 Chinese arrived at Hong Kong as a result of the political unrest in China in 1949 Szczepanik estimates that the population of Hong Kong in 1954 was about two millions But there was yet another influx of an estimated 140,000 immigrants from China during 1955-56 See Edward Szczepanik, The Economic Growth of Hong Kong, pp. 25-27 London: Oxford University Press 1958\n\nAs Jones reveals, by 1981, more than one quarter of Hong Kong's near five million population are living in the new towns such as Tsuen Wan, Shatin and Tuen Mun See Catherine Jones, Promoting Prosperity: The Hong Kong Way of Social Policy, p. 242 Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press 1990\n\nSee Catherine Jones, op cit, Fong, Peter, K.W., \"Housing for Millions: The Challenge Ahead\", in Joseph Y.S. Cheng and Sonny S.H. Lo (Eds), From Colony to SAR: The Hong Kong's Challenge Ahead Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press 1996\n\n10 There are two lineage-based religious activities held in Fanling Wai They are Hong chao rite and Da jiao festival Hong chao rite is held annually by the Pangs in the name of the Fanling Pang lineage to placate deities in exchange for their protection of villagers' well-being (see Au Tat-yan and Cheung Sui-wai, \"The Hung Chin Ceremony in Fanling\" [Chinese], in South China Studies Vol. 1 (1994) pp. 24-39). Da jiao festival basically fulfills the same function of the Hong chao rite, but is held at ten-year intervals Through this elaborated and expensive five-day-four-night exorcising rite, the Pangs believe that their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214043, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "78\n\n47\n\n#\n\nGovernment Press\n\nThe total land area of Fanling and Sheung Shui was 13,184 acres (20.6 square miles). See Heung Yee Kuk, Xin Jie Xiang Yi Ju Cheng Li Lu Shi Zhou Nian Jin Dian Te Kan (The Special Issue for the New Territories Heung Yee Kuk's 60th Anniversary [published in 1986]), p. 182\n\nA name list of successful applicants was posted on the village notice-board in 1991. A total of 69 ding houses were allowed to be built. But unsuccessful applicants tore down the list and then submitted objections to the District Office. They complained that some successful applicants were found to be living abroad, some came from the same family, and that most village council members of Fanling Wai (cun wei hui cheng yuan) were successful applicants. The result was considered unfair because many of these successful applicants were said to have bribed the Village Representatives for their applications. So the District Officer and Village Representatives had to set up new criteria for reconsidering the applications.\n\n\"The detail of the criterion is as follows (Data collected from the Fanling Wai village notice-board in 1994): (1) Villagers having large families and those whose present living conditions were comparatively less desirable. (1) Villagers who could afford the construction costs of the houses and were unlikely to dispose of the completed houses to outsiders. (11) Villagers who were enthusiastic towards serving fellow villagers and were benevolent towards the affairs of the village. (iv) Villagers who had submitted applications before June 1989. (v) Applicants who were or had been members of either the village committee, or Da Jiao Committee or Village Guard would be considered to have served their fellow villagers and to be benevolent towards the affairs of Fanling Wai. (Da Jiao is a lineage-based religious festival, see footnote 10). (vi) Where two or more applicants having a father and son relationship were successful in this selection exercise, only one application would be selected for allocation of a Small House site.\n\n\"Some villagers anticipated that their building rights would not be realized in their lifetime due to the keen competition or to their lack of money, so they decided to sell their \"right to build\" (ding quan) to land developers to profit. That is, land developers have offered villagers money to make use of their building rights to apply to build houses elsewhere. During my fieldwork, I found a total of seven Pangs who had successfully applied to build ding houses outside Fanling Wai. Six were built in San Wai of Lung Yeuk Tau (the Tang lineage settlement in Fanling), and one in Long Chai, Fanling. In fact, the phenomena of selling ding quan by villagers to make a profit has been a common one. For example, according to the Far Eastern Economic Review, ten villagers living abroad who had no intention of returning to Hong Kong made a total profit of $500,000 by selling their ding quan to land developers (1982: 55, quoted in Allen Chun, op. cit., p. 222).\n\n* In 1976, in order to discourage villagers from making profits by selling their ding wu, the government amended the policy to pay the government full market value premium if houses are sold within five years of the end of construction work.\n\n27. The emigrant Mans also built new village houses in San Tin as the ultimate proof of their stake in the community of their birth. See James Watson, op. cit., p. 165", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214048, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "83\n\nShelters\n\nHong Kong has been hit by many severe typhoons causing tremendous damage to shipping, a violent one occurring in 1841 wrecking the cutter Louisa on which Captain Elliot, the British plenipotentiary in China, was travelling to Hong Kong from Macau. In order to protect the smaller-sized shipping, mainly junks and sampans, from excessive danger during storms, major typhoon anchorages protected by heavy rockfill breakwaters were constructed at Causeway Bay in 1883 (c.23ha, now Victoria Park) and another in 1915 at Mong Kok Tsui (Yau Ma Tei - 65ha which has recently been reclaimed). Meanwhile, a 4ha tidal basin and smaller boat basin with slipway were completed around 1905 at the Admiralty dockyard in Victoria (now Central) to afford protection and berthing for naval vessels.\n\nA small basin was constructed in Tsim Sha Tsui in 1885 for the Water Police and, about the same time, another larger one for the Royal Naval torpedo depot. Around the turn of this century, a further anchorage was built adjacent to the old coal briquette works lying near to the end of Austin Road (the Camber Typhoon Shelter).\n\nDocks\n\nSoon after the partial destruction in 1857 of the Couper Dock at Whampoa on the Pearl River as a result of the Arrow incident, the first granite dry dock in this region, the Lamont Dock in the 4½ ha dockyard site at Aberdeen was commissioned and was a complete success from the start; it received its first ship in 1860 and could accommodate a 50-gun steam frigate of 110m length on the blocks. Subsequently the larger and deeper Hope Dock, 125m long, 30m wide at the top and 15m wide at the bottom with an entrance width of 26 metres and 6.7m clearance at neap tides, was constructed adjacent to the Lamont Dock and completed in 1867, in its time being the best in Asia and one of the finest in the world. It could take the largest vessel visiting Hong Kong, even at low water; only one ironclad in the whole of the Royal Navy would be unable to enter without first being lightened by stripping it, for example, of its heavier armament and machinery.\n\nThe smaller 100m-long dry dock at the Hung Hom dockyard in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214049, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "84\n\nKowloon, mainly for ships in the coastal trade, was opened in 1868 to be followed soon afterwards by a shorter 80m-long dock. A few years later (1876) the 140m-long Cosmopolitan Dock and dockyard at Tai Kok Tsui were commissioned. Subsequently the much larger 168m-long Admiralty Dock at Hung Hom was completed in 1888 and later extended in length by some 8 metres in 1903, to be followed by further lengthenings in 1911 and 1931.\n\nIn the summer of 1907, the 170m-long Admiralty dry dock in Victoria, with an entrance width of 29 metres and 9m clearance at lowest spring tides, and Tai Koo's great ashlar-faced 238m-long 27m entrance-width graving dock (now a car park in the Tai Koo Shing development) at Quarry Bay, the latter capable of accommodating the largest ship then afloat (the liner Oceanic), were both commissioned. By laying down the former dock where it did and extending the original dockyard, with an 8ha reclamation which was started in 1900, the Navy sealed the long-held hopes of making Victoria a coherent city with a continuous commercial waterfront. Due to difficult foundation problems, including removal of a 1.2 to 1.8m layer of hard porous coral and the need to install hundreds of steam-driven hardwood piles through the underlying decomposed granite to secure the site, the naval dry dock finally took seven years to build whereas the larger commercial dock at Tai Koo was finished in five.\n\nThe whole of the Tai Koo dockyard development took seven years to completion in 1908, a remarkable achievement in so much that it not only included the large dock but also excavation of some 1.3M cubic metres of hillside to form a 21ha site, which included a 8ha marine reclamation, and the adjacent section of the 23m-wide cut for King's Road, and the building of an entire complex of slipways, workshops and all the ancillary works which are needed to make a large dockyard a world of its own. It is interesting to note that Admiralty engineers in 1908 regarded locally-made cement as unsurpassed in fineness and tensile strength (at 28-days around 750lb/sq in or 5.2MPa), and it was used exclusively when building the new naval and Tai Koo dockyards.\n\nWharfs\n\nBy 1843 there were several comparatively small piers and jetties on the Island located between East Point and Sheung Wan. Pedder's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214050, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "85\n\nWharf, one of the oldest landing stages, originally consisted of a simple wooden pier which needed to be replaced as successive reclamations advanced the seafront. In the mid-1880s when it was rebuilt it was still the principal landing place on the Island, being by this time a substantial wooden structure. Numerous other piers and jetties have always been scattered along the north shore which generally served the smaller-sized coastal and harbour shipping, larger ocean-going vessels making increasing use of the deep-water facilities in Kowloon. In 1911, the main piers in the central district were Queen's Pier (rebuilt in the mid-1920s), Kowloon (Star) Ferry Pier, Blake Pier (previously Pedder's Wharf) and the old P&O Jetty. By 1930 there were still some 30 piers and jetties on the Island jutting out into the harbour. The effects of severe typhoons caused immense damage to vessels and facilities, and heavy loss of life, for example that in 1874 resulting in the deaths of 2,000 persons; old photographs show a devastated harbour with the remnants of numerous piers sticking out of the wreckage-strewn waters.\n\nBy 1887, on the Mainland there were three principal jetties, ranging in length from about 110 to 145 metres lying just north of the south-west tip of Kowloon peninsula and a 150m-long vertical seawall to the south. The dock area itself incorporated a 1.2km-long narrow-gauge steel tramway system which was manually operated along the wharfage and through the extensive godowns. As a result of the devastating 1906 typhoon, in which 10,000 lives were lost (over 2% of the total population), enormous damage was caused to the existing wharfs and to the new Star Ferry pier which was completely severed and marooned from the land. A 200m-long 13m-wide wharf with 9 metres of water at low tide was added to the complex in 1916 which was long and deep enough to allow the largest ship visiting Hong Kong at that time to come alongside. By 1925 there were already 18 deep-water berths available in Kowloon.\n\nEarly in the century there were also piers and wharves for passenger ferries and commercial vessels in other locations, for instance in 1904 a berth was constructed at Lai Chi Kok to serve the oil tank farm and, shortly afterwards, at the end of Boundary Street there was a 36m-long 2m-wide pier with sufficient depth of water to enable freight to be transferred to and from steam launches.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214061, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "96\n\nThe Shing Mun Valley scheme was started in 1923 and initially a 2km-long 3m-diameter tunnel was driven to Shek Lai Pui. Subsequently, the largest pre-Pacific war reservoir was constructed, which was to double the Territory's total water storage capacity to 27,000 million litres; it was formed by the main Gorge Dam, which was the highest in the old British Empire at that time (1936), and the subsidiary 25m-high earth/rockfill/concrete core Pineapple Pass Dam. The remarkable Gorge Dam, 85m high with a bold and probably unique design, consists of a downstream shoulder of rockfill faced with pitching and an upstream face comprising a slender near-vertical reinforced concrete diaphragm wall supported by a massive concrete thrust block. Between the upper part of the thrust block and the downstream rockfill, there is a narrow wedge filled with sand for the purpose of taking up any settlement of the rockfill and to cater for possible earthquake movement. Any leakage through the upper part of the diaphragm can be observed from an inspection gallery behind it. Elaborate experiments were made to determine the correct design of the reservoir overflow bellmouth in order to reduce vortexing and to neutralise the destructive vacuum forces which could occur at the base of the bellmouth overflow shaft. For this investigative work, the young Geoffrey Binnie was awarded a Telford premium by the Institution of Civil Engineers. Subsequently, preliminary investigations for the Tai Lam Chung scheme were started shortly before the outbreak of the Pacific war, by which time the Territory's population had risen to about 1.6 million.\n\nAs a result of an acute water emergency on the Island, work started on a 300mm steel pipe cross-harbour main in 1929, the sixty-two 30m-long bolted sections taking less than 2 months to lay, and a further 450mm main was laid in 1935. Due to corrosion problems, it was necessary to replace these pipes in 1939 with two 530mm steel pipes, protected with a 12mm-thick cement lining on the inside and a 60mm coating of vibrated concrete on the outside, which were laid on reinforced concrete blocks bedded on rockfill with a protective rubble mound on the east side of the pipelines to prevent damage from dragging anchors.\n\nThese pre-Pacific war water schemes not only involved building dams but also needed construction, often in difficult site conditions, of a multiplicity of extensive catchwaters, tunnels, trunk mains, treatment plants, service reservoirs, pumping stations, and distribution mains in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214074, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "110\n\nAdmiralty Dock at Hung Hom under construction, c1885\n\nHK Museum of History, Provisional Urban Council\n\n7", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214075, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "Naval Dry Dock in Victoria under construction, 1905 HK Museum of History, Provisional Urban Council\n\n111", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214076, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "112\n\nTai Koo Graving Dock under construction, 1906\n\nJohn Swire & Sons (HK) Ltd/ HK Museum of History, provisional Urban Council", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214077, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "Tai Koo Graving Dock and Main Slipway nearing completion, 1907 John Swire & Sons (HK) Ltd/ HK Museum of History,\n\nProvisional Urban Council\n\n113", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214095, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "5.00\n\nRC DIAPHRAGM\n\nINSPECTION SPACE\n\nWEDGE\n\nDetection testing pipe\n\nROCK FILL\n\nTHAT\n\nGALLERY\n\nBLOCK\n\nPITCHING 1½ THICK\n\n50\n\n100\n\n150 FEET\n\nCross section of Gorge dam\n\nGorge Dam Cross-section, Shing Mun Reservoir, 1936 Binnie Consultants Ltd/Binnie Black & Veatch\n\nSTONE TOE\n\n38000\n\n131", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214125, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "164\n\nMichael Lau, was to see this problem had been solved, with the difficulty now being how to restrict the visit to a small number of galleries rather than to try and see too much in the limited time available. Accordingly, we visited the most renowned galleries only, those housing Ancient Chinese Bronzes and Ceramics. We were well rewarded by the quality and range of exhibits on display. Our enjoyment and understanding was greatly enhanced by explanations provided by the two senior staff members provided for us as gallery guides by Museum Director Ma Chengyuan.\n\nThe next day, Saturday, we drove out north-west of Shanghai to the Jiading County Museum, in particular to see the exhibition on the former Jiading Imperial Examination Hall. RAS Council Member Joseph Ting, who also was our guide that day, had arranged this visit. (Prior to the visit, before leaving Hong Kong, Dr Betty Wei3 had given members a talk on the Hall and the imperial examination system, so important in China prior to 1905).\n\nAgain we were given VIP treatment, with Director Zheng of the Jiading Cultural Bureau and Director Yang Chun of the Museum, addressing us upon arrival and providing us with an enthusiastic and knowledgeable guide, Ms Liu Chuyong. Members were impressed by the graphic quality of the exhibits, especially those on examination cheating methods.\n\nThe highlight of our Sunday programme was a tour of Old Shanghai, with our guide being Ms. Tess Johnston, author and raconteur extraordinaire, whose assistance had been obtained for us by Council Member Valery Garrett. After a bus tour of treaty port architecture, Tess led us on foot through the city's oldest area, Huangpu. There, one block west of the Friendship Store and two blocks south of the Wusong River (Suzhou Creek), on Huqiu (Museum) Road, near the junction with Dong Road, we found to our delight the old premises of the North China Branch. The building is now used as a bank and share-trading hall, but little has changed in its appearance and structure with RAS still to be seen on the pediment (see Illustration 1, a group photograph outside the building, and Illustration 2, plans of premises after the 1932-34 re-building; provided for us by Ms Johnston).\n\nOn the Monday morning our exploration of both the past and present", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214183, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "4\n\njoke may have lost some of its appeal over the centuries it was supposed to have been a real roof-raiser in its day. How does it compare with the humour enjoyed by pre-Shang dynasty (1600 to 1100 BC) Chinese or primitive man in Britain, who used woad as a body dye, about the same period?\n\nCertainly throughout the Middle Ages in Europe, coarse and crude vernacular humour was common. It was included in the banter of the court jester and in the works of Chaucer and Shakespeare. Ribald and bawdy wisecracks and coarse primitive jokes also made up part of the conversation of the Chinese masses. Risqué jokes and four-letter words, which many consider to be very much a class marker, are still common today both in western and Chinese society and among both men and women (Bolton, 1997; 299, 306). The odd 'streaker' is occasionally seen at the Hong Kong Rugby Sevens and the orgy is still by no means unknown. The author recalls a European on a minibus in Hong Kong informing the driver to stop at block number nine. But he mispronounced the Cantonese equivalent of ‘nine' with a higher tone so that it sounded like a coarse word for penis. While some passengers laughed outright others sniggered or masked a smile.\n\nSypher says (1956; 208), regarding a code of decency, that some psychologists believe any group of men and women, no matter how refined, will laugh at ‘dirty' jokes. The real question is when and which dirty jokes they laugh at.\n\nIt is interesting to compare reactions to the photograph taken of a Black Watch soldier at the cenotaph, in Hong Kong's Central District, when a gust of wind had blown his kilt up exposing bare buttocks. Most Westerners questioned by the author seemed to think, ‘hard luck old chap,' but most believed it was a cleverly taken photograph and good for a laugh. The average Hong Kong Chinese, however, felt that the poor Highlander's privacy had been trespassed upon and they were sorry for him. However, some also remarked, it provided an answer to the question which puzzles so many: 'What does a Scotsman wear under his kilt?'\n\nAlthough the word 'humour' can still be considered 'suspect' in the United States (Muir, 1990; XXXI), it really means the ability to be", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214185, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "6\n\nlaughter to one person and a mere smile to another. Indeed to a third person, the joke may fall completely flat. People often do not agree about what they find funny. Why? Much is physiological and beyond the scope of this paper. Some people take the view that life is not funny and you need to be a philosopher to extract fun from it. Nevertheless, few men or women will confess to a total lack of humour. As Frank Moore Colby (1865-1925) the United States editor wrote:\n\nMen will confess to treason, murder, arson, false teeth, or a wig. How many of them will own up to a lack of humour? The British statesman, William Gladstone (1809-98), is one of the few who was said by his critics to have been entirely lacking in humour (Muir, 1990; XXXII).\n\nSidonie Gabrielle Colette (1873-1954) the French novelist wrote: Total absence of humour renders life impossible (one could add, this applies for both Chinese and Westerners).\n\nNevertheless humour is probably not unique to the human race and many canine lovers will tell you can sometimes spot a grin on the face of a dog.\n\nWestern senses of humour\n\nThe brand of humour common in the United States, where people are not afraid to ‘debunk' anyone or anything, is, according to one middle-aged American woman living in Hong Kong, not always the most subtle. It can vary considerably compared to the humour, often based on behaviour or appearance, found in Britain where irony is frequently used and words portray the opposite of what is actually meant. Of course an Englishman may be unable to laugh at a Chinese joke because he has insufficient command of the language.\n\nFor instance, a European and a Cantonese were arguing how America was discovered. The European said Columbus sailed to the New World in 1492, together with soldiers and missionaries. Columbus landed, kissed the ground, and declared the name of the new land 'America'. The Chinese disagreed saying that Fa-Xian (AD 337-422), a Buddhist monk, landed there in a Chinese junk. As he walked up the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214267, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "88\n\nHis neck and, uniquely, he has a pair of wings. Normally he is dressed only in a loin cloth or trousers down to just below his knees, and his skin is entirely blue or green. Occasionally, in place of the hammer and chisel he carries a gourd, and in a number of images he is depicted standing on a pair of drums.\n\nHis origins go far back, possibly to animist beginnings, though from the iconographical detail, half-man half-bird, his cult has been strongly influenced by the Garuda, the Hindu mythical being, the eagle who was Vishnu's steed, a concept brought to China by Buddhism. In earlier pictures and images he was portrayed more as a human with a cock's head and feet and with bat's wings. It was only later that he became more like the Garuda which several foreign writers of the 19th century certainly identified from his iconographical detail.\n\nLei Shen in the temple in the Western Hills is dark skinned, dressed in colourful robes over armour and with black spiky hair. He has no unique characteristics and is therefore unlikely to be accepted as the Thunder God by the majority of Chinese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "111\n\nthough they also had some on their war junks. The war junks were of much smaller size than the large men of war of the British navy. Generally they only had one gun deck although they were beginning to realise that they needed to have better ships and Mackenzie1 records that a start had been made as early as 1841. The batteries of the various forts were not short in numbers of guns, and Mackenzie records that the North Wangtung fort mounted 167 guns ranging in size from 3 to 64 pounders. What they did lack was the ability to aim them efficiently. Their accuracy was not good, and Mackenzie notes: \"The carriages are also most clumsy, and owing to this they are unable to train the piece to bear on any particular object, but fire it off point blank\"17. It is, therefore, no surprise that they were no match for the European ships, or even the gun boats such as the Nemesis which only mounted a couple of 32 pounders.\n\nOne would have expected the shore batteries to have given a better account for themselves; however, even the batteries at the Bogue Forts were not well directed. Ouchterlony said of their efforts to dislodge a battery of howitzers set up in the middle of South Wangtung, an island well within range of the fort: \"...it will convey some idea of their miserable deficiency in gunnery, to remark that during all that time, although many guns in the southern horns of the half-moon batteries on Wangtung bore upon it, not a single casualty occurred amongst Captain Knowles' party.\"\n\n# 18\n\nAs regards field guns, the Chinese did not have much use for them as they were generally on the defensive. However, they did have an interesting variety that was mounted on a form of wheelbarrow, but these were only found in an arsenal and not in service. They also used gingals (also spelt gingall or jingal, from the Hindustani jangal), which is a large musket about twenty pounds in weight and when fired is supported either on a swivel mounting or by a second man. A photograph taken around 1910 by Leone Nani20 shows a large matchlock musket being supported on an assistant's shoulder, and specimens of similar dimensions, probably dating from the early twentieth century, were seen in the New Territories of Hong Kong in the 1970s by the author. Weapons of similar size (about eight feet long) but of more modern design were also in use at the time of the Boxer uprising (1900)21. The size of its shot varied. Loch22 observed gingals that required three men to operate and which fired a ball of about 2 pounds. However,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214294, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "deacon Gray35 finds shops in Canton still producing bows and arrows in the late 1860s showing that they continued to be used. This retention of the bow was probably also due to a feeling that it was a gentleman's weapon and more honourable to use. Indeed, proficiency with the bow was one of the attributes required of a military mandarin.\n\nWhilst such weapons as the matchlock and bow could be effective, they did not generally cause many casualties. This may have been due to lack of deliberate aim, although none of the projectile weapons, either side, were very accurate. The tactic used by the Europeans to overcome this was the use of volley firing. Then, even with the inherent inaccuracy, there was a fair chance that enough bullets would find their mark. Of course steady troops that could reload and fire almost continuous volleys, and only charge when ordered, were a necessary part of the tactic. As mentioned in the introduction, it is this training and disciplined use of troops, that the Chinese forces seemed to have neglected.\n\nThe cut and thrust weapons were also varied and covered a wide range of spears, pole arms and swords. As might be expected, when it came to hand to hand fighting these were the equal to the bayonet, although again the training and discipline of the European troops would have been an advantage.\n\nFinally the Chinese had a number of arms that almost defy classification. These were used in defending forts against storming parties. There was a form of grenade, made of clay filled with combustible material, and a similar weapon that relied more on its bad smell than its explosive power.* And Lt. Colonel Fisher reports that at one fort they found: \"Their construction was as follows:- A pit was dug in the ground, and in it was placed large iron shells loaded with powder; a match communicated between the shell and a flint-gun lock, which it was intended to fire, by a string attached to the trigger, and crossing the pit-fall. Over the whole, was laid a mat lightly strewed with earth. The modus operandi was, that on entering the fort, we should run over the mat, which would let us down; falling on the string, we should pull the trigger, and be blown up.\"38 It appears that the land mine has to be added to the list of ancient Chinese inventions, even if it is not one to be proud of.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214298, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "119\n\nmust have been dreadful. For whenever they were wounded and fell, the match-lock set fire to their cotton clothes, and I saw several instances of their being literally burnt alive.\n\n33 C.Worswick & J.Spence. Imperial China, Photographs 1850-1912. London, 1979,\n\np.36 shows a photograph by Felix Beato.\n\nMackenzie, op. cit., p. 144 reports that \"The Tartars and Chinese troops use bows of different sizes and strengths, the Tartars use a peculiar kind of cross-bow, throwing three arrows..\"\n\n35 John Henry Gray. Walks in the City of Canton. Hong Kong, 1875, p.527.\n\n36 Ouchterlony, op. cit., p. 98 reporting the taking of the fort of Tycocktow says \"More resistance, however, was offered here than at Chuenpee, for the Chinese were not forced from their ramparts until the boats' crews had gained the summit, and the bayonet and cutlass had clashed with the spear and the broadsword. Several of the assailants received wounds from the cold steel, a rare occurrence in the Chinese war.\"\n\n37 Mackenzie, op. cit., p. 151.\n\n38 Lt. Colonel Fisher, C.B. Personal Narrative of Three Years' Service in China. London 1863. p.383.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214333, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "155\n\nity of the released allied prisoners themselves in a note which states that \"those who were restored to liberty gave their share of the indemnity money to the families of the murdered captives.” 58.\n\nIn the later issues of The Illustrated London News during this period, there is also a continuing attempt to add to the readers' knowledge of China, as for instance, the brief explanation given on 4 May 1861: \"The capital of the Chinese empire contains a great number of palaces and temples decorated with numerous works in marble; but a considerable portion of the area of the city is occupied by squares, gardens, ponds, and even fields. Pekin consists... of two cities, one named the Tartar, and the other the Chinese, besides twelve populous suburbs. The Tartar or Northern City is divided into three distinct parts - a central block called the prohibited city, containing the Imperial palace and the grounds belonging to it; the Imperial city, surrounding it; and the General city. In this last division are situated the university buildings and those of the Russian mission.\" 59\n\nThe cover story of The Illustrated London News on 13 April 1861 carried in response to the return of Lord Elgin from China (his wife had travelled to Marseilles to meet him) is interesting for three things: its recapitulation of the causes of the recent hostilities; its discussion of the considerations that the writer represented as having been weighed during the recent hostilities; and its tribute to Lord Elgin's moral qualities: \"No disaster of modern times ever excited a more stinging feeling of chagrin in this country than that which occurred at the mouth of the Peiho to the allied squadron intended to give both dignity and protection to the British and French Embassies to Pekin. [The reference is to Elgin's earlier attempt to make his way up to Peking, in June 1859, and the defeat of the British navy at the Takoo Forts, referred to above.] It took the public wholly by surprise. It appeared to destroy at a blow all the fruits which we were preparing to gather from the Tien-tsin Treaty. It inflicted a lamentable loss of life. It seriously damaged the prestige of our arms throughout the East. It threw us once more into the midst of the difficulties and uncertainties necessarily attendant upon a war carried on at a distance of 15,000 miles, with an immensely populous, although an essentially unwarlike, empire. It conjured up before us a vague prospect, equally perplexing and inglorious - perplexing, for who could tell by what means and at what risk the Imperial Court could best be reached and reduced to reason? – inglorious,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214355, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "178\n\namends. King Wu also held an audience at which he announced that certain Daoists and generals who had bravely fought and died should be regarded as heroes and revered as such. At that point a number of Daoist mythological heroes stepped forward and declared that as they were uncultured, having lived in the mountains and countryside, they now wished to return to report to their masters. They added that they were unable to accept honours or rewards as they had simply followed the orders of their masters. All seven left the Court, and the following day after a feast, they were reluctantly permitted to leave by King Wu.\n\nMy daughter, a friend and I during a visit to Song Shan in Henan province, one of the Daoist holy mountains, came across a large modern temple which, as we approached its entrance, looked real enough until we came to enter it. There were several young women in a uniform of sorts knocking a badminton cock around to while away the hours and, of all things, a turnstile. We then saw the name of the temple was Fengshen Gong, the Palace of the Investiture of the Gods, and entered wide-eyed wondering what could possibly be inside.\n\nOnce inside we were taken by our guide down a short corridor and out into what proved to be a massive wax-works, images of scenes from the Fengshen Yanyi as well as images of the major local deity, the Lord of Zhong Yüeh, the Lord of the Central Peak [Song Shan]. The exhibition, we were informed, had been built by the Tourist Board of the local city, Deng Feng, for Chinese visitors. Well over 200 images, mostly static but with some dozen or so automatons, lined the winding path leading through the large exhibition hall. With a not too subtle gesture our guide switched each on and off until, apparently bored by her foreign guests who spent quite some time at each exhibit, she abandoned us and returned to her badminton. The place was deserted apart from four small boys who were delighted to be alone with us and took enormous pleasure in switching on and off the various exhibits for our benefit without any guide being there to chastise them.\n\nScenes included the wicked Zhou Wang ascending his throne; Na Zha, the Third Prince, Causing Trouble with the Dragon King; Duke Fa [King Wu] subjugating Zhou Wang; the Terrace of the Investiture on which Jiang Ziya is reading out the decree canonising the heroes, and the Five Sacred Ones returning to Heaven. Several of the automated exhibits had the small boys in fits of giggles; one in particular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214380, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "204\n\nIn the late 1860s the regular police came in for massive criticism because of claims of corruption and general inefficiency. As a result of public and other concerns, a Commission of Enquiry was convened in December 1871 to inquire into and report as to the present organization of the Police Force generally, and to suggest such improvements and reforms therein as may be thought expedient by this Commission.'10 Although the Commission's main raison d'être centred around the many defects of the Hong Kong Police, its ambit also included the District Watch Force. Thus, in the last days of his Governorship, MacDonnell tasked the Commission to 'report as to the expediency of continuing to maintain, with Chinese co-operation and pecuniary aid, the auxiliary force of District Watchmen,' and to determine whether the latter body 'has rendered any essential or useful service to the Colony, also whether, as at present controlled, there is any danger to be apprehended practically from allowing such a force to be maintained'. The pseudo-apologetic language used by the outgoing Governor suggests that the community still contained many who wished that the force of District Watchmen would just quietly disappear or at least be swallowed up by the Police Force.\n\nThe Commission's Report was finally published on 27 June 1872, by which time Sir Arthur Kennedy had succeeded MacDonnell as Governor. It was a lengthy document, and the District Watch Force seemed to be one of the least contentious issues, with the majority view holding that they were 'a useful body of men.' The Commission recommended that they should be left alone for the present, but, with the reorganization of the regular Police, 'they should be gradually disbanded or absorbed into the latter force.'11\n\nSanitary Matters and the District Watch\n\nMany books about Hong Kong have documented the problems which have existed in sanitary matters since the colony's earliest days. Indeed, the lamentable lack of adequate sanitation was one of the main reasons cited for the high loss of life in the military and the police. Throughout the years, the considerable growth in population was accompanied by a corresponding increase in waste materials of all kinds. Despite the directions of the Building Ordinance, No. 8 of 1856, that 'every house should be provided with a latrine, or privy and ashpit,' no adequate sewage system existed, and there was a general reluctance to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214394, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "218\n\ntal Annual Report we read that 'Arrangements have now been defi-nitely made to alter the uniform to one of a more modern pattern.' The inclusion of the word 'definitely' suggests that this was a thorny issue and the change in the style of uniform had not met with universal approval from all members of the Committee.\n\nThe policy of having a police officer seconded to supervise the uniformed branch of the Force had been short-lived and the Annual report of 1926 deplored the lack of a police officer for this duty. It appears that in future years the police officer seconded to oversee the detective force was also expected to act as liaison officer between the Police and the entire District Watch Force. In November 1927 the control of the detective branch of the Force was taken over by sub-Inspector Kenneth Andrew who, like his predecessors, spoke fluent Cantonese and continued to be associated with the Force until June 1936. By the mid-1920s the number of men serving in the District Watch Force had reached 122 and their success in bringing cases to the Police Court continued to rise. In the years between the establishment of the District Watch Committee and the mid-1920s the number of arrests/convictions never exceeded 415 but we can see how this figure increased dramatically during the fifteen year period 1925-1937.\n\nArrests by District Watchmen 1925-1939\n\n \n Year\n Arrests\n \n \n 1925\n 371\n \n \n 1926\n 467\n \n \n 1927\n 606\n \n \n 1928\n 848\n \n \n 1929\n 737\n \n \n 1930\n 845\n \n \n 1931\n 867\n \n \n 1932\n 1,084\n \n \n 1933\n 1,274\n \n \n 1934\n 1,236\n \n \n 1935\n 1,322\n \n \n 1936\n 1,546\n \n \n 1937\n 2,067\n \n \n 1938\n 1,214\n \n \n 1939\n 1,228\n \n\nI corrected \"3937\" to \"1937\" as it appears to be a typo.\n\n becomes just the corrected text as per rule 12.\n\nThe final output is:\n218\n\ntal Annual Report we read that 'Arrangements have now been defi-nitely made to alter the uniform to one of a more modern pattern.' The inclusion of the word 'definitely' suggests that this was a thorny issue and the change in the style of uniform had not met with universal approval from all members of the Committee.\n\nThe policy of having a police officer seconded to supervise the uniformed branch of the Force had been short-lived and the Annual report of 1926 deplored the lack of a police officer for this duty. It appears that in future years the police officer seconded to oversee the detective force was also expected to act as liaison officer between the Police and the entire District Watch Force. In November 1927 the control of the detective branch of the Force was taken over by sub-Inspector Kenneth Andrew who, like his predecessors, spoke fluent Cantonese and continued to be associated with the Force until June 1936. By the mid-1920s the number of men serving in the District Watch Force had reached 122 and their success in bringing cases to the Police Court continued to rise. In the years between the establishment of the District Watch Committee and the mid-1920s the number of arrests/convictions never exceeded 415 but we can see how this figure increased dramatically during the fifteen year period 1925-1937.\n\nArrests by District Watchmen 1925-1939\n\n \n Year\n Arrests\n \n \n 1925\n 371\n \n \n 1926\n 467\n \n \n 1927\n 606\n \n \n 1928\n 848\n \n \n 1929\n 737\n \n \n 1930\n 845\n \n \n 1931\n 867\n \n \n 1932\n 1,084\n \n \n 1933\n 1,274\n \n \n 1934\n 1,236\n \n \n 1935\n 1,322\n \n \n 1936\n 1,546\n \n \n 1937\n 2,067\n \n \n 1938\n 1,214\n \n \n 1939\n 1,228", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "221\n\nthe 1866 Ordinance allowed them. The non-confrontational attitude identified in the pre-1920 Chinese merchant class by Ku Hung-ting,1 coupled with a pragmatic belief that half a bowl of rice is better than none, could also explain why the merchants were prepared to go along with the Government's decision. Whilst they would have preferred to have complete control over their security force and did not relish having their businesses scrutinized more than was already the case, a limited degree of control was preferable to none.\n\nThe 'hijacking' of the whole of the District Watch Force for three years 1883-85 to work on non-security sanitary duties following Osbert Chadwick's Sanitary Report has been discussed at length and this change in direction of the Force need only be mentioned again to emphasize the point that, whilst the Chinese merchants may have been paying for this Watch Force, the latter's duties could be, and were, decided by the colonial authorities. The fact that the Chinese merchants continued to fund this scheme during these years whilst the Government contributed a mere $1 per person per month illustrates the lack of a level playing field in this particular game between the colonial power and the local community. Although it is possible that some Chinese people in Hong Kong may have wanted improvements in their sanitary conditions, it is by no means certain that this number would have been substantial. Even if some Chinese residents placed great store on improved sanitary conditions, it is unlikely that the local merchants would have wanted this to be done at their expense particularly if this sanitary work stopped their security force from performing their duties.\n\nThe years following the creation of the District Watch Force showed how certain ultra-conservative factions within the European community would have preferred the District Watch Force to disappear or, failing that, at least be merged with the regular police. That this did not occur is a testament not only to the Chinese merchants who stood their ground but also to some of the first young Cadet officers who were more open-minded than their less enlightened colleagues. With the introduction of the 1888 ‘Registration of the Chinese Ordinance,' the establishment of the District Watch Committee in 1890-91 and the appointment of the Captain Superintendent of Police as a member of the District Watch Committee in 1894, Government influence became even more effective and continued to grow during the twentieth century. Furthermore, the addition of duties such as the house-to-house checks\n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 277, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "243\n\none so pretty!\" said my friend. \"That's dear,\" I remarked. \"Two shillings,\" she repeated flatly. \"You can't be from here, because you're too white. Where are you from? What's your name?\" probed P., trying to move nearer to her. \"I'm from Macau; my name is Etola,\" she answered in English, slurring over a few syllables as is the Chinese habit. \"Two shillings,\" she added later, after a pause. \"How pretty you are!\" continued my companion. \"Show me your hand, tell me how old you are. Who do you like better: us, the English or the Chinese?\" \"Two shillings,\" She replied. We drew up to the frigate; my companion took her hand, while I was already on the ship's ladder. \"Talk to me, Etola,\" he said to her, holding her hand. She remained silent. \"Tell me what you...\" \"Two shillings,\" she repeated. I with a laugh, and he with a sigh, paid the money and went to our separate cabins.\n\nHere, as in England and in the Cape, we were granted free entry into the club. The club is a type of superlative palace: its founders have spared no expense, to impart to the club the same opulence that is customary in London clubs. A number of big halls with windows facing the bay, a verandah, fireplaces, windows set in marble; bronze and crystal everywhere; excellent mirrors, elegant furniture - everything brought from England. But - alas! The halls remain empty; you'll have trouble attracting the attention of a sleepy Chinese man-servant, and then you'll order dinner and pay three times what it costs right nearby, in the tavern. The club is close to bankruptcy. The Europeans sit in their own corners for the greater part of the day, and in the evening prefer to gather in family circles - and so the club fails. But what a delight it is to relax on that verandah in the early evening, when the cool night air takes the place of the intense heat.\n\nAt six o'clock in the evening the whole population pours out of doors, along the seashore, along the avenue. Officers on foot and on horseback, business men, ladies make their appearance. On a meadow, near the Governor's house, music is playing. Not far from there, on a hill, in a stone house, lives the General commanding the local detachment, and right nearby a building, something like a monastery, houses an Italian bishop with a few monks.\n\nOur people left for Canton, at which time I was lying in a fever and half sleeping heard the launch being lowered. I was awakened by a crash of thunder; a storm had erupted just at the moment of their leaving.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214423, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 281, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "247\n\nTHE STORY OF STANLEY FORT\n\nBrief History\n\nR.G. HORSNELL\n\nThere seems to have been a military presence at Stanley since the early days of Hong Kong as a British Colony. The original barracks were situated at Chek Chue (Stanley Village), Tytam Bay. The English name seems to have been derived from the name of the Colonial Secretary of the day, Lord Stanley.1 Work on erecting new barracks commenced in 1841 and by 1857 there was accommodation available for 3 field officers, 10 officers, 1 mess room, 1 anti-room, and accommodation for 441 NCOs and men. The high rate of fever within the Hong Kong garrison resulted in a decision being taken in 1857 that Stanley Barracks was to be used as a Convalescent Station and orders were given for the unused portions of the barracks to be prepared for convalescent soldiers. With an increasing number of troops arriving in Hong Kong the accommodation problem made it necessary for the hiring of private buildings, supplemented by Madras tents which could accommodate 20 men per tent. Bell tents were not considered to be suitable, nor were the traditional Chinese matshed temporary camp structures which formerly had been used in the very early days.\n\nThe present barracks on the Tytam Peninsula, known as Stanley Fort, were built in 1936 to replace the old 1840s barracks which had been abandoned about 1895 and fallen into ruin. A contract was given to a Chinese contractor on 11 June 1936 for the following buildings:\n\n1 Barrack Block\n\n1 Sergeant's Mess\n\n1 Dining Room and Cookhouse\n\n1 Bath House\n\n1 Medical Inspection Room and a 2-Bed Ward", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214424, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 282, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "248\n\nA Quarter for the Brigade Commander\n\n2 Blocks of Officer's Quarters\n\n1 Block of 2 Warrant Officer's Quarters\n\n1 Block of 12 Warrant Officer's Quarters\n\n1 Block of 12 Married Soldier's Quarters\n\nThe work took about a year to complete and in 1937 a further building programme was initiated to provide additional accommodation, messes and a church. At the same time artillery defences were also being built.\n\nThe Artillery Defences\n\nDesign of fortifications was the responsibility of the Directorate of Fortifications and Works at the War Office. This department prepared the drawings of fortifications and issued them to the various army commands, which in turn issued them to their contractors. The Commander Royal Engineers at the various commands modified the designs to suit local requirements and local materials. The designs took the weapon to be used and protection from enemy fire as the main considerations, but standardisation was also introduced as far as possible to assist in construction. The siting, positioning, and grouping of structures were also obvious major considerations in the building of defensive works, batteries, and other types of fortifications.\n\nModernisation and reorganisation of the defences in Hong Kong in the 1930s was also governed by the Washington Treaty, an agreement signed in 1921 by nations with interests in the Pacific Region. Article 19 of the Treaty proscribed any increase or major improvements in heavy weapons and any improvements in coast defences other than those already planned and agreed to by the signatories to the Treaty. Gun emplacements were not regarded as fortifications but any disused emplacements were to be destroyed when new ones were erected.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214425, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "between 1935 and 1937 consisting of three 9.2 inch?\n\n249\n\nAs part of a colony-wide reorganisation and modernisation programme of the armament, a new battery was constructed at Stanley with three 9.2 inch calibre Mark X guns mounted on Mark VII mountings. One of these guns came from the battery at Devil's Peak and the other two came from Mount Davis, as both of these batteries were being modernised. The gun shifts were difficult and complex operations as the guns were very heavy, the barrel and breech assembly weighing 28 tons. Everything was done by hand and the pieces, and all their mountings, were transported to Stanley by sea. The two lower guns (No. 2 & No.3) were situated on concrete emplacements now occupied by parabolic antennae dishes in the Cable and Wireless Ltd. Satellite Earth Station complex. These two guns could only fire out to sea and were later encased in concrete gunhouses or casemates by the Japanese who seemed to have kept them in service during the Occupation. The gun houses were demolished and the guns were cut up for scrap in 1952.\n\nThe No. 1 9.2 inch gun mounted on top of \"Gun Hill\" was equipped with all-round traverse, that is, it was able to engage any target, for it was mounted on a circular platform which was rotated mechanically. It was this gun which bombarded the Japanese almost continually from the 14th to 24th December, 1941, firing at the rate of three rounds per half hour at targets as far away as Kowloon City. The shells weighed more than a hundredweight each. The gun was able to fire at this great range due to its mountings which gave a thirty-five degree angle of elevation.\n\nAfter the completion of the new Stanley Battery, two 6 inch naval guns were installed on the Bluff forming a second emergency battery known as Bluff Head Battery. These smaller guns had an effective range of 9,500 yards and also seem to have been equipped with all-round traversers as they could engage land and sea targets. These two batteries were reinforced in December 1941 by two 3.7 inch howitzers in a position in Stanley Village with an observation post in the Officers Mess, and an anti-aircraft battery at Tai Tam Tau. The Japanese reported that \"long-range fortress artillery bombardments were extremely effective.\" Targets were engaged with clock code observation by the Infantry and also where possible by direct observation. In addition, many targets such as road junctions and bridges had been registered and carefully tabulated in the months leading up to the Japanese attack so that direct observation was not really necessary to know that the shells were on target. Japanese artillery set up at the captured", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214426, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 284, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "250\n\nGun Club Hill Barracks in Kowloon was silenced in this way by British guns on Hong Kong island.\n\nThe Fortress System\n\nBy the 1930s the operation of batteries had become immensely sophisticated and complicated, difficult for a layman to understand. The old 19th century arrangement of individual battery range and position finders was improved by a new arrangement known as the Fortress Range Finding System. Under this system the range of vision and of precision was greatly extended by a series of what were known as Fortress Observation Posts to cover targets within range of the guns. These transmitted bearings and ranges gained from observation to a central Fortress Plotting Room where the target, such as an enemy vessel, was tracked on a chart known as a Fortress Plotter. The co-ordinates of the target were then calculated or computed on a mechanical device known as a predictor which made allowance for the time in flight of the shell and the movement of the vessel assuming it had not realised it had been observed and taken evasive action by changing course. The co-ordinates were then telephoned or telegraphed to the individual batteries which then possessed all the information necessary to engage the enemy, even though the target might be so far away as to be invisible to the Battery Commander. The data could also be relayed directly to the guns where it was displayed on electrically operated dials.\n\nIn Hong Kong as part of reorganisation and modernisation of the Hong Kong defences a Fortress Range Finding system was developed consisting of three Fortress Plotting Rooms at Stanley Fort, Mount Davis and Tytam Gap, also ten Fortress Observation Posts all connected to two Fire Commander's Posts which in turn, were connected to the Commander Fixed Defences who had his Coast Artillery Headquarters in the underground Operational Headquarters in Victoria Barracks known as Fortress HQ, nicknamed the \"Battle Box\". The Fortress Plotting Room at Stanley Fort is located in an underground bunker below an old Signal Station, Block 3, opposite the Officers' Mess. Remains of a plotting table and predictor still can be found inside.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214442, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 300, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "267\n\ntroops in quarantine. These were built from a framework of bamboo poles lashed together, with walls and roofs of palm leaves and woven rush mats. Similar structures can still be seen today on vacant lots erected at times of Chinese festivals for Cantonese opera performances. The only difference is that today zinc sheeting is used instead of matting. The matsheds were not popular with the troops as mosquitos and other insect life infested the sheds. During typhoons or heavy rains the sheds were liable to collapse and leave the troops exposed to the weather. The building of proper barracks was therefore imperative for the health of the troops.\n\nThe first permanent buildings at Gun Club Hill were constructed in 1903-4 for infantry but were soon afterwards occupied by the Asiatic Artillery which was originally made up of Sikh and Punjabi Mussulman Companies known as Gun Lascars. They became the Hong Kong Asiatic Artillery in 1891 and the Hong Kong-Singapore Battalion Royal Artillery in 1898. In 1905 four companies were housed in the newly completed barrack blocks flanking the parade ground. According to PRO records construction was \"brick and granite and best Manilla Hardwood; outer walls of Amoy Brick and inner walls of Canton Brick.\" By 1909 other buildings had been built and a layout of the barracks at this time shows an Infants' School, Followers' Hut, Sikh/Mohammedan Cookhouse, NCOs' Quarters, Guard House, Sergeants' Mess, Officers' Mess, and a small Medical Centre.\n\nMost of these buildings have now been replaced with more modern buildings, but two of the original barrack blocks facing the Parade Ground still exist, together with the Medical Centre and the Officers' Mess although somewhat changed in appearance. Photographic evidence in the Public Records Office shows that the buildings were brick-built two-storey colonial style blocks with pitched Chinese tiled roofs and balustraded 'Venetian' verandahs. The Officers' Mess seems to have undergone an external facelift in the 1930s with an annex added on to the south elevation facing the Chatham Road entrance. The barrack blocks and Medical Centre were remodelled and altered in the 1960s but retain much of their original colonial style.\n\nThe Medical Centre, formerly the Soldiers' Canteen, numbered Block 11, is a single storey rectangular white painted brick-built block with an eight bay front verandah with a flight of steps at each end\n\nPage 300\n\nPage 301", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214443, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 301, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "268\n\nleading up from ground level. The rear verandah has been bricked up. The tubular steel railings to the verandah and steps are probably not original. The building has an underfloor ventilation space formed by segmental arches bearing on brick piers. The verandah columns are square brick pillars with stop-chamfered arrises with plain plinths and capitals. Windows are metal framed with matching glazed doors. The flat roof has a parapet with coping and piers arranged above the verandah columns. Modern installations include a cat ladder to the roof on one side elevation and two floodlights mounted on poles on the roof to illuminate the volley ball court in front. The whole building is well maintained and in good condition. Photographic evidence in the PRO indicates that the roof originally was a Chinese tiled pitched roof.\n\nBarrack Blocks 1 and 2 are white painted two-storey brick buildings forming two opposite sides of the parade ground or barrack square. Both blocks have identical front elevations of plain but boldly arched verandahs of nineteen bays each. Arches are supported on square brick pillars with stop-chamfered arrises and plain unmoulded plinths and capitals. The lower floor is raised off the ground by means of segmental arches on short square brick piers forming a ventilation space below. Storey heights are emphasized by horizontal projecting string courses. The flat roofs have coped parapet walls with exposed brick piers, in vertical line with the pillars below, raised off the top string courses. The front elevation of each block is marred somewhat by the addition of a modern external staircase with balustrading and verandah railings in tubular steel. Internally there is little of architectural merit. There is evidence in the P.R.O. that when originally built Blocks 1 and 2 were left unpainted in natural brickwork and also had open verandahs on the rear elevations (now bricked up). Verandah balustrading consisted of two panels of cross diagonal braces per bay. The roofs were pitched Chinese tiled roofs with steel trusses, gable ends and chimney stacks. External rainwater pipes with hopper heads served the roof gutters. Both blocks are Grade 3 historical buildings.\n\nBlock 9, the Officers Mess, is a white painted building L-shaped in plan. The rear part of the Mess dating from 1903/4 consists of a two-storey building built in rusticated granite in Italianate style with bold arched ‘Venetian' verandahs on both sides. The lower floor is raised off the ground in a similar manner to the adjacent barrack blocks. Arches to the under floor ventilation space and ground floor verandahs", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214448, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 306, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "Gun Club Hill Barracks, Block 1 facing the Parade Ground (Public Records Office, Government Records Service).\n\n273", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214454, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 312, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "279\n\n1970\n\n1971\n\n1973\n\n1974\n\n1977\n\n1978\n\n1986\n\n1989\n\n1994\n\n1995\n\n1997\n\n1st Bttn. The Royal Welch Fusiliers at Gun Club.\n\nDeath of \"Billy\" Regimental Goat on 8 June. Buried behind Church. (The \"gravestone\" was salvaged, prior to excavation work for the new PLA Hospital, & removed to ASD Property Services Branch Antiquities Store at APB Centre in Cheung Sha Wan. No remains of \"Billy\" were found.)\n\n1st Bttn. The Black Watch at Gun Club.\n\n1st Bttn. The Royal Hampshire Regt. at Gun Club,\n\nAlanbrooke Block (British MQs) & Infants' School (Block 27) demolished. New Gurkha MQs, Temple, Clinic & School build started. 10 Int & Sec Coy moved into Colony Club (Block 36) from Argyle Street Camp.\n\nGurkha Transport Regt. & Gurkha Signals moved into Gun Club from Shamshuipo Camp. Victoria Junior School moved over from Victoria Barracks.\n\nNew Classroom built at Gun Club Primary School. Skeleton said to date from Japanese occupation unearthed during excavations.\n\nSevere flooding on May 2 to MT compound causing considerable damage to vehicles, buildings and equipment. Compound again flooded on May 20 during Typhoon Brenda.\n\nColony Club (Block 36), St. Eligius' Church, and the old gun shed (Block 29) demolished to make way for the new military hospital. Banyan trees transplanted to elsewhere in the barracks also to the new Kowloon Walled City Park.\n\nBarracks vacated by the British Army and handed over to Hong Kong Government.\n\nBarracks occupied by People's Liberation Army following handover of Hong Kong to China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214492, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 350, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "319\n\nare very inclined and sometimes being lenient and tolerating them. Have confidence in us, Your Majesty. We are not doing this out of any desire to rule nor because we wish to have authority in such matters as these, neither because it has occurred to us to defy Your Majesty's commands, but rather because it is evident to us that it is of the utmost importance that we treat these natives in this fashion so that things can be done among them and with them. This has already been clearly seen, because once the Court arrived and it was known among the Indians that the priests were not allowed to punish them, more was lost in six months than had been achieved since we came here, because with the liberty they now have, they do not even wish to come to Mass nor bring their children to be baptized nor do they give their consent to the children receiving instruction in the faith and the chaste people we had created will be ruined and they are going into the mountains where they can live more freely being hidden from view and in many places they are performing their old rites as before without respecting the priests who are their teachers nor paying attention to what they are told, seeing that they can no longer be forced to do anything and if they are opposed they go to the court to lodge a complaint and they are heard in the court as if it were a question of a lawsuit between parties, and lawyers and clerks of which there is no lack incite them to this and the landowners encourage them and if the decision goes against their ministers then they want for nothing. And in this fashion, everything has collapsed so suddenly that there is no longer any trace of piety and it seems that we have only come to these lands to become involved in lawsuits and disputes and we are so discredited in the eyes of the Indians that they pay more attention to a magistrate's bailiff than to all the friars and priests.\n\nGod, to whom we must give account of what we write here, knows that we are not stating this for any selfish motive and neither because we are looking for an easy life instead of being involved in so much work as we have in these lands, but we write to Your Majesty in Spain from here because we clearly see that if we do not do so all our work will be in vain. And we are writing in this manner to Your Majesty so that, should our mission meet with Your approval, you graciously command that the obstacles we describe here should no longer be placed in our path, since otherwise we cannot fulfil our responsibilities. And, if our mission does not meet with Your approval or if we are not working in an appropriate fashion, we request Your Majesty's permission to abandon that which we so much wish to achieve.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214506, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 364, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "333\n\nroad from the Town Hall and to the right of the small public gardens. The building is still in use as a court house, and so access is allowed but only as far as the entrance hall.\n\nAlong Hu Bei Road from the Town Hall we found the former German Police Headquarters, again still in use as a police station. Compared with the vast majority of other German buildings in Tsingtao, this delightful and typically German small town-hall-like building is now looking a little dilapidated, with broken windows and peeling plasterwork. Outgrown, like the Town Hall, the police station also has an extension - but little effort has been made to match the design of the original.\n\nThe end of Hu Bei Road led us into Railway Station Square. The old German railway station building serves as the main entrance to the present-day station and is a lovely example of its kind. Unfortunately, it has been added to by a ghastly and enormous blue glass thing that has nothing whatsoever in common with its illustrious forebear.\n\nAcross the square from the southeast corner is the former Bahnhof (Station) Hotel. Impressive from a distance, but rather run-down when seen at closer quarters. Perhaps this is a project that some German hotel company might consider taking up one day - to restore it to its former glory.\n\nThe flavour then changed from the secular to the religious, with a visit to the two main churches in Tsingtao. The Protestant (Lutheran) Church, near the junction of Long Jiang Road and Su Jiang Road, again is in excellent repair and is clearly treasured by the city authorities. Built partly of granite and partly of rendered brick, the church contains a plaque that records that the foundations were laid on 19th April 1908 and the church opened on 23rd October 1910. A trip up the commanding clock tower is worthwhile, if only to inspect the wonderful mechanical clock and bell-striking mechanism.\n\nThe Catholic Cathedral of St Michael is an imposing twin-towered structure just to the west of An Hui Road. On any visit to China, one must always be prepared for odd things to happen. We arrived to find the cathedral was \"closed for lunch\"! Our inspection was limited", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 368, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "337\n\nis good and allows for reasonably fast travel; the journey took about three hours. I had suggested to the guide beforehand that perhaps a stop along the way for \"refreshment\" would be in order. The bus pulled into an establishment that looked for all the world like a desert caravanserai, or some hostelry from the Wild West. The only commodity of any sort on sale was a type of large black mushroom, and a tea-like drink made from it. Our main interest, however, was with the toilet facilities - until we saw them, that is. A few of us were in enough need to make the considerable effort to go inside. Others decided to cross their legs for another couple of hours. I can only presume that German influence had not spread this far north.\n\nOn the way into the city of Yantai a large street-side sign was spotted saying \"No Whistling within the City Boundary\". Nobody could explain the purpose of this, unless it was a reaction to endless British tourists whistling Colonel Bogey.\n\nThe first point of interest in Yantai was the Fujian Hall. This was not in keeping with the colonial flavour of the trip, but was relevant to us southerners as being an outpost built in the north by the Fujian community that had been very active in business in the early days of Chefoo.\n\nMost of the old British remains are concentrated in a fairly small area - from the promontory of Yantai Hill east along the sea front to the former Chefoo School.\n\nYantai Hill is the place that once housed the British and other foreign consulates. It is very pleasant to walk the narrow roads and paths in this small area. A number of buildings remain, although very few are still used. Some are boarded up, and some remain only in the form of their foundations. It is not clear which was which, even with the benefit of old maps from the last century. However, a clear impression can be had of the peace and tranquility that still reign here, and of the commanding position that the residents must have had. I could almost hear a scratchy wind-up gramophone playing and the chink of ice in glasses of G&T.\n\nTo the west of the hill is the port, and there are still a number of small dock-side buildings that might date from the 19th century, but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214511, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 369, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "338\n\nthere does not seem to be much more of interest in that direction. On the seafront at the foot of the hill to the east is the former Chefoo Club building. Now a restaurant, but with apparently some residential facilities, the main structure has been well preserved. I think I have seen a similar building at the bottom of Quay Hill in Lymington in Hampshire - at least, this one would be very much at home there.\n\nFurther along the seafront to the west, and just inland from the front, is the site of the main former British residential and business area. A number of solid Brighton-like houses still stand along the front, where waves crashing over the sea wall complete the British picture. Inland for a block or two are many buildings that would have housed businesses as well as the houses of the less well-to-do. These buildings are very suggestive of the bustle that once took place in this small outpost. One was dated 1930, according to a carved stone plaque on its wall.\n\nIn Chefoo as well as Tsingtao (and later in Dalian) it was a great help to have Tess Johnston and Deke Erh's wonderful book \"Far from Home”, and to try to spot as many as possible of those buildings that feature in its beautiful photographs.\n\nTowards the eastern end of the long beach is a group of buildings that once housed the famous Chefoo School, a boarding school for English boys from all over North China. Next to this, rather incongruously, is a small military establishment that houses a 1950s-looking bomber and a motor torpedo boat in its front yard. Nearby, a number of other well-preserved and very English buildings could have housed the more wealthy and influential residents and their families and servants.\n\nDinner that night was in the splendid and luxurious Government Guest House, a modern complex standing in its own spacious grounds at the far eastern end of the city. The service here was the best we experienced on the whole trip - as one might expect of people trained to look after visiting dignitaries from the capital. The food, also, was what one would expect from such an establishment - and not to my somewhat unadventurous taste at all. We were treated to such delights as braised crunchy silk worms, boiled fish stomachs and wobbly sea", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214519, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 377, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "346\n\nBy the time dinnertime came, we had finished dinner. Let me explain. Dusk fell at about five o'clock, and the guide said that we were now going for dinner. Of course, there were howls of protest, but we were assured that this was perfectly normal. At least, we demanded, can we have a change from Chinese food. We all enjoy Chinese food and the quality had been consistently on the good side, but we craved a bit of variety. So we were treated to a Korean BBQ buffet, and it was absolutely excellent - masses of fresh meat, seafood, and vegetables and gas-fired hotpots to do your own cooking in. A real eye-opener and tummy-filler, but all was finished by about seven o'clock, leaving some of us in desperate need of a cream cake or two back in the hotel.\n\nPort Arthur\n\nOn the 40-odd mile journey to Port Arthur, we were treated by Philip Bruce to an introduction to fortress-building and sacking, just so that we could be prepared. However, I have to say that the visit to Port Arthur, or Lushun as it is now known, was the closest we came to a disappointment. We were all experts on the place from the time Captain Arthur first dropped his anchor there until the early part of this century, but none of us was prepared for the present day Lushun.\n\nTo be fair, the guide had told us that the whole place is still dominated by a naval base - but this time, of course, one operated by the People's Liberation Army. We tried to explain that we were not interested in any of the naval installations or hardware, but the old buildings that remained to be seen, and in particular the railway station. However, we were told that as we were foreigners, we could not even go into the town at all. Only half-jokingly, those of us that could produced our Permanent Hong Kong Identity Cards, demonstrating that we too were citizens of the People's Republic. But this did not impress the guides. It was suggested that it might be a case of us not looking all that Chinese that was the problem. The guide assured us that this was not the case - it was simply a matter of not wanting foreign nationals wandering over highly sensitive military facilities. However, when it was pointed out that four of our number did indeed look very Chinese (despite their Canadian, Malaysian, and other passports), the guides agreed that these four could indeed visit the town.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214551, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 409, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "378\n\nthe Xuan-wu Gate. The church was built by Adam Schall and completed in 1652. Emperor Shun Zhi visited it 24 times, and often had heart-to-heart talks with Schall. On our visit the church was packed. The 7 o'clock mass was just finishing and the 8 o'clock mass then started, but many of those attending the first mass stopped for the second, for that was the Bishop's mass. After the distribution of communion he moved amongst the congregation, shaking hands, including those of several of our party. Emotional moments captured superbly on video by Allan Painter. [Also Illustration Three].\n\nThis was followed by a quieter visit to the massive National Museum of Chinese History, fortunate to have a superb view over Tien An Men Square. The many different objects set out on display in traditional museum style fascinated different members of our group. It was lovely to see a large number of children, some with parents, busy drawing different articles in the collection with notable artistic talent. At the main entrance we saw long queues of children in uniform going into an exhibition marking the 100th anniversary of Chou En Lai's birth.\n\nAfter lunch amongst the spring blossoms of Bei Hai (North Sea) Park we drove north to Prince Kung's Garden (Gongwangfu). Prince Kung (Gong), a Late Qing Dynasty statesman and reformer, was the Garden's second owner. Exquisitely designed, the mansion exhibits a high level of classical Chinese architecture. The buildings are joined together by winding corridors whilst there is also an opera hall decorated with delicate wisteria patterns, however, the actual gardens were rather dry, dusty and crowded.\n\nThen we visited the nearby Changqiao Community Service Centre in Liu Yin Street where the Society was presented with the scroll painted by elderly members of the Centre. We heard about the various activities organised by the Centre. This was followed by a short walk and then the group divided up to go to individual homes in the hutongs for a meal. This was a delightful experience, enjoyed equally by both hosts and guests alike.\n\nThe long day came to a delightful end with a visit to the Huguang Hall at 3 Hu Fang Qiao Road, Xuan Wu District. First built in 1807 it was also known as the Guangdong and Hunan Guildhall and was a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214560, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 418, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "This Monument is erected\n\nby the non-commissioned officers\n\nof the above Regt\n\nAs a token of respect\n\nMay They rest in peace.\n\n387\n\nThe undated and unsigned manuscript report held in the archives of the Regimental Museum of the King's Own Royal Border Regiment in Carlisle reads as follows:\n\n\"As no opportunity presented itself of obtaining a passage in one of HM's Ships to Chusan I deemed it advisable after waiting over three months, to delay no longer and accordingly chartered a native boat in which I left for Chusan on the 20th inst.\n\nI found that the reports as to the dilapidated condition of the monument in question were by no means exaggerated. The structure, which is an oblong brick cube about 6 feet high and 4 feet wide and deep, with stuccoed edges and a granite tablet on which the inscription is cut inserted on the eastern side, is in a wretched state of decay. Many of the corner bricks have crumbled away and in a very few years the whole block will fall to pieces unless some repairs are speedily undertaken. At the back, or South side of the monument, a mud cottage forming one of a row of four is built, the roof of which almost touches the summit of it and adds materially to the progress of the decay by the drippings from it which sink into the ground at its base. These cottages are tenanted by four families of squatters and in front of them - the back being towards the monument - are two other monuments, oblong in shape and about three feet high, which appear to be used as tables or beds, as the case may be, by the squatters. One of them, erected to Captain Colin Campbell of the 55th Regt, who died of a wound received in action at Chapoo, has lost a large portion of the base upon which the stone bearing the inscription lies and must soon fall to pieces unless the progress of the decay be arrested.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 422, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "30. Private Wombles D°. D°, \n\n391\n\nWhilst we have no idea what has happened to the Monument dedicated to the Westmoreland Regiment in Zhoushan we were taken by the curator to the site of a Chinese horseshoe-shaped grave bearing the inscription in Chinese carved into a lengthy granite slab in pre-simplified characters [that is pre-1950s], stating that it to be \n\nThe Tomb of Officers and Men of the Army and Navy of Great Britain\n\n大英水陸將士墓\n\nIt had been refurbished as recently as 1993 by the Chinese Peoples' Liberation Army, [PLA Navy], apparently unsolicited and without any ceremony.xi\n\nThe monument was situated on the north facing slope of a low hill overlooking the town of Dinghai. There was little to see. A modern concrete edifice some three feet high holds an original granite block. Above it on the slope, some ten feet away, is another monument which bears neither inscription nor clues to its original purpose. It is rectangular standing some six feet high, two foot six inches wide and about ten inches deep. It has three indented faces, central, left and right on which, presumably, the erstwhile inscribed tablets had been inserted. These two monuments are situated overlooking Dinghai Town but facing away from the sea and at the rear of a radio station with one tall mast and several radio dishes, possibly a PLA [Navy] unit on the Island.\n\n...\n\nIt would be interesting to obtain the current Chinese official version of the provenance of the two monuments.\n\nAs an interesting side note - at the foot of the hill on which the two monuments stand, a Chinese lady, a member of our party from Hong Kong, recognised her family ‘ancestral' home from the descriptions she had heard of its European design with Chinese touches. It is now the residence of the Admiral of the Chinese PLA [Navy] responsible", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214572, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 430, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "399\n\nAN UNUSUAL AND EXTRAORDINARY ANCESTRAL IMAGE\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nI wrote about Hunanese wooden ancestral images in the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 18, 1978, when I explained that there were a number of such images on sale in curio shops in Hong Kong's Hollywood Road. Each represented an ancestor and usually took the form of an elderly or middle-aged man or woman often identified by a slip of red paper concealed in an opening in the back, sealed with a tight-fitting bung. Nearly all were impersonal figures, though several were well-carved portrait images. Since 1978, many more have appeared on the market, and even more have been seen in places as far afield as Yangshuo in Kuangsi province and Chengtu in Szechuan province, the majority still being identified by the red slip as having originated in Hunan province.\n\nRecently I acquired a most unusual image, portraying a hunter. His red slip gave little detail, merely listing his relatives who had ordered the image to be carved. It is presumably Hunanese, probably an ancestral image which can be dated very roughly by the iconographic detail and the copper coins concealed with the red slip within the cavity in the back. It stands some 11 inches high and has lost all of its original paint apart from minute lumps of non-chemical paint in crevices within the deep carving.\n\nHe is portrayed standing, facing half right, holding a muzzle-loading flint lock to his shoulder in both hands, and aiming it at an unknown prey. He is accompanied by a small dog which is also pointing at the same prey. The hunter is dressed in a jacket buttoned down the front with some five loop and cloth 'buttons', with a pouch at the waist at the front, a powder horn at the waist on his left side, and a further bag again at the waist at the back. He is wearing open-toed sandals and a standard peasant cloth cap.\n\nThe base of the image is decorated on three of the four faces with pictures of the hunt, animals such as the small deer brought down, a running rodent-like creature, and a rabbit. The fourth side of the base,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214573, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 431, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "400\n\non the hunter's left, is plain.\n\nThe coins bear the reign marks of Tao-kuang and Hsien-feng. [1821-1850 & 1851-1861 respectively] which, together with the flint lock, suggests that the carving must be post-1851 and probably is nearer 1870.\n\nIn my experience this is the only ancestral image which depicts the calling of the deceased.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214650, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "29\n\nNga Tsin Wai in 1902\n\nA great deal of information on Nga Tsin Wai can be gathered from the Block Crown Lease, which in Nga Tsin Wai dates from 1902. Nga Tsin Wai forms part of Survey District 1, the very first area to be surveyed, and, as a result of experience gained, the later surveys were improved, particularly by the inclusion of the Chinese characters for the names recorded, and the recording of the village the landowner claimed to belong to. Although this useful information is omitted from the Nga Tsin Wai Lease, a good deal of information can still be had.\n\nAt the Appendix is a summary of the land-holdings of Nga Tsin Wai as recorded in the Block Crown Lease. For the purposes of this summary, any villager owning a house in Nga Tsin Wai in 1902 is considered a villager of Nga Tsin Wai, even if he owned other houses elsewhere. Any villager not recorded as owning any house is considered an Nga Tsin Wai villager if the bulk of his farmland was near the village. Any trust is considered a Nga Tsin Wai trust if the Manager (or any one of the Managers) was a Nga Tsin Wai villager, or if it owned a house within the village: any manager of a Nga Tsin Wai trust is also considered a Nga Tsin Wai villager, even if he would otherwise not be. There were other landholders in the Kowloon City area - especially men of the Ng clan resident in Sha Po - who are here considered as Sha Po villagers rather than Nga Tsin Wai villagers, and so are not included in the summary. This is not entirely satisfactory since, in 1902, there was probably no clear distinction drawn between Nga Tsin Wai and Sha Po, and the distinction drawn here between Nga Tsin Wai and Sha Po villagers is one unlikely to have been accepted by the villagers in 1902. However, it is the best that can be done.\n\nThe village consisted in 1902 of about 140 houses within the walls (not including the Tin Hau Temple and the Village Office), and some 48 outside the walls, plus the Ng clan Ancestral Hall and school. Six of these 188 houses were owned by village trusts: 73 individual villagers or groups of villagers owned the others. A further twelve house-owners classed here as Nga Tsin Wai villagers owned houses only in Sha Po, and five more owned houses only in Kowloon City. These villagers are here classed as Nga Tsin Wai villagers because of acting as trustees of Nga Tsin Wai village trusts or because the bulk of their agricultural land lay near the village, or because they formed part of groups of villagers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214652, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "31\n\nOne of the things which stands out most clearly from the Block Crown Lease at Nga Tsin Wai is that the Chans were already only a remnant in the village in 1902. Eight Chan clan households are recorded owning houses in the village, but five of these are recorded as owning only houses (four of the five only owning a single house, within the walls). Yet another Chan is recorded as owning nothing except one one-hundredth of an acre of arable land. A seventh household consisted of no less than five adult men as joint heads of household, owning jointly a single house within the walls, and a small amount of arable land (one-fifth of an acre). These seven households are clearly relics of an earlier period when their ancestors were villagers in reality. Most of these families had sold out, and kept back just the one house, possibly for ritual reasons, disposing of their arable land, and, probably going into business in the City.\n\nand the one-fifth of an acre of arable land, however, was almost certainly a Tso Uk (祖屋, \"Ancestral House\"), owned by all the Chans from all the various scattered places where they then (and now) live. This house was doubtless put into joint ownership when the Chans started to desert Nga Tsin Wai, so that the clan would retain their links with their place of origin. The house still functions in this way today, with the Village Headmen of all the various Chan villages being the joint owners. The house is used for various rituals at the Ta Tsiu and elsewhen. Only two Chan households remained in 1902 as genuine villager households - Chan Ying-kam, who owned five houses in the village and one in the Market, and 0.43 acres of arable land; and Chan Fu, who owned three houses within the walls, one outside, and one in the Market, and 0.86 acres of arable land. Chan Ying-kam was also the Trustee of the only Nga Tsin Wai Chan clan trust to survive as a functioning Nga Tsin Wai body to 1902: the Chan Shuk Ching Tso, which owned 0.16 acres of arable land (the Chan Chiu In Tso functioned insofar as it was one of the three joint owners of the Tin Hau Temple and the Village Office, but this trust, in 1902, retained no other property in the Nga Tsin Wai area).\n\nThe Yung clan, which had bought into the village, probably only a few years before the 1902 Survey, consisted of just two brothers, Yung Wing-kwong and Yung Wing-fai. They owned only the two houses they lived in, and no arable land - the houses were owned jointly. These brothers had doubtless bought the houses as a place to live in: they were very probably merchants working in the Market.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214656, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "35\n\nby renting arable from the ancestral trusts of which they were members. 28.91% of the total arable land owned by the Ngs of Nga Tsin Wai was held by ancestral trusts. As usual in the New Territories, these trusts ranged from the very tiny to the very large. Thus, the Ching Yam Tso (in the name of the pivotal ancestor of the twelfth and most junior of the descent lines of the Ngs) owned only a single house within the walls, and 0.13 acres of arable land. There were only three descendants alive at the time of the Block Crown Lease. There can be little doubt that this house was a Tso Uk, used by the descendants to hold their ancestral tablets and to perform family funeral and other rituals (this was a common practice at Tai Wai in Sha Tin, where, as at Nga Tsin Wai, the houses within the walls were just too small to cope with rituals). The arable land was doubtless rented out to provide income for maintenance of the family graves. Similarly, the 0.14 acres of the Man Hing Tso, the 0.12 acres of the Shing Pak Tso, the 0.07 acres of the Tsak Tai Tso, and also the 0.1 acres owned by the Li Yung Fat Tso - all of these probably reflect small areas rented out for the maintenance of graves.\n\nAnother reason for these tiny trust estates which is quite likely in some circumstances (and which would reflect similar practices in Sha Tin) would be trusts set up by brothers on the division of their father's estate on his death, when some part of the estate was found to be difficult to divide, and so was put into a trust, so as to be held by the brothers jointly - examples in Sha Tin include small orchards, rice-drying grounds, buffalo wallows, and so forth. This is almost certainly the case with the King Tai Tso, where the trustees and sole beneficiaries in 1902 were the King Tai Ancestor's younger son and the son of his already deceased elder son - this trust owned only 0.04 acres of land.\n\nOther trusts, however, were devices for holding family property. The Chiu Pak Tso owned a large house in Kowloon Market, and 0.99 acres of arable land. The two trustees, Ng Shing-po and Ng Loi, were the only members of this trust: individually, the two owned only houses (Shing-po owned two houses within the walls and one without, and Loi owned one within and two without), and one small plot of arable each (probably the family vegetable garden - 0.04 acre in the case of Shing-po, and 0.03 in the case of Loi). This trust was probably set up in the name of the ancestor who was the grandfather of Loi and the great-grandfather of Shing-po: this was effectively another uncle-and-nephew land-holding, but where the family preferred to hold the joint estate more formally, as a trust. Other similar situations are likely to lie", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214657, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "36\n\nbehind the Sham Yam Tso (holding 0.55 acres of arable land, with the trustees the grandsons of the pivotal ancestor, plus a further 0.60 acres held jointly with two other trusts where the Sham Yam ancestor's brothers were the apical ancestors), and the Wai Wing Tso (with 1.09 acres of arable land, with the trustees being the great-great-grandsons of the pivotal ancestor).\n\nAll the above trusts can be called \"family trusts\", designed to make family land-holdings more flexible. There were, however, also a few genuinely ancestral trusts. The Shing Tat Tso was set up in the name of the Founding Ancestor of the Ngs, and it owned the Ancestral Hall, two houses in Kowloon Market and 0.78 acres of arable land. The houses and arable property were designed to provide adequate income for the clan's ritual needs, including the maintenance of the Ancestral Hall. As with many other clans, this, the highest and most revered of the ancestral trusts, was left by the Ngs without excessively large land-holdings, as villagers felt that the income from land held by the High Ancestor should be used only for ritual and other entirely worthy purposes; it would be improper to give the trust more land than would be needed for this, to avoid the trust becoming involved in money-lending, or other less desirable practices. The prime ancestral trusts of the Lis and the Chans (the Li Shing Kwai Tso and the Chan Chiu In Tso) shared with the Ng Shing Tat Tso the ownership of the Tin Hau Temple and the Village Office within the walls: the Li Shing Kwai Tso also owned 1.09 acres of agricultural land.\n\nAggressive land-buying and speculation were left by the Ngs to other trusts, and especially the Sz Ko Tso (this was the trust to which all members of the junior three descent lines of the Ngs belonged, which equalled about a third of the clan). This Sz Ko Tso trust was certainly involved in money-lending on mortgage. This was common throughout the New Territories, and allowed the trust in question to acquire land when mortgages were foreclosed. It was doubtless to avoid the temptation of involvement in this business that the Shing Tat Tso was kept to a relatively small land holding. The Sz Ko Tso owned in 1902 a large house in Kowloon Market, and another large house in Sha Po, and no less than 8.73 acres of arable land. A large block of this (1.19 acres) lay in the heart of the Po Kong village land, and must have come to the Tso by foreclosing on mortgages taken out by one or more of the Lams of Po Kong. There were also trusts in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214661, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "40\n\nThe 1902 Lease also shows us a glimpse of how women were treated in the village then. It was a frequent occurrence that men died, leaving widows. Traditionally, there were three ways of dealing with this. In poorer households, the widow would live in a corner of the house, which would be taken over by her sons. Where this happened, the Block Crown Lease, of course, does not show it. However, in other cases, especially where the widow was elderly, with adult sons, she would be given the house she had lived in for life, while the sons took the other houses and the farm, guaranteeing the mother a certain fixed amount of food per month for her upkeep (in some villages, the sons would execute a legally binding deed to this effect). At least three examples of this practice can be detected in the Nga Tsin Wai Block Crown Lease. The widow Ng Chan Shi (“Madame Ng, of the Chan surname”) is recorded as owning merely 1 house within the walls, and 1 house in Kowloon Market. Li Chan Shi (“Madame Li, of the Chan surname”) owned a house outside the walls, and 0.37 acres of land - probably to provide her with vegetables, and possibly for a small market garden plot. Li Ip Shi (“Madame Li, of the Ip surname”) had a house outside the walls, two houses in Kowloon Market, and a vegetable plot of 0.06 acres, with a further 0.05 acres held jointly with Li Ping-sang.\n\nThe alternative method of dealing with widows, especially where there were infant children, was to allow the widow to occupy the land in trust for her sons' coming-of-age. Sometimes this was formalised, with the widow shown in the Block Crown Lease as Trustee, but very often the widow is shown as full owner, everyone understanding the arrangement. There is one clear case of this in Nga Tsin Wai. Li Ng Shi (\"Madame Li, of the Ng surname\") is recorded as the owner of three houses within the walls, and a very large house at Sha Po, together with 1.24 acres of arable land. While it was theoretically possible for a woman to own land (e.g. land she bought with her own money), it was very rare, and it can be confidently assumed that this land was land held by her as widow, in trust for her infant sons.\n\nThe 1902 Block Crown Lease, therefore, shows us a prosperous village, filled with people, surrounded by what, for the New Territories, were broad areas of arable land, with the essential components of a self-confident village of a fine Ancestral Hall and School, and with access to a literary club. The Lease shows us that the village families were mostly holding enough land for their subsistence, especially if", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214663, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "42\n\narea faced in consequence a sellers' market, and doubtless the result was a steady increase in the number of fields under vegetables, and in the number of village households rearing pigs and other livestock for the market. During the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, buyers from Hong Kong could only buy from villages on the mainland sea-coast opposite the City, since there then were no roads to bring in produce from further afield, and no vehicles to carry anything either. However, even though market gardening must have increased in importance throughout the later nineteenth century, it is likely that demand from Kowloon City and the ships calling there was enough to make market gardening a significant feature of local life even before 1841.\n\nThe Nga Tsin Wai villagers say that rice cultivation stopped in the village well before the last War. Most of the elders cannot remember seeing any rice cultivation there in their youth in the 1930s. By then, the area was entirely devoted to producing food for the market. One contact said his mother and grandmother ran a pig-farm in the 1930s with 40 head of pigs - a very large farm for the New Territories at that date. That farm operated out of sheds built on the family fields, but a lot of villagers kept pigs and cattle actually within the walls of the village. The elders say that a lot of houses within the walls were empty in the 1930s. Many of the villagers had moved to the larger and airier homes outside the walls leaving empty premises behind (twelve villagers in 1902 owned houses both within the walls and outside, and a further nine had houses only outside the walls then). These empty houses within the walls were mostly used as pigsties and cattle sheds in this period: indeed, it is doubtful if there had ever been enough resident population at Nga Tsin Wai to fill all the village houses within the walls.\n\nA Sha Tin villager, Hui Wing-hing, F, of Shek Kwu Lung Village, wrote a series of poems about villages in Sha Tin and adjacent areas, mostly in the period 1890-1905, i.e. at approximately the same time as the Block Crown Lease Survey. For each village, he wrote about what caught his eye as important and special in that village. Market gardening was what he found most significant about the Kowloon City villages, and, in particular, the growing of fruit for the market. He has this to say of the League of Seven and Six Villages areas in his poem on the villages of Hong Kong, Kowloon, and Tsuen Wan:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214665, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "44\n\nThe lychees at Po Kong are really abundant.\n\nOf these verses, the reference in line 169 is to a temple near Ma Thu Wai. The reference in lines 170-172 is probably to the ejection of the Ch'ing officials from the Kowloon Walled City. In line 174 the reference may be to the prostitutes' quarter in the Market. The \"hospital\" in line 175 is the Lok Sin Tong.\n\nFor three villages - Po Kong, Sha Tei Yuen, and Yuen Ling - the poet singles out the orchards and vegetable fields he saw there as particularly significant and worth comment, and at Ngau Chi Wan it was \"herding\" - presumably of meat animals for the market - which he noted as interesting and special. The vast majority of villages visited by Hui Wing-hing were rice-subsistence villages, with almost every inch of arable land used for rice, and the Kowloon villages clearly looked very different. While Hui Wing-hing's attention at Nga Tsin Wai was taken up by the British takeover of the New Territories, there can be no doubt that Nga Tsin Wai, too, was to a large degree a market-gardening area in his time.\n\nAlmost all the coastal villages in the New Territories area had sampans, and added inshore fishing to their subsistence. It is a measure of Nga Tsin Wai's general prosperity that the Nga Tsin Wai village elders believe that their ancestors did not do this: the village had no sampans, and bought its fish - probably mostly from the coolies carrying fish from Tolo Harbour past the village to Kowloon Market. The Nga Tsin Wai villagers did, however, dig clams from the mud flats offshore, together with the villagers of all the other villages in the Kowloon Bay area. They also reared carp in the village moat, and possibly in other fishponds, for sale in the Market.\n\nNga Tsin Wai was never a poor village, but it prospered noticeably during the later nineteenth century. 1902, the date of the Block Crown lease must have been about the most prosperous period of this village community. The village fields were fast being converted to market gardens as the village faced their sellers' market in the growing City. The village had developed good contacts with shipping companies, so that many of the men were able to get good jobs as seamen. Many villagers were also getting good jobs in the Whampoa Docks, where, again, the village developed good contacts in this period. As the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214667, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "46\n\ntrust in his father's name (the Chan Hok Yin Tso) which owned 2.7 acres (Chan Tak-hing and his brother Chan Tsan-hing,\n\n(\n\n, were the only beneficiaries - it is likely that much of the property of this trust was amassed by Chan Tak-hing). His son, Chan Kwok-yan, 1872-1937) succeeded him on the Lok Sin Tong Board, the Kowloon City Kaifong, and as trustee for the Chan Hok Yin Tso, but he took to smoking opium, and the family business was closed down in 1930, when the family shop in Kowloon City was cleared for re-development.\n\nAs for the Lis, Li Ping-ngam, an \"honest farmer, who, on coming back from a meeting in Kowloon City, would take off his shoes and go back to work in the fields\", and resident in Sha Po, was an early Director as well312. He was probably dead by 1902. Li Ping-shang, who does appear in the 1902 Block Crown Lease, may have been his brother; if so, the lady Li Ip Shi mentioned above was very possibly Li Ping-ngam's widow, since Li Ping-shang owned a small piece of land jointly with the widow Ip. It is entirely likely that Li Ping-ngam was not quite the simple farmer he was remembered as. He may have been the dominant leader of the Li clan before Li Lai-ting (who could also have been called \"an honest farmer\").\n\nNg Shue-fan was also one of the Directors of the Lung Chun School within the Walled City () at the end of the nineteenth century33. This had been founded in the 1840s when the Sub-Magistracy was moved to Kowloon City, as a mark of the importance the Ch'ing Government placed on education and scholarship. Five trustees, who probably represented the local groups who had paid for the erection of the school in the 1840s, managed it: it is likely, therefore, that Nga Tsin Wai had been significantly involved in the foundation. By the end of the nineteenth century this school was being used as a Meeting Hall when meetings of the district elders and gentry were called. That Nga Tsin Wai provided one of the trustees is eloquent evidence of its local prestige and importance.\n\nNg Shue-tong was similarly important in local charitable affairs outside the Lok Sin Tong. Thus, when the Hau Wong temple was restored in 1879, he was the Chief Manager for the project (at least seven other Nga Tsin Wai villagers can be identified from the Donation Tablet)34. When the Hau Wong Temple had been restored in 1822,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214684, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "63\n\n16 The date is engraved on the earth god shrine in the village\n\nFor the Ta Tsiu at Nga Tsin Wai, see J W Hayes, The Rural Communities of Hong Kong Studies and Themes, Hong Kong Oxford University Press, 1983, pp 157-159 See also p 162\n\n18 These guns were all sunk in the moat immediately to the south of the village gate when the Japanese came\n\n19 In the 1902 Block Crown Lease, the Ancestral Hall is shown as the Ng Kit-san house, and the Ng Kit-san house as the Ancestral Hall by some strange error\n\n0\n\n1\n\n༣།\n\nDespatch from Sir M Nathan to Colonial Office, January 11th, 1905, in file CO882/6, printed in Eastern No 88, Confidential Hong Kong Correspondence [December 15 1903 to February 27 1907] Relating to the Proposed Canton Kowloon Railway', printed for the use of the Colonial Office, April 1907, No 59, pp 81-88\n\nThe slopes to the east of Lion Rock were under the protection of Kwun Yam These slopes were called Tsz Wan Shan (Fill, “Mountain of the Cloud of Compassion one of the titles of Kwun Yam) There has been a temple to Kwun Yam half way up to the pass since at least 1853, probably much earlier The early ownership of this temple is unclear\n\nInformation on the Chus is taken from their Tsuk Po, a copy of which I was kindly given by Dr James Hayes, and from notes of interviews Dr Hayes had with Chu clan elders in the 1960s See also, Southern District Board, 1996, p 138\n\nOn the Tung Shan Temple, see J W Hayes, \"The Kwun Yam - Tung Shan Temple of East Kowloon, 1840-1940”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol 23, 1983 pp 212-218\n\n*For instance, in Aed (), Joint Publishing (Hong Kong), 1994, p 44, and RPF Lam, ed The Hong Kong Album, Urban Council, Hong Kong, 1982, p 66\n\n25 I am indebted to Dr James Hayes for much of the detail of this section\n\n26 See A Lui, Forts and Pirates, op cit p 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214712, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "91\n\ndifferences between Catholicism, the Non-Conformists and the Orthodox Churches. Similarly, it is not really surprising that there are marked differences within Chinese folk religion (the religion practised by the common folk) and with aspects of Buddhism and Taoism that Chinese popular religion commonly embraces.\n\nIt is interesting to compare observations in this paper with those of Judith Strauch at a tun fu ceremony held at Tai Po (Strauch, 1983, 147). The ceremony at Pat Heung, described in detail in this paper, it must be stressed again, was largely within a Hakka community. With a Cantonese ceremony there are marked differences and sometimes the comb of a cock is cut, its head is pierced, or it is even nailed to a tree in order to obtain its blood. This is smeared on the talismans and allowed to drip on the pots. Such customs frequently shock westerners (Grout, 1971, 204). Rooster's blood is considered to possess magical properties and is used during the swearing of oaths, for conducting sacrifices and for bringing the statue of a god to life (Burkhardt, 1982, 267). The cockerel is, of course, one of the twelve animal signs of the Chinese Zodiac and its comb depicts a crown denoting literary success.\n\nAgain, with some village tun fu ceremonies, restrictions are placed on inhabitants who are not allowed to leave their village, in some cases for a period of three or four days after the ceremony (Hayes, 1983, 125). In addition, villagers only partake of vegetarian food - Buddhist fashion. This mixing of folk religion (such as tun fu), Taoism and Buddhism, in varying proportions, is of course in line with Hong Kong's practice of syncretising religion. Nevertheless, irrespective of the religion, obligations frequently seem to be less stringent these days. For instance, with a Chinese funeral, today the number of weekly rites, which used to number seven, is now sometimes reduced to five. Again, for a tun fu ceremony, villagers are often not now confined to their village for a period of days. Life is also easier for Catholics. For a long time they have been able to eat meat on Fridays.\n\nTun fu ceremonies again differ because, although the priests and masters who perform them may practise the same basic rules, they often have different beliefs when it comes to some details. For example, as previously mentioned, exactly where pots should be placed in a village and the number of talismans that should be put in them.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214713, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "92\n\nDo villagers really believe in tun fu?\n\nHow many of the New Territories' villagers really believe in tun fu? Earlier, it was mentioned that the Pat Heung villagers were paid $600,000 to stage their collective tun fu ceremonies. Brian Jenny, Government Director of Audit, in November 1994 wrote in his report that, during the 1980s, amounts paid annually by the Government (on account of feng shui disturbances) varied between $500,000 and $950,000. In 1990, the Government paid $1.1 million, in feng shui compensation, to the villagers at Ha Tsuen so that ceremonies could be held (Hong Kong Standard; 1990). The fall in the purchasing power of the dollar over the years must be taken into account when interpreting these figures.\n\nWhen the British took over Hong Kong they promised the Chinese that Qing laws would be retained and local customs respected (Endacott; 1958, 38, 40, 41). Certainly a large number of festivals, customs and much culture have been retained. To some degree, because of lack of restrictions during the colonial period, there was limited hostility towards the British (Cheung; 1999, 573). Other ex-colonial powers could perhaps argue that this easygoing affinity, which developed between the Hong Kong Chinese and their rulers, was not always in the interests of the Colony. For example, the compensation paid to villagers to hold tun fu ceremonies, could have been put to better use.\n\nBut returning to how many villagers really believe? A small group of elderly women that the Author spoke to, sitting in the sun near a tun fu pot at Shui Tau Village, in the Kam Tin District, said that when work first started on improvements to the Kam Tin River the villagers did not intend doing anything. But people started falling sick and several died. It was decided then to hold a tun fu ceremony.12 'Did the elderly ladies believe in tun fu?'\n\n'Well, people stopped falling ill and dying,' they replied, 'so of course we had to believe.'\n\nThat is as good an argument for believing in tun fu as any.\n\nNevertheless several retired civil servants, both British and Chinese who have worked in the New Territories, some as District Officers,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214739, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "118\n\n(Liddell Hart 1999);\n\n\"I suggested, and he appeared to agree, that it would be better to risk its loss by holding it too lightly than to strengthen it so much as to make it, morally, a \"Verdun\" or \"Port Arthur\" with great danger to our prestige if lost.\"\n\n9\n\nSome veterans complained about the lack of sympathy of London with colonial subjects, as evidenced in Colonel Anthony Hewitt's comments in his foreword to the work of Ko and Wordie (Ko and Wordie, 1996). Hewitt's passing comment is mild compared with the criticism of military historians of the allied countries. Vincent (1981) and Ferguson (1980), Cameron (1991) and most Chinese authors such as Yip (1982); Yuen (1988) and Tse (1995) criticised the British Government for being totally unprepared for the invasion of the Colony. The critical views expressed in English works in this period were pertinent to post-war claims for compensation by ex-servicemen in Commonwealth countries. The prevailing Chinese position is that Hong Kong should and could have been defended. An odd view is Tse (1995) who argued that Japan made a strategic mistake by taking the Colony, as it would serve no useful military purpose.\n\nBell's archive research (Bell, 1996) established that Hong Kong was not treated as an outpost but \"an integral component of an offensive strategy” based on faith in the superiority of the Royal Navy and the certainty of Hong Kong's relief. However, Bell's offensive strategy view is hardly consistent with the absence of fighters or bombers in the Colony before the outbreak of the Battle.\n\n\"Britain did not have enough men, or enough guns, tanks, ships and aeroplanes for the war against Germany. So it was impossible to send sufficient men and supplies for the defence of Hong Kong. These included the men of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps. These men - English, Chinese, Eurasians, Portuguese and others - whose homes were in Hong Kong, prepared to defend the Colony from attack.” (Stokes, 1965, p.89)\n\nThough it is highly questionable whether the Scottish, Canadian and Indian soldiers in the \"others category\" mentioned by Stokes would regard Hong Kong as their permanent homes, Stokes' description is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214771, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "150\n\nthrough. Get some soya beans which help the rice down. Junior falls down and nearly breaks his leg.\n\nSixteenth. Start Japanese lessons. Florrie arrives again and this time I'm lucky. Whimpey gets a blue mood and refuses to talk to anyone.\n\nSeventeenth. Florrie's amah arrives with more food.\n\nEighteenth. Sentries wire up streets facing camp and shoot a man and a woman for trying to sell food. Florrie turns up again but can't get her parcel through, what a girl. Two Chinese bodies washed up near fence. Everyone feeling weaker due to lack of proper food. Rumours and counter rumours so contradictory that I don't believe anything. Some real news would make such a difference.\n\nNineteenth. Now get three meals of rice a day but quantity the same. Rice by itself is awful muck, but we save our small stock of milk and sugar for our evening tea. Over hundred men arrive from Queen Mary's hospital.\n\nTwentieth. More men arrive in lorries, some unable to walk, and dressed only in pyjamas and socks. Troops give a concert including dance band. Cigarettes very scarce.\n\nTwenty first. Fight between Middlesex and Indians. Rice ration very short.\n\nTwenty second. All Indians moved out of camp. Canadians being moved tomorrow, destination unknown.\n\nTwenty third. Disturbed early by troops detailed for work at Kai Tak, a three-mile walk, wonder how they will make out on the diet.\n\nTwenty fourth. Navy are moved from the camp and we are going into Jubilee Buildings. Usual mad scramble for accommodation. Wing gets peeved with Brigadier McCleod and tells him a few things. News is that we have withdrawn in Malaya and that there's a rumpus at home about HK and Malaya, and quite rightly too as both places were very weak in defences, especially aircraft, and men have had to fight against overwhelming odds. We all hope these blunders will soon be rectified.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214772, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "151\n\nTwenty fifth. Move into Jubilee which is much more comfortable and on the waterfront. The six of us have three rooms and even a bathroom. What a relief after our squalid hut. Junior has planned to escape with several others. They hope to get to Mirs Bay in a junk and then fifty miles over land to Wai Chow which is still in Chinese hands.\n\nTwenty sixth. Junior gets up at five to contact the Chinese who is escaping and is going to arrange for the junk to pick the rest of the party up tomorrow.\n\nTwenty seventh. Junior up at five and contacts the junk but doesn't get away. Frank and I up at six and go down to the jetty which is now the only place one can buy food. We get seven lbs of sugar. It is pitch dark and we have to wade some distance to the junk. The Chinese are very cunning at avoiding sentries but several have been shot.\n\nTwenty eighth. GOC talks to all officers and NCO's about morale, which is very low, and warns us against disease. We are all staying up late tonight and are having a late meal to feed the escapists: Junior, Capt Scriven and Capt Hewitt, Whimpey is also due to go but one of their party backs out and upsets their plans, which is to swim to the mainland and then walk to Wai Chow. A perfect night with a bright moon and as still and quiet as a graveyard. We all sit up until two o'clock playing cards by the light of the moon. Finally they go and we get some sleep.\n\nUp to thirty first. Junior and Whimpey's escape don't come off due to the junk not turning up and Whimpeys raft collapsing. Many Chinese escape and some Europeans, many being captured and brought back. Japs machine all junks moving by day. Many cases of dysentry and typhoid.\n\nFeb first. Japs stop all food coming into the camp. Whimpey and Junior due to try again tonight. Four of us get up at two to wait for the trading junks. Several hundred in queue. Sampan arrives at four and we buy sugar, milk, and sardines. Whimpey goes just before midnight, it being very light. Shortly after, we hear rifle fire and we pray that he made it. Bullets fly past our verandah. Junior gets off at two am in one of the trading junks.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214776, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "155\n\nspeaking guard commander about the RAF officers and he says they will soon be back, being in Canton or HK. The WO takes me to his flat where he proceeds to question me through the interpreter about the RAF, where we kept our stores, and how their Air Force compares to the RAF. He wants me to write my answers down on paper. I refuse to answer most questions but I give my opinion of their Air Force which is far from complimentary. Am also asked if they could have.\n\nThe last block of the diary was incomplete. A possible partial translation of this block is as follows:\n\nreduced HK earlier by bombing indiscriminately. I write lines of nonsense about raids on London. Manage to pinch a handful of cigarettes before I go back to camp. Cigarettes run out and we smoke dried tea leaves which are pretty foul. Another parcel including cigarettes and curry.\n\nWeek ending fourteenth. Getting warmer and diet beginning to have effect. Many men with beriberi or swelling of ankles and have difficulty in walking. Feel fairly fit but lack energy. Common sight to see several dead bodies in sea. George orders all ranks to salute him.\n\nTwenty-first. Florrie turns up in her best effort looking charming. Suspect Rangoon has fallen and Japs have a big celebration. Outlook looks decidedly grim. Troops put on an excellent concert and George attends. Have started brewing wine from raisins. Japs say officers are to be paid so shall be able to send some to Florrie. Weather hot and acquire quite a tan; ours started to malign our people in the camp. Make most of a pair of wooden clogs as I only have one very old pair of shoes.\n\nThirty-first. Japs have another search and confiscate all electrical kit including Chippys' immersion heater. No meat for over a week and everyone gets one rice pot. Celebrate the twenty-fourth birthday of Ray\n\nand T", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214780, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 195, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "160\n\nboxed numbers was\n\n34, 68, 102, 136, 170, 204, 237, 270,...\n\nThe first six are all successive multiples of 34 but after that, the following two increments are only 33. However, this suggested that the letters should be put in rows of 34, and this seemed to link in with the right hand arrow with the number 340 next to it. When I did this, the first marker of four zeros occurred after exactly 33 lines, which also gave meaning to the down arrow with the number 330. It did not take long to then confirm that there were 1122(-34x33) letters between each marker of four zeros. Thus it seemed that the letters should be written out in blocks with 34 columns and 33 rows. A second important step of progress had been made, but there was still no story to be read.\n\nDigraphs. With all the letters now arranged in blocks, some sort of rearrangement of the letters into text was required. But how? One approach was to search for digraphs (pairs of letters). In a long piece of text, the frequency of adjacent pairs of letters can also be determined and again has a characteristic pattern. The most frequent digraphs are TH and HE [1]. So I took the blocks, paired letters in several different ways and counted the frequency of the pairs, hoping that if I got the combination right, the pairs TH and HE would appear at the top of the frequency list. But nothing that I tried seemed quite right. Another approach was to take each letter T and determine the position of every H in a block relative to the T and add up frequencies of positions, hoping to find the relative position where H occurred most frequently. However, this method did not give consistent results either. Another idea was to check for the first letter of a pair in the first block and the second letter in the second block. Still no joy. One problem with using a computer to check for patterns is that it is best when checking for regular patterns, which had brought no success. It is not so easy to check for irregular patterns.\n\nKeywords. It was time to go back to the diary and look for more clues. I tried to find some hints from the instructions on the first page about how to use the 'Tables' for multiplication but could find nothing there. Also on the front page, at the bottom, was written the two names.\n\nPage 195\n\nPage 196", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214781, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "DONALD SAMUEL HILL PAMELA SEELY KIRRAGE.\n\n161\n\nDid these have any significance? Then, lying awake in bed early one morning, it suddenly occurred to me to count the number of letters in the names—34! It must be that these names were used as a keyword to rearrange the columns of each block, another standard method [2]. Text written out in block form can be rearranged by changing the order of the columns. The keyword is written over the columns in a block which are then reordered so that the letters in the keyword are in alphabetical order. Reversing the process is simply provided that the keyword is known. Well, it seemed like a good idea until I was again staring at lots of jumbled letters. Still, I was convinced that it was no accident that there were 34 letters in these names and that I had just made a third important step forward.\n\nI was sure that I was now close to deciphering the code. However, time was running out and a new semester with a busy teaching schedule was looming.\n\nFig. 2: Donald and Pamela on their wedding day in 1946\n\nThe Final Step. I returned to the diary and pored over the pages, looking for any small clue that might provide more information. On some of the early pages, some numbers had been ringed. Often these were so faint as to be hardly visible. For each one, I counted the number of characters from the beginning of its block. Some of the positions were\n\n693, 759, 990, 363, 726,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "162\n\nWhich are all multiples of 33. This indicated that the letters should be divided into groups of 33 and not 34 as I had been doing. So I tried filling up each block by putting groups of 33 letters in columns rather than 34 letters in rows as I had done previously. I then ran my program to rearrange the 34 columns using the keyword made up of the names and looked at the output. There on the screen in front of me I saw the words 'war' and 'Japan'. I suddenly realised that I was looking at text which I could read! I sat there for a moment, hardly believing that I had at last cracked this 'simple' code.\n\nTranslation. I quickly translated the first few blocks of numbers which I had already put on the computer. I had to put in spaces between words and full stops were marked by an ‘x', (Note that the letter 'x' is two places higher up the frequency list from the diary compared with the standard list because of this.) The unfolding story was gripping. I borrowed a computer to take home so that I could type in more numbers during the evenings and then brought the disk in to work in the mornings, impatient to read the next chapter of the story. Finally the task was complete, and in 11 pages, a fascinating story of life in war-torn Hong Kong and as a prisoner of war was revealed for the first time in 55 years.\n\nThe work did not quite end there though. The last page of the diary contained an incomplete block. Because of the way it had been written, when this partial block was translated, it gave text with letters and blanks intermingled. Could the gaps be filled in to reveal more of the story? It is very difficult to guess at words which are incomplete. However, there was a dictionary on the computer that could be searched for particular strings which could include wildcards for the missing letters. This provided a very effective, systematic method for filling in the blanks. Some parts came together easily while others took more time but eventually, the gaps were filled in and the story told.\n\nThe Family. Mrs Hill was very pleased to have the diary translated after so many years. She said that reading it was like finding the missing jigsaw piece in her husband's life.\n\nAfterthoughts. The names on the front page and the boxes around the numbers on the first page were done by Donald when he once tried to show his son Christopher how to translate the diary. However, since", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "167\n\nvery nature of modernity, when one thinks of the fathers of modern anthropology who from the turn of the last century fled their modernising societies to search out and to prioritise, quintessential local communities whose traditions might be shown to be unchanging and invariant.\n\nAnd there is a deep nostalgia involved in this, a sense of the loss of the original referent, a separation from a source, which some have compared to those complex processes in which a child establishes a separate identity in relation to a maternal other. I'd intended to talk at this point about the historical role of the Hong Kong Anthropological Society, and its changing role in a post-colonial Hong Kong - but I am not sure that I dare. Let me just point out, as others have, that an interest in local traditions and customary folklore, local history and identity, is nothing very new. Certainly since the late Victorian era the informed interest in archaeological excavation of local pasts became embodied in a variety of academic societies, learned journals and individual scholarly activities; my own grandfather wrote several monographs on the local history of Surrey after a career as cavalry officer and stockbroker, when he was not collecting lepidoptera for the Museum of Natural History. But there were more serious impulses behind this obsessive curiosity about the past, the local and the quaint, which in Hong Kong one can also see reflected in the learned activities of the Royal Asiatic Society.\n\nIn regard to the Middle East it was these sorts of scholarly activities which Edward Said labelled 'Orientalism,' suggesting that considered as a whole they depicted an imaginary, passive Orient in such a way as to rob it of its own powers of self-representation, its own agency, or 'voice', and in this sense were in collusion with the colonial enterprise (Said 1978). While a mute Hong Kong may be a little difficult to imagine, we must remember that this has not always been so. For many years people regretted the apparent lack of political participation by the people of Hong Kong, and this was of course at a time when, under an authoritarian colonial administration, scholarly inquiries were taking place into the local traditions and customs of Hong Kong and its neighbouring regions. Chiu (1997) shows how this lack of political participation was largely an ideological effect achieved through the works of certain local social scientists which reflected colonial interests, yet he also charts a real muteness resulting from this. It was Said who,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214788, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "168\n\nfollowing Foucault, raised such questions of the interlocking of forms of knowledge, with forms of power, and it is worth reflecting on this discursive power a little in the Hong Kong context, and the formation of 'post-colonial subjects' in Hong Kong.\n\nI cannot at all agree with Abbas' (1997) strange claim that the invention of the Hong Kong subject took place in a cultural 'space of disappearance' or 'disappearing space', nor with his remarks that Hong Kong had no pre-colonial history to speak of or was until recently a 'cultural desert', nor generally that Hong Kong occupies a unique position in the history of colonialism when we think of the range of differences and unique situations that colonialism has brought about. Nor does Chan Hoi-Man's deeply conservative critique of Hong Kong's 'lack of a unifying cultural foundation' or 'hegemonic foundation of high culture' work very well when one thinks (in Gramscian terms) of the alliance of hegemonic interests represented by British and (mainland) Chinese cultures (Chan 1994).\n12 Rozanna Lilley's (1998) argument that the 'muting of local identity' in Hong Kong in the past was achieved with reference to two master narratives, those of Chinese and European history, seems to me far more to the point. And it is precisely from these sorts of colonialist disjuncture that strong senses of local identity eventually emerge. Evans and Tam (1997) trace the history of the interest in the emergence of a particular Hong Kong sense of identity, from Baker (1984) to Wong Siu-lun (1986) and Lau and Kuan (1988). Guldin's pioneering work on ethnicity also stressed the significance of a 'Hong Kong' identity (Guldin 1977a; 1977b; cf. Guldin 1997). Gary Hamilton (1999) emphasises the transition of the people of Hong Kong from temporary migrants from south China to 'Hong Kongers', people who identify deeply with the locale and its urbane outlook'. Graham Johnson (1997) similarly notes a ‘sense of Hong Kong identity that was not apparent until the 1970s', and Gordon Mathews (2000) also remarks the emergence of a 'sense of Hongkongese as an autonomous cultural identity' from the post-war generation, emphasising (1997) that Hong Kong people are 'not chameleons' who can easily adopt or transmute their senses of cultural identity.\n13 In this formation of a specific local identity, however much it may be confined to a particular generation or sector of the population, and however much it may now be challenged by the future political status of Hong Kong, Hong Kong's role in a global", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214790, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "170\n\nplace, with a hearty lack of nostalgic longings for ancestral roots - yet the sentimental or strategic nostalgia of overseas Chinese for their ancestral homes in China has also been well documented and described.1\n\nNostalgia is of course now commodified, fragmented and eclectic, as befits a late capitalist era in which global capital determines shifting allocations of labour. Nostalgia, and pastiche of the past, is almost commonplace, and through what was called the 'post-modern' eclectically mixes emblems of diverse eras of the past to provoke a momentary pang. The irony of Flagstaff House's transformation from a military site to a tea museum, noted by Abbas (1997), is a good example of this post-modern bricolage of meanings and historical ironies typified by Charles Moore's Piazza d'Italia in New Orleans (Harvey 1989), which we can find too in the toothless attendants and bright paints of restored Colonial Williamsburg (Lowenthal 1985), or the imaginary nostalgia of Disneyland disguising the unreality of America itself (Baudrillard 1994). But here I should like to draw attention to the importance of nostalgia as, if you like, a strategic resource for knitting together communities which have become dispersed and fragmented.\n\nWhile nostalgia adopts a temporal form (nostalgia for the past), it essentially implies the sense of belonging to a place (nostalgia for a place), as in its etymological roots. Can there be nostalgia for a taste, a face, an experience of abandon, a vanished emotion or capacity? Of course there can, but these experiences are all associated with a particular locus, a particular time and place (in the past). That place may never have existed, as writers from Lowenthal and Lovell to Mitchell remark, or not have existed for those who pine for it; the remembered, longed-for experience may be purely fictive and imaginative. Then again, it may have been very much a reality the loss of which is regretted; it was a real, living community we mourn the passage of. In any case, through the power of memory and recollection, that experience, that community, that place, can hardly be recollected exactly as it was, so that there is an inevitably imaginative, fictive quality to the faculty or power of nostalgia.\n\nIn one sense, it may not matter very much whether the lost object was, or was not, a reality, since that reality will have been transformed through the nostalgic recollection of it. Yet, in another sense, it does matter that not all nostalgia is necessarily imaginary; that real separations, real partings, may be what are being mourned.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214791, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 206, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "171\n\nSusan Stewart (1984; 1993) therefore exaggerated when she said that “Nostalgia is a sadness without an object', although otherwise she well expressed the facticity of nostalgia: 'By the narrative process of nostalgic reconstruction the present is denied and the past takes on an authenticity of being...which...it can achieve only through narrative'; and \"Nostalgia is the repetition that mourns the inauthenticity of all repetition and denies the repetition's capacity to form identity'. \n\nThe Hmong people with whom I have worked, in Thailand and in Southwest China, express an almost incalculable nostalgia for the past through their death rituals, when the Song of Opening the Way' (Chuab Ke) is sung by a Master of the Way (mo). The soul of the deceased is addressed very gently by the Master, who figuratively takes him by the hand and leads him to collect his placenta from where it was buried beneath the floor of the house at his birth. Then slowly, step by step, the Master leads the dead back through a series of terrifying ordeals which encompass the entirety of historical time itself, back and back until the very point of origin is arrived at, the village of the lineage ancestors (your Mother and Father) from where you will be reborn. Here the soul will at last meet its true Mother and Father - but not those pleasant ones who seem to recognise you. greeting you with open arms and smiles at the door, but those terrifying, tall angry-looking ogres, these are your real Mother and Father...\" \n\n*Saub yom yiaj, at daybreak came one walking from the edge of the sky, dressed up in beautiful finery and wearing a splendid turban. I called you once but you did not hear, I called you twice and three times and still you did not listen. I fear that the one dressed in beautiful finery coming along the path is you, come out to play\n\nSaub us uj, listen carefully to what the Master has to say, I bear the crossbow on my back and take the cock under my arm to guide you on your way, you will come upon three roads, do not take the road to the left, for that is the road for the Yi people, do not take the road to the right, for that is the road for the Han people, but take the road in the middle, the little one with the filthy footprints and hoof marks, for that is the road of your ancestors, that is the road where you should go and play", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "172\n\nSaub us uj, listen carefully to what the Master has to say, the Master carries a crossbow on his back and a cock under his arm to accompany you, and now leads you into a deep dark forest, with great crickets wailing, take no notice of them, have no fear, for this is the sound of your own daughters and sons weeping and lamenting, you make your own way and go ahead, go ahead and play\n\nSaub us uj, listen carefully to what I am telling you now, the Master has led you past the leaping mountain crags of Dragon and Tiger, I now take you to your very own country to find the hillside of your grave, that is your country and there is your land, putting aside the breath of life, go off and play\n\nThe Master who leads you to find your country and your land, will lead you to return home again along the flowery path of revival, in the central hall, you will hear the sound of the reed pipes like great crickets wailing, and the sound of the drum like the mighty thunder roaring, but have not fear, these are the ways and the paths of your ancient Mother and Father...\n\nIn tales and legends of the past, the Hmong who have traditionally been shifting cultivators, speak of a vanished kingdom from which they were ousted by the all-powerful, dominant Han Chinese (Tapp 1989). Their dislocation as shifting cultivators and denizens of South East Asia is thus constantly referred to a 'lost point of origin' which is at the same time, most definitely, a physically located place, assumed by many Hmong to be located somewhere in their ancestral homelands in the mountains of southern China.\n\nDuring the many deaths, losses and separations of the political conflicts the Hmong were involved in during the Indo-China Wars from 1954 to 1975, these legendary and nostalgic recollections of the past took on an added personal poignancy, as parents were separated from children, husbands from wives and brothers from sisters, during the fighting and then through the refugee diaspora which followed 1975. This is truly what Robin Cohen (1997) calls a ‘victim diaspora', showing clearly the intrinsic relation between the formation of modern nation-states and the existence of displaced populations (Vertovec and Cohen 1999; Agamben 1998).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214888, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 303, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "276\n\nargued a bit among themselves they were not militant people. Letters to the Editor were, however, written to the English press.\n\nLet us look at the Chinese community that went up to this temple on a daily basis. Many more went up at weekends. Some of them I got to know quite well. The first to arrive every morning was a man and his wife, both in their eighties, who got up at about four o'clock. They then walked up the hill in the dark (there are now streetlights on the lower part of Hatton Road). The old couple would stay up at the temple until late afternoon when they would return to their home in Western District. The temple meant a great deal to them. Their lives were woven around it. They had spent some of their own hard-earned money on repairing it and providing for day-to-day necessities - like joss sticks and oil for the lamps.\n\nDuring the day the old man would spend much of his time meditating. I saw him seated, frequently, swaying in a trance. Some maintain that the ultimate aim of meditation is to get one's soul to leave one's body. The danger is that it may be difficult to coax the soul, suspended in space in front of one's body, to return to its normal abode. All the time the old man was so occupied the wife was engaged in more mundane pursuits. She spent much of her time busying around cleaning the temple and listening to Buddhist music from a cassette player. She also prepared simple dishes such as congee. She made tea. I was frequently invited to drink with them.\n\nMost people came up to the temple early in the morning. Those that had jobs to go to would hurry down the hill, at what was still a reasonably early hour, while the elderly, the retired, would stay in the vicinity of the Temple longer. Often they would remain there for the best part of the day. Many would exercise in styles varying from the different schools of 'hard' and 'soft' Chinese martial arts to quasi-western callisthenics. Others would tend flower beds they had managed to create from the sparse layer of top soil, while others, who were mostly handymen rather than craftsmen, would carry such items as tools, timber or cement up the hillside. In their own time, in stages, a section of trellis or a shelter was added here, and an extension to the Temple there. Of course if one had nothing to do one could chat, relax and while away the time. They played mahjong (especially popular on Sundays), or worshiped the benign, grubby statue of Kwan Yin, the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214922, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "They contain a wealth of observations and well-researched material written by both RAS members and non-members who have frequently lived and worked close to their subjects for considerable periods. Such studies often contrast with those of other scholars who, because of lack of personal contact through no fault of their own, must distance themselves from their subjects and rely largely on secondary sources. I should like to thank our present Honorary Editor, Dr Peter Halliday. Nevertheless we must not forget earlier editors such as Drs Patrick Hase, James Hayes, David Faure and their predecessors, who put in countless hours in honorary capacities. Do you possess any special knowledge or expertise? Do you have something important to say regarding Hong Kong's past? If so, we look forward to reading your contribution.\n\nOver the past year selected papers and articles from our Journals have been digitised and placed on the Hong Kong University Libraries Homepage. The Home Page includes a search engine thus obviating the need for an index. We are grateful to the University for giving us the opportunity to co-operate with them on this meaningful project.\n\nOur publications continue to attract attention and sell to scholars and discerning readers around the world. Over the past year a number of bodies have requested permission to quote from, or to display, photographs from our last book, In the Heart of the Metropolis: Yaumatei and its People. Such requests are normally granted provided due acknowledgement is given. Our bimonthly Newsletter continues to be read avidly, RAS member Robin Bridge wrote: 'My thanks to all those who have researched and compiled such an informative Newsletter. Delighted to receive it e-mail, too.' While a few of us have fed in information over the past year the Newsletter was prepared, firstly, by Sarah Parnell and, for the second part of the year, by her successor, Mary Painter.\n\nWe again congratulate our members who have published in their own right over the past year. Because of numbers we are unable to name them individually. Other than in special cases we try to refrain from showing favouritism to individual authors. Nevertheless any member who publishes may, if he or she wishes, have their work mentioned in our Newsletter. Writing is, some contend, a form of therapy. One sometimes wonders how those who do not write manage\n\nxvii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214925, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 21, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "that it contains a considerable pool of talent, but we also appreciate that some people like to be invited before they are prepared to step forward.\n\nProjects and other activities\n\nWe do, as readers appreciate, undertake various projects and receive enquiries from around the world about local history and the like, where sometimes the specific answers do not appear as important as the quests to find them. During the year under review we received interesting information from old soldiers in Britain about searchlights used in pre-World War Two Hong Kong. This information was passed on to Comendador Arthur Gomes of the Hong Kong Prisoners of War Association for publication in their Monthly Newsletter.\n\nWe also received an enquiry from Mr. Kenneth Evans, in England, about his ancestors who lived both in China and in Hong Kong. One of these was Thomas Child Hayllar KC, Attorney General, who at one stage was embroiled in a dispute with Governor Pope-Hennessy. This has been well documented. For our efforts, Mr. Evans made a small donation to our Branch. This appears to be the first time the HKBRAS has been 'paid' for undertaking research. We also received an enquiry from a Dr Hansell in Bath, UK, who had bought a 19th century clock which had been made by Douglas Lapraik, in Hong Kong. Information was requested about the latter gentleman who started his working life as a clockmaker and died a shipping magnate. The information requested was duly supplied.\n\nThe RAS/AMO Volunteers\n\nThe working group of 20 plus RAS volunteers has continued to make a meaningful contribution to the conservation of heritage by assisting the Government Antiquities and Monuments Office. Most of the visits have taken place on Saturdays and this year they have included such places as villas in Kowloon Tong and excavations at Tai Fu Tai in San Tin. The more energetic members have then been called upon to undertake follow-up research, to write reports and make recommendations. We are grateful to all our steadfast volunteers and if anyone else would like to join them, especially those with a sound knowledge of local building or local history, they would be welcome. We also need more members who can read Chinese. As always a special\n\nPage XX", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214965, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 61, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "PROUDFOOT, W.J.: Notes from Biographical Memoir of James Dinwiddie, LL.D, embracing his account of travels in China as a member of Macartney's Embassy, Edward Howell, Liverpool, 1886.\n\nWALEY, A.: The Opium War Through Chinese Eyes, Allen and Unwin, London, 1958.\n\nWONG, J.Y.: Deadly Dreams: Opium and the Arrow War (1856-1860) in China, Cambridge University Press, 1998.\n\nWOODWARD, N.H.: Teas of the World, Collier Macmillan, London, 1980.\n\nThis paper was presented at the \"International Conference on Lin Zexu, the Opium War and Hong Kong,” held at the Hong Kong Museum of History in December 1998.\n\nAmong his many other accomplishments, Dr. S. M. Bard, OBE, ED, is also a historian.\n\nHis published works include the following: In Search of the Past: A Guide to the Antiquities of Hong Kong (Urban Council Hong Kong 1988); Traders of Hong Kong: Some Foreign Merchant Houses, 1841-1899 (Urban Council Hong Kong 1993); and Garrison Memorials in Hong Kong: Some Graves and Monuments at Happy Valley (Antiquities and Monuments Office, Hong Kong: Occasional Paper No. 4, 1997).\n\nSome scholars prefer to divide the Wars into the Opium War, 1839-1842, and the Arrow War, 1856-1860.\n\n* A Dutchman, Dr Cornelius Decker, advocated 40-50 cups a day.\n\nPortuguese Princess Catherine is credited with introducing tea to Britain when she married King Charles II.\n\nA story is told of German Radio, during the 2nd World War, which announced that due to shortage of tea in Britain, the British were ready to sue for peace, not having access to their 5-o'clock tea. It only served to amuse the British, for the Germans got the time wrong!", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214982, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "34\n\nShiyi' who suggested that an army be sent to Europe for training and service with the Allies. He continued to promote China's participation hoping for future political and financial advantages which might accrue providing further expansion of his own empire of bureaucratic and financial interests.\n\nLord Inchcape, the chairman of the Port and Transit Executive Committee, had already suggested the formation of Transport Workers Battalions to assist in clearing ships' cargoes for speedy turn-around. Some considered that delays in this area resulted from dock-workers not working a full day or were too few in number to carry out the work. To placate the unions, their representatives were appointed to serve on the Committee. Ernest Bevin, the national organiser of the Dock, Wharf, Riverside and General Worker's Union [the Dockers' Union] considered that the port authorities intentionally created labour shortages as an excuse for employing non-union labour. After an agreement had been reached with the Government as to further representation by Union members to serve on the Committee, Ernest Bevin became a member of the Committee. However, because it was considered that agreement with the Unions would not be reached, as to the employment of foreign labour, it was decided to look elsewhere for additional manpower. Throughout the war, trade union pressure prevented the introduction of Chinese labourers to the British Isles.\n\nMany years previously, Chinese had travelled to work, under contract or treaty provisions in, for instance, the gold mines of South Africa. They were tempted to do so due to poor conditions in China and because of the comparatively high wages offered.\n\nRecruitment\n\nThe French pioneered the scheme to recruit Chinese to serve as non-military personnel, negotiations being conducted by government officers posing as civilians to protect the Chinese Government and its neutrality from controversy. The contract to supply 50,000 labourers was agreed upon on 14 May 1916 and their first shipment left Tianjin for Dagu and Marseilles in July 1916. In February 1917, in the Mediterranean the French steamship Athos was sunk with the loss of 543 Chinese lives, but this did not deter the Chinese from enlisting to serve with the French or British.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "57\n\nan auspicious location to build a palace [of peace] where all the world's powers could meet and create a peace that will last ten thousand years.\n\nThe second letter is not addressed to any specific addressee with the writer also signing himself 'The Spiritual Man Yuan Chun`.\n\nSir,\n\nYour humble disciple learned that your righteous attempt to bring peace to Europe was rebuffed. Your setback was not due to your lack of sincerity for peace, but is due to the Western people's desire for war.\n\nSir, you know that the Chinese people [in Europe] have been placed in great danger by the war. We believe in your powers to make further attempts for peace, and to ensure our safety and our eventual return to China.\n\nThe third letter is addressed to His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief and is unsigned:\n\nThe current situation is one of utter chaos; the people's lives are very hard and we have waited in vain for the government to alleviate our difficulties. Our country is weak and the people disunited. Now is the time for an heroic brave man to take command and launch a crusade to stabilise the nation and unite the people. I hope Your Excellency will not hinder my efforts to carry out this righteous duty and I ask for your assistance in this endeavour.\n\nI wonder if any of the above letters were sent and, if so, whether the contents had any result on the final cessation of hostilities.\n\nWhilst writing this article I was fortunate to find a book on the life of Two-gun Cohen, the well-known personage with strong ties to China. Morris Abraham Cohen was born on 3rd August, 1889 in Stepney, London's East End, of an immigrant Jewish couple from Poland. He was shipped to Canada at the age of 16 after having come into conflict with the authorities. In Canada he learnt to ride, shoot and gamble, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215074, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "127\n\nthe sacred and the secular.\n\nSacred time can be separated into liturgical and non-liturgical. Liturgical dates are those linked to the lunar calendar such as Yu Lan Hui, the Chinese All-Soul's Day, celebrated on the 15th of the seventh lunar month [best known as the Hungry Ghosts Festival] and the anniversaries of the gods and immortals; whilst the non-liturgical are fixed dates marking the seasonal changes. Only two such non-liturgical dates are still observed - the grave sweeping at Qing Ming, usually on the 5th of April, 106 days after the Winter Solstice, and the Winter Solstice itself. Secular dates are national state holidays.\n\nHumans accept the depth and space of time as a natural aspect of our daily lives. To people the world over a day, depending upon the culture, consists of the period between noon and noon, midnight and midnight, or from dawn to dawn. The lunar month has been a common time-marker since time immemorial, with the Chinese lunar calendar being based on the full moon on the 15th day of the month and the new moon, on the first. To many Chinese, as indeed to a number of other agricultural civilisations, time did not stretch back into eternity but came round again and again, it was cyclical, and again like other civilisations a zodiac evolved.\n\nBefore the days of the cheap watch or clock, time to the average Chinese man-in-the-street was simply the year, which is the interval between each spring equinox, the month and the forenoon, afternoon and evening of the day. Chinese peasants were able to avoid the bourgeois vice of clock-watching. However, certain times were rigid; for example, the times of the opening and closing of the city gates; these were usually regulated by dawn and dusk, and for watchmen who walked the dark streets who knew from experience reasonably accurately when to call out the hour. For the majority of Chinese another important aspect of time is the lunar date of birth and death, as no marriage could be arranged without the exchange of time and date of birth of the potential bride and bridegroom.\n\nHowever, to the Daoist time never stops and no state can be retained. Change is the only constant. Everything is continually changing but for each action there is a reaction so that the cosmic balance remains the same.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215078, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "131\n\nconnection with Chinese history when comparing the same with the Western system. There was also a slight derangement of time over the year, by one day only, with the intercalary moon being so arranged as to have only one solar period in it.\n\nAlthough the months were divided into two fifteen-day periods, markers for rituals, these periods had no particular relevance to the lives of the common man. What did have marked relevance for the majority of the population was the artificial division of the month into three ten-day periods, used mainly to mark rest days. However, as the seven-day week of the Judeo-Christians does not follow the natural laws by which events and phenomena operate, it was an alien concept to the majority of Chinese until 1911 when the western Gregorian calendar was introduced by the Republic.\n\nThe day was divided into twelve equal hours, each of 120 minutes - though the concept of such minuscule divisions as minutes within an hour used to be beyond the comprehension of the great majority of Chinese. Short periods of time used to be described as the length of time it took for a standard incense stick to burn down.22\n\nThese twelve Chinese hours were referred to using the twelve 'branches' or horary characters. These not only provided names for each of the twelve hours of the complete day but also, in combination with the ten celestial 'stems,' they gave titles for the years.\n\nMonths were referred to by twelve [or thirteen in intercalary years23] ordinary and literary names completely unconnected with the stems and branches.\n\nThe twelve hour day began with 11p.m. to 1 a.m., the hour of the rat and known by the first of the 'twelve branches' Zi; the second hour, 1 a.m. to 3 a.m. was the hour of the ox and known by the second 'branch', Chou. The remainder of the twelve branches' were Yin, the hour of the tiger; Mao, the hour of the hare; Chen, the hour of the dragon; Si, the hour of the snake; Wu, the hour of the horse; Wei, the hour of the sheep; Shen, the hour of the monkey; You, the hour of the cock; Xu, the hour of the dog; and finally, Hai, the hour of the pig.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215080, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "133\n\nchambers or tanks. The most famous of the early clocks was constructed in the then national capital, Kaifeng, about the time of the Norman Conquest of Britain, by Su Song [1020 - 1101 AD]. Su Song, born in Tongan county in Fujian province where he is still revered within the Su ancestral hall, created an astronomical clocktower in which he incorporated his mechanical clock, a celestial globe and an armillary sphere. The difference between water clocks until the time of Su Song and his invention was his creation of an escapement mechanism which controlled the regular movement of the small water tanks providing previously unheard of accuracy.\n\nThe Twenty-eight Constellations\n\nIn early China the visible stars were divided into 28 zones or constellations, referred to as lunar mansions. These provided manageable proportions of the heavens, with seven in each of the four directions. The selection of twenty-eight reflects the time it takes the moon to make a complete circuit of the stars, a fraction under twenty-eight days. Books describing such celestial spirits, printed in Taiwan, illustrate each spirit with a sketch showing the \"human\" form and giving its attributes. Although usually regarded as a group, in some places a number of these celestial spirits, always mythological, are referred to individually in legend or by ritual specialists. According to religious specialists each of the stellar deities of the Twenty-eight Constellations has a title and a specific role, the latter differing depending upon the individual ritual specialists or books.\n\nThe Pole Star was also the celestial base of the several deities, the main one being the Northern Emperor, also known as the Dark Warrior, Xuan Wu, one of the spirits of great antiquity who ruled one quarter of the universe. Each of the Thirty-six stars of the Plough was a legendary hero recorded in one of the numerous stories of the deification of and struggles between the deities. They are deities of good omen, whereas the Seventy-two Stars of ill-omen, without individual legends, are just that, stellar spirits of bad luck. The great popularity of the Northern Emperor has rested for many centuries on devotees' belief in the mighty magical powers with which he suppresses demonic forces with his Daoist Pole Star sect, Beiji Pai, of which he is the patron, centred at Wudang Shan in Hubei. Xuan Wu was the Lord of the northern sector of the 28 Lunar Mansions and as one of the Spirits of the Four", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215135, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 231, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "188\n\ncopy which was corrected in 1900. Earlier versions do not, apparently, show the two Obelisks. It seems then that the two Obelisks were erected in their present forms at the end of the 19th century. I was, however, told by a Chinese Chief Inspector of the Royal Hong Kong Police, at the informal meeting organised by Chatwin, that at one stage in his career the Chief Inspector had served in the Tai Tam district. There he had met an elderly, retired police officer who informed him that, before the two concrete Obelisks were constructed, two timber obelisks stood in about the same places. This is purely oral history and, although it may well be true, I have not been able to trace anything more about them. Joseph Aspdin did not invent artificial Portland cement until 1824, in Britain. It would take time for its use to spread around the world. This meant that if obelisks were erected in the middle of the 19th century, in Hong Kong, they would likely have been made of some material other than cement concrete.\n\nThe two beacons were probably used by shipping, then, as navigational aids when entering the Bay, and sailing on into the Harbour, to avoid hazards or for use in times of bad visibility. In a Government Antiquities and Monuments Office paper a master mariner, Mr A Davidson, is quoted as saying that following the courses of the two Obelisks, 'in line,' results in a course which clears a patch of rocks lying across the entrance to Tai Tam Bay. These rocks, he states, are now lighted (Antiquities and Monuments Office, 1980).\n\nBearing in mind that just about all useful records from the Government Harbour Master's Office and the Public Works Department were lost during the Japanese occupation (1941 to 1945), it has not been possible to trace who erected the two Obelisks although attempts have been made to do so (Lack, 1994). It could have been the Public Works Department. It could have been the Royal Navy itself through its Royal Naval Dockyard. Until the late 1950s this was situated where Admiralty is today, in Central District. If it was the Royal Navy one would have thought there would have been some marking on the Obelisks, such as the Admiralty fouled anchor. One would also perhaps have expected the concrete finish of the Obelisks to have been better although they have stood the test of time.\n\nCould the Obelisks have been used for other purposes? Sometimes two sets, each comprising two beacons, are erected to clock ships in a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215137, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "190\n\na very seasoned sailor, felt that it could well have happened. It is not of course suggested that the two Obelisks were erected specifically for the use of submarines. As the public relations officer from the Clyde Submarine Base points out, the fact that they were erected about 1900 makes this 'very doubtful' (Trayhurn, 1995).\n\nConclusions\n\nIt appears then that the two Obelisks were set up in their present form around 1900. The general consensus is that ships took sightings, using the two Obelisks as 'head marks', and then followed 'sight lines' and sailed through Tai Tam Bay into Tai Tam Harbour, which provides a sheltered anchorage. There is no written evidence that the beacons were ever used for the timed 'measured mile' or for markers for submerged submarines although the latter cannot be ruled out.\n\nIt must be stressed that this paper is by no means definitive and it is hoped that other researchers may be able to add to what has been written above.\n\nAcknowledgements\n\nAcknowledgements must be given to H J W Chetwynd-Chatwin and Keith Francis, for initial efforts, which largely got this project started in the first place. A considerable number of persons have, in fact, been involved to some degree. My sincere thanks go to everyone named in the text or in the bibliography. A special thank you must go to Alan Lack, past Deputy Director of Marine and to Ken Atherton of the Hydrographic Office at Taunton, England, and to Remy K M Woo and David M Hodson in Hong Kong.\n\nBibliography\n\nAntiquities and Monuments Office (1980, March), typed notes about, 2 Obelisks (at Tytam Reservoir Area).\n\nAtherton (1995), 'Obelisks in Hong Kong', The Mariner's Mirror, The Journal of the Society for Nautical Research, England, vol. 82, no. 1, February 1996.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215138, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "191\n\nBard, Solomon (1988). In Search of the Past: A Guide to the Antiquities of Hong Kong, the Urban Council Hong Kong.\n\nEmpson, Hal (1992), Mapping Hong Kong, A Historical Atlas, Hong Kong.\n\nLack, Alan (1994 March 17), retired senior member of staff of Government Marine Department, Hong Kong. Letter to the author.\n\nHacker, Arthur, letter together with sketch to the Author dated 29 October, 2000.\n\nLiu Shuyong (1997), An Outline History of Hong Kong, Foreign Language Press, Beijing.\n\nThe Mariner's Mirror, The Journal of the Society for Nautical Research, England, vol. 81, no. 3, August 1995.\n\nOp. cit. vol. 82, no. 1, February 1996.\n\nMok, Sam (1995 February 25), 'Peaceful sea villages a Tai Tam treat', Hong Kong Standard.\n\nSinclair, Olga (2000, June), e-mail to the author.\n\nTai Tam Bay (1894), chart, surveyed by Lieut. J W Combe RN et al, published by the Admiralty, London.\n\nTrayhurn, Rob (1995, January 16), letter to author from Public Relations Officer, Clyde Submarine Base, Scotland.\n\nWhite Ensign - Red Dragon, The History of the Royal Navy in Hong Kong 1841-1997 (1997) ed. Commodore PJ Melson CBE, Royal Navy.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215158, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 254, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "214\n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong\n\nSchool (VTS), that a new curriculum was phased in. It changed from being a trade school and became a secondary technical school.\n\nMeanwhile the Far East Flying Training School -- the original name -- commenced training pilots and engineers for the civil aviation industry in 1934. The Far East Flying and Technical School Limited, as it was later renamed, sited at Kai Tak, was a private institution. It shut its doors in 1983 because of the rapid expansion of government-sponsored technical education.\n\nMeanwhile, retracing our steps, further progress in the field of technical education was made pre-World War Two when, in 1935, the Salesian Society founded the Aberdeen Trade School. This provided a sound general education, together with training considered to be comparable to an apprenticeship.\n\nLike the JTS, this School too was converted into a secondary technical school in the late 1950s. I recall visiting the Aberdeen Trade School on its open day, in January 1955, when I was struck by the high standard of craftsmanship of the students' work on display.\n\nThe first Government post-secondary technical institution was the old Trade School which opened in Wood Road, Wan Chai (using the old spelling), in 1937. It stood on the corner where the Vocational Training Council's multi-storey office block stands today. At the time of opening, under Principal George White, it ran courses in building, mechanical engineering (with a bias towards automobile engineering) and marine wireless operating. The Trade School also took over the evening classes previously run by Taikoo Dockyard at Quarry Bay.\n\nThe new, then two-storey (an additional floor was added in 1953) Trade School was well constructed on the lines of other colonial-style buildings erected between the two World Wars. It had high ceilings with paddle-fans because there was virtually no air-conditioning in Hong Kong at that time (an exception was the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank). The Trade School was one of the few examples of good face brickwork. In the 1950s navigation, commerce and textile", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215162, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "218\n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong\n\nproduced The Burt Report) concluded that a technical college in Kowloon was essential. The Chinese Manufacturers Association (CMA) offered to donate one million dollars if Government would provide a similar sum and a site. The Administration accepted the offer and the College commenced classes in November 1957, on its new Hung Hom campus, after we stopped teaching for three days to move physically from Wan Chai.\n\nIn the 1947/48 academic year there were a mere 25 full-time and 599 part-time students on roll at the Technical College (TC) in Wood Road. By the time TC had moved to Kowloon these figures had increased to 345 full-time and 5,532 part-time. Various walks of Hong Kong society were extremely generous. The College expanded rapidly.\n\nBuildings added over the next decade or so included an all-purpose hall, a dyeing and finishing block, an electrical laboratory, a multi-storey craft workshop block, a heavy-current electrical laboratory as well as a library, a textile workshop block and a new classroom wing. It was estimated that in 1967, of the total building cost of $7.5 million at the Hung Hom Technical College, about 64 per cent of funds had been donated. Similarly, out of a total estimated cost of $6.0 million for equipment, 40 per cent had been donated by industry.\n\nNevertheless, many of us were far from satisfied with the rate of expansion, bearing in mind the need at the time for technical education. Money allocated by Government for recurrent costs was strictly limited. For example the one-year, full-time electrical engineering technician level Radio Officers' course, in 1967-68, was estimated to cost only $61,262 to run for a full year. With an average of 25 students in the class this worked out at a total cost of $2,450 a student each of whom paid a nominal fee of $400.00 a year.\n\nDuring the 1960s, the Technical College was mainly pre-occupied with technician level teaching the entry requirement for which was completion of Form", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215196, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 292, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "256\n\nTHING\n\nT\n\nNeedless to say, I bought the book (for $8.40!) but for many years until quite recently in fact - could not bring myself to read it properly. This I have now done and have discovered that it is not a book to be trifled with. It should be read slowly and carefully, and savoured, if one is truly to understand and enjoy it. It is, as the Daily Express described it at the time, 'a true story of piercing beauty' and as Ed Murrow said of Winston Churchill, Suyin 'mobilised the English language, and sent it into battle.'\n\nThe book\n\nTrue story? I didn't know that, either, until very recently and this explains how, and why, I came to write this Note. In April 2001 Council Member Jason Wordie wrote a piece about our immediate Past-President Dan Waters in The South China Morning Post. Dan shared with us the fact that he lives in Realty Gardens, Conduit Road, which was the former site of the Foreign Correspondents Club. Dan also noted that behind his apartment block is the pavilion where Han Suyin and Ian Morrison, a correspondent for The Times, used to meet before he was killed during the Korean War.\n\nIan Morrison, circa 1943\n\nHurried e-mail to Dan. Was this the basis for A Many-Splendoured Thing? Yes. But Suyin's lover was called Mark Elliot, both in the book and the motion picture? Yes, but obviously dramatic licence was involved. But Ian Morrison was British and Mark, in the motion picture, was American? Well, maybe William Holden, consummate actor though he was, would have had trouble imitating a British accent. Can I have a look at the pavilion? Sure, come for lunch next Sunday. So I did.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215255, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 32, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "A REPORT TO THE HONG KONG BRANCH OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY (HONG KONG BRANCH) FROM THE FRIENDS (U.K.)\n\nOnce again it is my privilege to present a report to the Annual General Meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society in Hong Kong, and what a pleasure it is.\n\nFirst of all, though, the Friends would like to send its greetings and all good wishes to those in Hong Kong. We can only admire at a distance the growth of the Society, and what it is now achieving. This is well brought out in your very informative newsletters and journals, both of which convey a picture of liveliness, historical eagerness and relevant research. The Society was revived in 1959 with 'the object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual journal. These objectives have certainly been achieved, and we are all the beneficiaries.\n\nBy the nature of our distance from East Asia and our far-flung membership, the Friends' achievements in the U.K. are more modest. We are only entering our fourth year of operation and we number approximately 75 members. However, what we may lack in numbers is made up by the enthusiastic response of those who attend the quarterly meetings; members do come from all parts of the U.K., and one member comes from Belgium. This is all very encouraging and augurs well for the future.\n\nSince I last reported, the Friends' programme has continued to be held quarterly, normally at London University SOAS, preceded by lunch at Sheng's Tea House. It started with the A.G.M. in May 2000 followed by a lecture by that well-known Hong Kong personality, Anthony Lawrence. Anthony gave a very lively and personal picture about H.K. today. He informed us of the gradual physical evolutionary changes but at the same time explained that the human side was much the same as it was when he first went to Hong Kong fifty or so years ago. Interspersed with anecdotes of examples, the talk lived up to the highest expectations and the Friends would like to thank him again for taking time out in his busy U.K. annual visit.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215276, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "# ARTICLES\n\n## INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE COLONIAL EMPIRE AND THE IMPERIAL ECONOMIC CONFERENCE AT OTTAWA 1932\n\n### NORMAN MINERS\n\nIt is generally agreed that the development of manufacturing industry in the colonial empire was very limited. A recent study of colonial development describes progress before independence as derisory.1 Joseph Chamberlain spoke of the colonies as a great underdeveloped estate that must be developed with imperial assistance for the sake of the local population and also for the benefit of the whole world. Similar sentiments were expressed by Lord Lugard, Lord Milner, Leopold Amery and many others. But development was seen primarily as the expanded production of foodstuffs, raw materials and minerals. Colonial governments encouraged the production of cash crops for export and built the roads, railways and harbours to transport produce to markets overseas, but they were unwilling to spend their limited tax revenues to assist the establishment of local industries.\n\nThe attitude of the British government was that the colonies were essentially agricultural and producers of primary commodities in a complementary partnership with the industrialised nations, chiefly the United Kingdom. The artificial encouragement of manufacturing was contrary to the prevailing ideology of free trade and the belief that the state should not intervene to distort the free play of economic forces. Expatriate trading firms were interested in the profits to be made from exports and imports rather than the processing of primary products or manufacturing for the local market. Indigenous businessmen were few and faced formidable obstacles such as the small size of the local market, unskilled and untrained labour, lack of access to long-term credit from foreign banks and competition from established imports from the metropolis.\n\nIt is said that the industrial development of the colonies was deliberately restrained by the British government, which was unduly deferential to commercial interests who objected to local manufacture displacing exports from Britain. It has also been claimed that colonial governors were reluctant to put forward schemes for industrial development because they believed they should act as trustees for the native peoples and avoid the disruption of traditional society by the social effects of industrialisation.3\n\nThe Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, Vol.30, No.2, May 2002, pp.53-76\n\nPUBLISHED BY FRANK CASS, LONDON", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "Singapore were being exported to the West Indian colonies. In November 1932 a Canadian manufacturer of rubber shoes complained to the Canadian minister of trade and commerce that in the last two months 15,000 pairs of rubber shoes had been imported into Barbados from Singapore at prices far below that of shoes produced in Canada. The Canadian minister wrote directly to Cunliffe-Lister asking for his help. He expressed the fear that unless something was done additional factories would be erected in Singapore and Hong Kong to take advantage of the new tariff and cheap Asiatic labour. The colonial secretary replied that it would be impossible to introduce in any colony legislation discriminating against goods produced in another colony; this would cut across the principle of solidarity between various parts of the empire which had been accepted at Ottawa and would inevitably cause a serious revulsion of feeling in these colonies.35\n\nExports of rubber boots and shoes to the West Indian colonies continued to increase at an alarming rate throughout 1933. They even penetrated the Canadian home market. Factories in Hong Kong which had previously exported their boots and shoes to China and the Philippines found themselves priced out of these markets by new protective tariffs and turned to export their products to the West Indies and Britain. Canadian and British footwear manufacturers faced with the loss of markets which they had formerly monopolised claimed that the Singapore factory was owned by Japanese interests who were seeking to evade heavy duties by setting up factories within the empire. In fact all the factories in Singapore and Hong Kong were owned and managed by Chinese businessmen. The empire content of the shoes was over 90 per cent since they were made from Malayan rubber and British canvas by British subjects working in a British colony and carried to Britain in British ships. There were no grounds for denying imperial preference to Hong Kong products in accordance with the Ottawa agreements. The Canadian prime minister, R.B. Bennett, complained to Cunliffe-Lister that the importation of rubber shoes was utterly demoralising the Canadian industry; thousands of workers would lose their jobs unless action was taken to prevent the continuation of this destructive and unfair competition.\" The colonial secretary replied that it would obviously not be politically possible to invite the legislative council of the Straits Settlements to pass legislation prohibiting the manufacture of rubber shoes in Singapore or their export to markets overseas.\" \n\nMeanwhile another industry long established in Hong Kong was causing embarrassment to the Colonial Office. The governor sent a telegram to London complaining that the Hong Kong and Whampoa Dock Company had tendered to build a 500 ton coaster for Australia but had discovered that it was liable to a 15 per cent duty and could not claim exemption since imperial preference was granted only to ships built in Britain. The governor", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215343, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "68\n\nLaoshi Gong has a unique image. He is portrayed as a general sitting on a folding camp stool, in the process of drawing his sword from its scabbard with his right hand. The sword is partially withdrawn from its scabbard which is hanging on his left side and clasped by the left hand. His helmet has a large pointed spike on top [like the German pickelhaube], and he has four flags protruding from the rack in which they are secured across his back, above his shoulders indicating his rank. The camp stool is an interesting feature. It is a typical folding stool, with a full tiger skin carefully arranged, draped over the back of the stool, the whole image and stool with skin being carved from one block.\n\nLin Fu Taishi Gong, is usually simply referred to as Taishi Gong or Taishi Ye. He is a minor deity in two temples, one in the Hainanese temple, off Balestier Road in Singapore where he was referred to as Lin Fu Xiangye, Prime Minister Lin, with his annual festival celebrated on the double eighth. The other is a Hokkien temple in Ampang, Kuala Lumpur, where he is a minor deity having been placed there by members of the small Hainanese community. He is also known in Ampang as Marshal Lin, Lin Fu Yuanshuai or Lin Fu Dashi, and, during the annual festival of the major Hokkien deity Nine Emperors, is represented by his incense urn when carried in procession with three other deities. They are all accompanied by spirit mediums who are possessed by these deities, including Lin Fu Dashi. In both of these temples he is renowned for his ability to cure [internal] diseases and, especially in Ampang, he is also prayed to for wealth and good business. Temple custodians identified the deity as one of their clan ancestors, Lin Xiyuan who, according to biographies, was born in Fujian during the Ming, and died in about AD 1561. He became an official who argued long and hard against the power of the palace eunuchs, and was renowned for the help he provided to the populace during a major famine. Amongst his many achievements were his successes in the field of education in Guangdong province, and the use of a military force to destroy a band of robbers. He is also claimed to have pacified a number of outlaws. During the troubles in Annam he organised a pacification force, built up an intelligence network only to find that he was not required to act, either by the emperor or by the situation. He was dismissed, accused of usurping his authority and returned to his home where he wrote poetry and Confucian dissertations. He studied for many years and wrote source books for\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215369, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "95\n\nCHINESE BABY CARRIERS:\n\nA HONG KONG TRADITION NOW GONE\n\nVALERY GARRETT\n\nNine o'clock on a sunny morning in April 1989, and I was standing on the pier that juts out like a finger into Starling Inlet, a stretch of sea separating Hong Kong from China. About fifty fisherwomen were yelling at the top of their voices and pushing scraps of clothing in my face. My goal, apart from the immediate one of not falling into the murky waters below, was to acquire traditional clothing from the people of Sha Tau Kok, the fishing village that straddles the border with China.\n\nI was taking part in a research project for the Hong Kong Museum of History to collect and document material culture, through purchases and donations, from the farming and fishing communities in the New Territories, before urbanization changed the area forever. It was a timely mission, for today the paddy fields have gone, and market towns have been absorbed by high-rise apartment blocks housing the refugees who arrived from China in the 1970s and 80s.\n\nI became aware in the late 1970s, that change would soon affect the rural areas, and had paid numerous visits to the New Territories in search of traditional dress. Then, together with an interpreter to help with unfamiliar dialects, I made forays into the countryside each week, visiting remote villages where life had changed little for the past hundred years. Although I was viewed at first as a crazy gwaipo, before long the villagers were yielding to my requests for old clothing they no longer needed. The loose black pyjamas, shady straw hats, colourful children's dress and brightly decorated wedding outfits were collected, photographed and carefully researched.\n\nBoth periods of collecting produced large numbers of children's clothing, kept for sentimental reasons, as well as good fortune, until the child was grown. Cloth baby carriers were some of the most common items collected. Carrying a baby on the back was long regarded in southern China as a safe and convenient place for a mother or servant to keep a child out of harm's way. Many women had to work and care for children at the same time, either in the fields growing rice or vegetables, or helping with...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "號襬浹囅匋踹\n\n自然戒獳魚在鲜的)\n\n附端自附件,上裝飾,卷結縫藎爋賰\n\n. \n\n可,群了載點幾望對諾層,翠灦的圖案, 當中有植物,花卉、蛇、維辭饜肄垴酯物。不論是裡子讚是卷翔,沒有颱方領辦\n\n饼子的蓝面刻有四個漢字“德繈專行: 意思是“以德行護香港”,中央推顯色带出了盧押名字的英語縮寫,蘿的內面能辎用絲織成的衛,講越中國古代的\n\n來,只有關首的招呼語及顯耀的伫開闢\n\n\"ANT THAT RAAPO-\n\n泰軸內文:一個金色的外推包圍署、廚外\n\n是一系列純人目眩的交骧圖案,但据菲镪\n\n動植物。在維的頂部,\n\nAll of the features of the embroidered scroll and its casker are well\n\nrecognized symbols and emblems of legendary tales, supernatural and\n\npropitious signs (Box). Unfurled, the satin scroll bangs by two omate silver brackets in the form of bars, an emblem of happiness and longevity and signifying good luck.\n\nThe foot of the scroll is wrapped around an ivory roller with ornately\n\ncarved end pieces. Wound on to its roller, the scroll sits in a red sandal wood casket which is almost entirely covered with intricate carved designs including plants, flowers, snakes, birds and other animals. There are few unoccupied spaces on either the casket or the scroll.\n\nThe lid of the casket is embellished with four Chinese characters Tak Yam Heung Gong (de yin xiang jiang), meaning \"Virtue shadows over Hang Kong\". In the centre of the lid appears a silver monogram of Lugard's initials. On the underside of the lid is a painting on silk depicting a classical scene.\n\nAll of the embroidered characters appear in dark blue silk except for the\n\nsalutation and the valediction \"Respectfully Yours\", which symbolically is in red signifying truth and sincerity.\n\nOutside of the gold framed text appears a stunning array of linked images\n\nmany different types of fauna and flora. At the top, ringed by bamboo shoots, peonies, roses, butterflies and birds are a magnificent pair of\n\npeacocks. The cock is displaying for the benefit of the hen. The borders of the rest of the frame carry a profusion of bamboo, peony, butterflies and birds together with a pair of deer.\n\n案、讓孔靈正為雄孔深開辦。原的其他」\n\n01 # #RH#4 d4\n\n對脆。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215400, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "126\n\n“呈盧督頌詢” \n\n與香港大學的成立 \n\n當時香港的華人相信自己將是大學的主要受益人。這解釋了縱使他們對大英帝國的理想並不熟知，或者毫不關注，卻仍然熱烈支持籌辦大學的計劃。\n\n大學的成立，標誌著一個可以超越所有狹隘限制的意念，也代表一個難以成真的理想終於成為事實。\n\n香港大學能夠成立，盧押與一眾捐贈者功不可沒。盧督堅韌不撓，而各捐贈者即使種族、信仰或所持政見不一樣，卻一律慷慨捐贈，令盧督建校計劃成功。其中佼佼者是拜火教商人麼地(Hormusjee Navrojee Mody)。\n\n他在大學奠基典禮上獲聯督封為爵士。所有支持成立大學的人士，包括盧押、麼地、何啟、吳理卿和其他華人，是一群前所未有的組合。當他們面對一個共同認為值得實現的目標時，便群策群力，結果是夢想成真。從某個角度來看，香港大學的成立，證明了崇高的理想和實事求是的態度必能克服一切困難。\n\n上世紀初是一個風起雲湧的時代。“呈盧督頌詞”是這個時代留下來的一份實質遺產。\n\nThe Tribute and \n\nthe Founding of The University of Hong Kong \n\nThe Chinese believed that they would be the chief beneficiaries of the new University. That explains why they were ardent supporters of the University scheme, despite their lack of familiarity with or want of concern for British Imperial ideals.\n\nThe founding of the University was the expression of an idea that transcended parochial bounds. It also represented the fulfillment of an impossible dream.\n\nThe University owed its existence both to Lugard's tenacity of purpose and importantly to the munificence of those who wished to see his project succeed, irrespective of race, creed, or political belief. The most important of these was the prominent Parsee merchant Hormusjee Navrojee Mody, knighted by Lugard at the foundation stone laying ceremony. Lugard, Mody, Ho Kai, Ng Li-hing and other Chinese supporters of the scheme were strange bedfellows. Yet comradeship was nurtured through their concerted efforts to realize what they deemed to be a worthy cause. In this regard, the founding of the University of Hong Kong demonstrated the triumph of grand ideals and good, practical common sense.\n\nThe Tribute is a tangible legacy of that enterprising and exciting period at the beginning of the last century.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215405, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "131\n\nTHE FAÇADE OF ST. PAUL'S, MACAO: A RETABLE-FAÇADE?\n\nIntroduction\n\nCESAR GUILLEN-NUÑEZ\n\nThis paper will look at the façade of the church of Madre de Deus, Macao, popularly known as ruinas de São Paulo (Ruins of St. Paul's), from a perspective different to that familiar to most, including scholars. For I believe the surviving frontispiece should be classified as a fachada retablo, that is, as a retable-façade.\n\nA retable-façade is a kind of structure that has been given this appellation by modern Hispanists because of its similarities to carved Spanish altarpieces. Altarpieces, also known as retables (whence the façade's name), were as popular in Portugal as they were in Spain. Curiously, retable-façades were less frequently used in Portugal and are practically unknown in Portuguese colonies. I hope therefore that it will not seem too fanciful to start this paper by asking the question: is the surviving front of St. Paul's just such a façade? And if so, then how could such a structure have appeared in seventeenth-century Macao, Portugal's most treasured possession in Southeast Asia? (Fig. 1).\n\nBefore continuing, I must point out that part of this paper has been adapted from a thesis on the subject that I completed in 1997 for University College London. The thesis itself evolved from an unpublished youthful article written a number of decades ago, after many years' interest on the extraordinary phenomenon of the retable-façade. Eventually a few of my ideas on the façade of St. Paul appeared in a book on Macao that I wrote almost twenty years ago.\n\nSome art historians may disagree with my identification of the façade of St. Paul's as a retable-façade, mainly because of the lack of primary sources backing up the idea. Perhaps it will not be thought too irrelevant to consider that in recent years the tourist trade in Macao has readily echoed it, as is true of a small number of Portuguese researchers steeped in Lusitanian architectural traditions. Although the latter come from outside the field of the retable-façade their writings at least imply an acceptance of the idea. Unfortunately they only include a discussion...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215419, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "145\n\nThe Façade of São Paulo, Macao\n\nThese novel trends in Jesuit architecture in India occurring at about the turn of the century may have reached their apogee in the church of their new college in Macao, opened to the public on Christmas day, 1603 (Figs. 1, 13).\n\nHowever, amongst other important differences with churches in India, here there is no Arch of Triumph as such; there is not even an entrance arch, but straightforward lintel-and-post doorways. Could the reason for its absence be that Portugal never did conquer Macao? This is an attractive conjecture, although a more likely explanation is that the architect or designer of the façade of St. Paul's was simply following St. Charles Borromeo's recommendations to architects concerning the façades of ecclesiastical buildings. In his influential Instructions of 1572, Charles Borromeo recommends the use of lintel and post for entrances of Christian churches instead of the arch, which he considered a pagan structure18. Be that as it may, the idea that the façade of Madre de Deus represents a symbolic arch of triumph of sorts, although one not based directly on an Arch of Triumph but on some other structure, should not be discarded altogether.\n\nApparently, seventeenth-century visitors, many of whom had seen the churches of the Jesuits in Goa, did not find the lack of arches too unusual. What they do imply in their chronicles is that this façade was something particularly surprising within the architecture of the Society of Jesus, not only in Asia but elsewhere. The way they reacted not only to the magnificent interior of the church but also to its façade is significant. In the case of the latter, were they looking at something not merely visually striking but also quite novel? As already surmised at the start of this paper, were they in fact looking at the first retable-façade in China?\n\nThis is not as improbable as it may seem. Today, once certain historical and art-historical associations are made, the surviving façade of the church recalls the outburst of altarpiece construction that took place in the Iberian Peninsula and its overseas colonies from the last decades of the sixteenth century.\n\nUntil the Portuguese revolt of 1640 and the restoration of the House", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 197, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "146\n\nof Bragança, Philip IV of Spain ruled Portugal as Philip III during the construction of the façade. Before him two other Philips had reigned over Spain and Portugal, beginning with Philip II, crowned Philip I of Portugal in 1580. Throughout most of this highly controversial historical period very large altarpieces in a classical style were being built in Spain and Portugal. The prime instance of late sixteenth-century classical altarpieces of huge dimensions is the massive main retable of the church of the Escorial.\n\nIt is rather frustrating that no known contemporary source actually establishes any sort of comparison between the frontispiece of St. Paul and these retables. Even in our days specialists have ignored the connection. The reason may be that the façade of St. Paul does not conform to known examples of retable-façades. Even in the largest surviving examples the actual retable configuration is contained within the elevation by various means, such as the large buttresses found in Santa Maria A Grande in Pontevedra. They indicate to the viewer that this is a simulated stone altarpiece cleverly applied to the front of the building for his or her admiration and astonishment. At St. Paul's there is no containment, no similar signalling to the beholder that its designer intended a metaphorical retable. Here the altarpiece simile seems to extend to the whole of the church's front. This fact would certainly make this façade unique, but would not necessarily exclude it from classification as a retable-façade.\n\nGiven the lack of primary sources that would justify such a classification one must largely rely on the visual evidence. The following section shows how an analysis of the façade's structure and of its iconography can lead to reasonable conclusions supporting this hypothesis.\n\nArtists and Dates of Construction\n\nWho the architect and artists of the surviving frontispiece were and when they built it is a question that has eluded scholars due to a lack of contemporary sources. These sources plainly state that the architect of the church was the Italian Jesuit Carlo Spinola and one can surmise that he drafted the design of the elevation, but no one really knows. Spinola died a martyr's death in 1622, before the construction of the façade.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215468, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "194\n\nSpread before us was a buffet of rice and vegetables, fish, veal and, for those who wanted them, green chillies. All this was followed by strawberry pancakes. To help lunch go down we had half an hour to wander round the grounds. There was a cool breeze singing in the pine trees. Everything was beautifully fresh and clean. Numerous little sitting-out areas with wooden seats and benches made it possible just to sit and enjoy it all, accompanied by the distant sounds of an off-duty member of the hotel's staff sitting under a tree and strumming a guitar.\n\nA cash-less society\n\nBefore setting off, we were told that we could change money at the hotel, but there was none to be had as we had to wait for the man to come up from Paro with the cash. There were post cards and local handicrafts in the hotel shop, but this was well and truly locked with a large pad-lock. Perhaps the absence of local money was not going to be a problem if this stronghold masquerading as a shop was anything to go by.\n\nWe all piled on to the minibuses with much discussion about what to wear. Sure enough it was warm in the sunshine, but in the shade was an entirely different matter. Dozens of traditionally dressed staff were standing around with big smiles to see us off. It looked as though they were ready to stand down as soon as the two small buses and their contents disappeared for an explore.\n\nUntil the 1970's Bhutan had been more or less closed to outside influences. Even so, the spread of 'western civilisation' has not had a very pronounced effect in the last 20-30 years. Similar to pre-Meiji Japan, there are rules on a number of aspects of everyday life, including what Bhutanese people must wear - the go. I heard that for this reason, Bhutan is a popular holiday destination for Japanese; it reminds them a bit about their past. As I noted earlier, there are other regulations about building styles - they all have to follow the same traditional pattern. This makes for a very attractive and orderly appearance, but it also means that when a 16th century monastery is pointed out to us it does not look particularly old; a brand new one would look pretty much the same.\n\nOur first destination as a group of tourists was the National Museum", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 341, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "291\n\nPART TWO\n\nShips that pass in the night, and speak to each other in passing;\n\nOnly a signal shown and a distant voice in the darkness:\n\nSo on the ocean of life we pass and speak to one another,\n\nOnly a look and a voice; then darkness again and a silence.\n\nIntroduction and aims of Part Two\n\nWith the rapid advancement of technology, especially since World War Two, many trades and professions have been severely affected and, in some cases, phased out altogether. Horses were replaced as draught animals by motor vehicles. Electronic sciences and automation have drastically altered our world. Lighthouses have also been affected, as we have seen above by the relentless march of progress, including by such inventions as radar surveillance, Loran and other shipboard navigation aids.26\n\nThe Trinity House automation programme in Britain involved the conversion of 60 lighthouses and lightvessels to automatic operation and the withdrawal of keepers (Navigation News; 1998). The last manned lighthouse in the United Kingdom was the North Foreland Lighthouse which withdrew keepers on 26 November, 1998. This ended the profession of lighthouse keeping in Britain with a history of nearly 400 years. It dated back to 1609 when Trinity House opened its first lighthouse at Lowestoft, in eastern England.\n\nHong Kong's first lighthouse, as we have seen, set up at Cape D'Aguilar, commenced operations in 1875 (Endacott; 1958, 163). But the Territory, too, has followed the trend to automation. Waglan Island (sometimes spelt Wang Lan) Lighthouse withdrew keepers in August 1989 (Gazetteer; 1960, 108).27\n\nThe aims of Part Two of this paper are to look largely at the men who manned Hong Kong's lighthouses. What sort of people were they? What kind of life did they lead and under what conditions did they work? In a letter to the author, Royal Asiatic Society (Hong Kong Branch) member A. J. S. Lack,28 who served as Deputy Director of Marine in Hong Kong in the early 1980s, wrote (Lack; 1999):", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215573, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 350, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "300\n\nRecreation\n\nCertainly man cannot live by rice alone and provision had to be made for recreation and welfare. What facilities were there? One imagines in the early 20th century a limited amount. But in the years leading up to Waglan becoming automated, in the 1980s, colour television, stereo music, radio, a small library, darts, ping-pong and mah-jong, all accommodated in the air-conditioned recreation room, were available (Port Services Division; 1987).\n\nLet us now turn to the actual men who manned the lighthouses.\n\nLighthouse personalities\n\nIn 1838, Grace Horsley Darling (1815-1842) became the heroine of Britain when she and her lighthouse keeper father rescued nine of the crew of the good ship Forfarshire. It was wrecked near the Longstone Lighthouse on one of the Farne Islands off the Northumberland coast, England. It is fitting that Darling's name is still recorded in English dictionaries and encyclopaedias although today people are more likely to hero-worship figures like astronauts, film stars and footballers.\n\nWhat about Hong Kong's keepers and others associated with lighthouses? What sort of men were they? Let us look at some of them.\n\nJames Arthur William Deakin's father was a British soldier who married his Chinese wife in 1935.42 He served as a gunner on Mount Davis when the Japanese attacked in December 1941. Later, as a child, James was called upon by his mother to put food parcels through the wire fence of the Shum Shui Po Prison Camp where his father was incarcerated.\n\nWhen he grew up, after attending the then Government King George the Fifth Secondary School, Jimmy Deakin went into government service. In the late 1950s he was posted to the Marine Department from the Electrical and Mechanical Engineering Division of the Public Works Department.\n\nAllen Lack informed the author that he had known Deakin earlier, as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215574, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 351, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "301\n\na Petty Officer in the Hong Kong Royal Naval Reserve (Lack; 1999).# Deakin later became Assistant Superintendent of Lights, the Number Two to Terrence Vincent Courtney, an Australian. When the latter retired Deakin took over as Superintendent although he himself never actually served as a lighthouse keeper. He proved to be an excellent man-manager (according to Lack), and he significantly raised the efficiency and morale of the Lighthouse Section. He followed in Courtney's footsteps in improving the living conditions of lighthouse staff. He was described by Lack as the \"salt of the earth.” Attempts were made, it is understood, unsuccessfully, to get him a decoration in the Queen's Honours List for which competition was keen.\n\nAt one time Deakin started, so he told the author in 1990, to write a history of lighthouses. It was never finished. He was buried in the Chiu Yuen Eurasian Cemetery, at Mount Davis, in 1995. On his gravestone, in both English and Chinese, are the characters, ‘A fighter to the end.\" The author attended his funeral.\n\nAt one stage Deakin told the author, when Waglan Lighthouse was managed by the Chinese Maritime Customs from 1893 (which is the date on the lighthouse bell), it was manned by German keepers. That was before it was taken over by the British Colonial Government on 1st January 1901. After it was handed over to the British it soon became the practice for lighthouses to be manned by Eurasians, in the same way that railways in India were staffed to a large extent by Anglo-Indians.\n\nThe post of lighthouse keeper was seen rather as a middle management, technician-type of job, which offspring of, typically, British military fathers and Chinese mothers, could handle adequately. Indeed servicemen sometimes took their discharge in the Crown Colony. The job of lighthouse keeper required a reasonable amount of intelligence, integrity, attention to detail, personal discipline, self-sufficiency and the ability to live communally,\n\nUp to about 1960, the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank recruited Eurasian and Portuguese as clerks, secretaries and typists. The Bank only recruited Chinese as janitors and for similar, low-level posts. Likewise, in those days Chinese were not employed as lighthouse keepers. In the late 1990s a (Chinese) member of staff of the Marine", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215575, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 352, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "302\n\nDepartment opined - sincerely - to the author that lighthouse keepership had become a kind of Eurasian tradition. They had developed the expertise and took pride in this. One can see, looking in Government staff lists, that lighthouse keepers in the 1950s and '60s usually had English names. But they were generally Eurasians.\n\nThey are still talked about by those who remember them. In fact the eccentricities (if they may be called that) of some of the old timers are recalled with affection (Rull; 1999). When on shore leave the Brown Brothers (Henry and Richard) would go fishing. Marine Department staff used to laugh and say it was because they found, after working in an isolated lighthouse for so long, that the \"hubbub\" at home was just too much to bear.\n\nTheir grandfather was a Danish mariner named Bruhn, although the family was of German stock with the spelling Braune (commonly spelt Braun). It is not known when the family changed its name to the English Brown. Grandfather travelled in and around China and lived for a time at the old treaty port of Amoy (now called Xiamen). It was a large family, generally tall, and several of the children were educated at Diocesan Boys or Diocesan Girls schools in Hong Kong. Most family members have now emigrated to Britain, Canada or Australia.\n\nHenry (born in 1898) was a big man in more ways than one. He liked double-breasted suits and bow ties. He enjoyed parties, telling jokes and drinking with friends - although not to excess. He made up for his time at Waglan when on shore leave. Both brothers liked fishing and shooting. Richard (born in 1896), who had lost fingers in an accident, was the quiet one. Both used to talk to family members about Waglan and of having to be hauled up in a basket in bad weather. One of the Brown brothers acted for a time, in the mid-1950s, managing the Lighthouse Section until the post of Superintendent of Lights was filled in March 1957 by Terrence Coughtney who was posted from Sarawak (Lack; 1999). Because the Brown family was of Danish nationality, and Denmark was not technically at war with Japan, the Brown brothers were not interned during the Japanese occupation.\n\nAnother colourful character, who served as a lighthouse keeper starting in 1937, was Charles Beatty Allenby Haig Thirlwell. With three of his four given names taken from surnames of two famous British", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 357, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "307\n\nand Monuments Office and the Government Marine Department and to everyone mentioned in the text. Without their help this paper would not have been written. Special thanks are also due to Yip Kin-sang Superintendent of Aids to Navigation of the Marine Department. Thanks are also due to many other helpful people including Master Mariners Roger Parry and Alan Lack, Dr James Hayes, Simon Lord, Paul Brown, Phillip Bruce, Louis Thomas and S J Chan. This paper would not be complete without photographs and those published here are indeed rather special. For these, a very sincere thank you to Charles Slater.\n\nNOTES\n\nPart One\n\n1. T. Roger Banister (1932). The Coastwise Lights of China, Shanghai: Inspectorate General of Customs, Statistical Department.\n\n2. Lee Krystek - http://unmuseum.mus.pa.us/pharos.htm\n\n3. Trinity House - http://www.trinityhouse.co.uk/\n\n4. A day in history - http://www.sis.gov.eg/calendar/html/cl171196.htm\n\n5. It was named after James Horsburgh (1762-1836), an eminent hydrographer for the East India Company, author of the book Sailing Directions, which became the most widely used nautical directory of Eastern waters during the first half of the 19th century. He was also a Corresponding Member of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The lighthouse has a cone-shape tower painted with black and white horizontal bands. http://www.lighthouseclothing.com/database/searchdatabase.cfm.\n\n6. It was rebuilt in 1875 in the form of a white conical cast-iron tower with black trim. The 30-foot high tower with lantern constructed of oyster shells had a light visible for 20.5 nautical miles.\n\n7. T.R. Banister concedes that the claim is good only in its literal sense. '...if we except such primitive lights as the old open beacon at north-east promontory, or the ancient native light on Fisher Island in the Pescadores. The Tungsha Lightship, in the Yangtze Estuary, was established in 1855, and the Taitan Light was apparently first shown by the Chinese priests in 1863. But neither of these were exactly light [houses].'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215584, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 361, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "311\n\n43\n\n+ At King George V School the medium of instruction was (and still is) English.\n\nMost of the pupils, when Deakin attended, were Europeans.\n\n44 Allen John Stockman Lack is a Master Mariner who served in the Hong Kong Government's Marine Department. He became Deputy Director.\n\n45 Conversation 25th February, 1999, between author and Paul Brown, a family member then working as Chief Information Officer in the Hong Kong Government Information Services Department.\n\n46 Lai Tak-wah interviewed by author on 12 February 1999.\n\n47 Lighthouse keepers frequently had mechanical engineering backgrounds.\n\n48 Tam Cheong-wai interviewed by Author on 23rd February 1999,\n\n49 Some old seafarers have requested permission to have their ashes scattered in Hong Kong Harbour. This has been done on several occasions.\n\n50 Interview by author with Master Mariner Roger Henry Parry who joined the Government Marine Department in 1973.\n\n51 Observations by author.\n\n52 Hong Kong Government Marine Department caption under picture of Waglan with no title and no date.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215585, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 362, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "312\n\nBIBLIOGRAPHY INCLUDING WORKS CITED\n\nBanister, T Roger (1932), The Coastwise Lights of China, An Illustrated Account of the Chinese Maritime Customs Lights Service, Shanghai.\n\nBruce, Phillip (1990), Suggested Notes for Royal Asiatic Society Visit to Waglan Island.\n\nDyson, Anthony (1983), From Timeball to Atomic Clock, Hong Kong Government Publication.\n\nEndacott, G B (1958), A History of Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\nA Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong Kowloon and the New Territories (1960), Hong Kong Government Printer.\n\nHarrison, Paul (1999), East India Company Guns, letter and information to Author.\n\nHayes, James (1999, February 16), letter to Author.\n\nHong Kong 1962 (Year Book), Review, the Port of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Government.\n\nHong Kong Observatory (1999, February 26), letter from Director to Author.\n\nHong Kong Standard (1989 August 23), Lowering Flag for Last Time.\n\nJones, Kenneth Sutton (1985), Pharos: The Lighthouse Yesterday and Tomorrow, Sparton Press, UK.\n\nLack, AJ S (1999, April 19), letter to Author.\n\nLee, H C (undated), About Waglan Lighthouse, a paper, prepared by Hong Kong Government Marine Department.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215625, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 402, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "353\n\nA CONTENTIOUS CHRISTIAN MISSIONARY IN CENTRAL CHINA, 1887\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nChristian missionaries, especially Victorian, came in for much criticism and derision, as well as great praise for, amongst other things, their devotion to the Chinese man-in-the-street. During the years of bigoted and the blood and thunder Christianity of the Victorian era it was not uncommon for them to be mocked and lampooned by the expatriate business community, sometimes not without reason.\n\nWilliam Spencer Percival relates a hard-to-believe story in the late 1880s during one of his boating and shooting excursions to the Gorges of the Upper Yangzi. The description of Chinese reaction to such an aggressive missionary is probably reasonably accurate and possibly even moderate for the day; and from today's point of view not without some justification.\n\nHis story is related here in full, without comment. While up the river I met a gentleman who was a missionary. He was an Englishman; but belonged to an American-Scotch mission. This may appear to the uninitiated a little mixed, but it is substantially correct.\n\nAmong the various means adopted by the missionary body for Christianising the heathen, this gentleman chose the most curious and original method I ever heard of. Before he was appointed to the ------ mission he was stationed at one of the fortified towns some miles lower down the river. Here he resided in one of the strongholds of Buddha himself, among a people who were entirely ignorant of the first principles of Christianity. I cannot say he hit upon a very wise plan in his style of religious instruction.\n\nThis place, as I have said, was a fortified town, and a very stringent rule of the city - which was occupied by a detachment of troops - was, that the gates should, every night, be closed at ten o'clock. Our worthy Free-Lance of the Cross was very fond of rambling round the country in the cool of the evening, and on many occasions returned long after the gates had been closed. When he found that no entrance was to be", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215633, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 410, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "361\n\nThe Mediterranean and Tropical biomes are not planted in order to try to recreate sections of those floras in toto, but more to provide examples for the message, which is an understanding of the importance of biodiversity. And unlike the other gardens where plants are grown to perform at their best, Eden grows them to perform \"to type\"; e.g. rhododendrons are grown on the rather scrubby soil they would have in the wild, which in Cornwall of all places provides a great contrast in results and was interesting to us in particular. However, as Tim Smit himself has admitted, conditions in the biomes are still not \"real\": tropical trees are growing far faster and with smaller root systems, for lack of any wind or storms, for instance. And at the moment, insects are excluded, so that the staff must actually play God, and pollinate plants by hand.\n\nIf our guide was typical, the staff at Eden are genuinely convinced of the value of their work: he was hugely enthusiastic, (and rather frighteningly asked if he could read my notes, so that he could see which parts of his tour had come across best) and we were booked for the full tour, encompassing both biomes. Eden is the biggest event in Cornwall, and suffers a little from its success in that it is rather impersonal, but it is hugely impressive and very well organised. Maggie, who knows its creator Tim Smit, said that she felt that they were learning as they went along, and that having established an educational base they may move on now to more academic research in order to ensure the project's long-term interest and value. Some research is already carried out, particularly into the plant diversity of the Oceanic islands, and Eden also propagates examples of rare plants, such as Impatiens gordonii, of which only 250 examples remain in the wild, in the Seychelles. A more unexpected aspect of Eden was the amount of modern sculpture installed about the site. In the Humid Tropics biome, a \"shimenawa\" has been hung above the rice exhibit area by two Japanese artists: a huge swag of rice straw signifying a sacred space in the Shinto religion.\n\nTregrehan is run by Tom Hudson, himself a modern-day plant collector, though as a native New Zealander, his collecting comes not only from the Far East, but much of the southern hemisphere as well. At first glance it is a very traditional landscape of walled gardens and woodland walks, but one soon descends into a tree-shaded valley where the garden makes a radical departure into planting from the landmasses", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215675, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 452, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "404\n\nIan Morrison's Last Dispatch\n\nPOHANG IN HANDS OF\n\nNORTH KOREANS\n\nAnnex\n\nTOWN IN FLAMES\n\nFrom Our Special Correspondent\n\nBIHAR ARMY HEADQUARTERS, August 12 —\n\nA serious situation has developed at Pohang on the east coast. North Korean forces, who for several days past were known to be working their way south through mountainous country inland from the coast, and who yesterday were reported at a point seven miles north-west of Pohang, attacked the town early this morning and are now threatening the airfield five miles to the south-east. Fires are burning in the town and it may become necessary to evacuate the airfield.\n\nFor several weeks past the South Korean forces based on Pohang have been fighting in and around Yongdok, a small town 25 miles north of Pohang. Their supply line has been the road which runs along the coast. The mountains to the west are some of the steepest in Korea, but they have not deterred the North Koreans from making the obvious outflanking movement. The exact strength of the North Korean force is not known. Three days ago it was reported as two regiments. Probably it consists of a nucleus of regular troops and several hundred guerrilla troops who have long been established in these mountains.\n\nThe allied command apparently minimized their threat, because it was only yesterday that reinforcements were hurriedly rushed to this coastal sector. These consisted of South Korean infantry and a small American task force equipped with light tanks. Exactly what happened is still obscure, but the American convoy was ambushed soon after midnight on the main road 15 miles south of Pohang and pinned down until dawn. Air support was called for, which eventually drove off the North Koreans, believed to have been a number of guerrilla troops, and permitted the convoy to continue after considerable delay.\n\nMustangs were still using the airfield up to 5 o'clock this afternoon, and in some cases pilots were firing their guns only two or three minutes after taking off. The North Koreans had moved south of Yongdok, and pilots claimed to have destroyed two tanks, 10 vehicles, and two ammunition cars. Transport aircraft also were still flying into the airfield this evening and bringing out certain unessential staff such as ground engineers.\n\nAccording to these arrivals, North Korean mortar shells were landing in the general area of the airfield, but it was not under small arms fire. American gunners who have been supporting South Korean infantry in this coastal sector were shelling North Korean positions on the ridge about two miles north of the airfield between the airfield and the port. Large numbers of Korean civilians who had evacuated the town had gathered round the airfield, which is situated close to the shore of the bay, and two ships were standing by offshore in case evacuation should become necessary.\n\nLieutenant-General Walker, commander of the Eighth Army, and Major-General Partridge, commander of the Fifth Air Force, flew over the area this morning.\n\n97", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 468, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "421\n\nbeing starved. The complainant was later severely beaten by the Japanese. This prisoner could well have been HKBRAS member the late KMA Barnett although the book does not say so.\n\nWhen I have talked to ex-POWs I have seldom heard mention of acts of kindness by Japanese guards. As an ex-POW Dr Solomon Bard, who is well known to many HKBRAS Members, holds views which many regard as exceptional. He maintains there was 'no unprovoked cruelty within his experience. There are also instances quoted, in Long Night's Journey into Day, where individual Japanese were considerate to prisoners. This was more likely if a prisoner spoke Japanese.\n\nTo counterbalance instances of kindness there was the case of the American prisoner who requested permission to urinate. Permission was refused. Eventually, in agony, he broke ranks and urinated nearby. Afterwards he was made to lick his urine off the wall.\n\nThere is no doubt that, by and large, prisoners were severely treated. We have to remember, however, there was a war on and, in many cases, Japanese guards were little better off than their prisoners. Generally, when the war turned against them, both Japanese service personnel and civilians readily tightened their belt the extra notch. Japanese soldiers were brutalised from the day they entered service. Life in the Hong Kong camps, however, was not as bad as being a prisoner in Manchuria (Unit 731 and others) where inmates were subjected to inhumane medical experiments. In some camps in German-occupied Europe there was state-sponsored genocide, among the Jews for example, the full details of which did not come to light until the end of the War [Hon. Editor - As an aside, I recently paid a visit to Auschwitz, an experience which will haunt me for the rest of my life].\n\nMost prisoners in Hong Kong could envisage the war continuing for several years more and, when the Allies started to fight back and for the Japanese the going became even tougher, Allied prisoners were under the impression they would eventually be killed off in batches. The atom bomb saved the day. Although I fought against the Germans and the Italians, and not the Japanese, I remember no one at the time shedding tears at the dropping of the bomb on Japan.\n\nAlthough bushido and chivalry are in some respects similar this is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215714, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "1861) is both a tour de force and riveting, to boot. Ch'ëa was the keeper of a temple at Poklo. He was visited in 1856 by two colporteurs from Hong Kong who left him with a bible. On reading it, he was almost immediately converted to Christianity and was later baptised in Hong Kong becoming, essentially, a disciple of James Legge. He returned to Poklo where he pursued his faith with great, if not excessive, zeal, becoming an object of suspicion and hatred in many quarters. In October 1861 he was seized by a local vigilante squad, tortured, ordered to renounce his faith - which he refused to do - and was ultimately beheaded.\n\nStephen Selby's interesting account of archery in China from the pre-Shang period to the end of the 19th century mirrors the excellent address that he recently gave to the Society.\n\nThe indefatigable Keith Stevens takes us on a voyage of discovery into the history of Zhenjiang. As always the illustrations are wonderful.\n\nAnd Dan Waters reminisces about Hong Kong in the post-War years.\n\nThere are a total of 18 NOTES AND QUERIES on a wide variety of subjects. Paul Bolding gives us some insights into the life of the intrepid Belgium aviator, Louis de San - who he ultimately met in 1988 with some interesting photographs. There is an amusing 1905 Christmas card from Arnold Graham - that great benefactor of the HKBRAS Library - and an account of the Library by our Hon. Librarian, Julia Chan. Peter Hansell discusses the famous clock maker Douglas Lapraik. Paul Harrison writes penetratingly on the highly unusual subject of restoring artefacts for display in Hong Kong's museums. Bob Horsnell continues his highly interesting pieces on old military installations. David Mahoney provides further insights into the Chinese Labour Corps in France during World War I. Martin Merz adds another follow up to Solomon's Bard's TEA AND OPIUM advising that Chinese and Indian teas are, essentially, the same (we live and learn!). Robert Nield's beautiful photographs of Bhutan which I messed up in Volume 41 are now reproduced in all their glory. I'll leave you to read The wrestling princes by Keith Stevens (a little suspense will do no harm). Peter Stuckey and Chris Bailey take us to St. John's (Shangchuan) Island to the southwest of Hong Kong where St. Francis Xavier died in 1552 (not, as I originally thought when skimming through the article,\n\niv", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215734, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "We would like to issue grants from the Fund to enable books in English on Hong Kong Studies to be published which could otherwise not get published because of their lack of commercial viability. We have come to an interim agreement with Hong Kong University Press such that, if and when the Fund is formally established, they would publish a series of English-language books possibly to be called The Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Studies Series with cash assistance from the Society for each volume. A vetting committee, under the oversight of the Management Board, would ensure that the academic standard of any book so published was high. We have already identified a number of works which could possibly be funded as part of such a series. We are also looking into the possibility that the Fund would be able to make smaller grants to assist with research into Hong Kong Studies: this possibility requires further consideration. We are still considering the detailed rules by which such a Fund would be operated. Our aim is to get enough money into the fund so that one or two books and perhaps one or two smaller grants could be made each year. Annual disbursements from the Fund of perhaps $75,000 is the sort of level of cash transaction we are currently hoping for.\n\nWe have been actively seeking donations for this Fund, and are close to achieving some considerable success in this, although details cannot yet be disclosed. We will, as soon as the Fund is formally established, draw this to Members' attention: should any Member, or other well-wisher, wish to make any donation to the Fund this would, I can assure you, be very gratefully received! In fact, the Council has already received some donations which they are ear-marking for the Fund and which will be transferred to the Fund when it is formally in existence: the most significant of these is a donation of $1,000 given by Dr Solomon Bard as a gesture of appreciation to the Society for having made him an Honorary Life Member of the Society, and which I would like to take this opportunity of gratefully acknowledging. It is my hope that the Society will eventually manage to get about a million dollars set aside in this Foundation Fund.\n\nHowever, the Council is of the view that the Society cannot seek donations for the Fund from well-wishers in the Community at large unless it makes a substantial donation to it itself. Over the more than 40 years of the Society's existence, our generally conservative and careful financial management has led to a significant cash balance\n\nxxiv", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "5\n\nalso study how the English system of law was introduced into a largely Far Eastern society and the extent of its impact.\n\nThe nature of the Calcutta administration\n\nLackadaisical attitude\n\nOne of the most glaring problems in the Straits Settlements was the failure of the Indian authorities to establish an effective form of government. This was due to its distance and lack of accessibility which cultivated an indifferent or disinterested attitude on the part of the Indian officials.21 The Indian government was far more interested in its Indian territories than in its possessions in the Malay Peninsular.22 This led to the administrative problems in the Straits Settlements. Owing to this indifference, the men sent from India were young and inexperienced who knew nothing of the problems in the settlements but were only too eager to return to India to reap bigger rewards and promotion.23\n\nLack of representation in Legislative Council\n\nAs the administration of the Straits Settlements was highly centralised in India, the governor of the Straits Settlements had very little authority and merely supervised administration.24 All important matters had to be referred to India for a decision and the governor had no executive or legislative power.25 All the legislation for the Straits Settlements was planned by the Indian government. As the Straits Settlements had no official representation in India, it could not block any legislation that could prove detrimental to the Straits Settlements.26\n\nThus it can be established that the 'roots of the transfer movement lay in the constitutional rearrangement in the Straits Settlements of 1830 and the [Indian] Charter Act of 1833. The system of government was unsatisfactory both for the governor and the mercantile community.'27\n\nThe petition of 1857: A critical evaluation of the complaints raised\n\nThe Currency Act 185528\n\nThe Currency Act is an example cited by the Straits merchants in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215807, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "39\n\npart of the year (May to August). In fact, it rained about two out of every three days during the months of June and July, with June having a better than 40 per cent chance of experiencing three or more consecutive days, and even a 25 per cent chance of having at least an entire week, of rain.\n\nIn a largely undeveloped place like Hong Kong during the war, heavy rains falling on land usually translated into mud. Thus far in the war, both sides had already experienced the difficulty of moving across mud in various theatres. In Hong Kong, only the urban areas had all-weather roads, so its roads and terrain outside of the urban areas were trafficable only during periods of dry weather.10\n\nThen one must remember that 75 per cent of Hong Kong was mountain. By the nature of their sloped sides and rocky terrain, mountains are already difficult to traverse in good weather. In times of bad weather, mountains are even harder to negotiate, especially if they have been stripped of vegetation. This was the case with Hong Kong during the Japanese occupation. As the war dragged on, supply shortages of everything became acute. Whereas coal was the preferred fuel for industrial and residential use, the increasing difficulty of importing this item into Hong Kong forced people to switch to firewood. This resulted in the felling of trees throughout the territory, thus depriving the mountains of the foliage that anchored their soil, and increasing the chances of erosion and landslides.\n\nMachinery was the epitome of the Allied arsenal, and embodied from its factories, to its logistical functions, and finally to the fighting machines on the frontline. But machinery was also very susceptible to the weather. In Hong Kong, with its high rainfall and lack of all-weather roads outside of the city, construction activities would be needed to improve its roads for the vehicle-oriented Allies. But construction would be curtailed during periods of heavy rainfall.\n\nWithout a suitable system of roads, the Allies would be unable to take full advantage of their superior mechanised transport in Hong Kong. The necessity of supporting China with a strong LoC inland from Hong Kong would have taxed its inadequate roads past their limit. Estimates for the portion of supplies landed each day that could be transported inland to support the Chinese amounted to no more than 25 per cent,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215808, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "40\n\nand this was on a good weather day. An alternative was to utilize the sole railroad in the territory - the Kowloon-Canton Railway (KCR). However, the KCR was primarily a passenger railway, so rolling stock for transporting freight was in short supply,12\n\nA third option was to transport the supplies by water via the Pearl River and its tributaries, which lead up to Canton and points beyond. This method, if fully operational, would greatly increase the amount of supplies headed inland. It too was dependent on various factors, like Allied control of both banks of the Pearl, the availability of suitable river craft (Canton could still handle large vessels, but as the river branches out and tapers off, smaller vessels would be needed), and the weather.13 Without modifications, the mediocre communications inland from Hong Kong would not do justice to its generous port capacity.\n\nAs for ground operations, the Allies enjoyed a crushing supremacy over the Japanese in the quantity and quality of their armour, but Hong Kong's mountainous terrain would have ensured that armour could see only limited duty there.\n\nOn a bad day, mechanised transport would become bogged down on Hong Kong's muddy roads. The Allies would have felt Hong Kong eerily similar to Italy, a place that was also mountainous and experienced high rainfall. There, the Allies had armour superiority, but it was of limited value, and their advance was slow. Their advances along the coast were a bit faster because it was relatively flat, just like Hong Kong's. However, during bad weather days, a lack of natural ground in many of the coastal areas (due to urbanisation) to absorb rainfall could cause flooding. In addition, there was human-induced flooding. Southern China was still mainly an agrarian region, where farmers would deliberately flood their fields in April of each year to fertilize their crops.14 That added at least a month to the flood season.\n\nInfantry would also find the combination of rainfall and challenging terrain as harsh for them as they would be for their vehicles, if not more. Without substantial support from mechanised forces, infantry would be deprived of a vital factor to combat the Japanese.\n\nAir support, a key ingredient in offensive operations worldwide, and one in which the Allies enjoyed superiority and obviously hated to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215915, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "148\n\nwith Sir John Davis, the Governor of Hong Kong, as its president and remained active for 12 years, but ceased to exist in 1859. The Hong Kong branch was re-established under the active patronage of another governor, Sir Robert Black, in 1959.\n\nSince the handover, the society no longer has a patron. When the present Chief Executive of the Special Administrative Region of Hong Kong, Mr. Tung Chee-hwa was asked to serve in that role, he politely declined.\n\nAn American in Hong Kong...\n\nThe conference participants are back from the lunch break and the 82-year-old Reverend Carl Smith is helped to the stage by Elizabeth Sinn. Smith's talk is titled \"Forty Years of Research on Hong Kong.\" The lights are dimmed and heads begin to nod off again...\n\n\"You get out at exit A and on your right you'll see this big set of steps leading up to the skies...don't take them,\" said Smith as he was giving directions to his home in Mei Foo Sun Chuen. As soon as he said that it reminded me of an episode of the popular TV series M*A*S*H when the doctors had to dispose of a bomb. It went something like, “cut the red wire\"...the doctor cuts it... \"after cutting the blue wire\"...explosion!!!\n\nThe reverend's instructions are spot on and I arrive without any trouble. The block is 19 and he's on the 11th Floor, flat D, but his flat is labelled 19D...go figure. Smith greets me and has to unlock the gate with a key. Not very safe, I think, for a man of his age. What if there's a fire? How is he going to get out?\n\nThe apartment is smaller than I had expected and it is filled wall to wall with file cabinets and card files all of Smith's research work over the last 40 years. The cards were put on microfilm and housed in the Public Records Office as the Carl Smith collection. Smith has recently agreed to leave the cards themselves to the Library of Congress in the United States.\n\n\"The Asian division of the Library of Congress, right before the handover, came to Hong Kong with the purpose of getting documents", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215930, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 229, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "163\n\na new breed of intelligence officer. Grimsdale recalled his admiration with the ease with which Boxer could gain the trust of the Japanese.\n\nWhen the Japanese conquered Guangdong in 1938, Boxer arranged an invitation for himself and Grimsdale to visit the Commander of Japanese Forces, General Ando, whom he had known socially in London. To Grimsdale's amazement, Ando showed them round Japanese installations in his own staff car. They were able to inspect troop positions, aerodromes and see the power of the Japanese army at first hand. Perhaps that was Ando's subtle point, but it benefited both parties. At one stage, the general joked to Boxer that the British should stop supporting the Chinese 'then we could finish off this bloody war and all go home.' In the same jesting vein, Boxer answered that the Japanese should stop supporting the Germans.\n\nBoxer and his colleagues made a point of travelling and meeting people. Through personal contacts they were able to extract more information, and get an understanding of context. Boxer and his colleagues were articulate and fluent in Chinese or Japanese, and above all sensitive to the cultures, aware of the place of Hong Kong in the overall Chinese scheme of things. They illustrated the concept that \"well informed is well armed.\" Nor were they the only ones. In 1937/8, the Japanese Army in central China had agreed to take a young Japanese speaking British officer \"on attachment\" for nine months. Although his detailed report was misinterpreted (the atrocities in China were deemed a 'temporary lapse') is the then Military Attache and Foreign Office agreed that a non confrontational approach was more effective in getting information and defusing potential incidents.\n\niv\n\nAlert to the nuances of Japanese politics, Boxer sensed in July 1939, a sharp deterioration in Japanese attitudes towards the British. He interpreted this as a move by the Japanese Army to find a scapegoat for their lack of progress in the China campaign. He reported 'at present there can be no greater error than to assume as is so often done that Japan's military machine is too bogged down in China to prevent it being turned towards us...the only thing likely to restrain the Japanese Army....is the fear of possible complications with the United States of America.\" His warnings however went unheeded: Europe was itself just about to plunge into war, and to the Foreign Office, Hong Kong seemed very far away. Indeed, the note covering Boxer's letter", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 287, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "221\n\nresearch and cross-cultural studies on an international scale. There is much of lasting value which has been gained here. For the light of this story is full of mottled shades, helping to expose the cultural complexities of the second generation of missionaries and indigenous Christians among Protestants in China as well as highlighting the work of one of their most creative and unexpected indigenous missionaries. Furthermore, it reveals a purposefully hidden event in the very early era of the post-Opium War treaty situation which has been all but forgotten. Now there is even more evidence to consider, far more than has previously been available, to indicate how and why the interacting forces of foreign military, local mandarin, Hong Kong missionary and Chinese local populations struggled through this very murky period in modern Chinese history.\n\nNOTES\n\n1. Further details about Legge's missionary-scholar career can be culled from my two-volume work entitled Striving for \"The Whole Duty of Man”: James Legge and the Scottish Protestant Encounter with China (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang), forthcoming in May or June 2003. Images of some of the other deaths surrounding Legge's later life while a professor in Chinese language and literature at Oxford can be culled from Norman J. Girardot's The Victorian Translation of China: James Legge's Oriental Pilgrimage (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002). An earlier version of this paper was read at the International Conference on James Legge held in the University of Aberdeen in April 1997.\n\n2. See George Legge, Lectures on Theology, Science, and Revelation, eds. James Legge and John Legge, with introduction by James Legge (London: 1863).\n\n3. In the five-volume set of William Canton's A History of the British and Foreign Bible Society (London: John Murray, 1904-1910), only two pages are devoted to recounting the basic elements of Ch'ea's Christian life and martyrdom, all being completely dependent on previous published sources in English. While a full chapter is devoted to Ch'ea in Helen Edith Legge's James Legge: Missionary and Scholar (London: Religious Tract Society, 1905), her account suffers from a lack of chronological consistency, some misrepresentation of facts, and a lack of understanding of the broader circumstances influencing the events leading to his murder.\n\n4. An immense amount of literature in the general area of Protestant missionary studies, for example, and two monumental works on Legge's two distinct careers as a missionary for the London Missionary Society in Hong Kong and as the first professor of Chinese language and literature at Corpus Christi College in Oxford (by Pfister and Girardot respectively), have highlighted these matters. For those interested in the more general trends of missionary studies", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215989, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "222\n\nwhich reveal the diversities in missionary styles and traditions, review research materials available in volumes such as the following: Gerald H. Anderson, Robert T. Coote, Norman A. Homer, and James M. Phillips, eds., Mission Legacies: Biographical Studies of Leaders of the Modern Missionary Movement (Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1994; see the articles on \"Mission\" and individual missionaries in Nigel M. de S. Cameron, David F. Wright, David C. Lachman, Donald E. Meek, eds., Dictionary of Scottish Church History and Theology (Edinburgh: T&T Clark Ltd., 1993); A Scott Moreau, Harold Netland, Charles Van Engen, eds., Evangelical Dictionary of World Missions (Grand Rapids, Michigan: Baker Books, 2000); and relevant articles in Scott W. Sunquist, David Wu Chu Sing, John Chew Hiang Chea, eds., A Dictionary of Asian Christianity (Grand Rapids, Michigan and Cambridge, U.K.: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 2001). For a recent article which places Legge into a broader context of missiological studies, consult Lauren Pfister, \"The Mengzian Matrix for Accommodationist Missionary Apologetics”, Monumenta Serica 50 (2002), pp. 1-25.\n\n5. See examples of this oversight in articles of the Chinese Repository (1831-1850), which was edited for most of its existence by the American missionary, Elijah Bridgman (Bei Zhiwen, 1801-1861), and the longer running Evangelical Magazine And Missionary Chronicle (below simply EMMC) edited from the 1820s to the 1850s by Legge's father-in-law, John Morison (c. 1795-1859). Special efforts in recent years have sought to correct this irregular normality in missionary literature and missionary studies, including more recently published works by Irene Eber on Bishop Joseph Schereschewesky, Michael Lazich on Elijah Bridgman, Jost Zetzsche on Chinese Bible translation and translators, and Lauren Pfister on James Legge's missionary career, as well as more general historical studies on Chinese Christians in English works by Carl T. Smith, Jessie Lutz, and Daniel Bays, as well as extensive Chinese studies in Hong Kong written by Lee Kam-keung, Timothy Wong Man-kong, Leung Ka-lun, and Ying Fuk-tsang. A new generation of younger scholars in mainland China are also writing new accounts of the early Roman Catholic and Protestant missionary histories, but while the Catholic studies often refer to the Chinese Christians involved, the Protestant studies are still largely hampered by lack of research into the Chinese converts, missionaries, and pastors during these earlier periods.\n\n6. The early History of Anglo-Chinese College has been the subject of a monograph by Brian Harrison, Waiting for China: The Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca, 1818-1843, and early Nineteenth Century Missions (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1981), and special biographical details about a number of students are found in Carl Smith's two major works, Chinese Christians: Élites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong; Oxford University Press, 1985) and A Sense of History: Studies in the Social and Urban History of Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Educational Publishing Co., 1995). In these works Smith briefly describes among others the three Chinese students who joined Legge in an interview with Queen Victoria and Prince Albert in February 1848: Lee Kim Leen, Song Hoot Kiam, and Ng Mun Sow. See Chinese Christians, pp.82, 148-149 and A Sense of History, pp. 339ff. This event was memorialized in a painting of 1848 that later became part of a commemorative", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216053, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 352, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "286\n\nParker might pitch it into the nearest ditch as far as he cared, but it was as much as his place was worth for him to touch it. The Municipal Council issued notices and offered compensation, and meanwhile every day during their walks and rides they had to go round the obstructive eyesore. The Daotai had second thoughts and issued a proclamation saying that he had expostulated with Parker and in his reverent affection for human bones told him that he would have to wait for the agnatic descendants to come forward. This put Parker in a very uncomfortable position and he determined to go the Daotai one better. He therefore issued a proclamation explaining that no one had greater affection for human bones than he but pointed out that the coffin ran the risk of desecration, and that even distant members of the family were authorised to take it away at once. He then gave a broad hint to the Municipal Council that if distant members of the family turned up at dead of night with pick and shovel, no questions would be asked. It blew hard that evening and the air was filled with sleet. When he went out for his early walk the coffin had disappeared. The dealers in donkey-skins had taken four municipal policemen, dug a hole in the next field and then, after transferring the coffin, had slunk away. Nothing happened!\n\nParker explained how Chinese and Tartar soldiers made a nuisance of themselves not only trouble making but also simply by strolling through the foreign settlement in order to steal a look at foreign devils. When he was Consul there, certain Europeans used to connive at gaming-houses, and take shares in native theatres; not to mention pawnshops, drinking houses and other places ever less orthodox, all flourishing under the sacred nose of Her Majesty's Consul. He found Zhenjiang a very rowdy place both from a foreign and native point of view. Consequently the municipal police had plenty of work. One strolling warrior was arrested for \"committing a nuisance\" and promptly punched the policeman's head. He was at last overpowered by others, and temporarily lodged in the consular gaol, the keeper of which was a one-eyed old soldier named Joshua Nunn, who boasted several medals, and had served his country bravely and well in the wars. Some more Chinese soldiers soon gathered round, and began to threaten a rescue, and even burn down the Consulate. Parker gave orders to plucky old Nunn to lock the man up in his strongest cell whilst he sent a pencil message round by the tingchai to each of three sturdy Britishers: \"Please step round with your gun: I expect a row\". In less than five minutes they were there, and with Parker sat before the entrance with their guns.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216098, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 397, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "331\n\nTram with an open-neck shirt and an off-white, wet-wash Saigon-linen suit. He had a necktie in his pocket to put on for meetings. He carried a Hong Kong (rattan) basket: no briefcase for him. One thing you did not do, in those days, was to mention the expiry of the lease and the hand back of the Territory to China in 1997, I did once, at a reception, and regretted it. You could hear a pin drop. It really was a 'borrowed place on borrowed time.'\n\nWhen I arrived conscription was still in force and every able-bodied British subject had to serve. If you were young, in your twenties, you usually joined the Regiment (the Volunteers). People like me, in my thirties, served in the Special Constabulary (in 1959 it became the Auxiliary Police). Those over 40 were drafted into Essential Services, such as air-raid warden duties. New recruits such as me, in the police European contingent, did three months basic training and 10 days at camp every year. At the latter the European contingent was grouped with the Portuguese and Eurasian contingent. There was a separate camp for Chinese. This was said to be largely for language reasons. Of course we all turned out during the five days of the 1956 riots. These were sparked when a junior civil servant pulled down a Nationalist flag, on the \"Double Tenth\" (10 October), from a Shek Kip Mei resettlement block in north Kowloon. The riots were very much Communists against Nationalists. Later, triads stepped in and took advantage of the situation.\n\nRoutinely, we Special Constables went on street patrol a couple of nights a month and raided opium dens and brothels. One of the interesting places we enjoyed going to was Circular Path, to the south of Queen's Road Central. With urban renewal this path has now disappeared. It contained, among other accommodation, a number of back-street workshops where reputedly stolen jade items and the like were \"re-worked.\"\n\n**\n\nI remember being on police patrol in Central, in April 1956, when we received news that the twice knighted, grand old man, Sir Robert Ho Tung, had passed away. He was 93, although for much of his life he did not enjoy good health. A Eurasian, he had \"gone the Chinese way.\" With his fabulous wealth he lived the life of a Chinese gentleman. It is sometimes said, 'All rivers which run into the China Sea turn salty.' In other words, all ethnic groups living in China get assimilated sooner or later.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 408, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "342\n\nthey would have provided (had they been left) and for the urban lineage they would have represented. Those wonderful old buildings are no longer with us to provide anchors in times of need.\n\nThey were replaced within a few years by high-rise air-conditioned buildings. Many depend upon artificial lighting and ventilation and have windows which do not open. Today, so many live and work in an artificial atmosphere. This major change led long ago to people discarding shorts and open-necked shirts and wearing two-piece suits and more formal and more uncomfortable clothing. The new lifestyle meant the better off were stepping from their air-conditioned homes, carrying brief cases, into their air-conditioned cars and then being conveyed to their air-conditioned offices.\n\nAt the end of World War Two the Chinese Nationalist Government was waiting in the wings just over the border to take over Hong Kong. But the British beat them to it. If the Americans had had their way, and British rule had been terminated in Hong Kong in 1945 and the place had been returned to China, it is possible to speculate what would have happened. In 1949 Hong Kong, like other big cities in China, would have been taken over by the People's Republic Government. This would have meant that, after 30 or so years of communist rule, Hong Kong would have been as backward economically as the rest of China. There would have been no 'Hong Kong miracle'. After 1978 the Territory would not have been able to form a nucleus for the economic development for the rest of China with its 'Open Door Policy.'\n\nPigeons\n\nUp until 1914 every marine launch of Hong Kong's Water Police (as the Marine Police were known then) took a few pigeons on board. These were used to fly messages back to headquarters in Tsim Sha Tsui, Kowloon. But in spite of the introduction of radio the pigeons were kept on strength. Members of the force contributed to buy them food. The flock of about 50 birds came to be looked upon much like the Barbary Apes at Gibraltar or the Ravens at the Tower of London. It was said when the pigeons departed from Marine Police Headquarters so would the British from Hong Kong.\n\nThe pigeons disappeared during the Japanese occupation but were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216131, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 430, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "364\n\nBlock was expanded and renovated. The Society's collection was housed in a Special Collection room in the City Hall Library.\n\nCollection expansion with a resulting shortage of accommodation is a common problem amongst all libraries. While members appreciated the convenient location and ease of access with the City Hall Library, some members lamented that the room was becoming very crowded, making it very difficult to browse the collection. Although the Chief Librarian, Mr. Mak, acknowledged their concern, not much could be done since the City Hall Library was experiencing similar space problems for its entire collection. The situation was ultimately relieved with the building of the new Hong Kong Central Library at Moreton Terrace in Causeway Bay. This was officially opened on 16 May 2001, and comes with well-equipped modern facilities, and a spacious and pleasant environment. The Society's collection, as part of the Reference collection, was relocated to the new Central Reference Section. The Main Collection of post-1900 materials is shelved in the Special Collections area while pre-1900 materials (with selected rare post-1900 materials) are housed in the new Rare Book Room. Compact shelving is provided to maximize storage capacity with adequate room for expansion. A comfortable reading area is also available for users to consult the materials.\n\nThe Collection\n\nSince the acquisition, through inheritance, of the Medico-Chirurgical Society's collection, the Library continues to expand through donations, purchases and international exchanges. Periodic appeals are made by presidents of the Society for gifts of books. While many members generously send donations to the Library, Dr. James Hayes has to be acknowledged for his relentless contribution to the building up of the Society's substantial and valuable collection. Dr Hayes (HKBRAS President from 1983-1989) has been largely responsible for book purchases, especially during his presidency, augmenting the Library's size to around 3,000. Subsequent to retirement in Australia, he still actively searches for modestly-priced, hard-to-find books in second-hand bookstores, for the Society.\n\nThe Society now possesses an excellent quality Library. The collection consists of books, periodicals, pamphlets, photo albums,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216148, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 447, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "381\n\nTHE COLOURFUL DOUGLAS LAPRAIK (1818-1869)\n\nPETER HANSELL\n\nA year or more ago I purchased what appeared to be an interesting clock at an auction of the residue of the estate of an elderly spinster lady domiciled in the UK, but without any surviving relatives.\n\nMy instant reaction to the likely function of this clock was that it had been used or owned by a merchant traveller or campaigner and so it turned out to be. Similar in substantive construction to a ship's chronometer, but with a lever escapement, it had been lovingly embellished with a gilt oriental bow and strut at some later date and was contained in a mahogany travelling case, which could be laid flat, carried by a flush brass handle, or hung from a concealed bracket. The silvered dial is cursively engraved Douglas Lapraik, Hong Kong.\n\nHaving no provenance from the previous owner, my researches had to begin. Many residents of Hong Kong will know the legend of Douglas Lapraik, but it is worth paraphrasing here. He left Scotland as 'a young businessman' in 1839 at the age of 21 in order to seek further fortunes in the Far East. He spent some time in Macao before moving to Hong Kong, which had recently become a British Dependency. Before arrival there in 1842 in somewhat straitened circumstances he had become acquainted with a fellow ex-patriot and clockmaker, Leonard Just, to whom he became apprenticed. There were several Justs who were devoted to the clock making industry, but Leonard had been supplying clocks and watches to the Chinese market before he emigrated from Scotland a little earlier. His son Leonard Just Junior was listed as an apprentice along with Lapraik. During this time, Douglas Lapraik must have become acquainted with numerous mariners, their ships and their clocks, which he undoubtedly repaired. After a few years he is recorded as setting up his own clock making business, which, after his final departure from Hong Kong, became \"Falconer Jewellers', a trading name that survives to this day.\n\nPerhaps a more important development was that pari passu with this horological activity he became commercially interested in ships and shipping, the building of docks and warehouses and the establishment of a very successful shipping line chiefly concerned with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216149, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 448, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "382\n\ncoastal trading. He offered cheap fares to Chinese workers to encourage them to engage with Hong Kong. In this he was hoist with his own petard as some of the imported bandits crawled up the storm drains and burrowed into his clock and jewellery business premises, removing many valuables. He ultimately left a line of eight coastal steamers to be managed by his nephew and great-nephew.\n\nIn short, Lapraik became a wealthy merchant prince, building a castellated residence for himself and his company; he was a respected civic dignitary and benefactor, but not without his detractors. Memorials to his achievements included the presentation of a civic clock for the clock tower at Pedder Street and Queens Road, but the tower itself was demolished in 1913 and the clock itself has been lost. Much later, his nephews had an elaborate stained-glass window installed in St John's Cathedral and dedicated to his memory; it was regrettably destroyed during the WW2 occupation and few substantial records remain.\n\nAt the relatively youthful age of 48 he retired and returned to England, leaving his nephews to run the shipping business and Mr Falconer, a one-time employee, inherited the clock and jewellery enterprise. That same year he married a lady from the Isle of Wight, having settled a trust for his Chinese concubine before leaving Hong Kong. Sadly, he died a few years later of a malignancy at the age of 51, but with a smile on his face, it is said.\n\nOne of the beneficiaries of his will was a Douglas Dixson, the son of a late colleague who was a newspaper proprietor in Hong Kong and we discover circumstantially that the lady who previously owned my clock had documented connections with that particular family. So, who knows, with such slender conjecture, I may have the master's own clock.\n\nThis is but a thumbnail sketch of the life of an extraordinary man, stitched together from information provided by very many kind people both here in the UK and in Hong Kong. In the interim, I should like to thank in particular Mr Philip Kemp, related to Lapraik through marriage; Dr Dan Waters and Dr Solomon Bard of Hong Kong; and Bernard Hui of the Hong Kong Public Records Office, who made available to me some archival record cards compiled by the Reverend Carl Smith. My searches are not complete and I shall be ever grateful to receive any further anecdotal recollections about Lapraik and particularly about his clocks.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216150, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 449, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "1. A photo of the clock. It is seven-and-a-quarter inches square (18.5 cm) and three-and-a-half inches deep (8.9 cm). It weighs eight pounds (3.5 kilos).\n\n383", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 453, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "387\n\nenvironment (mostly the burning of fossil fuels to produce oxides of nitrogen and sulphur) or from something in the museum, such as the wood or paint imperceptibly deteriorating and emitting gases.\n\nTo reduce the amount of pollution, conservators test materials, chemically, to see if they are emitting pollutants. There are measures to reduce the amount of pollution emitted such as painting or encasing the material with impermeable sheeting. To get around these problems the latest generation of display cases are made of metal and glass. At the time of writing these cases can be seen at the Museum of Art exhibiting gold and jade artefacts in the first floor exhibition gallery. The cases can only be opened with a special lock, the air within the case is cleaned and the humidity controlled to a set level, with machinery that is inside the case, below the artefacts.\n\nInsects are a source of constant needed vigilance for us; discretely placed around the museums are traps similar to those bought at supermarkets and they monitor fauna. An insect outbreak at a museum is a matter of serious concern because the food source is often likely to be an artefact. Also because insects inside museums are not subject to natural selection, i.e. survival of the fittest, having regard to the amount of food available, they are likely to thrive at the artefact's expense.\n\nConservators also have a key role in teaching curators the basics of conservation.\n\nActive conservation\n\nWe call controlling the above problems preventative conservation, but we also have to do active preservation work on particular artefacts. This is hard to describe succinctly as conservators get such a variety of artefacts to work upon, suffering from a wide range of problems and which can only be cured by applying one of many different methods. This is one reason that the author finds his profession so enjoyable.\n\nConservators have a very influential role in the history of an artefact being worked upon and the profession has developed a range of professional ethics. Some of these are:\n\n2 But the author has probably broken most of these rules though, at one time or another.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216160, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 459, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "393\n\nAFTERTHOUGHTS ON\n\nSOUTH CHINA VILLAGE CULTURE\n\n(Hong Kong: Oxford University Press (China), 2001)\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nAfter completing a book, there are bound to be after-thoughts! Whether one likes it or not, the mind continues to work away in the sub-conscious, reviewing the end result. This has certainly been the case with my South China Village Culture.\n\nThe Oxford University Press Images of Asia series, to which it belongs, has been a considerable success, but perhaps because it is a tall order to compress big subjects into a small book format, does render its authors more prone to having such after-thoughts. I now consider there have been certain omissions, and would like to make at least some amends.\n\nSome precedents for supplying further information after publishing come to mind. When reviewing Dr. Hugh Baker's three volumes in his Ancestral Images series (Hong Kong, SCMP Ltd., 1979-81), I had regretted the lack of full references for so many interesting quotations from older books, whereupon Dr. Baker had supplied a complete set, prefaced by an interesting bibliographic note. These were printed in a subsequent issue of the Journal (Vol. 23, 1983, pp.221-232), to our enduring benefit.\n\nMy first omission was to completely overlook, in the 'Heritage and Preservation' chapter, the former Hong Kong Government's policy for the reinstatement of old village communities in the New Territories. Although a large number of villages were demolished to allow New Town development, the indigenous communities themselves were preserved intact through reprovisioning on new sites at public expense. This applied - and as far as I know the policy is still being followed by the SAR Government - not only to houses, but also to ancestral halls, shrines, and temples. Over a hundred old villages have been reprovisioned in this way in the last forty and more years.\n\nHowever, a greater omission was the absence of any reference to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216167, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 466, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "400\n\nequivalent to the 9.2 inch guns at Mount Davis and Stanley Fort Batteries. The gun embrasure was bricked up as part of the 1974 conversion works and steel dead shoring erected to provide extra support for the overhanging cantilevered canopy. A new door opening was also formed in 1974 in the rear wall. The original door opening is still there and leads to a small rear compartment with three recesses in the wall noted on the P.W.D. drawing as 'voids' which would have been the expense magazines. The original rear entrance staircase to the gun emplacement was filled in with compacted earth and slabbed over with concrete.\n\nThe 1968 Hong Kong Government 1:1,000 scale Survey Sheet (Sheet Number 16-NW-2D) shows several small rectangular structures near the gun emplacement, but there is no indication what they were originally. One was probably a searchlight emplacement and another one near the cliff edge may have been a forward observation post. Another rectangle marked 'R' for ruin on the inland side of the hill may have been the main magazine as it appears to have what looks like a separate blast wall constructed along one side of it. Still yet another structure further down the hillside may have been a barrack block for the gun crew. All this is of course conjecture and independent verification and further research are needed.\n\nA report on the gun emplacement was prepared in 1999 by the writer and submitted to the Antiquities and Monuments Office for record purposes. It is however unlikely that the structure will be graded as a historical building or receive cultural heritage status. Due to its remoteness Tathong Point is not easily accessible and with its dangerous steep and rocky cliffs it is not recommended to encourage the general public to visit the site. Permission from the Marine Department would be necessary anyway.\n\nTo illustrate the hazards involved in visiting Tathong Point, an incident recorded in the Public Works Department file should be mentioned. The file contains a memorandum (Memo) from the Director of Marine to the Director of Public Works reporting that at 11:00 hours in September 1966 (exact date not given) the launch “Ming Kee” carrying 12 'light-house workers' capsized off the Tathong Point Light House. All were saved by a sampan which was fishing in the vicinity. Enquiries revealed that the workers were employed by the Fook Lee", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216180, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 479, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "YET MORE ON TEA AND OPIUM\n\nMARTIN MERZ\n\n413\n\nNotes on tea\n\nIn his article on tea and opium Solomon Bard states that during his fateful embassy to China in the late 18th century Macartney 'was allowed to collect shoots of tea plant. These were later carefully transported to Bengal with samples of soil where they flourished and very likely gave rise to present Indian tea'. In his follow-up notes in Vol. 41 of the RAS Journal David Akers-Jones quotes a passage from Macartney's journal about the acquisition of tea plants with the express purpose of transporting them to Bengal 'where I have no doubt that by the spirit of patriotism of its Government an effective cultivation of this valuable shrub will be undertaken and pursued with success'. The plants were delivered to the East India Company's botanical gardens in Calcutta. Akers-Jones notes that some years later 'indigenous tea plants were discovered in Assam and it is tea from these which seems more like the tea we are now accustomed to drink. Whether there was any hybridisation between the two species I cannot say.'\n\nAlthough tea became hugely popular soon after it was introduced to England in the 17th century details about the tea plant and its manufacture into a beverage remained a mystery for over two hundred years. The price of tea rapidly came down from sixty shillings a pound in 1666 (Leiper p.21) to five shillings a pound in 1750 (Wild p.40), a trend which continued as imports increased dramatically as exorbitant taxes came down and more players entered the field. By 1888 tea imports reached over twenty million pounds a year, 'producing more revenue than the whole of India'. (Wild p.40) There was a desire to unravel the secret of tea and further reduce costs as the beverage evolved from a luxury item of the elite to become the national drink of England. But the merchants who purchased tea in Canton had no opportunity to visit tea plantations and learn about its manufacture; and they seemed to lack any curiosity as long as they could engage in their business. The trade continued as a black box transaction from which the finished product appeared.\n\nIn 1763 John Bell wrote, 'Both the green and bohea [black tea]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216217, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 516, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "450\n\nwas not possible to erect a replacement plaque in the cathedral. The authorities concerned would not permit it.\n\nAnother interesting case was that of a clock made by Douglas Lapraik in Hong Kong in the mid 19th century. This story has been written up by the enquirer, Dr Peter Hansell, and an account is published in this volume of JHKBRAS,\n\n*\n\nOther enquiries have included a request from a family member about Thomas Child Hayllar who was Attorney General in Hong Kong in the middle of the 19th century. On similar lines, Francis Howell was also enquiring about family members named Eckford who worked in China and Hong Kong during the past two centuries.\n\nOn another occasion we received an enquiry from a HKBRAS overseas member for information about what appear to be bullet marks on the low boundary wall which runs along the east side of lower Stubbs Road. Although they were probably caused by machine gun fire during the attack by the Japanese, in December 1941, we have not been able to glean any detailed information about the actual incident.\n\nAnother enquirer, an academic living in New Zealand, wanted to know whether there were any roads, buildings or any monuments at all in Hong Kong in memory of Nurse Edith Cavell. She was executed by the Germans in Brussels, on 12 October 1915, for assisting Allied prisoners escape. As far as we know there is nothing erected in her memory in Hong Kong.\n\nA gentleman from Britain wanted to learn more about his maternal grandfather who joined the colonial service in 1910, whereupon he was posted to Hong Kong and subsequently to Canton to learn Cantonese. During the run-up leading to the Sun Yat Sen Revolution, probably in May or June of 1911, the group of Hong Kong cadets was accosted by over-zealous Chinese officials. One of the cadets then drew his revolver and shot an official. The British gentleman has said that, according to family lore, his grandfather, Samuel Burnside Boyd McElderry, was able to calm the situation and talk the group out of the encounter. In spite of searches at the Hong Kong Public Records Office (who were extremely helpful) and elsewhere, no information has been gleaned about this incident.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216221, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 520, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "454\n\nhad eight (some say nine) concubines. In 1928, the house was passed on to his son, Mr. Mok Hing Shung.\n\nUp until the 1950s and 1960s, there were several palatial mansions standing in their own grounds in the Mid-Levels. Some had tennis courts. One splendid example was Marble Hall, at 1 Conduit Road where Chater Hall now stands. Marble Hall was built by Sir Paul Catchick Chater, a wealthy Armenian merchant and philanthropist. It was said in his days: \"What Chater does today Jardine does tomorrow.\" The general design of Marble Hall was similar in many respects to the old mansion at 41 Conduit Road. In addition to the photographs hanging in the entrance lobbies of the five blocks at Realty Gardens today, there is an artist's embellished impression of No. 41 in the Hong Kong Museum of Art at Tsim Sha Tsui.1\n\nFrom 1951 to 1961 the Foreign Correspondents' Club (FCC), a period some members describe as its heyday, was ensconced in the splendid building at No. 41. One could drive to the Club then and either drive up the slope or, alternatively, there was space for about three cars to park at the Conduit Road level. One could then take the lift (the first installed in a private dwelling in Hong Kong) up to the main entrance. There were nine bedrooms on the upper floor and the fireplaces were of Italian marble. The whole house had a wonderful ambience. With a little stretch of the imagination one can almost picture Han Suyin sitting under a cupola on the roof partaking of afternoon tea. The FCC was offered the lovely old building for a mere HK$250,000 in the 1950s, but the political situation was considered too precarious at the time to contemplate purchase.\n\nI first came to live in Conduit Road in March 1955, at the previous (then newly completed) block at No. 56. I frequently walked past the old Foreign Correspondents' Club, sometimes when boisterous parties were in full swing. On Saturday nights it was considered the place to be. The FCC had its own band but it also hired bands from the armed forces. Private parties were common there as well as diplomatic corps and airline lunches.\n\nBut, in spite of the noise emanating at times from No. 41, Conduit Road was generally quiet and peaceful. At the western end especially it was almost like a country road, with trees and undergrowth, and one", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216222, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 521, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "455\n\ncould sometimes hear barking deer calling from Victoria Peak. At the time one could still hire a sedan chair and four coolies to carry one up to Conduit Road. There were half a dozen or so parked regularly in Wyndham Street, in Central, up until the late 1950s. The fare was 30 cents for each 15 minutes with a 30 cents surcharge. The working life of a chair coolie was said to be eight years.\n\nAs with many houses in Conduit Road at the time, 41 Conduit Road had a superb view and, long before the days of cross-harbour tunnels, one of the pastimes of children was counting the number of ferries they could spot. Between the two World Wars an eccentric Englishman who lived in Robinson Road, not far away, did not own a clock. He used a telescope to tell the time from the clock tower then standing in Pedder Street. In the \"good old days,\" more than one British Governor used the activities in the harbour as a barometer of the strength of the economy. We are talking of times, up until the mid 1930s, when a cannon was fired from Blackhead Point, in Tsim Sha Tsui, to let residents know when a typhoon was approaching or, alternatively, the mail ship had arrived. Occasionally, inhabitants were not sure to which of the two events the firing referred!\n\nWhen the FCC vacated the premises the final days had come for the old mansion at 41 Conduit Road. In 1960, it was bought by Cheng Hing Realty and, in 1966, rebought by Court Properties. As with so much of Hong Kong it was a case of 'Hungry for the new forget the old.' The old building was demolished and the site remained empty for some time. The sale price was reputed to have been $13 million. The site was then redeveloped. In the summer of 1970, there were 1,200 applications to purchase the 400 flats at Realty Gardens. My wife and I were successful in the ballot and we took possession of our newly completed flat in Venice Court, for which we paid, in mid 1972, the princely sum of $114,000. Prices were still low after the property slump brought on largely by the drawn-out 1967 riots. My flat has been a splendid investment. We let it for the first four years, unfurnished, at $2,000 a month. We moved in ourselves on 1 March 1976.\n\nAlthough I can see a narrow strip of the harbour and Stonecutters Island (an island no longer) from my bedroom window, my flat at Realty Gardens in fact faces south. It is thus shielded from the cold north-easterly monsoon in the winter and receives the benefits of the cool", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216224, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 523, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "457\n\nRoad. That is the supermarket and estate agency at No. 44. Now, many of the buildings flanking Conduit Road top 30 or 40 storeys blocking their neighbour's view. Certainly today barking deer can no longer be heard calling from Victoria Peak. But, proving the location is still peaceful, Realty Gardens does have its own flock of pigeons and it is not infrequently visited by a destructive, gregarious group of sulphur-crested cockatoos.\n\nNevertheless the pattern of nature does change. In the 1970s crested-mynah birds were common in the grounds at Realty Gardens. Nowadays, you seldom see them. Snakes are not uncommon. But much of the wild life on the slopes of the Peak itself is nocturnal and limited. However I did see dead ferret badgers and masked-palm civets, in the 1990s, which had been run over by vehicles. Although rare on the Peak, one can occasionally even see fresh-water crabs and blue-tailed skinks. The latter is Hong Kong's most attractive lizard.\n\nAlthough customs have changed one can still sometimes see and hear street criers in Conduit Road. They vary from the itinerant, tiny, wizened old sharpener of knives and scissors to the trader who buys odds and ends of scrap metal. There is also the old man who sells lengths of bamboo. These are used for hanging out the washing to dry when it is euphemistically called \"flags of all nations.\" In the mid-1950s, I remember there was a peddler with a pet monkey.\n\nCertainly if the present old, worn, steps, which are original, which Han Suyin and her boy friend once trod in the film shot at Realty Gardens, together with the original balustrades and the heavy, battered, gravity retaining walls which still exist today, could talk, they would have wonderful tales to tell.\n\nACKNOWLEDGEMENTS\n\nThe author gratefully acknowledges the assistance given by Mrs. Betty Chiu, long-time resident of Realty Gardens, in the writing of this paper. The author is also grateful to Mr. David Roads, Honorary\n\n'The picture in the Hong Kong Museum of Art, of 41 Conduit Road, is a watercolour on paper titled, Fairview, Conduit Road 1926', by Alfred Lane, reference AH72.1. It was donated to the Museum of Art by Mr. Kwok On.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216227, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 526, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "460\n\nHe's so very careful - avoids every drop -\n\nand never complains when we shout 'photo-op !' [\"comfort stop”].\n\nKinga and Karma and Nawang our guides,\n\nand Dechen the driver and Pinto besides,\n\ngave very good service for EMTT;\n\nwe hope that their futures will be complaint-free.\n\nBut as for the rest of the shower on those 'buses,\n\nwho all fell asleep while we drove through high passes,\n\njust what can I say to instruct and amuse ?\n\nWho first shall I finger - who next shall I choose?\n\nThere's Tony the tripod who kept us all guessing -\n\nWhat f-stop? What angle? What focus lock?\n\nAt Senghor, the first of our al fresco messing,\n\nwe heard Tony say \"Now then, who's got my rock ?”\n\nMary wears her single status with pride;\n\nbut en route to Bumtaling she had a personal guide.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216239, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 538, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "472\n\nlacking in balance and discrimination: luckily, this is not true of the vital central three-quarters of the book. But readers should beware of the lack of balance in these two sections.\n\nThere are a few other minor flaws as well. Thus, while, of the two main Hong Kong Chinese-language newspapers, one is spoken of as the Wah Kiu Yat Po, the other is spoken of as the Xing Dao Ribao (Star Isle Daily), thus disguising (very effectively) the Sing Tao. It is difficult to discern any pattern here. There are also a few errors of fact, particularly in the first and last chapters. Thus, inter alia, nowhere near 20,000 villagers were displaced for the Japanese extension of the Airport - there were no more than a tenth of that number living in Po Kong, Sha Tei Yuen, and Kak Hang. The demolished tenements in the Kowloon City area in the 1930s were not inside the Walled City, but outside, in the Kowloon Market area. Sir Thomas Jackson was not the founder of the Hongkong and Shanghai Bank (1864): he was its General Manager from 1876-1902.\n\nThese flaws, however, are minor, in comparison with the immense value and interest of the bulk of the book. It is, despite the flaws, confidently and wholeheartedly recommended to anyone interested in the history of Hong Kong.\n\nPATRICK H. HASE\n\nJane Hutcheon, From Rice to Riches, A personal journey through a changing China Sydney, Pan Macmillan Australia, 2003.\n\nThis book delivers. Its coverage is broad but deep, it has the right mix of passion and detachment, with impish but biting humour, and is quietly but cleverly constructed by the author who, for five years from 1995, was the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's correspondent in China.\n\nThe author is well-suited to her task. A “China-coast\" background on both sides of her family over several generations, her Hong Kong birth and upbringing, her family's devotion to journalism, plus a genuine interest in China and its people, combine with her own independent and questing spirit to make this a memorable account of their recent and current history. It is, indeed, a tale of 'China's wrestle with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "17\n\nIn the early Qing Dynasty Longhua Temple received considerable attention in the form of repairs to the existing buildings and construction of new ones. A major construction project started in 1647 resulted in the completion of the Abbot or Temple Master's Room (Fang Zhang Shi) and the Wei Tuo Hall (Wei Tuo Dian), as well as the repair of the Scripture Storage Pavilion (Cang Jing Ge).\n\nIt will be recalled that during the Yuan Dynasty the temple experienced a massive expansion in the size of its territory, if not its actual structures. In 1672 the Qing authorities measured the size of the immediate area around the temple halls as occupying 93 mu of land, plus an additional 74 mu of open land in the surrounding area which was used to plant vegetables. It was this later open space which gradually evolved into first Longhua Park, and then the present day Martyr's Cemetery.\n\nDuring a 155 year period in the middle of the Qing Dynasty, from 1672 to 1827, no new construction, reconstruction or repairs were recorded. This begs the question as to why the temple was dormant during such a long period of time. Was it lack of imperial sympathy for Buddhism in general, or simply the absence of wars and destruction requiring later rehabilitation during this relatively peaceful time?\n\nAfter a century and a half of dormancy, the Taiping Rebellion finally provided the opportunity or the need for new construction and repairs. Between 1860 and 1862 the Taiping rebels attacked Shanghai three times, during which records say vaguely that most of the Longhua Temple buildings were destroyed. On August 18, 1860 the Taipings captured Xu Jia Hui, and it was probably then when the nearby Longhua Temple was destroyed. Although no list is provided of exactly which buildings were destroyed, we can infer from later lists of the structures rebuilt afterwards that this included the Great Sadness Hall (Da Bei Dian), the Precious Hall of the Great Hero (Da Xiong Bao Dian), the Heavenly Kings Hall (Tian Wang Dian), the Three Gods Hall (San Sheng Dian), the Maitreya Buddha Hall (Mi Le Fo Dian), the Drum Tower (Gu Lou), the Bell Tower (Zhong Lou), and the Big Buddha Hall (Da Fo Dian). Basically every previously existing key structure is mentioned as having been rebuilt after this period of destruction, with the exception of the die-hard Precious Pagoda (Bao Ta) and the Master's Room (Fang Zhang Shi), raising the possibility that the two structures which stand today are both authentic originals.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "96\n\non Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Social, Cultural and Economic Rights, in claiming that rights inhere in individuals and in communities to a fair allocation of the earth's resources and opportunities. This includes access to the legal system.\n\n6.1 Distributive Justice and a Fair Trial\n\nMany international conventions and other instruments emphasise the right to a fair trial, although they may differ in practice as to what such a trial might involve. Article 13 of the Agreement of March 2003 refers to the right to a fair and public hearing, to be presumed innocent until proved guilty, to engage a counsel of his or her choice, to have adequate time and facilities for preparation of defence, to have counsel provided if lacking means to pay for one, and to examine the witness against him or her.\n\nThe issue which caused the United Nations to withdraw from negotiations with the Royal Government was the question of a fair trial. The Khmer Rouge had particularly targeted intellectuals of various kinds, including lawyers. The courts formed in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge regime were created using judges with few if any legal qualifications. Prosecutors had even less legal formation.1 Besides the lack of trained personnel, participants and commentators have drawn attention to the lack of independence of judges and prosecutors, who are subjected to government interference.1 The recent history of Cambodian governments suggests that the concept of judicial independence is an alien concept: courts are expected to respond to government directives.1 Even in the absence of interference, the prosecutors may claim that they lack the funds to carry out investigations.\n\n6.2 Distributive Justice and Fair Trials\n\nDistributive justice requires that like cases should be treated alike. But the proposed tribunal for the Khmer Rouge is limited in jurisdiction to one period in Cambodia's history, the period of Democratic Kampuchea. Yet commentators have pointed out that there may have been breaches of law committed by other participants in the long-running wars which have affected Cambodia.12 If these are excluded from scrutiny, then the legal process becomes a kind of \"victor's justice\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "98\n\nfor Cambodia, and it seems that there will be few, if any, trials other than those planned for the tribunal.\n\n6.4 Distributive Justice and Legal Aid\n\nIn theory, legal aid should be available to all participants in a legal process, to ensure that a fair trial results. In practice, lack of resources means that legal aid is rationed to certain pre-selected cases. The criteria for rationing may mean that legal aid is only available for criminal cases, or only available for criminal cases where the penalties are severe. Also, legal aid may be rationed to the most needy applicants. Sometimes this can mean that the poorest litigants have access to legal aid, the richest litigants have access to paid lawyers, while the bulk of people in the middle effectively have no access to the courts.\n\nArticle 13 of the March 2003 Agreement between the United Nations and the Royal Government provides the right of defendants to have legal counsel if they wish. Then Article 17 of the Agreement makes financial provision for defence counsel the responsibility of the United Nations, which will act as a form of legal aid.\n\n7. Law, Justice, and other Values\n\nThe limitations of legal systems have meant that societies have sought other methods besides Courts and Tribunals to achieve desired objectives.\n\n7.1 Discovering the Truth:\n\nOne objective, going beyond what a court can do, is to provide for a system which “tells the truth\" about an era, and enables reconciliation. Sometimes, the pattern of injury and counter-injury is such that punishment is not appropriate, and simply telling the truth opens the possibility for healing and reconciliation. One of the earliest international examples is the provision under the Geneva Conventions and Protocols for an International Fact Finding Commission.18 Not surprisingly, there are those in communities who would prefer the truth to remain hidden, and these structures have rarely been used. So we should not be surprised to discover that the International Fact Finding Commission has never been used.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216390, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "99\n\n7.2 From Truth to Reconciliation:\n\nOne of the more successful examples of such a structure is the Truth and Reconciliation Commission process in South Africa. But a limitation is apparent: while the Commissions may be able to discover the truth, this does not automatically lead to reconciliation. Reconciliation is a more complex process, involving acknowledgement of fault (perhaps on both sides), a change of heart or repentance, a giving and receiving of forgiveness, and a desire to walk together again. The law is a very limited instrument, and cannot by itself bring about internal change.19\n\nReconciliation also requires sensitivity to the particular culture of those involved. The primary source of meaning for many Cambodians is their religion. The majority are Buddhist, and the process of reconciliation needs to be based on a Buddhist understanding of what reconciliation means. But Buddhism, as with other religions, suffered great losses during the period of Khmer Rouge rule, and both monks and people may lack the religious sophistication to approach the task well20. One of the questions, for example, is the Buddhist belief in Karma, which sees suffering in this life as the consequence of wrong-doing in a previous life. If taken in an over-simplified way, this may lead to blaming the victim of atrocities for their suffering, and taking the focus away from the perpetrator.\n\nAlthough Buddhism is the principal religion of Cambodia, and is the state religion, observations have suggested that the generation who were formed during the period of Democratic Kampuchea may not be committed to religion, and may indeed be in practice secular.21 Their approach to reconciliation will be different from the approach of those who are deeply rooted in Buddhism.\n\nSmaller groups in Cambodia are the Muslims (especially the Chams and those of Malay descent) and Christians. Both groups were particular targets of the Khmer Rouge. Both religions have sophisticated approaches to reconciliation, although because of the years of troubles, individual Muslims or Christians may be poorly informed about these approaches.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216479, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "188\n\nnight instead of walking the poop wet through with it blowing and raining hard. This week I began to learn to steer the ship. This week too we crossed the line.\n\nJuly 10th. My Dear Mother, You will have heard this sad, sad news long before my letter reaches you. I am very much afraid dear Mother that it has nearly killed you. It was a terrible blow for me, much more so for you. On Saturday morning July 2nd when I came on deck dear Father was looking quite well and walking the poop as usual. At II o'clock he was at the wheel and suddenly took ill and he fell down the companion ladder and hit his head. The 2nd Mate and David were there as soon as he fell and David came running forward and told the Mate what had happened. The Mate and I immediately ran aft and found my dear Father at the bottom of the ladder with blood coming from his head. The Mate immediately stopped the blood and got him into bed, bathed his head with cold water and poured a teaspoonful of brandy down his throat and did everything a man could to bring him to. But dear Father did not come to. His heart beat violently. He laboured very much in breathing and he shook violently, I had one of his hands in mine to keep it warm. After being in bed a while he grew warm and we thought he was better but he never opened his eyes or spoke and his breath became shorter and he laboured more. At a quarter past one our dear poor Father died without the slightest expression of pain quite calm. He never spoke or opened his eyes once the whole time. Anything that could be done was done to save him but God took him away from us. He had a very calm and peaceful expression on his face and I kissed him once for each of us and cut a lock of his hair from his head which I enclose in the letter for you dear mother.\n\nThe Mate, David and myself were by his bed when he died and when the 2nd Mate, carpenter, steward and sailmaker called in to see him everybody cried. The men forward were deeply touched. Something with me tells me that dear father has gone to heaven and is in a far better place.\n\nThe Reigate arrived at Madras some five weeks later on Sunday 7th August and Captain Samuel Plant's body was taken ashore in the afternoon and buried at six o'clock the following morning in the cemetery behind the Sailor's Home. Cornell Plant's letter goes on to describe these events and his feelings about them including his determination to continue his life at sea. Harriet Plant put the lock of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]