[ { "id": 204272, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Vol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n36\n\nThe next example is from Li Po, who, having been a knight errant himself, naturally eulogized them in his poetry. In his \"Song of the Knight Errant\", he describes a knight thus:\n\nThe man from the North wears a tasselled hat\n\nAnd a curved sword as bright as frost or snow.\n\nHis silver saddle shines on his white steed\n\nOn which he rides as fast as a shooting star.\n\nHe can kill anyone within ten paces\n\nAnd will not stop till he has gone a thousand miles. Shaking the dust from his clothes, he goes into hiding,\n\nTo shroud in secret his person and his name.\n\nAfter mentioning two famous knights of antiquity, the poet concludes:\n\nAfter death, their chivalrous bones are fragrant;\n\nThey can compare with any heroes in the world. Who cares to imitate the pedantic scholar\n\nWriting books until his hair grows white?\n\nIn another poem he again says:\n\nIt is better to be a knight errant than a scholar:\n\nWhat is the good of studying hard when your hair\n\nis turning white?12\n\nFinally, a poem by Chia Tao (A.D. 777-841), which seems to me to sum up the spirit of knight errantry in four lines:\n\nThe Swordsman\n\nThis sword I have been polishing for ten years;\n\nIts frosty edge has never been put to the test.\n\nNow that I've shown it to you, pray tell me:\n\nIs there anyone suffering from injustice?*\n\nBut the richest fruits of chivalric literature are naturally to be found not in poetry but in fiction. Among the romances in classical prose of the T'ang period, we find many tales of chivalry. Apart from their generally high literary standard, these tales are remarkable for two interesting features: first, in many of them, a supernatural element is introduced; secondly, we encounter as many female hsia, or chivalrous ladies, as knights. The story of Hung Hsien is a typical example. Hung Hsien, or \"Red Cotton\", was a maid in the household of Hsüeh Sung, the military governor of Lu-chou, in the T'ang dynasty. She was a skillful p'i-pa player\n\n11 Li T'ai-po shih-chi, chüan 3, 31.\n\n12 Ibid., chüan 3, 14.\n\n13 Ch'üan T'ang shih, chüan 571. (In the Peking, 1960 edition, p. 6618).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204308, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n72\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nhua-pên (story-tellers' prompt-book), we can hardly know their origin or the invaluable part played by the author of the Fêng-shên in transforming them into interesting characters.\n\nLi Ching, bearing the same name as the historical hero in the early part of the T'ang dynasty, is no doubt derived from the Buddhist heavenly king Vaisravana.\n\nWe know from many Buddhist texts the legends of the Four Heavenly Kings. According to the Abhiniskramana-sutra (出曜集經) translated by Jnanagupta in 587, they are,\n\nDhritarashtra or Chih-kuo T'ien-wang in the East, who leads the gandharvas, musicians in heaven; Virudhaka or Tseng-chang T'ien-wang in the South, who is the sovereign of the kumbhandas or deformed demons; Virupaksha or Kuang-mu T'ien-wang in the West, who is king of the nagas who dwell in their palaces at the bottom of the lakes; and Vaisravana or To-wen T'ien-wang in the North, who is head of the yakshas, strong and brave genii.\n\nThe author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i adapted these four heavenly kings in his novel (Chs.31-40) and called them \"the four generals of the Mo family\". He made them brothers and commanders who took charge of the Chia-mêng Pass under the command of the Premier Wên T'ai-shih. Their individual names are Mo Li-ch'ing, Mo Li-hung, Mo Li-hai and Mo Li-shou. But in Ch.31 when they are summoned by Premier Wên T'ai-shih, the author writes, \"The four heavenly kings (ssu t'ien-wang) strode forward,” thus unconsciously revealing their origin, and afterwards in Ch.99 they are given the titles of Tsêng-chang T'ien-wang (Mo Li-ch'ing), Kuang-mu T'ien-wang (Mo Li-hung), To-wên T’ien-wang (Mo Li-hai) and Ch'ih-kuo T'ien-wang (Mo Li-shou) respectively. In Ch.40 the author describes the weapons of these four brothers through the mouth of General Huang Fei-hu as follows:\n\nThe eldest brother Mo Li-ch'ing is twenty-four feet in height, with a face resembling that of a crab, and his beard is like copper wires. He fights always on foot with a long spear, and he has a sword which is called \"Blue Cloud\", on which there are charms and a seal saying \"earth, water, fire and wind\". The wind caused by the brandishing of this magic sword is a black wind in which hundreds of thousands of spears would run and cut off the limbs of men. Following the wind is a blaze in which flaming golden serpents cover the atmosphere with black smoke. The weapon of Mo Li-hung is an umbrella.\n\n* chúan 16, Shê-kung Ch'u-chia P'in (攝功出家品).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204313, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n77\n\nprobably the pagoda was a mistake for the parasol originally held by Vaisravana, as stated in the Ekottarik-agamas (增一含經):\n\nThe heavenly king Vaisravana held in his hand a parasol of the seven treasures (七寶) over the Tathagata in the air to protect the Tathagata from dust and soil,15\n\nBut since the circulation of the Tantric sutras was more or less encouraged by the authorities in the Tang dynasty, the public accepted that legend without scepticism.\" According to a Tantric text, Nata (No-cha 哪吒) is the third son of Vaisravana, who attends his father and holds the pagoda with both hands. But on the twenty-first day of every month, when the son is charged to go on some mission, so that they have to separate, Nata gives the pagoda to his father. This is not at all a thrilling story and there is no combat. The author of the Fêng-shên Yen-i created his own story of No-cha, the third son of Li Ching, based upon his profound knowledge of religious beliefs and popular literature, and made No-cha one of the famous heroes in Chinese literature. In order to analyse the parts which are the creative work of the author and to explain from what sources some of his materials may have been taken, I divide the story of No-cha into several sections below.\n\n2. MU-CHA AND CHIN-CHA\n\nBefore the publication of the novel Feng-shên Yen-i and the prompt-book Ssu-yu-chi, No-cha's (哪吒) name was usually Na-cha (那吒) in many of the plays of the Yüan dynasty which preserved the original transliteration found in the Tantric sutras.17 In the Hsi-yu-chi (Ch.7), one of the \"Four Travels\", the second\n\nHi To P'in (TPE), 30, Ekottarikagamas, chian 22, The Tripitaka in Chinese.\n\n10 In the year A.D. 838 (3rd year of K'ai Chiêng), on the 15th day of the 12th month, Lu Hung-chêng (盧弘正) wrote an inscription for the image of Vaisravana in the Hsing-t'ang Monastery (興唐寺) describing him as \"having a sabre in his right hand, and in the left hand a pagoda.\" cf. Ku-chin T'u-shu Chi-ch'êng, Shên-I Tien, chian 91.\n\n27 In Yang Ching-hsien's Yang San-tsang Hsi-tien Ch'ü-ching, Scene 8, “Nacha San Tai-tzu\" (哪吒三太子); anonymous play Menglich Na-cha San Pien-hua (孟麗哪吒三變換) in the Ku-pên Yüan Ming Tsa-chü\n\n*Z9M) edited by Wang Chi-lieh (王季烈), Shanghai, Commercial Press Ltd., 1941; anonymous play Ting-ting Tang-tang P’ên-êrh-kuei (丁丁當當甕兒鬼), Act 1, \"Hê-lien Na-cha\" (黑面哪吒), Act 2, \"Na-cha Fa\" (哪吒法), the last two are influenced by Tantric works. Besides, Na-cha (哪吒) appears in many plays of the Yuan dynasty, not to mention the tune called Nacha Ling (哪吒令).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204449, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "70\n\nHEROLD J. WIENS\n\nbut their main concentration in a solid bloc is in the Ta-liang mountains southwest of I-pin district of Szechwan.\n\nMore closely related to the Tibetans, the Ch'iang live in the west fringes of the Szechwan basin east of K'ang-ting city. The chief areas of Tibetan settlement are almost all in the Tibetan plateaus, though politically the areas are divided among five provinces in addition to Tibet proper and not counting now-abolished Sikang province. These are Kansu, Chinghai, Yunnan, Szechwan and Kweichow. Since Sikang has largely been incorporated into Szechwan, the latter now contains over 700,000 Tibetans, whereas Yunnan has some 67,000,\n\nAside from the Chuang who constitute about seventy per cent of the total population in what is called the Kwangsi Chuang Autonomous Region, other T'ai-related groups are widespread especially in Yunnan and Kweichow. The T'ung occupy a solid bloc of territory joining three provinces: southeast Kweichow, northern Kwangsi, and western Hunan. They are related to the Shui who live in the southeast corner of Kweichow. The Pu-yi (also called Chung-chia) are a T'ai-related group in southwest Kweichow. In central Kweichow they live intermingled with the Miao, and they constitute the majority of the country people around the provincial capital of Kuei-yang. The T'ai proper have settled in the southern half of Yunnan where they are divided into two branches: the Hsi-shuang pan-na T'ai and the Te-hung T'ai. The former of these branches constitute \"Twelve pan-na or basin 'states'\", whence their name. The latter are close relatives of the Burma Shan people. Also related to the T'ai more distantly are the Li people of Hainan Island, with their heartland in the Li-mu (\"mother of the Li\") mountains that dominate the southern half of the island. Some Miao also are found on Hainan, having been imported during the Ch'ing dynasty to make poison arrows in the campaigns against the Li.20\n\nThe Miao are a very scattered group and only in two regions do they form compact settlements: eastern Kweichow and southwest Hunan. In Szechwan they live along the Kweichow borderlands. In Kwangsi they have settled in small groups in the centre of the province. In almost all regions the Miao have\n\n20 Hsu Sung-shih, Yueh-chiang liu-yü jen-min, 122-123.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "LUN HENG\n\n121\n\nfall of great men and reigns. He similarly accepted the claims of divination, astrology and physiognomy (all rejected by Hsüntzu). But for Wang Ch'ung no less than for Hsüntzu there is nothing supernatural about any of these phenomena. Wang Ch'ung always demands a natural explanation. A further example which may help to clarify the difference between the naturalistic scepticism of Wang Ch'ung and of Hsüntzu is their attitude to ghosts and apparitions. Hsüntzu (in his chapter 17) denies any reality to ghosts or spirits of any kind. Apparitions are hallucinations of an inferior or diseased mind. Wang Ch'ung, on the other hand, is not sure whether ghosts and apparitions occur or not. He is inclined to accept that they do. However, if they do exist, he writes, they are not the ghosts of the dead come back for revenge as believed by most of his contemporaries. He outlines several possible explanations of the appearance of apparitions (in his chapter 65), probably selected because they do not accept the theory that ghosts are dead men's souls. Two of these theories are favoured by Wang Ch'ung. The first states that ghosts are a kind of hallucination produced by men's thoughts when they are sick and afraid. The other theory is that ghostly apparitions are omens. Wang Ch'ung cannot step out of his time and reject the widespread belief in ghosts, but he manages to give an explanation with a distinctive twist of his own. He suggests that ghosts are made up of the Yang fluid alone without the Yin, and hence are not real but mere \"semblances\" of reality.\n\nSo much for Wang Ch'ung's critical ability and scepticism. To turn now to his constructive philosophy, this has been underestimated, in particular by Fung Yu-lan. As a Confucian, Wang Ch'ung offers little that compares with Mencius' theory of man's nature or Hsüntzu's analysis of the value of ritual. His own suggestion, a compromise three-grade theory of human nature (taken up by Han Yü of the T'ang) is of no great significance. It was in any case already present, though less explicitly, in the thought of Tung Chung-shu and Huainantzu of the earlier Han. Similarly, as a Taoist, Wang Ch'ung, though clear and convincing, falls short of the subtlety of Chuangtzu. Nevertheless, we can agree with Li Shih-fan, in his criticism of Fung Yu-lan's History of Chinese Philosophy (see Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies 26, 1939, pp. 215-250, 286-8), that Wang Ch'ung's attempt", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204848, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "126\n\nD. LESLIE\n\nannotated. The Lun Heng is over six times the size of Mencius and thirteen times that of the Analects (of which Waley's translation takes up 150 pages with 100 pages of comment). The task is clearly enormous. Until such time as a modern scholar can devote many years to this work alone, Forke's translation will remain indispensable.\n\nForke's \"Introduction\" (pp. 4-44) is still amongst the finest summaries of Wang Ch'ung's thought. It goes deeper than the wider-ranging general surveys of Chinese philosophy mentioned earlier, and consequently gives a more rounded picture of his contribution. The only comparable western summary is given by Li Shi Yi in his \"Wang Ch'ung\" T'ien Hsia Monthly 5, 1937, pp. 162-184, 290-307. After reading Forke, one may turn to the more specialised studies by Joseph Needham in his Science and Civilisation in China, Vol. II, 1956, pp. 368-386; and by myself on \"Technical Vocabulary\" (in my \"Contribution\" pp. 134-149); on Wang Ch'ung's biological ideas in \"Early Chinese Ideas on Heredity\" Asiatische Studien: Etudes Asiatiques 1/2, 1953, pp. 26-46; and on \"Les Théories de Wang Tch'ong sur la Causalité\" (to appear in 1964 in the Mélanges).\n\nSince Forke's work appeared, several annotated commentaries to the Lun Heng have been published. The best is undoubtedly the 1938 Lun-heng Chiao-shih by Huang Hui. Unfortunately this is almost unobtainable. A second-best is the 1957 Lun-heng Chi-chieh by Liu P'an-sui, based on work up to 1932. Both include the comments by earlier scholars such as Yü Yüch and Sun Yi-jang; and both give, in extensive appendices, passages from the Chinese works throughout the centuries which mention Wang Ch'ung. However, Huang Hui not only gives a fully punctuated text, but also the pre-Han and Han parallels, rarely given in Liu P'an-sui's edition, but many of which had been found independently by Forke, who also gives a valuable list of Wang Ch'ung's quotations from earlier sources. Huang Hui also includes the brilliant essay on Wang Ch'ung's reasoning by Hu Shih.\n\nThere is no need to go into details about the many recent books and articles in Chinese on Wang Ch'ung, since Timoteus Pokora has dealt with them in his excellent, mainly bibliographical essay \"The Necessity of a more thorough Study of philosopher", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204870, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "148\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nabandoned, broken-down, and over-grown with trees and scrub, probably because it lies in a more remote and less populous part of Lantau, so that there would be no use for it after the garrison left.\n\nAn interesting feature of the Tung Chung fort is the presence of six old muzzle-loading cannons on its walls, each fixed to a cement base. (There are now none at Fan Lau). How these were preserved at Tung Chung is told in the following extract from the 1918 Administrative Report of the District Officer, South:\n\nMiscellaneous Receipts show an increase of $5,000 odd, due to the sale of old cannon for $5,265 which had previously remained neglected in the district. In this connection, it may be noted that any specimens of interest were retained, and that six guns were selected for mounting upon the wall of the old Yamen — the present Police Station — at Tung Chung, Lantau. So the guns at Tung Chung may not always have been there, but may have come from elsewhere, some perhaps from Fan Lau.\n\nThe cannons vary in weight from 1,000 to 2,000 catties, i.e. between 12 and 24 cwts., and are quite large. An interesting comparison is the Ming cannon dredged from Kai Tak Bay in 1956 during the construction of the new runway, which weighs 500 catties and is now mounted outside the Colonial Secretariat. All six pieces carry inscriptions, of which only four are now legible. A typical description reads as follows (though there is room for dispute as to the precise translation):\n\nCannon; weight - 2,000 catties (23-8 cwts.) YIK, Border Pacification General by Imperial Appointment. CHAI, Minister of Constant Support, Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent and Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi.\n\nLEUNG, Assistant Minister of Defence and Governor of Kwangtung.\n\nLAU, Acting Prefect of Fat Shan Prefecture.\n\nCHEONG, Hoi Fung District Magistrate, on Reserve, supervised its manufacture in the 21st year of Reign of To Kwong, 10th Moon (1842)\n\nby Cannon Artisans LI, CHAN & FOK.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205032, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "131\n\nDRAKEFORD, L. S.\n\nDUFF, Miss E. J. -\n\nDUNCANSON, J. D.*\n\n124 Miles, Clearwater Bay Road, Kowloon.\n\nKowloon,\n\nSisters' Quarters., Queen Mary Hospital,\n\nPokfulum, H.K.\n\nc/o The British Advisory Mission, 196 Cong Ly, Saigon, Vietnam.\n\nDURANT, LI, Col, R. J. W. Education Branch, HQ. Land Forces, Victoria Barracks, H.K.\n\nEDWARDS, O. P.\n\nEITZEN, Mrs. J.\n\nELSAESSER, Dr. M. -\n\nENDACOTT, G. B.\n\nENGEL, Dr. D.\n\nEUSTACE, Col. F. A.\n\nEVANS, P. J. -\n\nEVANS, Mrs, P. J.\n\nEWING, Miss E.*\n\nFABER, Mrs. A.\n\nFABER, S. E.\n\nFAERBER, M.\n\nFAERBER, Mrs. M.\n\nFEARON, J. -\n\nFESSLER, L.\n\nFISHER-SHORT, W.\n\nFITZGIBBON, D. J.-\n\nFOERSTER, E. J.\n\nFOORD, Dr. R. D.\n\nFRASER, A. N.\n\nFREEDMAN, Dr. M.\n\nc/o H.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn. H.K.\n\n22 Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o German Consulate General, 1 Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nWarden, May Hall, The University, H.K.\n\nEitmattstrasse 13, 8820 Wädenwil, Nr. Zurich, Switzerland.\n\nc/o Hong Kong Sea School, Stanley, H.K.\n\nRay-O-Vac International Corpn., 604 Chartered Bank Building, H.K.\n\n33 Tung Tau Wan Road, Stanley, H.K.\n\n13, Rodmarton Street, London, W.1. England.\n\n10, Cooper Road, Jardine's Lookout, H.K.\n\n1 Repulse Bay Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Paragon Book Gallery, Ltd., 14 East 38th Street, New York, N.Y. 10016, U.S.A.\n\nAs above.\n\nFlat A, 123 Repulse Bay Road, H.K,\n\nc/o Time-Life News Service, Room 1719 Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nEducation Dept. (H.K. Sub-Off.), Fung House, H.K.\n\nc/o Haigh Zinn & Associates Consulting Engineers, Inst. of Engineers Building, Ramna, Dacca-2, East Pakistan.\n\nc/o P. O. Box 25, H.K.\n\nc/o 661 Kenton Road, Harrow, Middx., England.\n\nApt. 6, 88 Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\n187 Gloucester Place, St. Marylebone, London, N.W.1., England.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205165, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "116\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See H. S. Galt, History of Chinese Educational Institutions (London, 1951) pp. 364-65; also see K. S. Latourette, The Chinese, Their History and Culture (New Haven, Conn., Mar., 1945), pp. 187, 524-25,\n\n2 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku (64 chüan in 20 ts'e, 1805, reprint 1887), 17:4b-5b, 18:1b, 49:17b-21b.\n\n3 Ch'ing-ch'ao t'ung-tien (ed. by Chi Huang and others, 100 chüan. Shanghai, 1935 reprint), p. 2162. For further understanding of the Nei-san-yüan, see A. W. Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period (Washington: United States Government Printing Office, 1943-44), vol. I, pp. 3, 308, 603.\n\n4 Shang Yen-liu Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu (Peking, 1956), p. 129; Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien shih-li (ed. by Li Hung-chang and others, 1220 chüan, preface dated 1886), 70:9a.\n\n5 See Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien (100 chüan in 10 ts'e, 1764 ed.), 84:1b.\n\n6 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b.\n\n7 Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu, p. 129.\n\n8 Ch'ing (Huang)-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao (edited by Yung Hsüan and others, 300 chüan, 1882, Shih-t'ang ed. from ts'e 841-1000), 47:19a,\n\n9 Ch'ing-tai k'o-chü k'ao-shih shu-lu, p. 129.\n\n10 Ch'ing (Huang)-ch'ao wen-hsien t'ung-k'ao, 50:32a-b; Ch'ing-shih (8 vols., Taiwan, 1961), vol. 2, 1314.\n\n11 Shang Yen-liu, p. 129.\n\n12 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b.\n\n13 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:5a-b.\n\n14 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:5b.\n\n15 Ku Ching-te Hsiu-ts'ai, chü-jen, chin-shih (Hong Kong, 1956), p. 30.\n\n16 Shang Yen-liu, p. 130.\n\n17 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:21a-b.\n\n18 Ch'u Tui-chih, Wang Hui-tsu chuan-shu (in Chung-kuo shih-hsüeh ts'ung-shu, Shanghai, 1934), pp. 48-49.\n\n19 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 18:1b.\n\n20 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:1b.\n\n21 Ch'ing shih, vol. 2, 1375.\n\n22 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien shih-li, 70:2a.\n\n23 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 21:7a-b.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205168, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n119\n\nAppendix II\n\nGlossary\n\nChang-yüan hsüeh-shih #4±\n\nChang-ch'un yüan ††E\n\nChi-chu kuan $\n\nChiang-yen E\n\nChien-t'ao at\n\nHsiu-chuan 174\n\nHsüeh-shih #+\n\nHu-tsung\n\nHung-Wu pao-hsün RAHM\n\nJih-chiang 14\n\nJu-chih shih-pan kuan 1fHT\n\nK'ang-hai R\n\nKuo-shih hsiu-shu ch'u XOTË\n\nLi-fan yüan JEAM\n\nLiao Chin Yüan-shih žƒ\n\nLiu-Li\n\nNan-shu fang 4*\n\nPan-shih kuan T\n\nPien-hsiu I\n\nSheng yü\n\nShih-chiang M\n\nShih-chiang hsüeh-shih 1444±\n\nShih-lu k\n\nShih-tu it\n\nShih-tu hsüeh-shih ***±\n\nShu-ch'ang kuan &*❀\n\nShu-chi-shih t\n\nSzu-k'u ch'üan-shu\n\nSzu-shu chi-chu #*#\n\nTa-hsüeh yen-i jih-chiang ★HA¤#\n\nYu-tieh #\n\nYung-cheng E", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205230, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "180\n\nKURATA, Mrs. L. C. -\n\nKVAN, Rev. Erik*\n\nKWAN, The Hon. C. Y.*\n\nKWOK, Chan*\n\nKWOK, Walter\n\nLAI, T. C.\n\n+\n\nLAM, Jahn Cho Han\n\nLAM, Yung-fai\n\n27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada.\n\nDept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nRoom 736, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nHang Seng Bank Ltd., Des Voeux Road, Central, H.K.\n\n39-B, Estoril Court, H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nL\n\n-\n\nThe Library, United College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 9A Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K.\n\nLANCHESTER, Mrs. B. T. J. c/o Mrs. G. W. Lanchester, 4 Fung Shui,\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A.\n\nLAU, Wai-mai\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. I. -\n\n+\n\nLAWRY, Mrs. B. C.\n\nLAWRY, R. E.\n\nLECKIE, J. B. H.\n\nLEE, Din-yi\n\nLEE, J. S.*\n\nLEE, The Hon. R. C.* -\n\nLEUNG, Kai-Cheong\n\nLEUNG, Pak-kui\n\nLEVIN, Burton\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nJ\n\n50 Plantation Road, H.K.\n\nCrichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland,\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\n4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nA9, Bowen Hill, 10 Peak Road, H.K.\n\nBritish Council, 1st floor, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium,\n\nUnited College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K.\n\n74, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K.\n\n19-B, Caine Road, 6th Floor, H.K.\n\n44 High Street, 2nd Floor, Sai Ying Poon, H.K.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205411, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "166\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nheld office for many years on the main advisory bodies representing the Chinese community in the Colony, including the District Watchmen's Committee, the Tung Wah Hospital Committee, the Chinese Public Dispensaries Committee and the Po Leung Kuk.15\n\nSir Show-son CHOW's son, Mr. CHOW Yat-kwong, J.P. has kindly given permission for members to visit the house in the New Village which contains the family's ancestral hall,\n\nIII. THE Hung Shing Temple And AP LEI CHAU\n\nThe Hung Shing Temple, The Hung Shing Temple at Ap Lei Chau, judging by the temple bell, dates from the 18th century.16 It appears to have been enlarged in 1847 and some wall-tablets show that it was given a major repair in 1888. The present building dates from that time or earlier. Its origin is uncertain because it is not clear who built it in the first instance. Records show that the Ap Li Chau land population was \"no more than two or three families of Hakka grass cutters\" before 1841, so that we must look elsewhere for the builders. It could have only been built and supported by the joint efforts of the local (i.e. Aberdeen) land people and boat population. The former only amounted to a few hundreds before the British came, but the boat population was probably as considerable before 1841 as after, e.g. 415 boats and 2,243 persons at the 1856 census18 and 424 boats and 4,130 persons in 1866.19\n\nThe temple is interesting in that it has old-style flagpoles still standing in front of the building. Old prints frequently show this kind of pole; but though a few bases can still be seen nowadays in Hong Kong, Macau and the New Territories these could be the only ones left with the poles and their basket-like tops still in place.\n\nAp Lei Chau before 1911. The present land settlement on Ap Lei Chau was founded in the early decades of British rule. By the mid-1860's there were 60 houses there, which implies that several hundred residents were living on the island at that time.20 By 1897 the number of residents was 1,123 rising to 1,437 at the Colony Census of 1911.21 This population gained its livelihood to a great extent from concerns directly associated with the fishing industry, such as boat-building yards, ship chandlers and rope and sail works, and from provision shops and general stores that also catered for the fishermen's daily needs.22 There was very", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205579, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "116\n\nSTEPHEN UHALLEY, JR.\n\nspeaks of its use by the secret societies. He said that since the secret societies saw \"the impossibility of overthrowing the Tai-Tsings, they seized then on the idea of nationalism and began preaching it, handing it down from generation to generation. Their main object in organizing the Hung-Men societies was the overthrow of the Tai-Tsing dynasty and the restoration of the Ming dynasty. The idea of nationalism was for them auxiliary.\"16 Perhaps this is but a reflection of the obvious fact that his own nationalistic spirit along racial lines had been artificially wrought. Sun, after all, had not initially been anti-Manchu. His memorial of 1894 to Li Hung-chang, suggesting reforms, contained no such references. Yet, characteristically, Sun would bury this fact in the recounting of his own personal history, for ignoring the memorial to Li Hung-chang altogether, he said in his Memoirs that his anti-Manchu revolutionary course had begun in 1885, nine years earlier.17\n\nAnd so, Sun's use of history, when it is an effect of nationalism or is influenced by it, must necessarily reflect his unusual and uncertain appreciation of nationalism itself. Sun the iconoclastic revolutionary was not as Liang Ch'i-Ch'ao, for example, alienated from a tradition he had personally and deeply known.18 He did not, therefore, feel as intensely the lingering emotional tie to it. He was consequently less disposed to an indulgence in too heavy a dose of cultural nationalism, in trying to preserve a semblance of identity for China in the face of extensive borrowing from the modern West.\n\nBut of course, Sun did feel the need to make some prideful assertions regarding what he believed to be superior features of China's past. We see in this a certain amount of cultural nationalism, but Sun's purpose as often as not had a practical political purpose in mind. He asserted, for example, the superiority of China's ancient virtues. “Loyalty, Filial Devotion, Kindness, Love, Faithfulness, and such are in their very nature superior to foreign virtues, but in the moral quality of Peace we will further surpass the people of other lands.\"19 Such is the source of the old moral power by means of which China could absorb the barbarians of the past. Likewise in politics, Sun declared that China had “a specimen of political philosophy so systematic and so clear that nothing has been discovered or spoken by foreign statesmen to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "KOCH, Mrs. Renate B.\n\nKRAMERS, Dr. R. P.\n\nKURATE, Mrs. L. C.\n\nKVAN, Rev. Erik*\n\nKWAN, Hon. C. Y.*\n\nKWOK, Robert Chin-kung\n\nKWOK, Walter\n\nLAI, T. C.*\n\nLAM, Yung-fai\n\n39 Shouson Hill Road, B5, H.K. 8006 Zurich, Weinbergstrasse 73, Switzerland,\n\n209 27 Grenadier Heights, Toronto 3, Ontario, Canada.\n\nDept. of Philosophy, The University, Pokfulum, H.K\n\nRoom 736, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nJardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\n39-B, Estoril Court, H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hang Seng Bank Building, 12th Floor, 677 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K.\n\nLANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. 4 Fung Shui, 50 Plantation Road, H.K.\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A.\n\nLAU, Michael Wai-mei\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. I.\n\nLECKIE, J. B. H.\n\nLEE, Din-yi\n\nLEE, Mrs. Dorothea\n\nLEE, J. S.*\n\nLEE, Hon. R. C.*\n\nLETHBRIDGE, H. J.\n\nLEUNG, Pak-kui\n\nLEVIN, Burton\n\nLEVY, Andre\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming\n\nCrichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland.\n\nFung Ping Shan Museum, The University, H.K.\n\n4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium.\n\nUnited College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nc/o UTC Far East Ltd., G.P.O. Box 13044, H.K.\n\n74, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Economics, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K.\n\n5 Tung Shan Terrace, B2 Stubbs Road, H.K The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon.\n\nLife Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205709, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\nAs things turned out, Gibb did not return to Hong Kong, and Ng Choy was therefore appointed on a three-year term. This appointment was unfortunately interpreted by some members of the British community as an attempt to create an anti-English party feeling in Hong Kong.\n\nIn May 1880 when one of the magistrates went on leave, the Governor replaced him temporarily by Ng Choy who thus became the first Chinese to hold a senior appointment in the Hong Kong Government. This led to a question in the House of Commons as to why Ng Choy should combine a paid official post with an unofficial seat in the Legislative Council; but by the time these explanations were required the original holder of the post had returned to the Colony.\n\nThe attitude of the British community towards him and the Governor as a result of his appointment to the Legislative Council as well as this parliamentary question must have embarrassed Ng Choy very much. During this time, China having suffered repeated defeats from the hands of foreign powers, there was a movement in China to promote western technology and to modernize China, and any Chinese who had been trained or educated abroad would be welcome back to China. Thus when an invitation came from China for him to serve China, Ng Choy accepted it gladly. He left Hong Kong in 1882 before the expiry of the 3-year term in the Legislative Council, and later sent in his resignation from Tientsin.\n\nNg Choy became Secretary and Legal Adviser to Viceroy Li Hung-chang, one of the most important Chinese political figures of the time. Now known as Wu Ting-fang, he soon rose to become Chief Director of Railways and later Ambassador to the U.S.A. After the founding of the Chinese Republic in 1911, he held important appointments respectively as Minister of Judicial Affairs, Minister of Foreign Affairs and Minister of Financial Affairs. In 1917, when China entered the First World War, he was for a short time nominated as Premier. In 1922 he became Governor of Kwangtung and died the same year in office, soon after General Chan Kwing-ming's revolt in Canton.*\n\n* In his The Chinese (Indianapolis, The Bobbs-Merrill Company, 1909) p. 196, John Stuart Thomson praises Wu and styles him \"the Chesterfield of China in all the graces of speech and manners.\" Ed.\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205711, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n11\n\nfor nomination by the Governor. The new Council met on 28th February, 1884, and consisted of 6 officials excluding the Governor: the Chief Justice, the Colonial Secretary, the Attorney General, the Surveyor General, the Colonial Treasurer, and the Registrar General. There were also 5 unofficials: Mr. T. Jackson (elected by the Chamber of Commerce), Mr. F. D. Sassoon (elected by the Justices of the Peace), Messrs. P. Ryrie, F. B. Johnson and Wong Shing, appointed by the Governor.\n\nThus in 1884 Wong Shing became the second Chinese to serve on the Legislative Council as an unofficial member. He too was a Cantonese from Chung Shan District. In 1841 he entered, with two other Chinese boys, Yung Wing and Wong Foon, the Morrison School in Macao which was later transferred to Hong Kong. In January 1847, Dr. Robbins Brown, an American teacher in the Morrison School, had to leave China on account of ill health. He offered to take a few of his old pupils back to America for further education. Yung Wing, Wong Foon and Wong Shing signified their desire to go and, through Dr. Brown and the Morrison Education Society, expenses for two years for the three boys were arranged. They embarked at Whampoa on the ship \"Huntress\" and proceeded via the Cape of Good Hope, the journey taking more than three months. Upon arrival in the U.S.A. the three boys were admitted to the Monson Academy at Monson, Massachusetts.\n\nAs a result of ill health, Wong Shing did not manage to acquire any academic honours during his sojourn in the United States. On his return to China he was offered an appointment in the Foreign Ministry. He served with Viceroy Li Hung-chang and Marquis Tseng Chi-tze and was a member of the Chinese legation staff in Washington. He resigned later from the Chinese diplomatic service and came to Hong Kong as a merchant. He was also associated with the Anglo-Chinese College and with the London Missionary Society for which he directed its printing establishment under Dr. James Legge. When the Tung Wah Hospital was founded in 1870, he was a founder director. He was naturalized in December 1883 and was appointed to the Legislative Council in February 1884. He was described as a man of property, much-travelled, speaking good English and fully qualified to “look at Chinese affairs with English eyes and at English affairs with Chinese eyes\". His career as a Legislative Councillor was an", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205713, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\n13\n\nLegislative Council. He was awarded the C.M.G. in 1892 and created a knight bachelor in 1912. His achievements were many and varied.\n\nHo Kai's first and foremost contribution to Hong Kong was the promotion of western treatment and western medical education among the Chinese, despite the fact that he himself ceased practising western medicine soon after his return to Hong Kong. In the year 1884, when his wife died, he offered to provide the cost of building a hospital as a memorial to her. Thus the Alice Memorial Hospital, under the control of the London Missionary Society, was first opened in Hollywood Road in February 1887.12\n\nThe formation of a medical school in Hong Kong had been discussed by Dr. Ho Kai, Dr. (later Sir) James Cantlie and Dr. (later Sir) Patrick Manson who is often referred to as the \"father of tropical medicine\". With the opening of the Alice Memorial Hospital, the opportunity was therefore taken to start a medical school. Dr. Manson happened to be Chairman of both the Hospital's management committee as well as of the newly-founded Hong Kong Medical Society, and so was able to enlist the support of the profession. With Dr. Manson as its dean, the Hong Kong College of Medicine was formally inaugurated on 1st October 1887 and Li Hung-chang, Viceroy of Kwangtung, was Patron of the College until 1901. Dr. Ho Kai was the Rector's Assessor of the College as well as professor of medical jurisprudence. He held the latter post for nearly 20 years. This College had the distinction of having Dr. Sun Yat-sen, the founder of the Chinese Republic, as one of its first two graduates in 1892. In 1912 when the University of Hong Kong was founded, the College merged with it to form the Faculty of Medicine of the new university. Dr. Ho Kai also played an important part in the founding of the University of Hong Kong and was a member of the University Council. When the University was formally opened on 11th March 1912 by the Governor Sir Frederick (later Lord) Lugard, the occasion was also marked by the grant of a knighthood to Dr. Ho Kai.\n\nThe work of the Alice Memorial Hospital grew and it was not long before an extension was necessary. There was no land available adjoining the hospital in Hollywood Road, so the London Missionary Society gave a site on Bonham Road for the purpose,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205728, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "28 \n\nT. C. CHENG \n\nNOTES \n\n1 During these early years, schools like the Morrison School, operated by the Morrison Education Society founded by Dr. Robert Morrison, the Anglo-Chinese School (or Ying Wah School) operated by Dr. James Legge of the London Missionary Society (Dr. Legge is best known for his translation of the Chinese classics and for his appointment as the first professor of Chinese at Oxford University in 1874), and St. Paul's College operated by the Anglican Bishop, were dismal failures whether from the missionary or from the educational point of view. In 1855, the Governor Sir John Bowring had this to say about St. Paul's College: \"For the last six years, £250 a year has been voted by Parliament to the Bishop's College for the education of 6 persons destined to the public service, and not a single individual from that College has been yet declared competent to undertake the meanest department of an interpreter's duty\n\nSee E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, London; Luzac and Co., 1895, p. 349.\n\n2 On p. 60 of Fragrant Harbour by G. B. Endacott and A. Hinton, a statement was made that Ng Choy was \"educated at the old Central School (Queen's College)\". I find no evidence to support this.\n\n3 As a result of the founding of the Government Central School (the present Queen's College) in 1862, a number of educated Chinese well-versed in both Chinese and English had been produced, who began to regard Hong Kong as their home town and who began to develop a keen interest in the welfare of Hong Kong. Thus leading Chinese founded the Tung Wah Hospital in 1870 and the Po Leung Kuk in 1880. It is of interest to note that in the 1870's, the educated Chinese actually pressed for the election of representatives to form a Chinese Municipal Board. In 1878, when the foreign community protested against Sir John Hennessy's policy of lenient treatment of prisoners, the Chinese in Hong Kong for the first time despatched an address to Queen Victoria which was in effect a vote of confidence in the Government.\n\n4 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 94. *G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 94.\n\n6 In 1862 an Institute of Foreign Languages was founded in Peking and translation bureaux were established to translate scientific books into Chinese. In 1866 the first modern shipbuilding yard was started in Foochow, Fukien, and from 1872 to 1875 four batches of selected young Chinese scholars, totalling 120, were sent to the U.S.A. to further their studies.\n\n7 General Chan (陳炯明, Chen Chiung-ming) revolted against Sun Yat-sen in Canton in June 1922. For details about this revolt, see Tang Leang-li's The Inner History of The Chinese Revolution, London, p. 140.\n\n8 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 199.\n\n9 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, p. 98.\n\n10 After 2 years there, Yung Wing (容閎, Rong Hong) went to Yale University and was the first Chinese to graduate from that famous institution in 1854. Yung later became a famous person in the history of modern China, being responsible for the opening of the first school of mechanical engineering in Shanghai; the formation of the China Merchant Steamship Navigation Company; the translation of many scientific books into Chinese; and the sending of young Chinese scholars to the U.S.A. for western studies in the 1870's. In the case of Wong Foon, after 2 years' study in the U.S.A., he crossed the Atlantic to Scotland and entered the University of Edinburgh where he graduated with honours in medicine and surgery. He returned to Canton in 1857 and distinguished himself as a surgeon. See also Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and Western Cultures, Honolulu, East-West Center, 1964, Chapter 4, \"Yung Hung (Yung Wing) and Foreign Schemes\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205729, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "CHINESE UNOFFICIAL MEMBERS OF COUNCILS\n\nJI13 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 205.\n\n29\n\n12 Now known as the Alice Ho Miu Ling Nethersole Hospital. Its subsequent history is described in a brochure privately published by the Hospital in 1957, enlarged and re-issued for the eightieth anniversary in 1967.\n\n13 區德,又名區仰德,列字澤民,\n\n14 The Government took over the project in 1927 and turned it into the Kai Tak airfield which came into being in 1928.\n\n15 G. B. Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, p. 200.\n\n16 Ho Kai's sister was married to Wu Ting-fang, i.e. Ng Choy.\n\n17 韋寶珊\n\n18 G. B. Endacott, Government and People in Hong Kong, pp. 120-124.\n\n19 Chinese members of the Legislative Council were ex-officio members; the other members were elected by the Chinese Justices of the Peace,\n\n20 Li Shu-fan, Hong Kong Surgeon, p. 39. Wei Yuk is, however, wrongly described as a member also of the Executive Council.\n\n21 The Hong Kong Government later built the Kowloon Canton Railway which was started in 1906 and completed in 1910. It may be of interest here to mention that the Beacon Hill Tunnel was designed and constructed by Mr. F. Southey, a former student of Diocesan Boys School who won a Hong Kong Government Scholarship in 1890 to study in England.\n\n22 Named after the first and outstanding headmaster of the Central School, Dr. Frederick Stewart who later became Colonial Secretary in the years 1887 and 1888, under the Governor Sir George William Des Voeux.\n\n23 G. Stokes, Queen's College, 1862-1962, Hong Kong, p. 221.\n\n24 Among his grandchildren whom I know personally are the following distinguished officers in the Hong Kong Government Service: Dr. Ho Hung-chiu, O.B.E., Senior Specialist in Radiology, Mr. Eric Ho, Staff-grade Administrative Officer, Miss Daphne Ho, M.B.E., Principal Social Welfare Officer and Miss Helen He, O.B.E., Senior Medical Social Worker, Mr. Stanley Ho, a prominent businessman in Hong Kong and Macao, is also his grandson,\n\n25 The ages of the boys ranged from 10 to 16. It is said that because of their pig-tails, they were often mistaken to be girls and had often times to fight very hard to repel the advances made to them by the American boys!\n\n26 On p. 294 of Endacott's A History of Hong Kong, it is stated that \"a Chinese member was added to the Executive Council in 1921\". This is presumably a typographic error,\n\n27 Sir Robert Kotewall left eight daughters and one son. His son, Cyril, is now practising as a solicitor in Hong Kong and one daughter, Bobbie, is the principal of the well-known St. Paul's Co-educational College.\n\n28 Sir Alexander Grantham, Via Ports, p. 110.\n\n29 Li Shu-fan, Hong Kong Surgeon, London, Victor Gollancz, 1964.\n\n30 At one time, a director of the Bank of East Asia. Educated at Queen's College, Mr. Chan was a generous benefactor of education. In 1917 he donated HK$50,000 to the University of Hong Kong for the erection and equipment of the School of Pathology. He also endowed prizes in all the faculties of the University.\n\n31 Father of Sir Tsun-nin Chau,\n\n32 Father of Mr. Li Fook-wo, O.B.E., Deputy Chief Manager of The Bank of East Asia, and Mr. F. K. Li, Staff-grade Administrative Officer in the Hong Kong Government.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n59\n\npart of further studies of militia, both within Kwangtung Province and elsewhere in China. It is possible that the approach to militia used in this article could be applied to other, more significant, military organizations as they existed in nineteenth century China. For example, recent studies of the regional armies of Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang indicate that they were, initially, amalgamations of local militia forces.78 A more detailed analysis of these militia could contribute to a greater understanding of the particularistic relationships which appear to have been important in maintaining regional armies as viable organizations over relatively long periods of time.\n\nNOTES\n\nThis article is based upon research in Hong Kong between 1963 and 1965. I am grateful for the financial support provided by the London-Cornell Project for East and South-East Asian Studies. A number of colleagues have commented upon the subject matter of the article during its various stages of preparation. I would particularly like to thank the following for their advice: Dr. Christopher Turner, Dr. George C. Bond, Mr. James Hayes, Professor Maurice Freedman, and Professor Göran Aijmer. A draft of the paper was read to the Sociology Seminar, School of Social Studies, University of East Anglia. I am grateful to my colleagues in this context for their comments. Place names will be rendered according to A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon, and the New Territories, Hong Kong Government Printer, Hong Kong, n.d., but published 1960.\n\n2 Brine, Lindesay. The Taeping Rebellion in China: A Narrative of its Rise and Progress. London, 1862, pp. 11-12.\n\n3 Krone, [R]. “A Notice of the Sanon District\", Article V, Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, pt. VI, Hong Kong, 1859, p. 71.\n\n4 Freedman, Maurice. Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. London, 1966, p. 115.\n\n5 The Governor of Hong Kong, commenting upon robbery and piracy during the year 1903, said: \"they are the most common offences in the Southern provinces ... the Provincial Authorities do not attempt to deal with such cases until some village is reported as being specially notorious as harbouring robbers, when, if the authorities do not consider them too strong, a force is sent out and as many as possible arrested or the village destroyed.\" Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, 1903, Hong Kong, 1904, pp. 348 ff.\n\nFreedman, op. cit., p. 112, quotes an account of such an expedition which took place in \"about 1870\" and resulted in the beheading of more than a thousand people.\n\n6 Hsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China, Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1960, p. 503.\n\n7 For a detailed account of these events, see: Wakeman, Jr., Frederic, Strangers at the Gate: Social Disorder in South China, 1839-1861. Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1966.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205764, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "64\n\n71 Papers.... Despatches\n\nR. G. GROVES\n\n+\n\n*\n\nop. cit., p. 68.\n\n72 Correspondence..., op. cit., p. 167.\n\n73 Ibid., p. 297. Skinner postulates models of intermediate marketing systems in which each intermediate market is ringed by six standard markets. Skinner, op. cit., Part I, pp. 23f.\n\n74 Correspondence\n\n75 Ibid., p. 296.\n\n76 Ibid., p. 380.\n\n+\n\nI\n\nP\n\n1\n\nop. cit.,\n\np. 295.\n\n77 Wakeman, op. cit., p. 39.\n\n78 See, for example: Spector, Stanley, Li Hung-Chang and the Huai Army, Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1964, Folsom, Kenneth E., Friends, Guests, and Colleagues; the Mu-Fu System in the Late Ch'ing Period, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968.\n\nSince writing this article, and further to note 37, Dr. Hugh D. R. Baker's study, Sheung Shui: A Chinese Lineage Village has now been published (London, Frank Cass & Co, Ltd., 1968).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205892, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 198, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "192\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A.\n\nLAU, Wai-Mai, Michael\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. I.\n\nLECKIE, J. B. H.\n\nLEE, Din-yi\n\nLEE, Miss Tsu-Wei, Flossy\n\nLEE, J. S.*\n\nLEE, Hon. R. C.*\n\nLETHBRIDGE, H. J.\n\nLEUNG, Pak-kui\n\nLEVY, A.\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nLINDSAY, T. J.*\n\nLIU, D. H.\n\nLIU, Sydney C.\n\nLIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan\n\nLLEWELLYN, J.\n\nLO, Prof. Hsiang-Lin\n\nLO, T, S.*\n\nLOBO, Mrs. R. H. (Margaret)\n\nLOCKING, J. R.\n\nLOCKS, Miss A. M.\n\nCrichton College, Balmains, Stanley, Perthshire, Scotland,\n\nFung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, HK.\n\n4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nc/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph II, Brussels 4, Belgium.\n\nUnited College, 9-A Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nc/o University Library, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\n74, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., Prince's Bldg., 25th Floor, H.K.\n\nDept. of Economics, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K.\n\n5 Tung Shan Terrace, Flat B2, Stubbs Rd., H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon.\n\n3, Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K.\n\nRose Court, 117 Wongneichong Road, 12th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nc/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K.\n\nRace View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nFlat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205944, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "MORE ON THE YUNG-LO TA-TIEN\n\n19\n\ndictionary, the characters were arranged under four main tone groups, based on the Hung-wu chêng-yün, sponsored by the first Ming emperor. Kao Kung oversaw the first and second tone-groups, Ch'in Ming-lei (1518-93) the third, and Ch'en I-ch'in (1511-86) the fourth. On May 23, 1567, Hsü Chich (1494-1574), then chief grand secretary, submitted the duplicate copy to the throne. Great rejoicing must have ensued, for the shih-lu records a long string of honors and emoluments presented on that day to high officials at court. The original was now stored in the Wên yüan ko (Peking) and the duplicate in the Huang shih chêng (office of imperial 皇史宬 archives). In 1594 a number of scholars, among them Lu K'o-chiao (a chin-shih of 1577 and currently chancellor of the National University), agitated for the installation of a bureau for the compilation of a history of the Ming dynasty. Following the approval of their proposal, several historians began to busy themselves with various aspects of the work, and gather documents for their research. Lu at this time recommended that the YLTT be printed, the labor of doing so to be parcelled out to publishers in various parts of the country. Regrettably his suggestion, along with the initial proposal of a dynastic history, was never consummated, at least in Ming times. The war in Korea against the Japanese invaders, incursions by the Mongols in the north-west, and insurrections in the south-west were all then in progress, and the resources of the empire could not bear so heavy a burden. At the end of the dynasty, during the occupation of the capital by the rebel Li Tzu-ch'eng (d. 1645), the original set was entirely put to the flames, and a considerable portion of the duplicate (about one-tenth) likewise destroyed.\n\nFor over a century silence reigns, Ch'ing dynasty scholars seeming to be totally unconcerned about the YLTT. Then in 1771/72 Chu Yün (1729-81) suggested to the Ch'ien-lung emperor first that he launch a similar and even greater enterprise, and later that certain rare books contained only in the YLTT be reproduced in the new work, which came to be known as the Ssu-k'u ch'üan-shu. The emperor was pleased to accept both suggestions; as a result, 385 works in 4,946 chüan were made an important part of the latter. By this time only 9,677 volumes were available (although a report of Nov. 9, 1794, records\n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205954, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "LORD ELGIN AND THE TAIPINGS \n\n29 \n\nbetween Thomas Wade, whom Elgin had sent ashore in company with Laurence Oliphant, Horatio Lay and Alexander Wylie, and the Taiping officer, Li Ch'un-fa.25 The impression is left, after reading the account, that Wade had indeed engaged in relatively important communication with the Taipings, and thus the English had taken good advantage of the opportunity to discuss matters with the Taipings and gain full and useful intelligence. In examining the official record of the trip itself, however, we find that Wade had, in fact, spent only fifteen minutes in conversation with Li. During this time Wade refused refreshments, even though his ride to the site of conference had taken a good part of the day. We find that in the precious little time that remained for conversation, Wade asked irrelevant but provocative questions, e.g., by asking to see Yang Hsiu-ch'ing, the Eastern King, who was known to have been dead for two years already.26 \n\nWhen Wade took leave of his Taiping hosts their leader once again “begged” that the Taiping garrison be informed of any future trips to Nanking by the English, so that future collisions might be averted.27 This, fortunately, was considered a “reasonable request” by Elgin, who later had made notices in Chinese which stated the nationality and character of English vessels and which would be delivered by each ship on arrival at Nanking and Anking.28 \n\nNo effort was made by Elgin, or by Wade, to discuss any serious matters with the Taipings or to meet personally with any of the higher authorities, except that the landing party did ask to see Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, the T'ien Wang, expecting, apparently, that they would be ushered in to his Court at once. The Taiping request for the party to remain overnight so that this could be arranged was declined. Actually, much of the information about the Taipings that is contained in Wade's report seems to have come from the party's conversation with its guide, a man of low, probably enlisted rank, who seems to have gossiped freely. \n\nNor did the visitors discuss with the Taipings another document of major significance which was sent to and received by the English at Wu Hu.29 This document, in poetic style and of great length, was written by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan himself. That it was addressed specifically to Elgin incidentally reflects well upon the Taipings' intelligence system and communications network.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206227, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "38\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\npower. However, she lacks a capable general to command this gigantic military force. To rely upon a tremendous number of soldiers without a brilliant commander is, in fact, unreliable...\n\n+\n\nThe most authoritative comment on Tseng's article was from Sir Rutherford Alcock, the former British Minister to China. He gave his opinion in the April issue of the Asiatic Quarterly Review, that China was not already awake, as Tseng had described in his work. He emphasized that the army and navy built up by Li Hung-chang could hardly be the equal of those of European powers. Alcock suggested that China must launch immediate political and financial reforms before she could quickly build up a strong and efficient army or navy.\n\nAfter the publication of Tseng's article, Charles Denby, United States' Minister to China, in his dispatch to the State Secretary, Thomas F. Bayard, included a copy of Tseng's article together with his personal comments. Denby thought all the points listed in Tseng's article had to wait for quite a long time before they could be smoothly carried out. Denby believed that China had to work very hard for centuries before she could win a decisive battle against any of the European powers. As long as China could not build her own railways, it was beyond her ability to do anything further; for Denby thought that railways were the most important thing, if China wanted to carry out political, economical and military reforms.\n\nOf all the comments and criticisms, none were as constructive and concrete as Ho Kai's. After Ho Kai read Tseng's work, which appeared in the China Mail in Hong Kong on 8 February 1887, he immediately wrote a lengthy article and had it published in the same paper on 16 February 1887. In his letter addressed to the editor, he said:\n\nI read with great interest in your issue of the 8th instant, a remarkable article on ‘China — the Sleep and Awakening' purporting to have been written by the Marquis Tseng, which will (as was there stated) 'appear in the forthcoming number of the Asiatic Quarterly Review.' I do not intend to write exactly a critical review of this truly 'remarkable' article, but I am resolved to take this early opportunity to offer a few humble words in season to the noble Marquis", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206240, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DEBATE ON NATIONAL SALVATION \n\n51 \n\n12 In June, 1885, Li Hung-chang signed an agreement with the French minister to China, Jules Patenotre, in Peking. The outline of the agreement was as follows: \n\n1. Annam was to become a French protectorate; \n\n2. The ports Lao-kay and Lang-son were to be opened for international trade; \n\n3. The French were to withdraw from Kee-lung and Peng-hu ; \n\n4. The French were to be the sole builders of all railways in Annam. An additional agreement was also signed in 1887. By this agreement Long-Chou and Mong-tzu were to be opened as trading ports, the prohibition of opium-smoking was to be revoked and the French were to have all privileges in South-east China. Cf. Liu Pei-hua, op. cit. \n\n13 Cf. Kung Kuang-te (Compl), P'u-tien chung-fen chi Foochow Machiang chan-shih ta-luch ching-hsing, Vol. 2, 22a; T'sai-chiao Shan-jen, \"Chung-Fa Ma-chiang chan-i chih hui-yi” also Chung-Fa Chan-cheng, Vol. 3, pp. 115-140. \n\n14 Liu Pei-hua, op. cit., pp. 121-122.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206296, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n107\n\nHowever with the financial assistance of his wife's share in the estate of Ho Fuk Tong, he was able to study law in England. He returned to Hong Kong to practice law and in time was appointed a Magistrate. In 1880, Governor Hennessy appointed him as the first Chinese member of the Legislative Council. He served for two years, but then resigned to join the staff of Viceroy Li Hung Chung at Tientsin. In 1897 he was appointed the Chinese Ambassador to the United States and continued serving his country in other posts of responsibility until his death in 1922.\n\nA classmate and good friend of Wu Ting Fang, named Chan Ayin (陳海亭) alias Chan Oi Ting was one of thirty representatives of the Chinese community to call on Governor Sir Arthur Kennedy to welcome him to Hong Kong in 1872. He is also named among fourteen who, dressed in their official robes as mandarins, welcomed the Governor on his visit to Tung Wah Hospital in 1878. He was baptized while a student at St. Paul's College and, like most of the others whose career we are considering in this section, after completing his education he entered Government service. He was connected with the Magistrate's Court, but in 1871 he left to become a reporter for the China Mail. When the Mail began publishing the Wah Tsz Yat Po in 1872, he was head of this department. In 1877 he surrendered his lease of the paper but continued with The China Mail for a short period after. He then gave up his career in journalism to join the staff of the newly appointed Chinese Ambassador to the United States. As a member of the staff, he was appointed Consul-General in Havana, Cuba. He continued to serve in the Chinese diplomatic service for ten years, but then returned to China where he became director of the Chinese Engineering and Mining Company and of the Shanghai-Nanking Railway Administration. He died at Shanghai in 1905.44\n\nWhile editor of the Wah Tsz Yat Po, Chan Oi Ting was also instrumental in organizing and managing the Chinese Printing and Publishing Company which bought the press and type of the London Mission Press in 1872. This company began publishing the Tsun Wan Yat Po (Universal Circulating Herald) in February 1874. It advertised itself as the \"first daily newspaper ever issued under purely native auspices\". The paper was registered under the name of Wong Tao (£), a scholar of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206444, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 261, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "235\n\nLAM, Yung-fai\n\n■\n\nLAMBERT, Miss D.\n\nc/o Ye Olde Printerie Ltd., 6 Duddell St., H.K.\n\nc/o The Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation, P.O. Box 64, H.K.\n\nLANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W.* Nighclere (Middle Flat), 3 Middle Gap Road, H.K.\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A.\n\nBarns House, Kirkton Manor, Peebles, Scotland.\n\nLAU, Wai-mai, Michael\n\nc/o Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. I.\n\n4-B, Cliff View Mansions, 19 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nLECKIE, J. B. H.\n\nc/o H.K. Trade Development Office, Britannia House, 30 Rue Joseph 2nd., Brussels 4, Belgium.\n\nLEE, Miss Flossy Tsu-wei\n\nc/o University Library, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nLEE, J. S.*\n\n74, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nLEE, R. C.*\n\nc/o Lee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 25th Floor, Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nLETHBRIDGE, H. J.\n\nc/o Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nLEUNG, Pak-kui\n\n22 Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K.\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming\n\nc/o The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon,\n\nLINDSAY, T. J.*\n\n3, Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W, Australia.\n\nLINTHWAITE, Mrs. F. I.\n\nc/o Nackermann Versand Ltd.,\n\nLIU, D. H.\n\nP.O. Box K-45, H.K.\n\nLIU, Sydney C.\n\nc/o American Consulate General, 26, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nLIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan\n\nRose Court, 117 Wongneichong Road, 12th Floor, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\nLLEWELLYN, J.\n\nc/o Dept. of Chinese, Australian National Univ., Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia.\n\nLO, Prof. Hsiang-lin\n\nc/o Dept. of Geography & Geology, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nLO, T. S.*\n\nc/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\n+\n\nc/o Lo & Lo, Jardine House, 7th Floor, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n181\n\nHe has also been seen as a typical standing image of a civil mandarin, when the only method of identifying him was by the title painted on his stand or pedestal. In Kalgan, as will be described below, he is depicted naked with claws, beak and wings.\n\nIn some temples, the images of deities known not to be T'ai Sui or Ying Ch'iao, are called T'ai Sui by the temple keepers, and are prayed to as T'ai Sui. Some of these misidentifications are even to be seen perched on wads of hell money. The best example of this are the distinctive images of the boat people of the Pearl River and Southern Kwangtung province which are to be seen in Singapore and Ipoh, labelled as T'ai Sui, and standing on hell-money. One of these seen in Hong Kong is an image of the Pearl River boat people, normally called the Dragon and Tiger General (*). This is an image of a young man with his right arm raised holding a sword, and his left arm hanging by his side. He wears a robe of green with an animal's face as a stomacher, and with a dragon under his left foot and a tiger under his right. On one instance only, as is to be seen in the photograph, he is to be seen labelled the \"Tai Sui who flew back\" () and is standing on a pile of hell-money. (Plate 18)\n\nFather Doré says that images of T'ai Sui in the Yangtse Valley have six arms, are bald with ear tufts, and three eyes; they wear Taoist crowns and hold in their six hands two swords, a ball and flames, a spear, and a branch of a tree.\n\nThere are thirty-six deities painted as murals on the walls of one Singapore temple, most of whom are Heavenly Masters (A B). Amongst them is Yin Ch'iao, standing, dressed in armour, but with a bare chest and with six arms holding the usual items. Marshal Yin Ch'iao appears, therefore, to be one of the 24 Heavenly Generals and also one of the 36 Heavenly Masters.\n\nIn several works he is given 10 assistants, the last four being the gods of the year, the month, the day and the hour. Their names are given as follows:\n\nLi Ping (李丙) Hwang Ch'eng-i (黃承乙)\n\nChou Teng (周登) and Liu Hung (劉洪)\n\nAll were said to have been slain at the famous battle between good and ... described in The Deification of the Gods, at Wan Hsien Chen (萬仙陣).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206685, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n227 \n\npoints out, that they have sometimes had interests in the twentieth century homeland which chimed with those of the secular patriot: notably in anti-Japanese activities, but in contrast to the messianic organizations there are no long-range idealistic goals. Like these groups however, messianic organizations have tended to splinter, as indeed have many kinds of Chinese association. And the coordination of the lodges and halls of the two kinds of grouping appears to have been weakened by the various ecological and sub-cultural differences between the regions they tried to encompass. This is itself an interesting matter which cannot be pursued here. But it is one that should perhaps have engaged the author rather more. \n\nAs an introduction to a vast, intriguing and complex subject, this book certainly deserves attention, and the specialist will welcome some of the more contemporary material. It has some fascinating illustrations and photographs and is well translated from the original French. But it is too ambitious. The material is just too heterogeneous, the social and historical context too broad, and the theoretical context too narrow, to warrant some of the more generalized assertions and suggestions that are made. \n\nHong Kong, 1972. \n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY \n\nCHINESE VILLAGE PLAYS FROM THE TING HSIEN REGION (YANG KE HSUAN), a collection of forty-eight Chinese rural plays as staged by villagers from Ting Hsien in Northern China, tr. from the Chinese by various scholars after the original recordings and edited with a critical introduction and explanatory notes, SIDNEY GAMBLE, Research Secretary of the Chinese National Association of the Mass Education Movement, Amsterdam, Philo Press, 1970, (xxix+762p.). \n\nThis is a translation of the Choice of \"Yang ke\" from Ting Hsien district, Ting Hsien Yang ke hsuan Akif, published by Li Ching-han and Chang Shih-wen in the early nineteen thirties. Unfortunately the few photographs of the original have here been omitted. A copy of the Chinese text is in the Fung P'ing-shan Library of Hong Kong University, and Professor Lo Tzu-k'uang has just reprinted it in his marvellous series of reprints on folklore.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206796, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA \n\n+ \n\n67 \n\noperation for Kao-tsung Tzu-chih t'ung-chien records this operation as follows: \n\nIn the eleventh moon of the first year of Hung-tao A, the Emperor had great difficulty in seeing because of a headache. The imperial doctor, Ch'in Ming-ho was summoned (to the Inner Palace) to diagnose the case. Ch'in indicated that the Emperor could be healed if he was allowed to needle (acupuncture) the Emperor's head in order to release the blood. \n\nCh'in was allowed to perform the operation and the Emperor was cured. Ch'in was a very skilful surgeon indeed. 38 \n\nIn A.D. 741, a Nestorian Monk known as Ch'ung I also proved to be a good physician in the court. The medical knowledge of these foreigners improved the state of medicine in China and when they met Taoist physicians later, both schools worked very closely and discovered a new kind of medical knowledge which not only benefitted them but also all mankind.40 \n\nLi Hsin 李珣 \n\nIn dealing with foreigners in T'ang China, whether in the field of medical, natural or humanistic science, Li Hsün can hardly be neglected.41 Li was originally from Persia and was the author of the famous Hai-yao pen-ts'ao \n\n(Exotic Pharmacopaeia). Unfortunately, the book is now lost, and there is even uncertainty whether Li Hsun was in fact the author of this book. Fragments of Li Hsün's book have been preserved in the Chung-hsiu Cheng-ho ching-shih cheng-lei pei-yung pen-ts'ao, which is a revision, undertaken in A.D. 1249, of T'ang Shen-wei's Cheng-ho hsin-hsiu cheng-lei pei-yung pen-ts'ao (Materia Medica) of A.D. 1116. They are also preserved in Li Shih-chen's Pen-ts'ao kang-mu \n\n+ \n\nLi was a Ming scientist and died in A.D. 1593. \n\nWhether Li Hsün is the author of the work mentioned is not for discussion here. P. Pelliot, Ch'en Pang-hsien, P. Huard and M. Wong all regarded Li as the author of this work, and as a Persian.42 \n\nLi Hsün was also a literary man of high standing. The compiler of Hua-chien chi had selected thirty-seven of Li's tz'u (lyrics) for this anthology. It is also recorded in Hua-chien chi that Li was also the author of Ch'iung-yao chi. Li Hsün's \n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "84\n\nHELGA WERLE\n\nChang Po-chieh : 'Ch'ao-chü Yüan-Liu Chi Li-shih Yen-ke', in Ch'ao-chü Yin-Yueh, Canton, 1956. MHAKAARST. NOTA 廣象。\n\nHuang Hua-chieh : Chung-Kuo Ku-chin Min-chien Pai-hsi, Taiwan, 1967, Ren Ren Wen-k'u Series, No. 383.\n\nKuan Chün-che : Pei-ching Pi-ying-hsi, Peking, 1959.\n\nLiu Fu-kuang : 'Ch'ao-chou Chih-ying-hsi Chien-chieh', Hong Kong Arts Centre Bulletin, Feb. 1974.\n\nSun Kai-ti : Kwei-lei-hsi K'ao-yüan, Shanghai, 1953.\n\nWu Ting-hung : Zhen-yang-yen mu-ou-hsi, Shanghai, 1954.\n\nWhere no sources are quoted, the statements made in the text are based on first-hand observation and interviews. H.W.\n\nPage 90\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206817, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "88\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\nchuan; completed in the 16th year of the Shun Chih era, 1659); Wu Ch'i-chên's Shu-hua-chi (6 chüan; completed in the 16th year of the K'ang Hsi era, 1677); Kao Shih-ch'i's (1645-1704) Chiang-ts'un hsiao-hsia-lu (3 chuan; completed in the 32nd year of the K'ang Hsi era, 1693); and Miu Yüeh-tsao's (1682-1761) Yü-i-lu (6 chuan; completed in the 11th year of the Yung Chêng era, 1733). During the prosperous period of Ch'ing, there were Lu Shih-hua's (1714-1779) Wu-yüeh so-chien-shu-hua-lu (6 chüan; completed in the 41st year of the Chien Lung era, 1776); Chen Cho's Hsiang-kuan-chai yü-hsiang-pien (12 chüan; completed in the 47th year of the Chien Lung era, 1782). In mid Ch'ing, more works of this kind appeared, such as Pan Shih-huang's Hsü-ching-chai yün-yen-kuo-yen-lu (1 chüan; completed in the 9th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1820); Chang Ta-yung's Chih-i-chai shu-hua-lu (30 chüan; completed in the 12th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1832); Tao Liang's (1772-1857) Hung-tou-shu-kuan shu-hua-chi (8 chüan; completed in the 16th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1836); and Hu Chi-t'ang's Pi-hsiao-hsüan shu-hua-lu (2 chüan; completed in the 19th year of the Tao Kuang era, 1839). Still more were published during the late Ch'ing period. These were: Han Tai-hua's Yü-yü-t'ang shu-hua-chi (4 chüan; completed in the first year of the Hsien Fêng era, 1851); Chang Kuang-hsü's Pieh-hsia-chai shu-hua-lu (4 chüan; completed in the 4th year of the T'ung Chih era, 1865); Li Tso-hsien's Shu-hua-chien-yin (24 chüan; completed in the 10th year of the T'ung Chih era, 1871); Fang Chün-i's Mêng-yüan shu-hua-lu (24 chüan; completed in the first year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1875); Hsieh K'un's Shu-hua-so-chien-lu (3 chüan; completed in the 6th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1880), Ko Chin-liang's Ai-jih-yin-lu shu-hua-lu (4 chüan; completed in the 7th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1881); Lu Hsin-yüan's (1834-1894) Jang-li-kuan kuo-yen-lu (40 chüan; completed in the 18th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1892); and Shao Sung-nien's Ku-yüan-ts'ui-lu (18 chüan; completed in the 29th year of the Kuang Hsü era, 1903).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206830, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "FIVE ART CATALOGUES\n\n101\n\nphies listed in the table of contents can be located in the text of their corresponding chüan. According to the table of contents in this catalogue, chüan 5 should include 46 items of painting and calligraphy.* Yet, the text in chüan 5 only includes the entries of 36 items. The last ten items listed in the table of contents have been left out, i.e.\n\n1. Sung and Yüan artists\n\n2. Chi Jan\n\nSung dynasty\n\n3. Shen Chou\n\nMing dynasty\n\nlandscape album\n\nlandscape hanging scroll\n\nCh'ih-pi-t'u, handscroll\n\n4. Hsieh Shih-ch'ên #, landscape album\n\nMing dynasty\n\n5. Ni Hung-pao **,\n\npainting album\n\nMing dynasty\n\n6. Li Yü-ming\n\n£, calligraphy album in regular style\n\nMing dynasty (?)\n\n7. Jen-wu mao-shih t'u £# 圖卷 handscroll\n\n8. Hsing Tzu-yüan *, hanging scroll of rocks\n\nMing dynasty\n\n9. Yün Nan-tien,\n\nCh'ing dynasty\n\n10. Ch'ien Hsi-pai\n\nSung dynasty\n\nhanging scroll of peonies\n\nCh'ing-chieh-t'u ***, handscroll\n\nThe supplement of this catalogue is divided into two chüan. According to the list of contents, chüan 2 consists of 74 items of painting and calligraphy.† However the text only records up to the 62nd item, i.e. Li Chien's landscape hanging scroll. Starting from the 63rd item, the last 12 items have been left out. These are:\n\n1. Wang Hui £*\n\nhanging scroll executed in the style of Wang Meng\n\n*Each album is tentatively regarded as one item here.\n\n†Each album is again tentatively regarded as one item here.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207046, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG REGION\n\n111\n\nOctober 1860, and again by the lease of the New Territories by the Convention of Peking in June 18981.\n\nThe population of the region was probably around 100,000 in 1898, including boat people. These persons inhabited — in round figures — a thousand villages and a number of market centres. Seven hundred of these settlements were located within the present New Territories of Hong Kong, with many others around Sham Chun and in Hong Kong island and Kowloon. The Punti or Cantonese-speaking element accounted for rather more than half the land population, with Hakka speakers comprising most of the remainder. The boat population, mainly Tanka, lived afloat in the main.2\n\nDescriptions of the geography and climate of the present British Crown Colony are generally applicable to the Hong Kong region. They have long been given in the Hong Kong annual reports. The most recent is supplied in the opening sections of chapter 18 of the report for 1974.3\n\n1. The Hong Kong Region in the wider scene: some historical and geographical considerations\n\nIn Ch'ing times Hsin-an was one of the 14 hsien of the Kuang-chou prefecture. The designation fu or 'prefecture' was adopted only at the start of the Ming dynasty but the area of Canton and the Delta had long been administered under various designations that changed through the centuries and with dynastic change. The oldest of its hsien, Nan-hai, was established in the Sui dynasty in the year 590-591; the next, P'an-yu in 703-704 during the Tang; with the rest becoming separate districts at various times until the first year of Wan Li of the Ming (1573-1574) when, finally, Hsin-an was created from one of the former commanderies of Tung-kuan district (a hsien of 973-974) established in the 27th year of the first Ming ruler (1394-1395).\n\n1 The relevant documents are given in Alabaster, III, pp. 2-4 and 6-8. 2 See Baker 1968: 3-4. Also the Colony Census for 1911 in SP1911: 103(27-36) and (37-38), though it does not list all the villages of the Southern District of the New Territories or of New Kowloon.\n\n3 CR1974, pp. 176-178.\n\n4 See e.g. TCITC 41/1 and KCFC 6/10.\n\n5 KCFC 6/1-10 and YCKC 4/1-9.\n\n6 KTTC 2/93 and KTKKCY 1/1. The administrative areas to which the Hsin-an district belonged from the Ch'in dynasty (221-207 B.C.) onwards are shown in KCFC 6/24 and in HNHC 1/1. The date of the establishment of the commandery is given as Hung Wu 27 in HNHC 1/3, KTKKCY 1/1, TCITC 41/3 and KTTC 2/93, but as Hung Wu 14 in KCFC 6/24.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207070, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Region\n\n135\n\nChu Ch'ih-shih #, Notes on the History of Canton *** 8 chuan, Chia Ch'ing year, 1806-07. [YCKC]\n\nHo lineage of Pui O, South Lantau, Hong Kong **1*4*££*...✯ Family record: apparently 1930s. In manuscript.\n\nHsu Ch'ien-hsieh, A Comprehensive Geography of the Ch'ing Empire #₺ 356 chuan, first edition, 1743. [TCITC]\n\nJao Tsung-i ✯ ✯ 1 (Compiler), The Ch'ao-chou Gazetteer # # & Swatow, circa 1946-48. [CCC]\n\nJen Yu-wen § 2 x (Compiler), Kwangtung Art and Scholarship ✯✯X» Hong Kong, Committee for the Advancement of Chinese Culture, 3 vols, 1941. [KTWW]\n\nJen Yu-wen § 2x (Compiler), Sung Wong Toi—A Commemorative Volume *££*** Hong Kong, Chiu Clansmen's Association, 1960.\n\nJuan Yuan and others ¥, Gazetteer of the Kwangtung Province ★★ . 334 chüan, revised edition, 1823, reprinted 1864 and reissued 1933 in 5 vols. by Commercial Press, Shanghai. [KTTC]\n\nLi Chin-wei (Editor) ###, Centenary History of Hong Kong ✯ * 4. Hong Kong, Nan Chung (†) Printing House, c. 1947. [Centenary History]\n\nLo Hsiang-lin 4*, Historical Sources for the Study of the Hakkas #Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture +**, 1965. [LO1965]\n\nMao Hung-pin and Jun Lin, Atlas with Commentary of Kwangtung ★★☆. 92 chuan, Canton, about 1865. [KTTS]\n\nMao Yuan-¡ *, Record of Military Preparations. 240 chüan, Canton, late Ch'ing reprint of Original of 1620.\n\nShu Mou-kuan 4 and Wang Ch'ung-hsi 1, Gazetteer of the Hsin-an District #✯.§. 24 chüan, revised edition, 1819. [HNHC]\n\nTai Chao-chen and others A, Gazetteer of the Canton Prefecture ★★✯✯. 163 chüan, Canton, revised edition, 1880. [KCFC]\n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207116, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LEGENDS & STORIES OF THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n181\n\nIt is an ancient custom in China when a man passes a Government degree examination or is appointed as a Government official, for him to have his new official title carved on a wooden tablet and hung in the Hall of his ancestors. By this means the good news is reported to the ancestors that their descendant has become a man of rank, and at the same time an example is set to future generations to encourage them to do their best to rise to the same honour, as the tablet is left hanging in the hall permanently. There are many of these title-tablets hung in Sz Shing Tong, put there not only by Kam T'in men, but by other descendants of the Tang family who have sent their tablets from places far away, where they have gone to live. The oldest among them is the \"Man Fui” or Kui Yan degree put there by Tang Ting Ching who passed it in the 7th year of Shing Fa, A.D. 1471. The most highly honoured title-tablets are the two from Tang Yung Keng from Tung Kwun district. He passed his Kui Yan degree in the 3rd year of Tung Chi, A.D. 1864 and became \"Hon Lam Yuen Shue Kat Sz\" (H.K.N. VIII, p. 110) in the 10th year of T’ung Chi, A.D. 1871. He held the office of On Ch'aat Sz (Provincial Judge) of Kiangsu province, and in 1900 during the Boxer trouble he was appointed by Lei Hung Cheung, the Prime Minister and then Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi provinces, to be the Superintendent of volunteers in Kwangtung.\n\nTang Ts'ing Lok's eldest son, Tang Wan Kuk was a very rich man, and he owned a lot of cultivated land in San On District. During his time there were twenty-eight Sau Ts'oi (B.A.'s) and nine very rich men all members of his family and living in the same street where his house was situated in Shui Mei village. His house was called Kam Ts'un Tong \"ornamental stream hall\"; it has long since been destroyed and a vegetable garden is on the site of where it once existed, but the remains of a large stone gateway can still be seen (plate 20). Tang Wan Kuk owned a large library in this house, and a fine stone fish-tank, made of pink coloured stone, 2 Chinese feet high, 14 wide and 24 long. (Plate 19). Two scholars of the Tang Family have written inscriptions about this tank, speaking very highly of it, but it now lies in a destroyed school building in Shui T’au village, and no-one cares about it. The dates of Tang Wan Kuk's birth and death are not recorded, but we know that his grave, which is in Noh Mai Ham about seven li from Kam T'in was made before the 8th year of Ching", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207133, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nDock Company for $150,000. In turn, the Company sold the property in 1883 to a Chinese consortium composed of three members of the Li Family and Chan Kun, with the proviso that the premises were not to be used as a dock or slip except for Chinese style ships. This was to prevent Chinese competition to their Dockyards at Hung Hom and Aberdeen. In time other industries were developed on the site: a soy factory, and a lard manufactury, and godowns were built along the Praya.\n\nThe Li family of Tsat Po Heung, San Wui District, had established its interests in Hong Kong as early as 1854, and under the astute leadership of Li Sing it had become probably the wealthiest family in Hong Kong by the turn of century. Shortly before the death of Li Sing in 1900, he divided his extensive real estate holdings among his eight sons. Marine Lot 239 was included in the share of Li Po Lung (***), also known as Li Wai Tong (*). He sold out most of his interests in the property in 1921.\n\n**\n\nIn 1918 new Crown Leases were granted to Li Po Lung in lieu of the original lease of 1873. The upper part of the original lot was then set off as an Inland Lot numbered 1355. The top left-hand corner of the Lot (as seen when standing on the seafront facing the hillside) had some years previous been given to the Contractor's Guild to build the 'Lo Pan' Temple, and a path led up to it bearing the name of Li Po Lung. The hillside was terraced for building sites. The first row was known as Li Po Lung Terrace, situated between Belcher Street and the present Tai Pak Terrace. Ching Lin Terrace upon which the Temple is located was formerly known as Li Sing Kui Road and To Li Terrace was formerly Tam Woon Tong Road.\n\n44\n\nLi Sing Kiu, Tam Woon Tong, Look Poong Shan, Li Tsz Chung and Chung Sek Fan had purchased the site of the Temple along with other land from Li Po Lung in 1921. They, in turn, in 1923, sold the Temple site as Section E of Inland Lot 1355 for a sum of $4,222.40 to Lam Lau, Lam Sheung, Yu Cheuk, Ng Wah and Ng Tsz Mei, representatives of the Temple, though the conveyance stated they were tenants in common in equal shares rather than Trustees.\n\n44\n\nDue to difficulties over payment of the Crown Rent for Inland Lot 1355, the Government re-entered the lot in 1926 in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207149, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "214\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ngood size bed rooms, with dressing and bath room to each; two servant's rooms; a front and back verandah, closed with venetians, each 100 feet long and 12 feet wide, flat roof convenient for exercise and affording a fine view of the harbour and its entrances. Commodious outbuildings for servants, store room and offices; a large compound, garden, etc., whole surrounded by a good fence. Situated on the ridge at West Point and now in occupation of Jamieson, How and Co.\n\nThere was not a ready sale. A business depression prevailed and the location was too remote from the European section of Victoria.\n\nBelow the bungalow Jamieson, How and Co. built a large godown on Marine Lot 57 in 1842. Ten years later this property was sold at auction. The premises on the Marine Lot were described as consisting of \"a costly and recently improved residence, granite godown, pier, outhouses, shrubbery\". The West Point Bungalow was described as beautifully situated immediately opposite on the hill. Both properties were bought by Yorick Jones Murrow.\n\nIn 1854 the West Point Bungalow was used as a military barracks. This left it the worse for wear. Because of its dilapidated condition the Rhenish Missionary Society was able to purchase the property at a reasonable price in 1857. They needed a centre in Hong Kong as they had been forced from their stations on the mainland by the outbreak of hostilities between Britain and China. In 1859 the Government repossessed the property as a site for a new Civil Hospital.\n\nThe area north of Queen's Road extending to Ko Shing Street was the original beach. The land between Queen Street on the east and Wilmer Street on the west can be divided into six main sections. The first (Marine Lot 68) is a rectangular lot three houses wide and bounded on the east by Queen Street. The second section (Marine Lots 68A, 69, 69A, and 70) is intersected by Tsung Sau Lanes East and West. The third section (Marine Lot 58) is the former Ko Shing Theatre property with Wo Fung and Kom Yu Streets. The fourth section (Marine Lot 57) is bounded on the west by Sutherland Street and contains In Ku Lane. The fifth section (Marine Lots 71, 71A, 72, 72A) lies east of Sutherland Street and is intersected by Li Sing Street. The sixth piece (Marine Lot 200) is a triangular lot with its narrow point on Queen's Road and its west boundary Wilmer Street.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207153, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "218 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\ncame about at the time of the building of the Ko Shing Theatre in 1870. The theatre gave its name to the old Praya when the sea was reclaimed near the turn of the century. Today a new building is being built on the site of the theatre. Two lanes were left on either side. The western one was called Kom Yu and the eastern Wo Fung. A short lane, Pan Kwai, ran off Wo Fung. It contained five family houses on each side. It no longer exists, as the Ko Shing Telephone Exchange has been built over it. Tsung Sau Lanes East and West were developed between 1877 and 1879, as was also In Ku Lane and Sutherland Street with its godowns. Li Sing Street was opened later.\n\nAs an illustration of the diversity of shops conducted on Queen's Road, the 1885 Rate and Valuation Table lists the following between Queen's Street and Wilmer Street: four each of chandlers, druggists and barbers; three each of tin smiths, merchants and tea dealers; two each of coopers, shoes, scales, lamps, lumber and tobacco; and one each of iron, cotton, silk, joss paper, pickles, rice, pawnshop, mason, carpenter, eating house, marine store, copper smith and gun smith.\n\nCurrently much redevelopment is taking place, but some of the old alleys, particularly In Ku, still retain buildings erected when they were first opened a hundred years ago. Queen's Road still has the same variety of shops and Ko Shing Street is still lined with Nam-pak business hongs.\n\n(b) Chinese Tea Houses\n\n(1) A Chinese friend has supplied the following Note:\n\nCha Kui (**茶居**) is the old, local name for a Chinese Tea House. It is a special type of Chinese restaurant catering exclusively for tea-lovers. Tea drinking or Yum Cha (**飲茶**) has been a long-standing pastime with the people of the Kwangtung Province to which Hong Kong once belonged. It is popular with poor and rich alike. A tea house is sometimes looked upon as a gathering place for meeting people, talking with friends or for taking leisure in a friendly atmosphere. Most tea-house goers used to go to the same tea house everyday and also at almost the same time of the day and it is also customary that they ask for the same kind of tea each time they go. In a sense, a tea house for Cantonese people is much like and comparable to a 'pub' for English people.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207182, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 253, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\n247\n\nLIFE MEMBERS:\n\nHAYIM, E. J., C.B.E.\n\nHECHTEL, F. O. P.\n\n41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K. Flat 10, Aigburth Hall, May Road, H.K.\n\nHIRSCHEL, Mrs. Beverley - c/o B.N.P., Central Building, 2nd floor, H.K.\n\nHO, Tickon\n\nHONEY, Dr. N. R.\n\nHOWARD, W. J. HUI, Miss Wai Haan\n\nHUNG, Chiu-Sing\n\nJU, Miss Sheila\n\nJONES, Dr. J. R., C.B.E., M.C., J.P.\n\nKNIGHTLY, F. J.\n\nKVAN, Rev. Erik\n\nKWAN, The Hon. C. Y., O.B.E.\n\n50, Village Road, Ground floor, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\nc/o Medical & Health Dept., Lee Gardens, Hysan Avenue, H.K.\n\nP.O. Box 282, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nYuet Ming Building, 17th floor, Flat B, King's Road, H.K.\n\nMatron, Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\n3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. 301, Valverde, May Road, H.K.\n\nDept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nRoom 736, Alexandra House, H.K.\n\nLACHMAN, Miss Janice K. 51-57 Gloucester Road, No. 209, H.K.\n\nLAI, T. C.\n\nDept. of Extra-Mural Studies, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shiu Hing House, 12/F., 23-25 Nathan Rd., Kowloon.\n\nLANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. Highclere, 3, Middle Gap Road, H.K.\n\nLAU, Michael Wai-mai\n\nFung Ping Shan Museum, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nLAUFER, Mr. & Mrs. E. M. c/o China Light & Power Co. Ltd., Argyle Street, Kowloon.\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. B. M. I. 401, Grosvenor House, 118, MacDonnell Road, H.K.\n\nLEE, J. S.\n\nLEE, Hon. R. C., O.B.E., J.P.\n\nLETHBRIDGE, H. J.\n\nLEUNG, Pak-Kui\n\nLEWTHWAITE, Mrs. M. E., M.B.E.\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming, K.D.E.\n\nLI, David K. P.\n\nPrince's Building, 25th floor, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., 25th floor, Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Sociology, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n22, Hing Hon Road, 2nd floor, Western District, H.K.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, Shatin, N.T.\n\nD7, Grenville House, 1, Magazine Gap Rd., H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207188, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 259, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "LIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nBUTLER, Miss B. A...\n\nBUTT, Dr. Nancy\n\nCAMERON, Nigel\n\n+\n\nCAPLAN, Malcolm\n\nPublic Services Commission, Room 573, Central Govt. Offices, H.K.\n\n253\n\nThe Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hang, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\n11-D, Venice Court, 41, Conduit Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Hongkong & Whampoa Dock Co. Ltd. Kowloon Docks, Hung Hom, Kowloon.\n\nCAREY-HUGHES, Dr. John Room 315, Hongkong & Shanghai Bank Building, H.K.\n\nCENTRE OF ASIAN STUDIES\n\nCERNY, Miss Eva\n\nCHAN, Prof. Cheng-siang\n\n·\n\nCHAN, Sui-Jeung\n\nCHAN, Tom\n\nCHEETHAM, Mrs. J. A.\n\nCHERN, Dr. K. S.\n\nCHEUNG, O.\n\nCHIU, Mrs. Carol C.\n\nCHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong\n\nCHOA, Robert\n\nCOCHRANE, Mrs. Valerie\n\nCOCKELL, Miss June V.\n\nCOLBOURNE, Dr. M. J.\n\nCOMBER, Leon\n\nCONNOLLY, Miss Moira\n\nCOTTON, P. C.\n\nCRABBE, P. I.\n\n+\n\nCRAIG, Dr. Dale A.\n\nCRAMER, B. L.\n\nCREMA, Mario\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Anatomy, University of Hong Kong, Li Shu Fan Building, Sassoon Road, H.K.\n\nGeographical Research Centre, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nEnvironment Branch, Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\n43, Stubbs Road, Flat B-1, 5th floor, H.K.\n\n12, Douglas Apartments, 22, Old Peak Rd., H.K.\n\nDepartment of History, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n703, Prince's Building, H.K.\n\nTwin Brook, Flat 11B, 43, Repulse Bay Rd., H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nBanque Nationale de Paris, 2nd floor, Central Building, H.K.\n\n3rd floor, 112, Macdonnell Road, H.K.\n\n66, Conduit Road, Flat 6B, H.K.\n\nDept. of Preventive & Social Medicine, University of Hong Kong, Li She Fan Building, Sassoon Road, H.K.\n\nP.O. Box 6086, Kowloon.\n\nQueen Mary Hospital, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nc/o Humphreys Estate & Finance Co., P.O. Box 44, H.K.\n\nProperty Dept., Local Property & Printing Co. Ltd., 34/6 Caxton House, 1 Duddell Street, H.K.\n\nMusic Dept., Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\n18, Fenwick Street, 7th floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Italian Consulate General, Chartered Bank Building, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207193, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "258\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\n LANG, F. G... LANGLEY, John A.\n\nLAYTON, F. A. L.\n\nLECLERCQ, J. M. LEE, Miss Ngah-Ping\n\n+\n\nLEE, Sung-Tai\n\nLERNER, Bernard\n\n-\n\n+\n\nLESLIE, Mrs. Elizabeth\n\nLETCHER, Dr. Roy M.\n\nLEVIN, David A.\n\nLEWIS, Mrs. Helen\n\nLI, Edwin Lao\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nLIM, Miss Laye Tin\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n-\n\n43, Kadoorie Avenue, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Toronto Dominion Bank, Rooms 917-920, Hutchison House, 10, Harcourt Road, H.K.\n\nc/o The Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corp., Queen's Road, C., H.K.\n\nG.P.O. Box 13, H.K.\n\nExtra-Mural Studies Dept., University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n36, Village Road, 3D, The Fine Mansion, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\n601, Regent House, H.K.\n\nB-6, Royden Court, 129, Repulse Bay Rd., H.K.\n\nDepartment of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nDepartment of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n14, Conduit Road, Emerald Court 5-B, H.K. Consulate General of Costa Rice, 3, Tin Hau Temple Road, H.K.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, H.K.\n\nThe Grantham Hospital, Wong Chuk Hung Road, Aberdeen, H.K.\n\nLINTHWAITE, Mr. & Mrs, J. 2, The Albany, H.K.\n\nLIU, Miss Alison\n\nLIU, Sydney C. -\n\nLLEWELLYN, John\n\nLLOYD, Mrs. Aileen $. \n\nLO, Hsiang-lin\n\nLOBO, Mrs. R. H.\n\nLOCKING, J. R.\n\nLOFTS, Prof. B.\n\n-\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. $. - LUNDEEN, Mr. & Mrs.\n\nR. W..\n\nLUTZ, Hans F..\n\nMA, Prof. Meng, M.B.E.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n34. Lugard Road, H.K.\n\nApt. B-2, Swiss Towers, 113, Tai Hang Rd., H.K.\n\nDept. of Geography and Geology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nFlat 8A, Hamilton Court, 8, Po Shan Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Dept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\nRace View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46, Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\nc/o The Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club, Sports Road, Happy Valley, H.K.\n\nDept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\n1101, Tavistock, 10, Tregunter Path, H.K.\n\nTai Yuen Lau, Flat A, 3/F., Tai Pak St., Tsuen Wan, N.T.\n\nDept. of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207357, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n117\n\nobvious and absolute.22 The greater the stake a barbarian had in the order he was defending, the more likely he was to serve China faithfully. Thus, financial attractions, marriage and other personal ties, and bureaucratic checks, worked together to assure barbarian fidelity.\n\nLike Chinese rebels who had been induced by the dynasty to repent of and abandon their rebellious ways, barbarian employees who had “returned to loyalty\" might be honored with rank and title, and brought within the Chinese social and institutional framework.23 But their devotion was never beyond question. Regardless of how close a foreigner might approximate the Chinese cultural ideal, or how long his family boasted residence on Chinese soil, his barbarian origins were seldom forgotten; and if he caused trouble, or proved unfaithful, the problem was usually attributed to his barbarian-ness.24 Nonetheless, the use of foreigners in military positions remained a persistent feature of Chinese administration for well over two thousand years. The nature and extent of this barbarian service may be suggested by a few examples taken from various periods in China's pre-imperial and imperial past.\n\nChina's Early Use of Foreign Employees\n\nWith the rapid expansion of the Chinese cultural sphere during the latter half of the Eastern Chou, the employment of aliens by the various contending states became a common phenomenon although one not without its opponents in this period of continual conflict and intrigue. During Li Ssu's tenure as \"alien minister” (k'o-ch'ing) of the Ch'in, members of the royal house and other dignitaries, fearful that men from foreign states had come to sow dissension, requested that there be a complete expulsion of aliens. Li Ssu, himself from the state of Ch'u, argued persuasively against such a course, citing earlier examples of Ch'in's beneficial employment of foreigners: \"Of old, when Duke Mu was seeking for officials, he procured Yu Yü from the Jung [barbarians] in the west, and obtained Po-li Hsi from Yüan in the east. He welcomed Chien Shu from Sung, and sought P'ei Pao and Kung-sun Chih from Chin. These five men had not been reared in Ch'in; yet Duke Mu, by using them, united twenty [sic] states, and so became Lord Protector over the Western Jung.\"25 Yu Yü's case is especially worthy of note, not only because he was largely responsible for the defeat of the barbarous Jung, but also because he himself had originally", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207358, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "118\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nbeen a Jung envoy sent to observe Duke Mu's sagacious administration before taking service with Ch'in. Over two thousand years after Li Ssu outlined Yu Yü's achievements in a successful bid to forestall the expulsion of aliens from Ch'in, the Chinese still pointed to the former Jung subject as an example of China's profitable employment of foreigners who had “devoted [their] loyalty” (hsiao-chung) to the Middle Kingdom.26\n\nMuch of traditional practice regarding the employment of barbarians, like much of traditional Chinese foreign policy generally, derived from experience in the Han. From the time of Wu-ti on, phrases such as “using barbarians to attack barbarians” and “using barbarians to check barbarians” had become part and parcel of Chinese policy toward foreign tribes. Alliances were often formed with outsiders through marriage, and the use of native chieftains to govern border barbarians became an accepted practice—in time institutionalized as the fu-ssu system. Yu Ying-shih's masterful study of Han foreign relations is particularly useful in identifying these and other early forms of \"barbarian management.\"27\n\nFor much of the Han period, and especially during the reign of Wu-ti, open enmity existed between China and the fierce Hsiung-nu. Yet even so, the Chinese made abundant use of these dangerous but militarily useful barbarians, establishing an often-invoked precedent. Not only were surrendered Hsiung-nu soldiers incorporated into Chinese forces as cavalrymen, but individual barbarians also found employment in the Han army as officers.28 Those barbarian commanders who submitted to China (k'uan-sai, lit., to \"knock at the frontiers\") together with a large number of barbarian troops were particularly likely to receive substantial military appointments; but individuals with far different backgrounds might also rise to the heights of the Han civil or military bureaucracy on the whim of the emperor. Perhaps the most noteworthy example is Chin Mi-ti, a member of Hsiung-nu royalty who, at the age of fourteen, was captured by the Chinese and enslaved. Eventually, Chin gained Wu-ti's attention, won his confidence and affection, and rose to a high and influential position as a result. He served the emperor faithfully in a variety of important civil and military posts, including General of Chariots and Cavalry (ch'e-ch'i chiang-chün), and although certain members of the court resented his power and prestige because he was an alien, Chin conformed in every way to the dictates of Chinese society. It is not surprising that he married", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207366, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "126\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nWhen Ward's employment was first reported to the throne in early 1862, the governor of Kiangsu, Hsueh Huan, took special pains to point out that Ward, in addition to being a courageous and seemingly invincible warrior, was also a loyal servant of the throne, who had petitioned to become a Chinese subject and to change to Chinese ways. Although Ward's petition had in fact been submitted almost a year earlier in a successful attempt to avoid prosecution (this was, of course, unmentioned in the memorial), Hsueh argued that it would be \"inconvenient to repress the sincerity\" of his \"wholehearted turning toward [Chinese] civilization\" (hsiang-hua). Hsüeh suggested that Ward should be granted the fourth rank button and peacock feather in order to encourage him to \"admire right behavior and establish merit” (mu-i li-kung). In response, the throne issued an edict conferring the honors, satisfied that the foreigner had indeed \"turned out of admiration toward Chinese customs\" (hsiang-mu Hua-feng). He was, in Peking's eyes, sincere, helpful and obedient, \"surely worthy of admiration and esteem.”67\n\nIn subsequent months, Ward received additional rewards: the third rank button, brevet rank as colonel, and finally \"expectant\" colonel status. By all accounts he was a brave and singularly effective commander. At the same time, however, he was a brash individual, whose independent spirit and flamboyant style offended, and occasionally alarmed, the Chinese. As Ward's prestige and self-confidence grew, criticisms of his behavior began to appear in memorials to the throne. Hsieh Huan, for one, began to complain of his arrogance and unmanageability. Prince Kung, a leading figure in both the Grand Council and the Tsungli Yamen, found Ward to be proud, boastful, and overly independent. The throne, for its part, expressed special concern over Ward's failure to shave his head and change to Chinese clothing. (Particularly damaging was Hsüeh's report that the barbarian commander had failed to conform to Chinese customs because he feared the ridicule of foreigners!) From Peking's vantage point, the acceptance of Chinese culture was the principal means of gauging the foreigner's receptiveness to imperial control. When Ward failed to conform to the dictates of propriety, his actions cast doubt on his sincerity, and perhaps more importantly, on the efficacy of traditional restraints.68\n\nAll Chinese did not view Ward's indiscretions as matters of great concern, however. Hsüeh's successor as governor, Li Hung-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207367, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n127\n\nchang, for example, noted in a private letter: \"Although up to now Ward has not yet shaved his head or paid me a visit, do I have time to quarrel with foreigners over such petty indiscretion?”*69 To be certain, Li, no less than the throne, sought a means to exercise effective control over Ward; but he did not place much stock in superficial indicators of cultural submission. More important were the administrative, personal and financial ties that bound the barbarian commander to the Chinese. Ostensibly, at least, Ward was held in check by his superiors in the Ch'ing military hierarchy. At the same time, honors from the throne and substantial emoluments provided material incentives for the ambitious and avaricious foreigner. But Ward's closest tie with the Chinese was his special relationship with the merchant-turned-official, Yang Fang, who sponsored the Ever-Victorious Army in its initial stages and later became a co-commander of the force. Ward owed much of his early success to Yang, who in turn benefitted from his association with the vaunted foreign-officered contingent. In 1862, Ward married Yang's daughter and acquired a large tract of land (probably through Yang), upon which he began building a house shortly before his death. He also became Yang's business partner in a few lucrative undertakings (such as steamship rental), and, through Yang's machinations, invested a reported one hundred and fifty thousand dollars in the Ch'ing government's salt monopoly. Such a stake in the established order assured that Ward would remain a loyal, if not always completely satisfied, servant of the dynasty.70\n\nFar from the scene of Ward's operations, the throne could not easily see that he was responding positively to the patchwork of formal and informal controls operating on him at the local level. From Peking's perspective, Ward was valiant and effective, but insufficiently submissive, and anxious edicts from the throne admonished local officials to keep him under tight rein. Prince Kung articulated Peking's fears: \"Although Ward exerts himself on China's behalf, he is still a foreigner. His nature is basically unrestrained and his heart even more difficult to fathom.\"71 Yet when Ward died in battle, whatever doubts Peking may have had about his reliability were all but forgotten, and the American commander became at once a conspicuous symbol of foreign devotion. Li Hung-chang glowingly summarized his career in China, praising Ward's complete dedication to the dynasty and recommending that special temples be erected at Shanghai and Ningpo \"to give comfort\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207368, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "128\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nto his loyal soul” (i-wei chung-hun). The throne, for its part, expressed profound grief over Ward's death, and ordered that special posthumous honors, including the erection of memorial temples, be bestowed upon this upright, brave, and “irreproachable” warrior.72\n\nWard as a Model for Barbarian Employees\n\nIt is perhaps not surprising that Ward's employment became the standard for other foreign employees in the Chinese military service. Soon after his death, an imperial edict expressed the view that if foreigners were to lead Chinese troops and be granted military authority, they had, like Ward, \"to petition requesting to be enrolled on the Chinese population register [p'an-t'u] and be willing to accept Chinese control [chieh-chih].\"73 At least in part because of such stipulations, Ward's second in command, Henry Burgevine, assumed command of the Ever-Victorious Army in October, 1862. Like his predecessor, Burgevine had petitioned to become a Chinese subject, and expressed his willingness not only to accept Chinese control, but also to be bound by Chinese law.74 In the course of his career he had been granted honors similar to those bestowed upon Ward, and had also married a Chinese. But he did not enjoy a close personal or business relationship with any Chinese officials, and in time he clashed with his Chinese sponsors. After a quarrel with Yang Fang in early 1863, Burgevine was dismissed by the Ch'ing authorities and branded a “rebel” (ni).75 Eventually he joined the Taipings, and although subject to Chinese jurisdiction by the terms of his own petition, Burgevine avoided prosecution owing to the intercession of foreign officials. In 1865, he drowned under mysterious circumstances while in the custody of the Chinese authorities.76\n\nThe Burgevine episode highlighted the inadequacy of cultural controls in \"managing\" barbarian employees. But even before Burgevine's \"rebellion,\" the Chinese had begun to appreciate the limitations of cultural submission as a determinant of loyalty. On December 6, 1862, the throne received a joint memorial from Hsüeh Huan and Li Hung-chang which spelled out these limitations on the basis of their experience with Ward. Hsüeh and Li harbored few illusions about the American commander and his motives. Pointing out that Ward had indicated his willingness to become a Chinese subject, but had never shaved his head or changed to Chinese clothing, the two officials went on to state that despite his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207369, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n129\n\nloyal service to the dynasty, he had shown himself to be ungrateful, greedy, power-hungry and difficult to control. Given the privileged position such Westerners enjoyed in China, transgressions by them could not easily be punished--even if they were to become Chinese subjects.77\n\nWhat could not be expected of Ward could hardly be expected of other foreigners in the Chinese military service. Emphasizing that Westerners did not delight in Chinese clothes and customs, Hsüeh and Li argued that China “need not force them to do what they find difficult.\" In their view, nothing was to be gained by foreign military employees going through the motions of either changing to Chinese clothing or registering as Chinese subjects. The throne voiced substantial agreement.78 Allowing foreigners to follow their own customs was, after all, consistent with the traditional policy of \"keeping [barbarians] under loose rein [chi-mi],” which did not exclude the idea of cultural submission, but neither did it demand it. Meanwhile, local officials were expected to devise effective means for establishing control over barbarian employees until such time as their services could be dispensed with.\n\nWhen Charles G. Gordon received command of the Ever-Victorious Army after Burgevine's dismissal, the throne did not require that he register as a Chinese subject or change to Chinese ways.79 It did, however, demand that he be effectively controlled. Unmoved by the prospect of material gain, and comparatively aloof, Gordon was a difficult barbarian to ensnare. Yet through a combination of flattery, honors, shrewd diplomacy, and administrative pressures (including the presence of Li Hung-chang's growing Anhwei Army) the Chinese succeeded in winning and maintaining Gordon's devotion.80 Throughout his career in China Gordon carried the stigma of being an \"unsubmissive\" foreign commander,81 but he received unprecedented honors from the throne. Eventually, with Li Hung-chang as his sponsor, Gordon achieved the exalted rank of provincial commander-in-chief (ti-tu) and the coveted yellow riding-jacket (huang ma-kua). By the end of his tumultuous career as head of the Ever-Victorious Army in 1864, he and Li Hung-chang had become fast friends, and they remained so for many years to come.\n\n82\n\nDuring the T'ung-chih period, a considerable number of other foreigners entered the Chinese military service. Some, such as A. E. LeBrethon de Caligny, Prosper Giquel, and Paul d'Aiguebelle, led foreign-officered contingents patterned after the Ever-Victorious", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207373, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n133\n\n6 On this point, see John K. Fairbank, \"The Early Treaty System in the Chinese World Order,” in J. K. Fairbank, ed. The Chinese World Order (Cambridge, Mass., 1968). See also L. S. Yang's article entitled \"Historical Notes on the Chinese World Order\" in ibid., 22, for a discussion of Kuo Sung-t'ao's innovative outlook.\n\n7 See Fairbank's introductory essay in The Chinese World Order; also, John K. Fairbank and S. Y. Teng, “On the Ch'ing Tributary System,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 6 (1941). An exception to the standard tributary view of China's foreign relations is John Wills' Pepper, Guns and Parleys (Cambridge, Mass., 1974).\n\n8 James Legge, The Chinese Classics (Hong Kong, 1961), 5:521. For the use of this phrase in various contexts, consult Li Te-yü, chüan 8: 59; Li Hung-chang, Li Wen-chung-kung ch'üan-chi [The collected works of Li Hung-chang] (Nanking, 1908), Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 11:24b; Chang Ch'i-yün, Chung-kuo chin-shih shih-lüeh (A short history of Chinese military affairs] (Taipei, 1956), 115.\n\n9 Dai Kanwa jiten [Sino-Japanese Dictionary] (Tokyo, 1955-1960), 1926, 6437. For random examples of this common usage, see Su Ch'ing-pin, 1, 2, 35; Hsin T'ang-shu, 145:14b; Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo [The management of barbarian affairs from beginning to end] (Peiping, 1930; hereafter, IWSM), TK, 72:34b, TC 4:25b; 5:51; 8:64b; 12:2b; 23:36b; etc.\n\n10 See the illuminating discussion in Mi Chu Wiens, \"Anti-Manchu Thought during the Early Ch'ing,\" Papers on China, 22A (May, 1969), especially 2-3.\n\n11 Legge, 2:253; Wiens, 2; Wu Hung-chu, \"China's Attitude towards Foreign Nations and Nationals Historically considered,\" The Chinese Social and Political Science Review, 10.1 (1926), esp. 17-19. On the reverse theme, consult Li Hung-chang, Letters to Friends, 1:9b; Lu Shih-ch'iang, Ting Jih-ch'ang yü tzu-ch'iang yün-tung [Ting Jih-ch'ang and the self-strengthening movement] (Taipei, 1972), 241-244.\n\n12 Chinese policy toward the \"sinicization\" of foreigners was not consistent, however. See Schafer, 22, 49, 291 note 75; also Ch'ien Hsing-hai and L. C. Goodrich, trans., Western and Central Asians in China under the Mongols, by Ch'en Yuan (Los Angeles, 1966), 6ff.\n\n13 Cited in Ch'ien and Goodrich, 9. I have modified the translation slightly after consulting the Chinese original. For a view contrary to Ch'en Yuan's, see Legge, 5: 355: \"If he is not of our kin, he is certain to have a different mind”—an oft-cited passage from the Tso-chuan. These two conflicting views suggest a central question: What constituted a barbarian? Unfortunately, no clear answer can be given. Liang Ch'i-ch'ao noted in the late nineteenth century that the implications of the term had changed over time (see Wiens, 1); but even his comparatively sophisticated analysis oversimplifies an enormously complex problem. Lacking an objective standard by which to judge barbarian-ness, one is perhaps best served by deferring to the Chinese chronicler. If, for whatever reason, an individual appears in the record as a barbarian, then that is what he is. Such an arbitrary classification is in many respects unsatisfactory, but it reflects accurately the Chinese viewpoint at a given time, and underscores the uncertain status of even the most \"sinicized\" barbarian. An argument against writing about China's relations with foreign peoples \"in the Chinese idiom and from the Chinese point of view\" may be found in Timothy Connor, \"Translating the 'Barbarians': A New Book in an Old Tradition,\" Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (hereafter, HJAS), 32 (1972).\n\n14 Cited in Benjamin Schwartz, \"The Chinese Perception of World Order, Past and Present,\" in Fairbank, The Chinese World Order, 280.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207375, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n135\n\nWu-ti's Northwestern Campaigns,\" HJAS, XXVI (1966), 170, 172-173; Yü, 14; Lattimore, 485. Northern barbarian cavalry units were designated Hu-ch'i; southern barbarian units were called Yueh-ch'i.\n\n29 Michael Loewe, \"The Case of Witchcraft in 91 B.C.,\" Asia Major, XV.2 (1970), 180-181 traces Chin's career, major offices, and impact. See also Han-shu, 7: 1b; 38: 21ff; 68: 2a-b, 20b; 112: 16a-b.\n\n30 G. Haloun, \"The Liang-chou Rebellion 184-221 A.D.,\" Asia Major, I (1949-1950), 119; 121. Note the interesting case of Chao Hsin, discussed in Loewe, \"The Campaigns,\" 79.\n\n31 WSM, TC 79; 11; WCSL, 129: 17.\n\n32 Cited in Ch'ien and Goodrich, 9.\n\n33 See, for example, Yü, 205; Chi Ch'ao-ting, Key Economic Areas in Chinese History (New York, 1963), 99; Eberhard, 126; etc.\n\n34 Mackerras, 56-61, especially 60-61.\n\n35 See Su Ch'ing-pin, 399; Yüan, 160; Gabriella Molé, The T'u-yü-hun from the Northern Wei to the Time of the Five Dynasties (Rome, 1970), 157, 163, 167, 169, 180.\n\n36 See Yüan, 153-163; Su Ch'ing-pin, 589.\n\n37 See Wang Kung-wu, The Structure of Power in North China During the Five Dynasties (Kuala Lumpur, 1962); also Su Ch'ing-pin, 399.\n\n38 The preface to this work is very illuminating. Therein, Li Te-yü describes the general circumstances of Wen-mo-ssu's submission, making repeated reference to past experience with submissive barbarians and lauding the present emperor's virtue. After extolling Wen-mo-ssu's merits, Li suggests that just as the Hsiao-ching (Classic of Filial Piety) defines the proper relationship of ruler and minister, father and son, so the I-yü kuei-chung chuan defines the proper behavior of foreign employees in the Chinese service. Implicit in the comparison is the idea that Li is to T'ang Wu-tsung what Tseng Ts'an was to Confucius. For further information on Wen-mo-ssu, see Chang Ch'ün, T'ang-tai hsiang-hu an-chih k'ao [An examination of the treatment of surrendered barbarians in the Tang dynasty]. Hsin-Ya hsieh-pao [New Asia College Journal], 1.1 (August, 1955), 310-311; James R. Hamilton, Les Ouïghours à l'époque des Cinq Dynasties d'après les documents chinois (Paris, 1955), 69, 71, 153-154; Su Ch'ing-pin, 397; Hsin T'ang-shu, 217(B) [lieh-chuan, 142 hsia]: 1-3; T'ang-shu, lieh-chuan, 145: 13-14.\n\n39 Li Te-yü, 2: 10-11; see also ibid., 7: 56; 8: 57; etc.\n\n40 Ibid., 2: 11.\n\n41 Ibid., 5: 29, 31; 5: 33-35; 7: 56; 8: 59-60; 13: 101-109; 19: 159-160.\n\n42 See Mackerras, 14-47; also Li Te-yü, 14: 116-119. Tseng Kuo-fan undoubtedly had the T'ang experience in mind when he wrote: \"Since ancient times outer barbarians (wai-i) have assisted China; but in each case, after success, there have been unexpected demands,\" IWSM, HF 71: 10b.\n\n43 Howard Levy, Biography of An Lu-shan (Berkeley, 1961), 17-20.\n\n44 See Richard J. Smith, “Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850-1860,\" Journal of Asian History 8.2 (1974), 124-125; also Lo Jung-pang, \"The Decline of the Ming Navy,\" Oriens Extremus, 5 (1958), 165-168.\n\n45 Sung-shih, 472: 18-21; Liu Sheng-mu, Ch'ang-ch'u-chai hsü-pi [Supplementary writings from the Ch'ang-ch'u study] (preface date 1929), 5: 146.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207377, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT\n\n63 See Smith, \"Foreign-Training,” 83-86.\n\n64 Ward and other foreigners in the Chinese military service are studied in depth in Smith, Ward, Gordon and the Ever-Victorious Army.\n\n65 For basic Chinese documentation on Ward's career, see IWSM TC 4: 25-276; 4: 40a; 4; 51b-52; 5: 6b-8b; 5: 33-36b; 5: 51-52; 5: 54; 6: 2a-b; 6: 14b; 6: 17b-18; 6: 19b-20; 6: 30-31; 7; 47b-48b; 9; 3-4.\n\n66 IWSM TC 79: 11.\n\n67 Ibid., TC 4: 25-26; see also John K. Fairbank, \"The Early Treaty System,\" 270.\n\n68 IWSM, TC 5: 33-36b; 5: 51-52; 6: 19b-20; 6: 30a-b.\n\n69 Li Hung-chang, Letters to Friends, 1: 29.\n\n70 Foreign Relations of the United States (1888), part 1, 211-217.\n\n71 IWSM, TC 6: 17.\n\n72 Ibid., TC 9; 3b.\n\n73 Ibid., TC 9: 4.\n\n74 Ching Wu and Chung Ting, eds., Wu Hsu tang-an chung ti T'al-p'ing r'ien-kuo shih-liao hsüan-chi [Selections of historical materials concerning the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom in Wu Hsu's archives] (Peking, 1958), 128-129,\n\n75 See Martin Ring, \"The Burgevine Case and Extrality in China, 1863-1866,\" Papers on China 20 (1969). In mid-1863, Prince Kung requested that Burgevine be expunged from the Chinese population register. See IWSM, TC 17: 136 and 20b.\n\n76 Ring, 145-146, 156 note 70.\n\n77 IWSM, TC 10: 46-49.\n\n78 Ibid., TC 10: 50a-b.\n\n79 Ibid., TC 15: 10b-11.\n\n80 I have discussed this combination in Ward, Gordon and the Ever Victorious Army. For some indications of Li's approach, consult J. O. P. Bland, Li Hung-chang (New York, 1917); I. C. Cheng, Chinese Sources for the Taiping Rebellion, 1850-1864 (Hong Kong, 1963), 120-132; Gordon Papers (British Museum), Ad. Mss. 53, 386, Robert Hart to Charles Gordon, October 7, 1863.\n\n81 See, for example, Feng Kuei-fen's Hsien-chih-r'ang chi [Collected essays from the Hall of Manifest Aspirations] (1876), 6: 46.\n\n82 IWSM, TC 22; 3b; 24: 29a-b; 25: 27b-28b; 27: 28-29. On Gordon's return to China in 1880 to assist Li during the so-called Ili Crisis, consult Immanuel C. Y. Hsü, \"Gordon in China, 1880,\" Pacific Historical Review 30.2 (May, 1964).\n\n83 See Kuo T'ing-i, Taiping t'ien-kuo shih-shih jih-chih (A daily record of historical events of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom] (Taipei, 1963), appendix, 165-167.\n\n84 See Smith, \"Foreign-Training\".\n\n85 See Mary Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism: The T’ung-Chih Restoration, 1862-1874 (New York, 1967), 216; IWSM, TC 16; 11; 39; 22-29; 70: 38a-b and 41-42b; 85: 39a-b; 87; 31, 34-35.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207378, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "138\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n86 See Smith, \"Foreign-Training;\" also Yang-wu yün-tung [The “foreign matters\" movement] (Shanghai, 1961), 3: 463, 469, 492, 599, 613, etc.\n\n87 IWSM, TC 22: 12-13b; 23: 42-43.\n\n88 See the IWSM references cited in note 85. Pennell became fully sinicized, shaving his head, changing to Chinese clothing, learning Chinese, marrying a Chinese, and finally petitioning to be registered as a native of Ho-fei, Anhwei. Mesny, too, was attracted by Chinese civilization, thus reinforcing the persistent notion of barbarian \"transformation\". See especially the memorial by Wu Tang and Ch'ung-shih in 1870 requesting that Mesny be advanced to the rank of lieutenant-colonel (ts'an-chiang) and awarded the peacock feather for his efforts against the Miao. This memorial was in many respects a replica of Hsueh Huan's request for similar awards to be granted to Ward in 1862.\n\n89 Examples in IWSM and WCSL abound. See also Fairbank, \"The Early Treaty System,\" esp. 264-265; John Schrecker, Imperialism and Chinese Nationalism (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 50. Traditional attitudes were, of course, reinforced by the examination system. One of the topics for the metropolitan examinations in 1880 was the following quotation: \"By indulgent treatment of men from a distance they are brought to resort to him from all quarters. And by kindly cherishing the princes of the states, the whole empire is brought to revere him.\" Cited in the North-China Herald, May 18, 1880.\n\n90 See, for example, WCSL 101: 9; 129: 17.\n\n91 See especially K. C. Liu, \"The Confucian as Patriot and Pragmatist: Li Hung-chang's Formative Years, 1823-1866,\" HJAS, 30 (1970); David Pong, \"Confucian Patriotism and the Destruction of the Woosung Railway, 1877,\" Modern Asian Studies, 7.4 (1973).\n\n**\n\n92 For a discussion of the concept of r'i-chih, see Immanuel Hsü, China's Entrance into the Family of Nations (Cambridge, Mass., 1960).\n\n93 See Ella Lonn's Foreigners in the Confederacy (Chapel Hill, 1940) and Foreigners in the Union Army and Navy (Baton Rouge, 1951).\n\n94 See, for example, Ernst Presseisen, Before Aggression: Europeans Prepare the Japanese Army (Tucson, 1965); Noboru Umetani, \"Foreign Nationals Employed in Japan during the Years of Modernization,\" East Asian Cultural Studies, 10.1 (March, 1971).\n\n95 What differed was China's international situation. China had to endure far more political, economic and military pressure from the European powers than either the United States or Japan in the nineteenth century.\n\n96 The great majority of Japanese military employees in the latter half of the nineteenth century neither became Japanese subjects nor accepted Japanese culture. See, for example, Presseisen, 112.\n\n97 See the discussion in Smith, \"Foreign-Training.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207562, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 330, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "322\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ngreat blaze they saw was not being fed by the engine sheds and the numerous and extensive buildings of the Company there.\" (Daily Press, Dec. 17, 1884).\n\nAfter the fire, the area was laid out into regular lots and the government began disposing of them at public auction. It was at this time that the building sites were regularized and the streets were officially named. Fronting the Dock Company's property and the sea was Bulkely Street, with buildings only on the north side. Behind it was Market Street (now Wuhu Street). The Public Market built in 1886 occupied a block on the north side of this street in the centre of the laid out portion of the village. These were the two main streets running east and west. At the east end of the village was Hill Street, (now Tientsin Street) running north and south, next to the west was Dock Street, then Station Street leading up to the Police Station situated on a hill behind the village, then an unnamed street (now Marsh Street) and finally Temple Street leading up to the Kun Yam Temple nestled under the hill behind Market Street. Also behind Market Street both on the east and west side of the village were rows of small family houses.*\n\nIn the 1890's the area of Hung Hom near the present Chatham Road was being developed for industrial establishments. The area was known as West Hung Hom. At the turn of the century, there was at Hung Hom a match factory, a sugar candy factory, a glass factory, and a dozen or so boat building yards. There was also a Hotel and Tavern, owned by an Indian who left a will.\n\nVarious Hong Kong capitalists invested in Hung Hom lots. The partners of Lapraik and Company owned several blocks in front of the Market House. These were later sold to the Hong Kong Land Company. When new lots were laid out to the west in the 1890's, Ho Tung and later Lau Chu Pak, of the Yaumati Ferry Company, bought several of the blocks. Li Kwong also owned valuable lots at Yaumati.\n\n(b) Some local institutions: Schools\n\nA Government-subsidized village school was established under the direction of the local community, and several Christian schools were opened. The Church Missionary Society had lots at the east end of the village, the London Missionary Society in 1883 applied\n\n* Two maps showing Hung Hom in 1892 and 1901 are printed respectively at p. 321 and between pp. 322 and 323.\n\nPage 330\n\nPage 331", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 332, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n323 \n\nto the government for a lot on which to build a school. In granting the lot for charitable and educational purposes, it was stipulated that \"the school should be built on that portion of the ground furthest away from the front of the native temple which is opposite. The villagers have asked that no houses be erected immediately fronting the temple, but they could not object to a playground. The latter should be fenced around.” (C.S.O. No. 700 of 1885) In 1898, the Roman Catholic Church bought a large piece of land behind the village for a church and a school. The Canossian Sisters, however, already had two lots on Bulkely Street in 1894 where they conducted a school (No. 59 & 60).\n\n(c) The Kwun Yam (††) and Pak Tai (†) temples.\n\nAn old memorial board in the Kwun Yam Temple dated 1873-74 lists eleven individuals or shops who may tentatively be identified as the management committee.* I can only identify one, Li Shing Fat, listed as a rate-payer in 1875 and possibly as Lee A Fat on the 1867 squatter licence list. A Hop Shing shop is listed, and it is possible that the owner was Chan Hop Shing who appears on the 1873 rates list or Chang Hop Shing of the 1867 squatter list. Another possible identification might be the Kwong Lung shop with the Kwong \"Leong\" grocer in the 1884 Rate.\n\nIn 1896 the Temple Committee applied for the grant of a Crown Lease for the lot on which the building stood. It was noted that \"This Temple is a public temple, owned by the committee of Hung Hom. A notice was posted at Hung Hom on the 23rd (March, 1886) saying that anyone who objected to the issue of the proposed lease should report to the Registrar General within ten days. No communication has been made on the subject.... therefore recommend the issue of the lease.\" (C.S.O. No. 704 of 1896). In consequence, a lease was granted to Chung Kam Fuk, Chan Ying Cheung, and Ching Ki, Trustees. Of these, Chan Ying Cheung was a large property owner at Hung Hom who was also a wealthy contractor in Hong Kong. Upon his death, his will left his Hung Hom property to his sons.\n\nThe two named temples date from this early period and have survived: one of them in its original location and another on a new \n\n*The names are listed as follows:\n\n福隆號,兴有容,新順扣,勝扣廠,廣隆號,李富利,陳日新,怡興行,廣勝同,合勝號,李勝發。The board carries the large characters 法雨同沾and is dated 同治甲戌年仲春吉旦", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207569, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 337, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "328\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nof George Eumorfopolos edited by Professor Perceval Yetts is certainly representative; and with respect to the latter, a good example is the first volume of the catalogue about the Charles Seligman Collection, on Chinese, Central Asian and Luristan bronzes, edited by Professor Howard Hansford.\n\nProfessor Li's latest publication, although independently associated with a book title, yet, by its nature, should be classified as an illustrated catalogue about a private collection of Chinese art, since every item discussed by the author in Volume I and illustrated in Volume II is from the collection of Dr Charles Drenowaltz in Switzerland.\n\nVolume I consists of 15 chapters. I propose to give a brief summary for each chapter before presenting other remarks about this book in this review. Chapter I:\n\nChapter II:\n\nChapter III:\n\nChapter IV:\n\nChapter V:\n\n\"Introduction\", gives a general account of how European collectors built up their collections of Chinese art. It also gives a survey of the general development of Chinese painting. \"Figure painting: Persistences and Transformation of the past\", Here the central discussion is focused on figure paintings by Chao Liu (ca. 1350-1370) of the late Yuan Dynasty, and Hsieh Shih-chen (1487-after 1567), Chen Hung-shou (1599-1652) and Ting Yün-peng (b. 1547) of the Ming Dynasty; also Chao Yuan of the late Ch'ing Dynasty. \"Landscape painting of Ming and Ch'ing: A point of view\", serves as a general introduction to this branch of Chinese painting over some 500 years. \"The Wu School: Re-establishment of the Yuan Tradition\", emphasis is laid upon works by five literati artists of the Ming Dynasty; Shen Chou (1427-1509), Wen Cheng-ming (1470-1559), Lu Chih (1496-1576), Ch'en Kuan (ca. 1570-1640). In addition, works by artists of the school of T'ang Yin (1470-1523), and an album painting by an anonymous artist are also discussed.\n\n\"The Wu School in the Seventeenth century: A Host of Little Masters\", points of view are based on works by the following seven artists: Ch'en Kuan, Ch'en Huan (act. 1600-20), Chang Hung", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207570, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 338, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n329\n\nChapter VI:\n\nChapter VII: (1577-after 1668), Sheng Mao-yueh (act. 1620-40), Hsiang Sheng-mo (1597-1658), Yün Hsiang (1586-1655) and Shen Hao (act. 1630-50).\n\n\"The Sung-chiang School: Triumph of a New Theory\", under this headline five artists of the Ming Dynasty, Mo Shih-hung (ca. 1540-1587), Tung Ch'i-chang (1555-1636), Ku Shau-yu (act. early 17th century), Li Liu-fang (1575-1629), and Pien Wen-yü (act. 1620-1670) are discussed.\n\n\"Various Directions of Late Ming: A Mixture of Old and New\", this chapter covers Mi Wan-chung (1595-1628), Chang Jui-t'u (1576-1641), and Lan Yü (1585-1664).\n\nChapter VIII: \"The Orthodox Masters of Early Ch'ing: The Great Synthesis”, discussions are concentrated on Wu Li (1632-1718), Wang Hui (1632-1717) and Wang Yuan-ch'i (1642-1715).\n\nChapter IX:\n\nChapter X:\n\nChapter XI:\n\nChapter XII:\n\n\"The Lou-tung School: Homage to Wang Yuan-ch'i\", in this chapter the Lou-tung school artists are represented by Huang Ting (1660-1730), Chang Tsung-ts'ang (1686-still alive in 1755) and Wang Ch'en (1720-1797).\n\n\"The Yu-shan School: Homage to Wang Hui”, in this chapter, Chiao Ping-chen (act. 1680-1720), Wang Chiu (act. later 18th century) and Prince Yung-jung (1744-1790) are taken as being representatives of this School,\n\n\"The Anhwei School: Transformation of the Ni Tsan Tradition\", four early Ch'ing artists: Hsiao Yün-ts'ung (1596-1673), Yao Sung (1648-after 1717), Hung-jen (1610-1663), and Mei Ch'ing (1623-1697) are discussed in this chapter.\n\n\"Monks and Hermits: A silent Revolution”, another four early Ch'ing artists; K’un-ts'an (b. 1612-ca. 1673), Kung Hsien (b. 1617-1618, d. 1689), Chu Ta (1626-ca. 1705), and Tao-chi (b. 1641-d. before 1720), are discussed under this heading.\n\nChapter XIII: \"The Yang-chou School: Haven of the creative mind”, two Yang-chou school artists; Chin Nung (1687-1765) and Huang Shen (1687-1768) are discussed in detail.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207571, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 339, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "330\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nChapter XIV: \"The Nineteenth century: Looking Backward and Forward\", is mainly a discussion of the landscape paintings of the 19th century, represented by Ch'ien Tu (1763-1844) and Tai Hsi (1801-1860).\n\nChapter XV: \"Bird-and-flower painting: The end of a tradition”, five artists of the Ming Dynasty; Lu Chih, Hsiang Yuan-pien (1525-1590), Chou Chieh-mien (act. 1580-1610), Chang Hung, and Sun K’o-hung (1532-1610), and two artists from the Ch'ing Dynasty; Hua Yen (1682-after 1755) and the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi (1835-1908) form key figures for discussion.\n\nThe merits of this book are shown, first of all, by a detailed chronology of the artists of the Ming and Ch'ing Dynasties. This point can be clearly seen if the chronologies of the same group of artists as they appear in other writings on history of Chinese painting are compared with those in Prof. Li's new publication. In order to make this point clear, a concordance table about the chronology of many artists is provided below.*\n\nThe second merit of this book seems to be a new use of old editorial principles practised in Chinese historical writings. As stated, Volume I consists of 15 chapters. In every chapter, a detailed study of each picture is always preceded by an introductory essay. The origin for presenting such an essay in a descriptive catalogue, when old writings on Chinese painting are studied, can be traced back at least to the early 12th century work, Hsuan-ho hua-p'u *1#,\" a descriptive catalogue about paintings, in Emperor Sung Hui-tsung's imperial collection, the Ming Hua Lu ***;14 and also to \"Records of History of painting in the Ming Dynasty\", edited by Hsü Hsin in late 17th century, both edited according to this principle. In the former, the subject-matter of Chinese painting is classified by the anonymous editor into 10 categories; and in the latter, into 15 subdivisions. Using modern concepts to review Hsuan-ho hua-p'u and Ming hua-lu, each category in these two historical documents should evidently be read as an independent chapter. More significantly, introductory essays, no matter whether long or short, are always addressed to each chapter-like category.\n\np. 330.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207572, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 340, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "Chu-tsing Li \n\nYoshito Yonezawa 10 \n\nOsvald Siren 11 \n\nChang Jui-tu \n\n1576-1641 \n\nearly 17th century \n\n1607 obtained chin-shih \n\ndegree \n\nVictoria Contag 12 \n\nB. ca. 158 - after 1660 \n\nChang Hung \n\nHung-jen \n\nK'un-ts'an \n\nChu Ta \n\n1577 - after 1668 \n\n1610 - 1663 \n\n1612 - ca. 1674 \n\n1626-1705 \n\nChen Kuan \n\nact. 1620. 1640 \n\nShen Hao \n\nact. 1630 - 1650 \n\nKung Hsien \n\n1617/18 1689 \n\nTao Chi \n\n- 1663 \n\n1626-1705(?) \n\nearly 17th century \n\nmid-17th century \n\n1625 · 1705 \n\n+ \n\nactive 1600 \n\nact. 1630-1650 \n\nd. 1689 \n\ndied in his forties \n\n1612 - 1697 \n\n1626 - 1705 \n\nc. 1620-1689 \n\nHung Ting \n\n1641 - before 1720 \n\n1660-1730 \n\nChiao Pin-chen \n\nca. 1680 - 1720 \n\nlate 17th century \n\n1650(1660) - 1730 \n\n- 1700 \n\n1630 - after ca. 1717 \n\n166--1730 \n\n1641 - 1707 \n\nChang Tsung-ts'ang \n\n1686. 1756 \n\n1686-1755 still alive \n\nact. 1680 - 1720 \n\n1686 - 1756 \n\nChin Nung \n\n1687 - 1765 \n\nHuang Shen \n\n1687 - 1768 \n\nYung Jung \n\n1744 - 1790 \n\n1687 - 1788 still alive \n\nlate 18th century \n\n1687 - after 1768 \n\nBOOK REVIEWS \n\n331", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207575, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 343, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "334\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\na literary figure of the Chin Dynasty. In his biography it has been recorded that whenever he travelled alone he always tied 100 coins on top of his stick, and wherever he found a wine shop he always drank with pleasure, as much as possible. He did not care what his wife prepared for her meals.19 Juan Hsiu is stated by the same source of information as a step-son20 of Juan Chi ✯ (210-263), one of the eccentric masters of a literary circle collectively known as \"the Seven Talents of the Bamboo Groves\".21 Juan Hsiu's alcoholical love, therefore, might have been a reflection of the deep spiritual influence of Juan Chi.\n\nBecause of this reference, it is clear that to tie 100 coins onto a stick, could certainly be interpreted as to have some private money, which can be taken one step further to mean wine money. Thus, the literary meaning of K'un-ts'an's last line, as far as the surface implication is concerned, should read as \"there is no need to take wine money to own mountains\". According to such an understanding, if this line is to be rendered into English, but still taking Prof. Li's same basis for using no explanation of the term \"Chang-tou\", then it suggests as \"I would rather take money to buy wine but not to consider a piece of land.”\n\nA second but more weighty problem is, once again, one of identification. In the Drenowaltz collection there is a 12-leaved album of landscape painting by Chin Nung. This album is dated 1736, the first year of the Ch'ien-lung era, by the artist's own inscription. According to Prof. Li's study of Chin Nung's life, the artist was in Peking in that year, and had attempted to pass the Po-hsueh-hung-tz'u22 degree examination but failed. In this album each leaf contains a landscape painting completed in an extra elaborate manner. This is quite noticeable since the normal subject-matter of this artist, as Prof. Li has rightly pointed out, happens to be either Buddhist figures, horses, bamboo, or plum blossoms, all in ink. Moreover, such stylistic continuity achieved by the careful but conscious use of the brush in these landscapes seems to be extraordinarily unusual for Chin Nung. In addition, in each of these 12 leaves, the un-used space in each composition is always completely filled up by a good number of small but regular characters written in Chin Nung's peculiar Ch'i-shu script. The contents of these inscriptions on each leaf of this album have been identified by Prof. Li. However, this brings up a second type of problem of identification.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207576, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 344, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n335\n\nIn brief, the contents of the writing on each composition of the first 10 leaves have been collectively identified by the author as prose written by seven well-known literary figures; T'ao Ch'ien (365-427), Po Ch'u-i (772-846), Liu Tsung-yüan (773-819), Wang Yu-ch'eng (954-1001), O-yang Hsiu (1007-1072), Su Shih (1036-1101) and Sung Lien (1310-1381).\n\nThe nature of those writings inscribed on the last two leaves of the same album seem quite different from the foregoing. The first inscriptions are all prose and their authors are historical figures; while those appearing on the last two leaves are poem and their authorship is obscure. The literary implications of the prose are all associated with a unified theme; life in the future is hard to know, thus it is more suitable to seek one's personal comfort by way of enjoying nature. In contrast, this theme in leaves 11 and 12 becomes very weak. Instead, remarkable fantastic literary allusions are demonstrated by the poets. After having differentiated the nature as well as the forms of inscriptions on the last two leaves from the first ten, Prof. Li concludes that those unidentifiable poems are most probably verses by Chin Nung himself. The reason that they have been written in an unrealistic manner is because the artist-poet was trying to use those poems to console himself for failing to pass the Po-hsüeh-hung-tz'u degree examination in Peking in 1736.\n\nThis conclusion is theoretically sound, yet it is not convincing; for the poems inscribed on 11 and 12 are not as easily unidentifiable as Prof. Li has claimed. Consequently, because of these poems the date of this album has to be changed. Therefore, the authenticity of this collection of 12 landscapes is also to be questioned.\n\nIn the mid-18th century, at Yang-chou, the richest economic center in China at that time,23 Ma Yueh-kuan (1688-1745) and his younger brother, Ma Yüan-lu (1687-1766?) were not only active as leading salt merchants but also as central figures in terms of their patronage towards literature and art. Amongst those who were closely affiliated to the Ma brothers, was a well-established poet, Li E (1692-1752). Although a native of Ch'ien-t'ang from Chekiang province, he happened to be the most important literary figure whenever he was in Yang-chou.\n\nWhen\n\nIn the winter of 1748, the 13th year of the Ch'ien-lung era, Chin Nung was doing his extensive travels in the north, seven poets,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207579, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 347, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "338\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nnative of Pan-yu of Kwangtung Province, who was born in 1909 and died in 1960. He was not only a collector of Chinese art, but also happened to be a minor seal carver. In this branch of Chinese art, under the experienced guidance of an elderly Cantonese seal carver and scholar, Teng Erh-ya (1884-1954), Chang Hsiang-ning was trained as a seal carver. He has also carved two seals for another well-known Kwangtung paleographist, Jung Keng35.\n\nLastly, in Prof. Li's A Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines there appears a little problem of use of references. Some useful information has occasionally been neglected. For example, Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's long handscroll called Kuei-yü I-yüan T'u -λ (pl. LV-LIX) or as Prof. Li has rendered it in English; \"Going Home and Living Abroad Are the Same Thing\" (p. 172), the following aspects are disputable. Firstly, his introduction about the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's landscape handscroll. It is certainly true that the amazing size; 23.5 × 1302 cm, of this very scroll now in Drenowaltz Collection makes it one of the longest paintings in the handscroll format in China (p. 172). However, it is believed that this figure can be made still more meaningful to student of Chinese art if this particular measurement is compared with the measurements of other long handscrolls. Prof. Li could also point out that Hsiao Yün-ts'ung seems to have been an artist in favour of producing very long handscrolls. To be more specific, the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's other landscape handscroll, according to a Japanese record3, measures more than 40 Japanese feet, namely, 12.12 feet37. This is almost as long as 13.02 feet, the length of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's handscroll now in Drenowaltz collection.\n\nWith regard to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung, it is undoubtedly true that not much is known about his early life. Yet, some useful information related to Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's middle age has not been taken into account when Prof. Li wrote his general introduction about the life of this artist. To be more specific, in 1638, when Hsiao Yün-ts'ung was 43 years old38, like many of his contemporary literati-artists around the same time39, he joined the well-known Fu She Association (復社 Association of Reconquering)40. The major interest of this association, from the very beginning, was always politics. At first, around the 1630's, the general motivation of this institution was to encourage the disorganized intellectuals of that time to stand up against the political power established by the eunuchs which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207582, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 350, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n341\n\n16 This mountain is clearly marked in the map (pl. CXIV of Vol. II) of the book review. In addition, according to Chun kuo ku-chin ti-ming ta tzu-tien \"Dictionary of Ancient and Present Place Names in China\", edited by Tsang Li-ho and others (1933, 2nd edition, Shanghai), p. 135, Mt. Tien-chu is at the northwest of Chien-shan in the present western An-hui Province.\n\n17 In Tung Shih-heng's Li-tai chiang-yu hsing-shih i-lan-t'u (1914, Shanghai), Map 3 (Chan-kuo ch'i-hsung-t'u A Map of the Seven Strong States during the Warring States period); again in Watari Yanai's Toyo Tokushi Chizu (1934, 3rd edition, Tokyo), Map 3; also in Albert Herrmann's A Historical Atlas of China (1966, 2nd edition, Chicago), Map 8 (The Contending States), the Huai River area is always marked as part of the territory of the State of Ch'u.\n\n18 This is to be seen in Fujiwara Sosui's Chokuoku shoho rokutai dai-jiten, Dictionary about Six Different scripts of Chinese calligraphy, (1960, Tokyo), pp. 615-616.\n\n19 See Chin Shu, History of the Chin Dynasty (1974, Peking punctuated edition), Chüan 40, (in Book V), p. 1366.\n\n20 Ibid., p. 1359.\n\n21 For the latest findings of scholars of this small circle, see Ho Ch'i-min: \"Chu-lin ch'i-hsien yen-chiu\" \"A study of the Seven Talents of the Bamboo Grove\", 1966, Taiwan.\n\n22 Po-hsüeh hung-tz'u. This examination, initiated in 731, the 19th year of the K'ai-yüan era during Emperor Hsüan-tsung's reign in the Tang Dynasty was during the Ch'ing Dynasty confined to some limited candidates primarily recommended by the Education Department in each province.\n\n23 For sound scholarship on the economic importance of Yang-chou during the Ch'ing Dynasty, see Prof. Ho Ping-ti: \"The Salt Merchants of Yang-chou: A Study of commercial capitalism in Eighteenth century China\", in the Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies (1954, Cambridge), Vol. 17, pp. 130-168.\n\n24 Tsang Li-ho and others, op. cit., p. 923.\n\n25 The edition that the reviewer used is the Yüeh-ya-t'ang ts'ung-shu edition, first wood-blocked in Canton in 1850.\n\n26 The Chinese title reads: \"44415447\".\n焦山看月分得辇字\n\n27 In Chiao-shan chi it is to be found in p. 1b-p. 2a, while in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, (1937, Shanghai), hsü-chi (a supplementary collection), chüan 7, pp. 359-360 (In the Kuo-hsüeh chi-pen ts'ung-shu edition).\n\n28 The Chinese title reads: \"9493A7”.\n同作分得月字“\n\n29 In Chiao-shan chi it is to be found in p. 9a-9b, while in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi it is in hsü-chi, chüan 7, p. 360.\n\n30 In Ma Yueh-kuan's own Sha-ho i-lao hsiao-kao (also the Yüeh-ya-t'ang ts'ung-shu edition), it is to be found in chüan III, p. 17a-17b.\n\n31 The Chinese title reads: \"宿佛日淨慈\". It is to be found in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 134.\n倪龍瘢痕\n\n32 The Chinese title reads: “晚起 撖上人導行黃萬峯下 倪龍瘢泉 尋龍”. It is in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 134.\n\n33 The Chinese title of this poem reads: \"...\". It is to be found in Fan-hsieh shan-fang chi, chüan 7, p. 135.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "REFLECTIONS ON THE COMPARATIVE STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA AND JAPAN: MILITARY ASPECTS\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH*\n\nPaul Cohen has recently warned against measuring nineteenth century China’s modernization by the yardstick of Meiji Japan. From the vantage point of Japan’s ‘success,’” he writes, “the late Ch’ing epitomizes ‘failure,’ and next to the dynamism of the Meiji era, China, during the latter half of the nineteenth century, appears as the very embodiment of stasis. The trouble with this perspective is that it glosses over a very important fact, namely that China and Japan, in their respective encounters with the West in the last century, did not start out at the same point.” Cohen suggests that a “much more valid way of measuring change in nineteenth century China is by internal points of reference.” “Modernization is not, after all, a horserace,” he maintains,2\n\nThis approach has much to commend it, if only as a reminder that China did not simply stand still in the nineteenth century. Thomas Kennedy correctly indicates, for example, that for all its weaknesses, the “self-strengthening” movement from 1860 to 1894-1895 brought “far more comprehensive and far-sighted [changes] than earlier studies infer.” Cohen notes that when we measure the modernizing experiences of China and Japan against those of the rest of the world, rather than against each other, “we find that both China and Japan come off relatively well.”+\n\nYet the knowledge that historians would eventually vindicate China’s modernizing efforts would have been small consolation to Li Hung-chang at Shimonoseki. One doubts that he muttered at the signing table in 1895, “How far China has come in the last thirty years!” The fact is that Chinese modernizers continually viewed their progress in terms of Japan’s accomplishments. Li Hung-chang wrote as early as 1872: “Japan is just a small nation. Recently she has begun to trade with Europe; she has instituted\n\n* Dr. Smith is Assistant Professor of History, Rice University, Houston, Texas. His article “The Employment of Foreign Military Talent: Chinese Tradition and Late Ch’ing Practice” appeared in Vol. 15 of this Journal, pp. 113-138.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207641, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "14\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nforeign military aid reaped few long-term gains. Western officers from \"Chinese\" Gordon to Constantin von Hanneken introduced a measure of modernity to at least a few armies in the late Ch'ing period, but none of these individuals was able to promote more basic institutional reform.10 The effects of Japan's success and China's failure in this regard were far-reaching.\n\nGenerally speaking, China's approach to military reform in the years from 1860 to 1895 may be compared with that of Japan in the years from 1853 to 1868. In each instance, foreign assistance was acquired piecemeal by both the central government and local governments, with no real coordination between the two. Similar rationales were offered, and similar results obtained, although in the case of China the new knowledge and technology acquired was used to bolster rather than to undermine the existing central government.11\n\nA high priority for both pre-Meiji Japan and late Ch'ing China was the training of troops and officers in Western techniques. In each country, the use of foreign military assistance followed similar lines. The training program established for the Bakufu by the French Minister, Leon Roches, at Yokohama during the mid-1860's, for example, may be compared with the central government training program set up by the British Minister, Frederick Bruce, at Tientsin in the early 1860's.12 Similarly, the various foreign-training efforts begun in Chōshu and other han during the 1860's bear a basic resemblance to the post-Taiping training camps established at Shanghai, Canton, Foochow and elsewhere.13 The Japanese even had their own rough equivalent of China's famous Ever-Victorious Army.14 Common problems in these early military improvement programs included language difficulties, foreign rivalries, financial limitations, lack of standardization in arms and training, and foreign meddling.15\n\nChina never overcame these problems. From the 1860's to the early 1890's, a handful of foresighted individuals, most notably Li Hung-chang, undertook a variety of modernizing enterprises aimed at building up China's “wealth and power.” Their efforts succeeded in a limited way, but were severely hindered by obscurantism, official opposition, bureaucratic inertia, and the deliberate policies of the Empress Dowager, Tz'u-hsi, who carefully manipulated political factions in order to maintain and enhance her own power.16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207646, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "STUDY OF MODERNIZATION IN CHINA & JAPAN\n\n19\n\nof the army hindered the growth of nationalistic sentiment among Chinese soldiers. Locally raised, armed, and trained, most Chinese troops had little sense of national identification.44 The great majority of Chinese soldiers remained illiterate and uninformed.\n\nNot surprisingly, the Chinese military contributed little bureaucratic talent to the civil sector. In fact, the Manchus actively discouraged this tendency. With few notable exceptions (e.g., Liu Ming-ch'uan), the Ch'ing government avoided the appointment of military men to high posts in the bureaucracy. Throughout the nineteenth century, the virtually unchanged civil service examination system remained the accepted channel of bureaucratic mobility. Only after the Sino-Japanese War did this begin to change.45\n\nThe Ch'ing military did nothing to promote social change. Indeed, it tended to reflect the least modern aspects of Chinese society. Even in the new-style armies of Li Hung-chang and others, personal ties of blood, friendship, or local affinity often counted for more than expertise, thus helping to militate against the introduction of new ideas and influences.46\n\nThere is no evidence to suggest that the Chinese military contributed significantly to urbanization or to the cultural transformation of Chinese soldiers. Although some troops received exposure to limited Western influences through contact with foreign instructors or temporary residence in treaty port areas, the lifestyle of most Chinese soldiers changed imperceptively. Manchu troops remained isolated in Banner garrisons, and Chinese troops continued to wear Chinese uniforms and the Manchu-imposed queue. Ch'ing military forces ate Chinese food, lived in Chinese housing, and often even reverted to Chinese-style weapons.47 The existence of widespread corruption and opium smoking, coupled with the lack of modern medical and other facilities, neither improved the living conditions of the average Chinese soldier nor altered his expectations.48\n\nThe disastrous effects of the Sino-Japanese War on China are too well-known to require elaboration.49 Ironically, however, Japan contributed substantially to China's military modernization and political transformation in the post-war era, providing large numbers of advisers and instructors, as well as a variety of educational opportunities for Chinese students in Japan.50 Mutatis mutandis, we may say that Japan in late nineteenth century China", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207649, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "22 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\n11 Comparative studies on selected aspects of modernizing change in these two time periods would be illuminating. One might compare, for example, the aims and accomplishments of the Peking Tung-wen kuan (established in 1862) and the Bansho Shirabesho (established in 1858). On the former, see Wright, The Last Stand of Chinese Conservatism: The T'ung-chih Restoration, 1862-1874 (New York, 1967), 241-248; on the latter, consult Marius Jansen, \"New Materials for the Intellectual History of Nineteenth-Century Japan,\" Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 20 (1957), 569-582. On the use of Westerners in military affairs in Japan from 1853-1868, see Presseisen, 1-23; H. J. Jones, \"Bakumatsu Foreign Employees,\" Monumenta Serica, 29.3 (Autumn, 1974).\n\n12 Presseisen, chapter 1; Smith, , chapter 4.\n\n13 Albert Craig, Chôshu in the Meiji Restoration (Cambridge, Mass., 1961), 131-136, 201-203, etc.; Richard J. Smith, \"Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Fenghuang-shan, 1864-1873,” Modern Asian Studies, 10.2 (1976).\n\n14 Presseisen, 22-23.\n\n15 See notes 7 and 8; also Hyman Kublin, \"The 'Modern' Army of Early Meiji Japan,\" Far Eastern Quarterly, 9.1 (November, 1949), 24-26; Meron Medzini, French Policy in Japan during the Closing Years of the Tokugawa Regime (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 125-133.\n\n16 For a discussion of Li's modernizing efforts, his extensive use of foreign assistance, and the obstacles he encountered, see S. Y. Teng and John K. Fairbank, China's Response to the West (New York, 1966), 111-112; K. C. Liu, “The Confucian as Patriot and Pragmatist: Li Hung-chang's Formative Years, 1823-1866,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 30 (1970); Kenneth Folsom, Friends, Guests and Colleagues (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1968), 152-157; and K. C. Liu, “Li Hung-chang in Chihli,” in Albert Feuerwerker, et al., eds. Approaches to Modern Chinese History (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1967).\n\n17 See, for example, Lord Charles Beresford, The Break-up of China (New York and London, 1899), 267-289, esp. 270-280; Major A. E. J. Cavendish, \"The Armed Strength (?) of China,\" Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 42 (June, 1898), 709-710, 713-714, 717; Richard J. Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions in the Mid-Nineteenth Century, 1850-1860,\" Journal of Asian History, 8.2 (1974), 127.\n\n18 See Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 212; Cavendish, 709-710, 713-714.\n\n19 See, for example, Cavendish, esp. 720-723; Captain W. R. E. Gill, \"The Chinese Army,\" Journal of the Royal United Service Institution, 24 (1881), 371-377; Chester Holcombe, China's Past and Future (London, 1904), 81-88; \"The Chinese and Japanese Armies,\" reprinted from the Army and Navy Gazette in the Journal of the Military Service Institution of the United States, 15 (1894), 1258; James Scott, \"The Chinese Brave,\" Asiatic Quarterly Review, 1 (1886), esp. 240; etc.\n\n20 See Smith, , Chapters 8 and 9.\n\n21 See Yang-wu yün-tung cited in Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 218. On Chinese resistance to foreign instructors and officers, see ibid.; also Cavendish, 720-721.\n\n22 See, for example, L. C. Arlington, Through the Dragon's Eyes (London, 1931), 18; Stanley Wright, Hart and the Chinese Customs (Belfast, 1950), 478-481; John Rawlinson, China's Struggle for Naval Development, 1839-1895 (Cambridge, Mass., 1967), 65-78, 93-94, 163; Holcombe, 80-85, esp. 83.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207651, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "24\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n43 See Ono Giichi, War and Armament Expenditures of Japan (New York, 1922), 57-58, 70-71, 140-144, 273-277, and Ono's Expenditures of the Sino-Japanese War (New York, 1922), 120-126; also Oshima, 372-375, 376, note 18.\n\n44 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 219-220; Yamagata, \"The Army,” 107-108; British Public Record Office, W.O. 33/34, Captain Trotter, \"Some Remarks on the Army of Li Hung-Chang;\" Rawlinson, 190.\n\n45 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 219, 221; see also Rawlinson, 202-203; Thomas William Ayers, Chang Chih-tung and Educational Reform in China (Cambridge, Mass., 1971), 164-189, 204-215.\n\n46 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 218-219; Cavendish, 721.\n\n47 Cavendish, 711, 713-715, 719-723.\n\n48 Smith, \"Chinese Military Institutions,\" 157, note 135.\n\n49 See Fairbank, et. al., “Economic Change,\" 20-21; Hsü, The Rise of Modern China, 527-534. On the more positive side of the ledger, consult Ernest Young, \"Nationalism, Reform and Republican Revolution: East Asia: Essays in Interpretation, 160-162; Hsü, The Rise of Modern China, 535.\n\n50 See, for example, Hatano Yoshihiro, \"The New Armies,” in Mary Wright, ed., China in Revolution: The First Phase, 1900-1913 (New Haven and London, 1968).\n\n51 Paul Cohen, Between Tradition and Modernity: Wang T'ao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China (Cambridge, Mass., 1974), 4, 148-149.\n\n52 See Kublin.\n\n53 Smith, \"Foreign-Training:\" Ralph Powell, The Rise of Chinese Military Power, 1895-1912 (Princeton, 1955), 245-246, 262. An interesting question is whether the Manchus could have preserved their power, and even enhanced it, by undertaking meaningful military reform at the central government level. Although vested interests in the army were pervasive and solidly entrenched, one cannot assume that what happened to the dynasty in 1911 would necessarily have happened in the same way had the Ch'ing government initiated reforms in the 1860's and 1870's comparable to those undertaken by the dynasty in the early 1890's. By the beginning of the twentieth century, anti-Manchu sentiment was a powerful ideological weapon, at least in part because the Manchus had proven so totally incapable of protecting Chinese interests against foreign encroachments. But during the Tung-chih period, anti-Manchuism was no real issue at all.\n\n54 Dwight Perkins, \"Government as an Obstacle to Industrialization: The Case of Nineteenth-Century China,” Journal of Economic History (1967), esp. 486, 492.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207690, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "ETHNICITY IN A HOUSING ESTATE IN HONG KONG\n\n63\n\nI studied Village 10 is a central point on the map. It is 8 li (Chinese mile, about one third of a western mile) from this village to Village 6 on the ocean; 10 li to Village 12; 20 li to Village 15; and 80 li to Village 17. It is 60 li from Village 1 to the town of Kap Jib and 60 li from Village 14 to the town of Luk Fung. These distances are only approximate in that they were supplied by informants. The entire area is very small and densely populated. Many of these former villagers had friends and relatives in nearby villages and had traveled throughout the area under consideration. The historical origins of Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung, changes in administrative structure in the area and relationships between border villages are discussed in the following section.\n\nHistorical Origins and Relationships\n\nHistories of districts and prefectures in China are confusing, given the many changes in administrative boundaries and names. This article will not be concerned with the overall history of Teochiu nor with the frequent changes in boundaries. The historical origins of the Teochiu people will be briefly outlined as well as the establishment of and administrative changes in Hui Lai, Hoi Fung and Luk Fung districts. The histories of these districts are relevant to the understanding of social relationships between Teochiu and Hoi Luk Fung living in Hong Kong today.\n\nTeochiu are Han Chinese, the major racial group in China, and their language is one of the Southern Min languages (Forrest, 1965). The earliest migration of Han Chinese into the area known today as Teochiu occurred in 214 B.C. after Ch'in Shih Huang conquered Nan Yüeh (✯✯), an area in Southern China, and established the Nan Hai prefecture ( ). These first migrants were some of the 50,000 troops who stayed in southern China to initiate the settlement of the area (Chan, 1974: 120). During the Ch'in Dynasty there were several waves of migration from the Central Plains of the Yellow River southward to Teochiu. From 317 to 581 A.D. larger numbers of Han Chinese migrated into Fukien and as the latter became populated, there was further movement into Teochiu. The latter were led by four large clans (✯ ✯ ✯) which constituted the majority of the migrants (Chan, 1974:122). During this period the downstream areas of the major river system in Teochiu, the Han River, were populated by the original inhabitants of Teochiu, who were not Han Chinese. These people were gra-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "64\n\nDOUGLAS W. SPARKS\n\ndually pushed into the hilly regions further away from the coastal areas and the majority were eventually exterminated or assimilated after a series of rebellions during the seventh and eighth centuries (Chan, 1974:123). In successive dynasties, as southern Fukien became over-populated, there was further extended migration into Teochiu beginning at the end of the T'ang Dynasty and lasting until the 1660's (Chan, 1974:125). There are a few settlements of the original natives of Teochiu that have survived until the present in several of the Teochiu districts (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:66; personal communication with Jao Tsung-i of The Chinese University of Hong Kong). Hoi Luk Fung was presumably populated during these successive waves of southward migration by groups who moved a short distance beyond the present day boundaries of Teochiu.\n\nAccording to Jao Tsung-i, who has edited and compiled Teochiu local histories or gazetteers, a separate administrative unit was first established in Teochiu in the Ch'in Dynasty (221-209 B.C.) and was a part of the Nan Hai prefecture (☞☞) (Jao, 1965). There then followed a confusing series of boundary and name changes which will not be mentioned here. The name Teochiu first appeared in 591 A.D.; this name was chosen because it refers to a coastal area where the tides move constantly and the first character of the name () has the literal meaning of “tide” (Chiu Chow Chamber of Commerce, 1971:59). Although there were later name changes this particular name survived into the present. There were also frequent internal boundary changes. To simplify, in 1936 Teochiu was divided into 9 districts, one city and one supervised area (Chan, 1972:93). After 1949 other surrounding districts, including Hoi Luk Fung, were added to the traditional districts to make a larger administrative area,\n\nIn the late 15th century the town of Hui Lai, three surrounding districts of Teochiu (which was then known as Chiu Yeung, * () and a small subdivision of Hoi Fung were joined together to form the administrative district of Hui Lai (Chiu Kiu, 1975:33; Hui Lai Gazetteer, 1930:80). At that time the village of Kap Jih was part of Hoi Fung and everything 5 li inland from Kap Jih became a part of Hui Lai and the villages and towns along the banks of the river running into Kap Jih became part of Hui Lai (Hui Lai Gazetteer, 1930:59). This new district contained 160 square miles. The district was established as a result of a petition from a local official stating", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207724, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A HAWAIIAN KING VISITS HONG KONG, 1881\n\n97\n\nPeking. The China Merchants Steam Navigation Company had been doing business with Hawaii. Their two steamers, the Ho-Chung ** and Mei-Foo, ✯✯ were used to transport Chinese laborers to Hawaii in 1879 and 1880.*\n\nIn Tientsin, King Kalakaua was received by Viceroy Li Hung-chang ✶ who asked penetrating questions about Hawaii: \"How many islands are there in your Kingdom? Do you have a Parliament? You have many Chinese in your country. Do you treat them well?\" The secretary and interpreter for the Viceroy was Li Sun (Tsang Lai-sun, a graduate of Hamilton College in New York.)\n\nThe King wrote back on April 6, 1881 to William L. Green, his Minister of Foreign Affairs, that he went to North China to see Li Hung-chang \"for the purposes I had in view: First, of stopping, if possible, further immigration of Chinese to the Islands [who came alone] without carrying their wives, and Secondly:--to secure for our government the same privileges as granted to the United States Government, the right at any time to restrict, return, or remove, the large influx of Chinese to our islands. On these two subjects our mission has been successful.”\n\nThe Royal party returned to Shanghai and embarked on the S. S. Thibet for Hong Kong, arriving on April 12, 1881. Already Hong Kong officials had been informed of the King's coming and were ready to extend a royal welcome. Owing to the considerable commerce between Hong Kong and Hawaii, the King was represented as Consul General by a British merchant of high standing William Keswick of Jardine, Matheson and Co. The twelve-oared barge of Sir John Pope Hennessy, the Colonial Governor, also appeared alongside with an invitation asking the King, in the name of Queen Victoria, to be his guest. The Hawaiian King had to adjust his schedule to accept the Governor's invitation for a royal reception at the Government House. As Armstrong recorded in his book, \"While we were taking coffee, the next morning, the forts, with seven warships, fired the usual salute of twenty-one guns. From the balcony of the Government House, high above the city, we looked down on a dense mass of smoke, rolling away to the mainland, pierced with the flashing of the guns, the Hawaiian flag", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207734, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "IN SEARCH OF THE CHINESE NAME FOR \"LI SUN\"\n\nTIN-YUKE CHAR*\n\nIn other pages of this Journal, the article on Hawaiian King Kalakaua and his visit to China in 1881, while on his way around the world, was based on the report to Hawaii by a member of the entourage.1 He wrote that the King was met in Tientsin by Li Hung-chang's secretary and interpreter, \"Li Sun,\" who spoke English and gave the information that he was a graduate of Hamilton College in Clinton, New York, and that he had a son who was a student at Yale in New Haven, Connecticut.2\n\nIn The Sandalwood Mountains, an annotated collection of readings and stories on the early Chinese in Hawaii, was included an excerpt from this same report, written by William Armstrong who accompanied the Hawaiian King as Minister of State and Royal Commissioner of Immigration.3\n\nRomanization of Chinese names vary confusingly because of dialectal differences in the Chinese language and because of diverse backgrounds of transliterators. Only in more recent years have writers in the English language settled on a standard style, e.g., Dr. Sun Yat-sen, Dr. Wing-tsit Chan*, hyphenating two-element given names and not capitalizing the second element. Until the Chinese characters for the romanized name are determined, one is never sure of the person's true identity. Therefore, some time was given on research for the name of an intriguing person whose name, when first came upon, was written as \"Li Sun.\" Other romanizations found for his name were Chan Lai Sun and Tsang Lai Sun. He himself signed his name thus:\n\nChan Jaime\n\n* Mr. Char (MEL), of the Hawaii Chinese History Center is a well-known researcher into that subject, and has previously contributed to this Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207737, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "110\n\nTIN-YUKE CHAR\n\nAldersey brought over from her Batavia, Java mission school to become assistant leaders in her Ningpo school. Ruth and Laisun had a family of six children: Elijah, Spencer, Willie, Annie, Lena, and Amy.\n\nChan later left his mission work and went to Shanghai in 1853 where he became quite successful through his connections with an English mercantile firm. On a corner of the American Board's property in Shanghai, he built a school house where his wife opened a girls' school. As he was acquainted with Yung Wing and was qualified, he was engaged to accompany the Educational Mission to America in 1872. He took along his wife and six children. His two eldest sons were ready to enter college in two years and his two eldest daughters received part of their education in England.\n\nIn 1875 Chan was detached from the Educational Mission and appointed interpreter to Li Hung-chang, Governor-general of Chihli. Thus, he met Hawaiian King Kalakaua in Tientsin in 1881.\n\nThe February 1887 issue of the Hamilton College Literary Monthly had this letter from Chan, \"We all love the United States, for many reasons. Our hearts are still there, although we are back in China. I am in Tientsin, with the well-known viceroy, Si [Li] Hung Chang, as his Secretary, and Interpreter. Annie, our eldest daughter, is married to a Dane, Captain of the Chinese government revenue cruiser; and is the happy mother of a beautiful son. Elijah, the eldest boy, graduated from the Yale Scientific School in 1887. He then went to Freiburg in Saxony, and remained there eighteen months. On his return to China, he was commissioned to open the copper mines in Eastern Mongolia. His prospects are very bright. He was offered the post of chief engineer for the government railroads, but declined to accept it. He is the first scientific engineer China has produced. His field is the largest ever offered to a single individual, for the mineral resources of China are almost infinite.”\n\nFrom Carl Smith's article, it was learned that another son, Spencer Tsang Lai Sun, married Man Kwai, daughter of the Reverend Ho Fuk-tong (1818-71) of Hong Kong.\n\nA further lead to more information was given by Chi Wang of the Orientalia Division, United States Library of Congress. In Shu Hsin-ch'eng's Chinese book on Chinese Students in Foreign Countries, the interpreter of the Educational Mission was identified by his official name, Tseng Heng-chung. The same is true in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207738, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "IN SEARCH OF THE CHINESE NAME FOR “LI SUN”\n\n111\n\nLo Hsiang-lin's book translated into English, Hong Kong and Western Cultures (Hong Kong, 1963) which gave this same official name for the interpreter of the Chinese Educational Mission,\n\nThus, it may well be concluded that Chan Laisun was the name given at his birth in Singapore and Tseng Heng-chung\n\nwas his official name in later years.\n\nIt is hoped that this article about the search for a Chinese name will stimulate a response from relatives and friends of Tseng Lan-sheng (Tseng Heng-chung) and bring forth corrections and additions to the story of an unusual person and family who lived during the early historical period of China and American cross-cultural exchanges.9\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See pp. 92-106 of JHKBRAS 16 (1976).\n\n2 William N. Armstrong, Around the World with a King (London: Heineman, 1909), pp. 92-93.\n\n3 Tin-Yuke Char, The Sandalwood Mountains: Readings and Stories of the Early Chinese in Hawaii (Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1975), pp. 44-51.\n\n4 Yung Wing, My Life in China and America (New York: Holt, 1909), p. 183.\n\n5 容閎自傳:西學東漸記, 台北文海出版社 1973 重印,\n\n6 Carl T. Smith, \"A Register of Baptised Protestant Chinese, 1813 - 1842,\" Chung Chi Bulletin, December 1970, pp. 23-26; Smith, \"Idols on a School Hill: the American Board School for Chinese Boys in Singapore, 1835-1842,” Chung Chi Bulletin, December 1974, pp. 28-30.\n\n7 舒新城編: 近代中國留學史, 上海中華書局 1933.\n\n8 羅香林著: 香港與中西文化交流,\n\n9 Tsung-1 Dow, Chronological Biography of Li Hung-chang - 著: 李鴻章年, 香港友聯社, 1968 does not include King Kalakaua's visit in 1881 nor does it mention Chan Laisun (Tseng Heng-chung), although otherwise most comprehensive.\n\nMr. Char has since added the following extra note:\n\nIt would add great interest should Hamilton College be able to find Chan Laisun's family photograph of 1872. Also, some one in Hong Kong may be able to add to the family story of his son Spencer who married the daughter of the Rev. Ho Fuk-tong of Hong Kong. Probably Carl Smith has additional materials and will write the next article.\n\nThe October 1975 issue of Smithsonian carried a good article on Li Hung-chang's visit to New York in August 1896, accompanied by 18 aides and 2 servants, 300 pieces of luggage, a golden sedan chair, several cargoes of song-birds, 2 noisy parrots. He brought along his own chefs, bakers, valets, guards, footmen, secretaries, interpreters, and physician. His chief interpreter was then Lo Fing-luh, a skilled linguist in German and French as well as English. There was no mention of Chan Laisun as an interpreter or secretary. Perhaps by that time he had gone on to other work or may have died. In 1896 he would have been 67 years old (born 1829).\n\nEditor's note: Carl Smith's article extending the story of Chan Laisun and his family follows on.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207741, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "114\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\n“And you liked the manners and customs of the women in the United States?”\n\n\"Oh, yes\".\n\n\"And having returned to China, how is it? Are you diligently seeking for a young lady with bound feet for a wife? one who must stay at home because she can't walk?”\n\n\"No, indeed\", Yung Wing said, adding with a touch of humour that he wished for a wife who would be able to run with him should ever the need arise.\n\nThe conversation had struck a sensitive issue for these Chinese who had been trained in values different from their contemporaries. With some feeling, Lai-sun's wife spoke out.\n\n\"How can this cruel custom be abolished, when Christian women, by binding their own and their children's feet, are handing it down to future generations?\"\n\n\"Aside from religion\", remarked Yung Wing, \"the practice is barbarous, cruel and atrocious.”\n\nTheir changed attitudes toward certain aspects of Chinese life were not only reflected in their conversation but also in the furnishing of their home. The missionary lady comments on the Chan's “nice parlor” fitted out with both foreign and Chinese furniture. \"Most conspicuous was a very nice organ, with which the good man accompanies himself in singing the songs of Zion.”\n\nChan Lai-sun died on 2 June 1895 in Tientsin. His obituary, published in the North China Daily News, on which his son Spencer was a reporter, was republished in the Hong Kong Daily Press (12 June 1895). In addition to the biographical data given by Mr. Char, there is an account of his early business connections in Shanghai. He first entered the firm of Messrs. Bower, Hanbury and Company, where he became a close friend of Mr. Thomas Hanbury, one of the partners. He then set up his own business in partnership with Mr. H. E. Clapp of the firm Clapp and Company, but the venture was not a success, so Lai-sun joined the staff of Viceroy Tso Tsung-tang at Foochow, where he was appointed instructor and subsequently superintendent of the Foochow Naval School. He left the school to become a member of the Chinese Educational Mission in 1872. Returning to China in 1874, he then joined the staff of Viceroy Li Hung-chang.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207743, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "116\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nMrs. Andersen was one of the founders of the Chinese Red Cross Society, serving as its first Vice President. In recognition, the Chinese Emperor granted her a large honorary board. Their only daughter, K. Ruth Andersen, married in 1905, Donald R. McEuen, son of a former Captain superintendent of Police at Shanghai.\n\nA younger daughter of Chan Lai-sun married a businessman, Mr. W. Buchanan, presumably the same as listed in the 1884 Chronicle and Directory of China as a land agent and broker with J. P. Bisset and Co. of Shanghai.\n\nThis, then, is a record of a Chinese family living in a marginal situation. Both Lai-sun and his wife were born in Southeast Asian overseas Chinese communities. Both in childhood became caught up in English language missionary education, which served to further alienate them from Chinese tradition. Lai-sun started his career as a missionary assistant, but to make better provision for his growing family turned to business, associating himself with foreign businessmen, not as compradore but as assistant and partner. However, the very fact of his marginal background qualified him, as a member of Li Hung-chang's staff, to make a particular contribution to China's developing relations with foreign powers. His children received a solid western-style education. Of the two sons who grew to maturity, one was an engineer the other a journalist, and both for a part of their career served the Chinese government. The daughters left the Chinese community, but the eldest took her place in public life as a founder of the Chinese Red Cross.\n\nThis partial reconstruction of the life history of one China Coast family is perhaps more than a mere historical exercise in reconstructing a family history from scattered sources. It can also be viewed as an illustration of the social processes at work in creating a distinctive culture in the port cities of China, including Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207746, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 119\n\npoint to Feng as the more active leader in the movement's initial phases. An account given of him by a deserter from the Taiping army and a former member of Gützlaff's Chinese Christian Union, published in The Hong Kong Register, 27 September, 1853, states that when he met Feng in Kwangsi, they recognized each other as fellow members of the Union. According to the account, Feng had studied under Gützlaff. I have carefully gone over the rather detailed reports Gützlaff sent back to Germany reporting the activities of the Chinese Christian Union, hoping that he might have mentioned Feng, but I was unable to find him named. Gützlaff, however, does report trips made by his workers into Kwangsi, where they preached and distributed tracts. These reports were published in the Calwer Missionsblatt and Gaihan's Berichte.\n\nWhen Hung Hsiu-ch'uan left Roberts and Canton in the late spring of 1847, he travelled to Kwangsi in search of Feng, arriving there in August. In the Journal of Roberts published in the Southern Baptist Missionary Journal, vol. 2, no. 10 (March 1848), under date of 25 June, 1847, Roberts states that two of his followers were appointed to visit the inquirer Hung in a different province.\n\nSeveral efforts were initiated to bring the families and followers of the Taiping leaders to Kwangsi from Kwangtung, but the plans were frustrated by the authorities. Some were caught and imprisoned, others scattered and fled. The friends and relatives of the leaders of the Taipings were rooted out of their native districts and at the same time cut off from the troops of the Rebellion as it advanced from Kwangsi to Nanking. Some appear to have had branches of their clan settled in Hsin-an District, adjacent to Hong Kong. Many of the people moved in and out of Hong Kong. These movements left traces in the reports and records of the Missions, but they are not complete enough to provide a comprehensive account.\n\nThe various adventures and travels of Hung Jen-kan before he reached Nanking in 1856 are documented in the writings of Jen Yu-wen. For an English language account see his The Taiping Revolutionary Movement (New Haven, 1973). A few additional details are provided by missionary archival sources.\n\nIn 1852, Hung Jen-kan was brought to Hong Kong by a young tailor from Lilong (Li-lang) in Hsin-an District. He was the grandson of a clansman of Hung, who had befriended Jen-kan in his wanderings. The grandson Fung (Hung?) Sen1 had been under", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207747, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "120 \n\nCARL T. SMITH \n\nthe instruction of the Rev. Theodore Hamberg, preparatory to baptism. On 26 April, 1852, Fung Sen introduced Hung Jen-kan to Hamberg. Two days later, Fung was baptized with ten others at the small chapel of the Basel Missionary Society in Hong Kong. The entry in Hamberg's report lists him as \"Fung Asen, aged 21 years, from Lilong, tailor's worker.\" When Hamberg left Hong Kong at the end of March, 1853 to establish a station at Pukak (Pu-kit, Hsin-an District), Fung Sen accompanied him. He was employed by the Mission as a watchman. \n\nA biographical notice of one of the Taiping refugees, Li Tsin-kau (†), which was published in the missionary magazine of the Basel Society, Die Evangelischen Heidenboten, June, 1868, provides interesting sidelights on Hung Jen-kan's unsuccessful effort to reach Nanking in 1854. It also illustrates the connections established between missionaries and those who had been influenced by personal association with Hung Hsiu-ch'uan before he became the Taiping Wang. \n\nLi Tsin-kau was a native of Wo Kuk Lyan, in the Ch'ing-yüan District, Kwangtung. Hung Hsiu-ch'uan had been a teacher in the household of the maternal grandfather of Li Tsin-kau, and Tsin-kau's father was a good friend of Hsiu-ch'uan. He had often heard his father tell of Hung and his visions. Was the father the Li Ching-fan who drew the attention of Hung to Liang A-fa's Christian tract? Hung himself often visited Wo Kuk Lyang. During these visits there would be discussions regarding the moral and political conditions of China and hopes expressed that these could be improved and the rule of Heaven (T’ien-kuo) established. Hung Hsiu-ch'uan and Li Tsin-kau discussed especially the benefits of fasting and abstaining from meats and the worship of idols. Tsin-kau remembered that Hung spoke often of the power of God to conquer the demons. He also spoke of Jesus as our Heavenly Brother who forgave men's sins, but this was not the main theme of Hung's thoughts, \"It was though it had not much touched his heart (“Wenigstens sei es ihm nicht sehr zu Herzen gegangen\"). \n\nLi Tsin-kau was caught up in the displacement of the former friends and relatives of the Taiping leaders. When the authorities frustrated the plan to join the Taiping movement in Kwangsi, he fled to Macao. He lost track of his brothers and father, and later believed that they were imprisoned. His mother was taken in and \n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207748, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 121\n\ncared for by friends of the family, and his wife and children fled to her parents' home. Tsin-kau tried to make a living by travelling about the area between Macao and Canton offering his services as a fung-shui expert. After a time, he moved east to the districts of Kuei-shan and Po-lo. After more than a year, he ventured to return to his home district. Here he met up with Hung Jen-kan. The two of them, accompanied perhaps by other friends and relatives, came down to Hong Kong hoping that they could from here find a way to join Hung Hsiu-ch'uan at Nanking, the capital of the Taiping Kingdom. As Hakkas, they sought out the missionaries of the Basel Society, which had devoted itself to work among this dialect group. Jen-kan met the Rev. Theodore Hamberg for a second time at Pu-kit in Hsin-an District. Here he received further instruction in preparation for baptism and was baptized on 20 September, 1853. Hamberg reports six baptisms on this date. The first was \"Fung or Hung, from Faheen, aged 31 years, teacher and doctor”, of whom he remarks that he was a relative and youthful friend of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, the Taiping Wang. Four others were members of the Kong family of Lilong, and the sixth was \"Fung Tet-schin, from Thatipun, aged 31 years, schoolteacher\".\n\nLi Tsin-kau did not remain at Pukak with Jen-kan but continued on to Hong Kong with two friends Khi-sem and A-kap. Here they were welcomed by the missionaries and taken on as inquirers to receive instruction. The Rev. Rudolph Lechler had come down from his station in the country to await the arrival from Germany of his fiancé. He assisted Hamberg in the instruction of the new arrivals. The basis of the instruction was the Lutheran catechism. In the light of it, Li Tsin-kau confessed he previously had held a distorted view of the Christian faith. He had understood, under the influence of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan, \"the discourses concerning the power of God and false idols, but had no understanding of sin and forgiveness through Christ\". His prayer had been patterned after a form taught by Hsiu-ch'uan. After three months instruction, he was baptized by Hamberg, although on the urging of Hung Jen-kan, he had some years previous been baptized by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan.\n\nThe Day-book of the Rev. Lechler in the Archives of the Basel Missionary Society under date of 28th February, 1854, has the entry of the baptism of four who were instructed by Hamberg at Hong Kong: \"Li Khi Lim, from Tseang ye, Li Hin Long, from Tseang ye, Li Chin Kau, from Tseang ye, and Fun Shen Fong from Tung...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207749, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "CARL T. SMITH\n\n122\n\nKwun.\" In September there is an entry for \"Li Khi Sen, from Tseang ye\". This is probably the friend Khi-sem who was one of Tsin-kau's travelling companions.\n\nThe Hong Kong missionaries were delighted with the arrival of these refugees who were willing to receive Christian instruction and baptism. They seized upon their desire to join their relatives and friends in Nanking as a God-given opportunity to put the Taiping movement upon a more solid Christian foundation. There had been much discussion regarding the type of religious belief held by the Taiping leaders, and serious doubt had arisen regarding their interpretation of Christianity. The Rev. Hamberg hoped to raise sufficient funds through his publication of The Visions of Hung Siu-Tschuen to finance Hung Jen-kan's trip to Nanking. In reporting to the Mission Society he states:\n\nI have spent much on Fung [the Hakka version of the surname Hung] and his friends, and in order not to put a burden on the Mission have translated into English the account of the first [i.e. Hung Jen-kan] and written a small book which is now ready to be printed. Fung and his two friends left today for Shanghai. I have furnished them with the three different translations of the Old and New Testaments, Barth's Biblical History, Genahr's Catechism, a calendar and other writings, also a map in Chinese of the world, a map of China and one of Palestine, a model of a steel punch, copper matrices and the usual types, in order to show how Chinese characters can be printed in the European manner. In addition a few trifles, such as telescope, compass, thermometer, knives, etc. I am often asked if I will go to Nanking, however I have decided, and will not change my mind, that I will not go until I have received a regular and definite invitation to go. I have sought to establish what my obligations and duties are in this matter. The people who were brought to me I have baptized, instructed and assisted them on the way insofar as I was able. I believe that Fung respected me and would like to see me in Nanking, as he so often said. However, we cannot be definite about it, because we do not yet know if he will be successful in arriving at Nanking, and further, we cannot be sure that his friend there will welcome the idea, or that no obstacle will be placed in the way of foreigners, or that they have a real desire to be led deeper into the truths of God's words.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207750, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS 123\n\nIn a word, everything is very uncertain. We must lay the future of the whole mission, even as our own, into the hands of God.2\n\nHamberg's earthly future was quite short for he died nine days after writing the above.\n\nThe fortunes of Hung Jen-kan and Li Tsin-kau in their efforts to reach Nanking by way of Shanghai were also unfortunate. Hamberg had given them a letter of recommendation to the London Missionary Society agent at Shanghai, the Rev. W. H. Medhurst. Medhurst housed them on their arrival in the Mission Hospital. In Shanghai they met a friend from Canton whom they invited to share these quarters. This friend smoked opium, and when Medhurst happened to come into the room and saw his opium pipe on the bed, they were all told to leave. A dispute arose between Jen-kan and Tsin-kau, with Jen-kan charging Tsin-kau with carelessness and sensuality. Tsin-kau remarks:\n\nAt that time, I was truly in distress, for I had no friend in the world and no money with which to return to Hong Kong. I felt I must certainly come to misfortune. But this was the point when a change occurred in my heart. I was altogether fallen into the depth, then God took me in judgment of my sins, and the Spirit of God did its powerful work in me. The Shepherd of my life took over and from now on I gave my life to him. The Lord changed Medhurst's heart and he gave me money to return to Hong Kong.3\n\nJen-kan also returned to Hong Kong, no way being open to pass through the Imperial lines to reach Nanking.\n\nWhen Li Tsin-kau arrived back in Hong Kong, he immediately sought out the Rev. Lechler, who gave him two dollars to return to his home up-country. After visiting his family, he came down to the Basel Mission station at Pu-kit and was taken on as a helper. When hostilities broke out in 1856 over the Arrow-lorcha incident, Lechler had to leave Pu-kit and retire to Hong Kong. He brought with him Li Tsin-kau whom he placed in the newly opened hospital of the Berlin Missionary Society operated by Dr. Heinrich Göcking. Li served as an overseer and doctor's assistant until the hospital was forced to close in 1859 for lack of funds.\n\nMeanwhile his former travelling companion, Hung Jen-kan had made a second and successful effort to reach Nanking. Being estab-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "124\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nlished there in a responsible position, he wrote to Li Tsin-kau inviting him to join him. Tsin-kau set off for Nanking but turned back before arriving there, because, as he claimed, he had heard alarming accounts of the religious and moral aberrations of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. On his return to Hong Kong, he was taken on by Lechler as a helper in his ministry to the Hakka population in Hong Kong.\n\nLi Tsin-kau continued as a valuable assistant in the Basel Mission in Hong Kong, serving as a catechist until his death in 1885. For some years in the 1860's he was a travelling preacher, using Hong Kong as his home base. His mother, wife and children, and a younger brother joined him in Hong Kong and all of them became members of the Basel Society congregation on High Street, Saiying-poon. In 1858, he mentions a brother, Schiu-siu, in California. The Eighth Report of the Berlin Society, for the years 1861 and 1862, mentions A-tat the unbaptized brother of the Basel Mission helper Lichenko.\n\nLi Tsin-kau after his initial efforts to join the Taiping forces spent the remainder of his life serving the church in Hong Kong. However, his friend Hung Jen-kan became an important figure in the Taiping government under the title Kan Wang. Before assuming this political role, he also was a valued assistant in the Protestant Mission work in Hong Kong. While Li Tsin-kau worked among the Hakkas under the direction of the Rev. Rudolph Lechler, of the Basel Missionary Society, Hung Jen-kan worked with the Rev. Dr. James Legge, of the London Missionary Society, among the Cantonese speaking population.\n\nDr. Legge took an interest in the Taiping movement and saw within it a potential for providing a turning point in the relation of the Christian church with the whole of China. In the summer of 1853, he sent two of his assistants to Shanghai to open communication with the Taiping government so as to prepare the way for a missionary to enter Nanking. The delegation consisted of a long-time assistant in the London Missionary Society, Keuh A-gong, alias Wat Ngong A, and a young theological student of Dr. Legge's school, Ng Mun-sow. Their efforts were unsuccessful, so after spending six months in Shanghai, they returned to Hong Kong.4\n\nWe have already noted the unsuccessful effort of Hung Jen-kan and Li Tsin-kau to reach Nanking by way of Shanghai in 1854. Upon returning to Hong Kong, Jen-kan became a language teacher", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207759, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "132\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nThe fourth son, Li Shen-en alias Li Syong-kong, was baptized in Hong Kong in 1859. Following the footsteps of his father, he served as Catechist in the Sai Ying Poon Hakka Congregation from 1883 to 1888. He then emigrated to Sabah, North Borneo, where, under the auspices of the Basel Missionary Society, he organized a congregation of Hakkas. He married Lin Loi-kyau, a daughter of Rev. Lin Khi-len. She was a teacher at the Girl's Boarding School at Sai Ying Poon from 1882 to 1894.\n\nLi Tsin-kau had one daughter, Li En Kyau, born in 1860 and baptized as an infant. She attended the Sai Ying Poon School and also taught there from 1877 to 1902; in addition, she did volunteer church work among the women.\n\nThe services rendered by the several generations of the Li family to the congregations and schools of the Basel Society well repaid the initial interest and attention given to the young Li Tsin-kau when he first turned up in Hong Kong in 1853 as one displaced because of his connection with the leader of the Tai Ping movement. Details of the family are largely taken from Archives of the Basel Society and a mimeographed Geschichte der Hongkonger Gemeinden kindly lent to me by Mr. James Hayes.\n\nJEN YU-WEN'S ADDITIONAL NOTES\n\nProfessor Jen Yu-wen (MX), the eminent and lifelong historian of the Taiping rebellion, has kindly added the following notes:\n\n(1) Feng & Gützlaff\n\nAside from this account [i.e., from the Hong Kong Register, 27th September 1853], there were a few others alleging that Feng, having been taught and baptized by Gützlaff, was a member of his Chinese Christian Union (4). Nevertheless, I find great difficulty in believing this story. First, there is no documentary evidence supporting it. Secondly, a careful checking on the time that Gützlaff founded and promoted the Union since 1844 does not permit Feng, who went to Kwangsi with Hung Hsiu-Ch'üan also in 1844, to come to Hong Kong to establish any relationship with Gützlaff, as Feng was at the same time busy running the affairs and directing the activities of the God-worshippers' Association in Kwangsi. There is no persuasive evidence that Feng and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207760, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS\n\n133\n\nGützlaff ever met each other in 1848 when Feng returned from Kwangsi and stayed in his native place for a short period to wait for the return of Hung Hsiu-ch'üan. I cannot see how the fable started. It may be that some members of the Union did join the Taiping army and recognized superficially the similarity of the organizations of Feng and Gützlaff with practically the same contents in their teachings, thus misunderstanding the identity of the two groups; and thus, Feng was mistaken for a fellow-member of the Union. All in all, this problem needs further study and intensive research before a conclusive answer can be obtained.\n\n(2) Li Tsin-kau ($£$)\n\nAccording to Hamberg's account, Li Ching-fang (***) was Hung Hsiu-ch'üan's cousin who lived in Lien Hua Tang (##) in Hua-hsien where Hung taught. The Tai P'ing pamphlet T'ai Ping T'ien Jih (***ŋ) identifies him. Hung first studied Liang Fa's pamphlets seriously with him.\n\nW. Oehler, Die Taiping-Bewegung (1923), asserts that Ching-fang was the grandfather of Li Tsin-kau. For certain reasons I believe Ching-fang was more likely the father, as Tsin-kau was seemingly too young to befriend and discuss such serious matters with Hung.\n\nThe late Rev. Chang Chu-ling (✯✯✯) told me a very amusing anecdote about Li Tsin-kau. After establishing his capital in Nanking, Hung Hsiu-ch'üan ordered Tsin-kau to recruit followers in Kwangtung. Tsin-kau failed in this mission but went north personally. When he arrived at Shanghai on the way to Nanking, he heard that the God whom Hung saw in his visions years ago wore a black robe. He thought that God, the True God, should be dressed in white, and therefore what Hung had seen was really the Devil. The result was that he turned back to Hong Kong immediately without attempting to see Hung again. (See my Taiping Tienkuo Chuan-shih, pp54-55, notes pp58-59) This story corroborates with the account Carl Smith found (p. 124), but the call to come to Nanking might be from Hung Jen-kau rather than from Hung Hsiu-ch'üan.\n\n(3) Hung Jen-kau (Shield King †1##)\n\nAt last, the question 'who financed Hung Jen-kau's trip to Nanking?' is solved with Carl Smith's finding that the London", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207797, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "170 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\ndays later rumours of an ambush by Chinese and Shan tribesmen led to Margary deciding to go in advance as scout, and he left the main party on 19th February with five Chinese companions. Three days later word came back that he had been murdered at Manwyne, with rumours that 4,000 Chinese troops were on their way to annihilate the whole expedition. Before Browne had time to recover from this blow, the camp was attacked by an advance guard of the Chinese force, but was beaten off by the Sikh and Burmese soldiers. Next day confirmation of Margary's murder came from the King of Burma's commercial agent at Bhamo, and on 20th February Browne's whole expedition retraced its steps to Mandalay and Rangoon.\n\nMargary's murder, and deteriorating relations between the British and the King of Burma, prevented further expeditions from Burma; but ironically led to further progress on the Yangtze,\n\nSir Thomas Wade, British Minister at Peking, took advantage of the Chinese government's failure to protect Margary to press for further trade relaxations, and the result was the Chefoo Convention of 1876 between Wade and Viceroy Li Hung-chang. This provided for the opening of five more ports to foreign trade, and of the 400 miles of the Middle Yangtze to foreign shipping. Among the new treaty ports was Ichang, located at the upper end of the Middle Yangtze and 400 miles below Chungking, the main port of Szechwan. When the Convention was ratified in 1885, a supplementary clause provided for Chungking to become a treaty port; but not for free navigation on the 400 miles of the Upper Yangtze between Ichang and Chungking. This was granted after the Treaty of Shimonoseki between China and Japan on the conclusion of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-95.\n\nMore than ten years before this, however, the remarkable Archibald Little had appeared on the Yangtze scene. Little began his career as a tea taster in Kiukiang in 1859, but soon started up business on his own. He was attracted to the possibilities of trade in Szechwan and West China, and fascinated by the problems posed by steam navigation through the famous gorges of the Upper Yangtze. He made a trip by junk from Ichang to Chungking in 1883 to investigate trade and navigational prospects, and in 1887 attempted to run a steamer service between Ichang and Chungking, by the Kuling. This was a Clyde built stern-wheeler of 450 tons", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207895, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 283, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "268\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nin its power to promote harmony and to co-operate cordially with him.\n\nThe result of the Governor's notice was a general meeting called by the Tung Wah Committee to sanction appointment of a Chinese trained in western medicine. The representatives of the Kaifong had been invited to the meeting but none attended. The Committee felt it should not make a final decision until there was some agreement from the Kaifong, they therefore adjourned the meeting for a week. This did not please the Governor who wanted immediate action. He was in no mood to countenance stalling tactics. Fortunately there was a representation from the Kaifong at the next general meeting to consider the question. It was agreed that Dr. Chung King-u, a graduate of Viceroy Li's Imperial Medical College at Tientsin be appointed as a resident doctor, thus meeting the requirement of the Governor that there be a medical officer trained in western practice on duty for those who wished to avail themselves of his services. The Hospital Committee anticipated a reaction from the Kaifong to this appointment, hence one of the Directors moved that the proceedings be entered into the record \"so Kaifong people could not complain afterward\". Then on behalf of the Kaifong people Mr. Fung Wa-chuen thanked the Directors. All seemingly ended in peace.\n\nGradually through the succeeding years more and more Western medical practices were introduced into the hospital routine. The transition has not been without tension and controversy but today, in every respect, Tung Wah is recognized as a modern, well-equipped medical institution.\n\nThe series of traditional Chinese medical books on display in the Museum are reminders of the many years when patients were treated according to methods stemming from centuries of medical tradition in China. The facilities and equipment of the Hospital today represent the latest advances in modern medical science.\n\nTung Wah and Education\n\nTung Wah's direct interest in education began in 1880 when the Hospital Committee assumed responsibility for the management of the Chung Wah school which was attached to the Man Mo Temple. This appears to have been a natural result of the Hospital Committee's gradual assumption of the affairs of the Temple. This informal amalgamation of Temple and Hospital affairs was due to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207917, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 305, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "290\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\ncareer, since this Nan-hai artist had continuously worked as a professional over half a century; and finally his works were mainly sold at a very reasonable price.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See Chuang Shen: \"Some observations on Kwangtung paintings\" in Kwangtung Painting (1973, published by the Urban Council, Hong Kong), pp. 9-24.\n\n2 According to the 6th chuan of Ming-hua-lu, “Records of painting in the Ming Dynasty\", edited by Hsu Hsin in the early years of the Ch'ing Dynasty, Lin Liang was active in the Hung-chih era (1488-1505), mainly in the late 15th century.\n\n3 Chu Pi-shan was famous for his specially designed silver wine cup in the shape of a hollow tree. For a colour reproduction of such a cup, dated 1345 by Chu's own carved inscription, see \"The selected Handcrafts from the collections of the Palace Museum\", edited by the Palace Museum, (1974, Peking), pl. 34.\n\nA similar silver wine cup, also dated 1345 by Chu's own carved inscription, in the form of a boat made of a hollow tree in which Chang Ch'ien is seated, is owned by Lady David of London. For its reproduction, see Perceval David: Chinese Connoisseurship (New York, 1971), pl. 19C.\n\n4 The origin of this name seemingly inspired by a famous line of the 5th century poet Tao Chien, in the 5th poem of his \"Drinking wine\". This line reads:\n\n\"Culling chrysanthemums by the eastern hedge, 悠然見南山\n\nI see afar the South hills.\"\n\nFor the English translation of this poem, see Robert Kotewall and Norman L. Smith: The Penguin Book of Chinese Verse (1962, Middlesex), p. 9.\n\n5 In \"Lo-yu-yüan\", the mid-9th century poet Li Shang-yin (813-858) wrote:\n\n\"The setting sun has boundless beauty\n\nonly the yellow dusk is so near.\"\n\nSee also Robert Kotewall and Norman L. Smith; ibid, p. 25.\n\n6 See Wang Chao-yung \"Lin-nan hua-cheng-yueh\" 'A Brief Document on Kwangtung painting' (1927, Shanghai), chuan 10, p. 7.\n\n7 The most important literary man who loved plums during the Sung China was no one but Lin Pu (967-1028). As a native of Chekiang, Lin Pu lived in a mountain overlooking the West Lake of Hangchow. When he lost his wife he had not re-married. Having planted a lot of plum trees near his house, he began to regard the plum blossoms as his wife. For this blossom he had this famous line written:\n\n\"Your slanting shadow reflects on the clear, shallow lake 斜水清淺\n\nYour elusive fragrance floats about in the yellow of the evening moon”.\n\nFor the English translation of this poem, see Max Perleberg: Lin Ho-ching (1952, Hong Kong), p. 15.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208057, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "80\n\nJ. T. KAMM\n\nOne of the earliest petitions received by the British after the occupation relates to the collection of land tax by a group of tax-lords, and illustrates their ability to lobby effectively for the preservation of their \"rights\":\n\nHau Chak Wing (侯澤榮), Liu In Yu (廖延裕), Liu Sut Kam (廖雲錦) and Tang Yui Shan (鄧銳臣) gentry of Sheung Yu Tung, complain that Ho Fung Wing (何鳳榮) of Ki Ling Ha (企嶺下) village, Wong Sin (黃先) of Nai Chung village (坭涌村), Li A Fat (李亞發) of Wong Chuk Yeung (黃竹揚), Tang Shek Tse (鄧錫梓) and Wong Fat Shing (黃佛成), have combined together, and instigated the various villages of Tung Hoi (東海) district to refuse paying the rent in paddy amounting to 2000 stone.\n\nPetitioners have already produced title deeds for the payment of taxes, and the government has already issued notification directing the farmers to pay their rent as hitherto. These farmers have not paid their rent for two years, nor have they been dealt with, although petitioners have brought this matter to the notice of the Government.40\n\nThough considerable confusion initially existed over the issue of whether the sum stated referred to taxes or rents, the matter was eventually resolved with the Land Court's recognition of these gentry as \"taxlords.\"41\n\nExamination of the early history of Britain administration in the New Territories lends final proof to the economic interpretation of the basis of tung. Though the colonial administration attempted to bolster the chu as local judicial bodies, they essentially undermined their power by abolishing taxlordism. As a result, the category tung rapidly dropped out of local usage.42\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Imperial Maritime Customs, Decennial Reports, See Kowloon reports in the volumes for 1882-1891 and 1892-1901.\n\n2 Ibid., 1882-1901: p.682.\n\n3 C. M. Chang, \"Tax Farming in North China,” in Nankai Social and Economic Quarterly 8:4 (1936), pp. 831-836. Chang defines ya shui (牙稅) as \"at first no more than a license fee paid by various brokers for the privilege of doing the business of brokerage, i.e. to bring together prospective...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208219, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "242\n\nLIFE MEMBERS:\n\nKINOSHITA, J. H.\n\nKNIGHTLY, F. J. KVAN, Rev. E.\n\nLAI T. C.\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nLANCHESTER, Mrs. G. W. LAU, Michael Wai-Mai\n\nPalmer & Turner, Room 1906 Prince's\n\nBuilding, Hong Kong.\n\n301, Valverde, May Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Psychology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Dept. of Extra Mural Studies, Chinese\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, Shiu Hing House, 12/F, 23-25 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nHighclere, 3 Middle Gap Road, Hong Kong. Fung Ping Shan Museum, University of\n\nHong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nLAUFER, Mr. & Mrs. E. M. c/o China Light & Power Co. Ltd.,\n\nArgyle Street, Kowloon,\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. B. M. I. 3, Ravenscourt, 24 Mount Austin Road,\n\nHong Kong.\n\nLEE, J. S.\n\nLEE, Dr. R. C., O.B.E., J.P.\n\nLETHBRIDGE, H. J.\n\nLEUNG, Pak-kui\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming, K.B.E.\n\nLI, David K. P.\n\nLISOWSKI, Prof. & Mrs.\n\nF. P..\n\nLIU, D. H.\n\nLO, T. S.\n\nLOSEHY, Miss Patricia\n\nLUK, George Ping Chuen\n\nLUM, Miss Ada\n\nLUNDEEN, Mr. & Mrs.\n\nR. W.\n\nMacKENZIE, J., J.P.\n\nMacKEOWN, Dr. P. K.\n\nMCCRARY, M.\n\nPrince's Building 25/F, Hong Kong.\n\n1, Hysan Avenue 21/F, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Sociology, University of Hong\n\nKong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong. Home Affairs Dept., 141 Des Voeux Road C., 25/F, International Building, Hong Kong.\n\nVice-Chancellor's Office, Chinese University\n\nof Hong Kong,Shatin, N.T.\n\nD7 Grenville House, 1 Magazine Gap Road,\n\nHong Kong.\n\n28, Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road,\n\nHong Kong.\n\n305, Prince Edward Road, Flat 5D,\n\nKowloon.\n\nLo & Lo, Jardine House 7/F, Pedder Street,\n\nHong Kong.\n\nRuss & Co., Baskerville House G/F Room\n\n1, 22, Ice House Street, Hong Kong.\n\nB38, Po Shan Mansions, 10, Po Shan Road,\n\nHong Kong.\n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon.\n\n1101 Tavistock, 10 Tregunter Path, Hong\n\nKong.\n\nManagement & Planning Services Far East\n\nLtd., G.P.O. Box 9981, Hong Kong.\n\nDept. of Physics, University of Hong Kong,\n\nPokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nFlat 6A, United Mansions, 7 Shiu Fai\n\nTerrace, Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208231, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 270, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "254\n\nLIST OF MEMBERS\n\nORDINARY MEMBERS:\n\nLAYTON, F. A. L.\n\nLEE, Mr. & Mrs. P. J.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., Queen's Road C., Hong Kong.\n\nEssex Asia Ltd., K.P.O. Box 5462, Kowloon.\n\nLEIMAN, Mr. & Mrs. R. M.\n\nC3 Estorial Court, Garden Road, Hong Kong.\n\nLERNER, B.\n\n57 Rutton Building, 11 Duddell Street, Hong Kong.\n\nLESSER, Ms. M.\n\n5806 Cape Mansions, Mount Davis Road. Hong Kong.\n\nLETCHER, Dr. R. M.\n\nDept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nLEVIN, D. A.\n\nDept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nLI, Lao Edwin\n\nConsulate General of Costa Rica, 3 Tin Hau Temple Road, Flat C10, Hung On Bldg., Hong Kong.\n\nLI, Shi-Yi\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd Floor, Kowloon.\n\nLI, V. P.\n\nA17, 4 South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, Hong Kong.\n\nLIARDET, A. J.\n\nGilman & Co. Ltd., P.O. Box 56, Hong Kong.\n\nLINTHWAITE, Mr. & Mrs. J.\n\n2, The Albany, Albany Road, Hong Kong.\n\nLIU, S. C.\n\nApt. 2B Swiss Towers, 113 Tai Hang Road, Hong Kong.\n\nLO, Prof. Hsiang-lin\n\nDept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nLOBO, Mrs. M.\n\nFace View Mansions Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, Hong Kong.\n\nLOCKING, J. R.\n\nRoyal Hong Kong Jockey Club, Sports Road, Happy Valley, Hong Kong,\n\nLOFTS, Prof. B.\n\nDept. of Zology, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nLOVERIDGE, D.\n\n10F Ho Lee Commercial Building, 38 D'Aguilar Street, Hong Kong.\n\nLUNNEY, R.\n\n9B, 14th Floor, Broadway, Mei Foo Sun Chuen, Kowloon.\n\nLUTZ, H. F.\n\nDept. of Chinese, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam Road, Hong Kong.\n\nMA, Prof. Meng, M.B.E.\n\nJardine House 12th Floor, Hong Kong.\n\nMACCALLUM, I.\n\nCameraman, 4 Conduit Road 3/F, Hong Kong.\n\nMACGREGOR, K.\n\n23 South Bay Close, Apt. 13B, Repulse Bay, Hong Kong.\n\nMAHLKE, W. J.\n\nPage 270\n\nPage 271", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208312, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 36, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "20 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\ntingents such as the Ever-Victorious Army (Ch'ang-sheng chün) brought Western drill and tactics to literally thousands of Chinese soldiers. Officers from these forces not only instructed their own men, but also trained large numbers of troops for Chinese officials, most notably Li Hung-chang.23 At about the same time, foreign-training programs arose in several port areas, including Tientsin, Shanghai, Ningpo, Foochow and Canton. A number of Green Standard forces at the capital (and eventually elsewhere) were transformed into Western-armed \"retrained armies\" (lien-chün) on the yung-ying model, and several thousand Bannermen were molded into the famous Peking Field Force (Shen-chi ying), established by Wen-hsiang and others.24 \n\nThe Peking Field Force was an especially interesting experiment. Until the late 1860's, selected members of the force were drilled by foreign instructors using English words of command but thereafter, Western-trained Bannermen carried on instruction independently in Manchu. Nominally 20,000 strong throughout most of the late nineteenth century, the Peking Field Force usually numbered closer to half that amount. According to Major A. E. J. Cavendish, a British military attaché in China, the force as late as 1894 was considered to be an elite organization with \"higher pay and quicker promotion\" than in any other Banner units at the capital. Officers in the force were described as \"the pick of the Banners,\" and posts in it were \"eagerly sought after.\" Yet Cavendish formed a decidedly negative opinion of the force, which he described as poorly armed and superficially trained, with emphasis on form rather than content. One can imagine the shape of the rest of the traditional Ch'ing military establishment.25 \n\nA major deficiency in all of the early foreign-training efforts was lack of centralized direction and support. In the absence of adequate central government guidelines, drill procedures, arms, and even the language of instruction varied widely from force to force and area to area. There was virtually no effort on the part of the Ch'ing government to co-ordinate its military programs, or to expand foreign-training in a systematic way.26 In fact, the Manchus seem to have been intent on compartmentalizing Western military knowledge as much as possible—presumably for reasons of internal control. In 1863, for example, the Tsungli Yamen stated explicitly that in the provinces only Bannermen should learn to make", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208313, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n21\n\nWestern-style weapons, since they lived in designated garrisons that were \"comparatively easy to guard.\" This early attempt to confine knowledge of foreign weapons to Banner forces, although ultimately unsuccessful, is nonetheless suggestive. As alien conquerors, the Manchus remained somewhat paranoid.28\n\nAnother serious problem with foreign-training programs in the 1860's and 70's was that they were not designed specifically as officer-training schools. Although the Tientsin program did train officers for the Peking Field Force and some Green Standard units as well, it trained the rank and file at the same time, in the same basic way. The emphasis was on military drill rather than on modern officer-education, and immediate military needs were always paramount. As long as rebellion raged, there were compelling reasons to continue producing Western-armed, Western-trained Chinese officers and men, despite the many difficulties involved in employing foreigners. But as the internal threat in a given area subsided, so did enthusiasm for reform; and as it did, the foreign-training programs quickly withered away.29 What remained was a certain number of Western-drilled troops and some low-ranking instructors, but very few officers with a real grasp of Western military knowledge. Again, there was little premium on acquiring it.\n\nBy the mid-1870's, the major rebellions in China had been suppressed, lulling the dynasty into a false sense of security. But it was far less Western-style military education and tactics than a new-found acquaintance with Western-style weapons that brought victory to the Ch'ing forces.30 With superior arms, traditional Chinese strategy and tactics usually sufficed against internal rebels, but such techniques were much less effective against rapidly modernizing external enemies.31 After 1875, the rise of foreign aggression on China's land and maritime frontiers complicated the dynasty's military choices, and made recourse to foreign military assistance all the more difficult.32 Yet in the absence of sufficient numbers of qualified Chinese military personnel for Western-style training, reform-minded Chinese officials continued to look to the West for aid.\n\nPerhaps the most prominent and powerful of these officials was Li Hung-chang, who, with substantial foreign assistance dating from the early 1860's, had by the 1870's built his Anhwei Army into the finest military force in the empire. An examination of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n25\n\nbasis for progress reports to the throne.58 In 1890, a specialized program of instruction in railroad engineering was introduced, although no information exists on the total number of students involved.59\n\nPeriodically, students from the Tientsin Military Academy were sent to Port Arthur and Shan-hai-kuan for practical training in infantry, cavalry, and artillery units.60 In addition, cadets at the school occasionally gained actual battle experience, notably in 1891 against rebel forces at Jehol and elsewhere. According to Li Hung-chang, the experiment was quite successful.61 Only one group of Tientsin academy cadets went abroad: In 1889, Li sent Tuan Ch'i-jui, Wu Ting-yüan, Shang Te-ch'üan, Kung Ch'ing-t'ang, and T'eng Yü-tsao to Germany for advanced study. After a year of military academy instruction in Berlin combined with advanced training at the Krupp gunworks in Essen, the students returned to China.62\n\nLike the Tientsin Naval Academy, established by Li in 1880, the Tientsin Military Academy was financed by the shrinking Pei-yang maritime defense account.63 In all, the money was reasonably well-spent, but, as Wang Chia-chien has indicated, the academy suffered from a variety of administrative, financial, and other problems (including difficulties with foreign employees), many of which also plagued the few other military and naval training facilities of the period.64\n\nNonetheless, on the eve of the Sino-Japanese War, China appeared to have built a respectable military and naval organization. In fact, when conflict between China and Japan seemed likely, most Westerners gave the strategic edge to China.65 But the illusion of China's superiority on land and sea was quickly shattered by Japan's rapid drive into Korea, Manchuria, and China Proper. Judiciously combining land and sea operations, the Japanese completely overwhelmed the diverse Chinese military forces sent to resist them.66 Throughout the war, reports from British, French, and other foreign observers repeatedly praised the Japanese for their able strategy and tactics, effective training, tight discipline, valor, esprit de corps, and the excellence of their support facilities. No such praise was forthcoming for China.67\n\nThe Sino-Japanese War illustrated with striking clarity the bankruptcy of China's \"self-strengthening\" movement. In almost every respect, Japan's strengths during the conflict were China's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "26 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\nweaknesses. Inspired by a vibrant form of nationalism, the Japanese were assured of widespread popular support at home, and heroic dedication on the part of both officers and men in battle. It was a truly national war. Overseas Japanese also rallied to the cause, establishing patriotic associations to discuss the issues, collect contributions, and even to train brigades of student soldiers.68 China's immediate response to the conflict, which has not been as fully studied,69 appears to have been less uniform and extensive, both in China and abroad. To be sure, patriotic voices could be heard even prior to news of China's humiliating capitulation, and Chinese forces occasionally performed heroic deeds on the battlefield. But in the main, China lacked the national cohesiveness of Japan, and her officers were not inspired by the same sense of national duty and self-sacrifice.70 \n\nOwing partially to abysmal lack of preparation and poor internal communications, but also to the natural hesitation of \"province-minded\" Chinese officials, the mobilization of China's military forces during the war was agonizingly slow. Many Chinese troops summoned from the south arrived in the north only tardily or not at all. Li Hung-chang complained bitterly that \"one province, Chihli, is dealing with the whole nation of Japan.\" Ch'en Pi-kuang's effort to secure the release of the captured warship Kuang-ping after the battle at Wei-hai-wei, on grounds that the ship belonged to the Canton squadron which had not taken part in the war, is perhaps the most dramatic illustration of Chinese provincialism; but it is not the only one.72 The preponderance of Ch'ing forces sent against the Japanese in Korea, Manchuria and China Proper were individual yung-ying, each with its own particularistic loyalties and provincial identifications. These diverse military forces, differently armed, trained and led, often had difficulty cooperating with one another.73 In the navy, provincial rivalries and lack of cooperation between Admiral Ting and his subordinates obviously hindered operations at sea, in addition to adversely affecting morale.74 Uniform military and naval education undoubtedly would have diminished these problems. \n\nJapan's rapid and demoralizing offensive drive into Manchuria and China Proper was aided immeasurably by an extremely efficient General Staff, excellent transport facilities, and a well-organized commissariat service.75 China, however, lacked all three. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n27\n\nestablishment of a Directorate for Military Affairs (Tu-pan chün-wu ch'u) in early November, 1894, did virtually nothing to alter the course of the war, and the nearly useless Naval Board (Hai-chün ya-men) was disbanded even prior to the end of the fighting. Neither body found it possible to effectively coordinate land fighting or to insure cooperation between the army and navy.76 Meanwhile, poor field communications and transport facilities, inadequate preparation, faulty intelligence, and widespread corruption in pay and supply, made it virtually impossible for Chinese forces to fight efficiently.77 Ammunition shortages, worthless shells, and lack of standardization in weapons proved especially troublesome at sea. On land, ammunition shortages seem to have been less acute, but morale undoubtedly suffered from the absence of a modern hospital corps and ambulance service such as Japan possessed.78\n\nSurprisingly, Chinese forces did not always do poorly, in spite of these handicaps. Portions of Li Hung-chang's Anhwei Army under Chang Kao-yüan, for example, performed admirably during the war, as they had done a decade earlier under Chang on Taiwan during the Sino-French hostilities. Chang, who had once served with the Ever-Victorious Army, received the praise of foreign observers not only prior to Sino-Japanese War but also during and after the conflict for his tactical ability and the training, discipline, and effective weapons of the troops under his command.79 I-k'o-tang-a, a Manchu general, also gained plaudits from foreigners, including the Japanese, who acknowledged that he had surprising tactical talent for \"a Chinese warrior of the old school.\"80 A few other Ch'ing commanders, such as Tso Pao-kuei, at least received praise for their bravery against the Japanese. But overall, Chinese troops were poorly-led and unsuitably trained. Lack of effective leadership exacerbated all of China's military problems and undermined both discipline and morale. The overwhelming majority of China's field commanders and middle-grade officers were not graduates of China's two infant military academies, and although some such individuals served with distinction in low-ranking positions, their mere presence within a given army was seldom enough to inspire confidence among either officers or the rank and file.81\n\nGenerally, the Chinese were extremely timid on land and sea, encouraging the Japanese to attempt daring and highly successful tactics that would ordinarily be considered too hazardous for use", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n29\n\nthe Yalu River in mid-September, 1894, China and Japan each had twelve ships, but the encounter was no contest. China's problem was less the quality of her ships than the lack of an effective command structure, poor communications, cowardice (on the part of Liu Pu-ch'an), poor training, and ammunition shortages.\" Chinese firing was comparatively effective, especially in the early stages of the fighting, but too often the shells were faulty. At Wei-hai-wei, in early 1895, the situation was even more grim. By this time, the war had been lost, and Chinese naval forces were completely demoralized, even mutinous.92\n\nChina's use of foreign talent could not remedy her military deficiencies. Unlike the Japanese, who succeeded in eliminating reliance on foreigners entirely by the outbreak of the war, the Chinese were forced to continue using them on both land and sea. A surprising number served, in spite of the existence of various neutrality ordinances and foreign enlistment acts.93 At one point, the Ch'ing government even contemplated establishing an army of 100,000 Chinese troops under 2,000 foreign officers—an effort, in the words of the North-China Herald to \"re-create an Ever-Victorious Army” under Constantin von Hanneken.94 Predictably, however, the plan met heavy opposition from Ch'ing officials, including Li Hung-chang, and it was never implemented.95\n\nIn all, the Sino-Japanese War was a disaster for China. Yet there were optimistic voices to be heard even in the midst of China's despair. The journalist, Wang T'ao—as shocked as anyone by Japan's sudden victory—undoubtedly spoke for many reform-minded Chinese in expressing the hope that defeat by the Japanese would finally shake China out of her lethargy. National humiliation was a prelude, he felt, to meaningful change,\n\nThe alliance between Chinese nationalism and agitation for reform, was evident in many sectors of Chinese society during the first few years following the Treaty of Shimonoseki. The writings of newly-politicized Chinese intellectuals, as well as the publications of the burgeoning Chinese periodical press, reflected these related concerns.97 The immediate post-war era also witnessed the proliferation of Chinese reform associations and study groups. Even remote Szechwan was touched by the reform spirit. In late 1896, a group of gentry members issued a manifesto which called for the abolition of footbinding and argued with tortured but telling logic: \"The present is no time of peace. Foreign women have natural feet,\n\nPage 30 is missing, actual page number in original text is \"45\" and \"46\"\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208322, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "30\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nthey are fierce and they can fight. But Chinese women have bound feet, and are too weak even to bear the weight of their own clothes.98\n\n99\n\nNowhere was the burst of patriotic sentiment and the impulse to reform more obvious than in military affairs. In the years from 1895 to 1898, a spate of memorials on the question of military change reached Peking. Many dealt with the problem of military education. Chang Chih-tung, in particular, became an ardent advocate of military schools as a means of improving the Chinese army. Chang and others also put forward additional reform proposals touching on a wide range of pressing military problems. A number of officials agitated for the elimination of corruption, incompetence, and nepotism in Chinese military forces. Others suggested revisions in the traditional military examinations. Still others proposed drastic cuts in the Green Standard army and the reinvigoration of the degenerate Eight Banners. Not all of these proposals bore immediate fruit, but together they indicated a heightened awareness on the part of many of the need for basic military reform.100 The Sino-Japanese War had begun to teach its lessons.\n\nIn the post-war era, the Chinese navy no longer occupied a position of prominence. Limited and largely uncoordinated efforts were still made by various provincial officials to acquire modern vessels and other types of naval material, but only about half of the naval academies established in China prior to 1895 survived past the first decade of the twentieth century. By contrast, Chinese military schools and academies grew rapidly during the late 1890's and especially the early 1900's.101 This demonstrated interest in military education suggests a new attitude toward the profession of arms, inspired by rising Chinese nationalism. To be sure, ingrained prejudices did not disappear overnight—especially since the civil service examinations continued to offer an almost irresistibly attractive alternative to military service. When Li Hung-chang established his long-term officers' training program at the Tientsin Military Academy in 1887, he was fortunate to find enough capable applicants to fill the allotted forty positions; whereas by 1896 Chang Chih-tung's announcement of the first entrance examinations for his newly-founded Hupei Military Academy attracted 4,000 applicants for only 120 positions.102\n\nChinese military academies, including Li's pioneering Tientsin establishment, eventually came to exert a profound influence on", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208323, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION in CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n31\n\nChinese society.103 The new content of military education, which emphasized technical skills and diluted traditional values and loyalties somewhat, created a new professional elite that was significantly different in outlook from even such relatively progressive (and rare) individuals as Chou Sheng-chuan.104 For all his innovativeness, Chou remained bound by the inhibiting institutional structure of the Anhwei Army as well as the limits of his own educational experience within that force. As a result, he was never able to resolve certain fundamental conflicts in his self-image, attitude, and approach toward military affairs and reform.105\n\nOne is tempted to see in Chou the tensions of becoming \"modern\" and remaining \"Chinese\" suggested by Joseph Levenson, and even a kind of nineteenth-century version of the \"red versus expert\" dilemma of more recent times. Although Chou obviously admired Western military organization and repeatedly solicited foreign military advice, he was also anxious to demonstrate that the Chinese yung-ying model was in many respects equivalent or superior to the Western model, and he often reacted quite defensively to foreign criticisms.106 Chou admired foreign technology (at one point maintaining that bullets were more important than rations), but he also repeatedly stressed the human factor in warfare, down-playing on occasion foreign advantages in organization and weapons, emphasizing the importance of \"will\" (chih-ch'i), and periodically suggesting to Li Hung-chang the utility of rapidly recruiting volunteers (i-yung) and employing them as \"surprise troops\" (ch'i-ping).107\n\nObsessed with the need for intensive drill, Chou nonetheless continually employed the Sheng-chün in non-military tasks which undoubtedly compromised its fighting effectiveness—work on military agricultural colonies (t'un-t'ien), land reclamation, flood and famine relief work, and so forth.108 Finally, although Chou seems to have considered himself to be a professional soldier, and was anxious to foster positive attitudes toward the military, he, like virtually all of his fellow officers and commanders, esteemed civil status and sought identification with the civil bureaucracy.109\n\nThe more genuinely professional education provided by the Tientsin Military Academy after Chou's death helped resolve some of the tensions that seem to have plagued Chou.110 Certainly, it allowed the many Tientsin-trained commanders in Yüan Shih-k'ai's Peiyang Army to accept more readily the modern principle and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "32 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\npractice of \"interchangeable commanders\"--a striking departure from the personalistic command structure of yung-ying armies such as Chou's. Moreover, the Tientsin academy provided a large pool of new talent for modernizing purposes, men whose \"careers were grounded in change\" and whose \"qualifying education and . . . prominence were owed to reform.\"112 Many Tientsin Military Academy graduates became instructors in other military schools established after 1895;113 several prominent engineers were produced by the academy;114 and of course many of the most famous political and military leaders of the early Republic—including Tuan Ch'i-jui, Feng Juo-chang, Wang Shih-chen, Ts'ao K'un, Chang Huai-chih and many others—were Tientsin Military Academy graduates.\n\n \nIn short, significant changes in Chinese military education took place prior to 1895, despite the absence of meaningful reform in either the civil or military examinations and numerous other problems.116 Nonetheless, it took the successive humiliations of the Sino-Japanese War, the \"Scramble for Concessions,\" and the Boxer fiasco to prompt the Ch'ing dynasty into fundamental military reform,117 And even then, \"national\" policies were often implemented piecemeal at the local level.118 \n\nIn retrospect, it seems evident that the obstacles to meaningful reform in Chinese military education were less ideological than institutional. To be certain, Confucian critics of new-style training programs could always be found, especially after the establishment of modern military academies in China during the 1880's.120 But the throne's lack of enthusiasm for military reform along Western lines certainly cannot be explained in terms of ideology alone. In the first place, it must be remembered that little if anything in the way of Confucian learning had ever been expected of regular Ch'ing military officers. Paradoxically, it was in the innovative yung-ying armies, about which the throne had very mixed feelings, rather than the Green Standard and Banner forces of the empire, that the inculcation of Confucian virtues received special stress. Moreover, officials such as Chang Chih-tung, and even the pragmatic Li Hung-chang, emphasized the importance of Confucian education not only in their own \"personal\" armies but also in their new-style military academies.12 Surely, the subordinate officers of Chang and Li were no less \"Confucian\" than their Green Standard and Banner counterparts.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n33\n\nThe major stumbling block to more pervasive reform was simply the lack of sufficient central government incentive to change, and above all, a fear of upsetting vested interests at all levels of the military. Li Hung-chang himself had such fears, but they might easily have been overcome had the throne given wholehearted support to military reform through financial assistance and other forms of official encouragement, including adequate institutional rewards for the acquisition of new military skills.122 It is true, of course, that state revenues were extremely meager, and that Peking's fears over the threat of foreign interference in Chinese military affairs were not wholly unwarranted.123 But it is also evident that the Manchus, as alien rulers, had no desire to establish a systematic, centralized program of modern military education in China-particularly when it became apparent that Western arms and training could not be confined to the traditional Banner and Green Standard forces.\n\nIronically, had the Manchus undertaken meaningful, centralized reform during the late 1860's and early 1870's, when anti-Manchu sentiment was no longer a political problem and imperialist pressure was minimal, the dynasty might have been able to build a Meiji-style system of military education and dispense with foreign instructors by the early-1890's, as did Japan.124 Instead, the Ch'ing government by stages alienated patriotic Chinese and disappointed the foreign powers by its failure to build a modern, Western-style military force capable of doing more than simply keeping a lid on internal rebellion. Most ironic of all, in seeking foreign talent after the Sino-Japanese War, the Chinese turned to the one-time \"dwarf bandits\" of Japan, who now began training large numbers of Chinese soldiers in modern military methods both at home and abroad. This new education, and the nationalism that inspired it, had revolutionary consequences.\n\nNOTES\n\nAbbreviations:\n\nCJCC - Chung-Jih chan-cheng\n\nCWCK - Ch'ou Wu-chuang-kung i-shu\n\nFRUS - Foreign Relations of the United States\n\nIWSM - Ch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo\n\nLWCK - Li Wen-chung-kung ch'üan-chi\n\nNCH - North-China Herald\n\nYWYT - Yang-wu yün-tung", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208327, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n35\n\n22 See Jonathon Porter, Tseng Kuo-fan's Private Bureaucracy (Berkeley, 1972), 74-76, 127.\n\n23 Consult Richard J. Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins: The Ever-Victorious Army in Nineteenth Century China (Millwood, New York, 1978).\n\n24 Richard J. Smith, \"Foreign-Training and China's Self-Strengthening: The Case of Feng-huang-shan, 1864-1873,\" Modern Asian Studies, 10.2 (1976), 196-197; also Kwang-ching Liu and Richard J. Smith, \"The Military Challenge: The Northwest and the Coast,\" in The Cambridge History of China, Vol. 11, Late Ch'ing, Part Two, Chapter 4, forthcoming.\n\n25 Cavendish, 709-710. See also the sources cited above, note 24.\n\n26 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,” 196, 220-223.\n\n27 IWSM, Tung-chih, 25: 3.\n\n28 Smith, “Foreign-Training,” 220-223; also Richard J. Smith, “Reflections on the Comparative Study of Modernization in China and Japan; Military Aspects,” Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 16 (1976).\n\n29 Ibid., (both sources); Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins, chapters 8 and 9.\n\n30 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 215-223. See also Mark Bell, China (Simla, 1884), 2: 58; William Bales, Tso Tsung-tang Soldier and Statesman of Old China (Shanghai, 1937), 339; K. C. Liu, \"Nineteenth-Century China,\" in Tang Tsou and P. T. Ho, eds., China in Crisis (Chicago, 1966), 120.\n\n31 On the relationship between modern weapons and tactics and officer-training in the West, see Emory Upton, The Armies of Asia and Europe (New York, 1878), 270-271, 318-319, 324, 328-330 and passim. See also NCH, July 28, 1866, cited in Wright, The Last Stand, 201. For Upton's critique of Chinese tactics and training in the mid-1870's consult The Armies, 20-23. For the use of lien-chün in suppressing internal rebels, see Kung-chung tang Kuang-hsi ch'ao tsou-che, 2: 302, 664, 667; 3: 172, 318, 323, 399, 445, 518, 753, etc. I am indebted to Professor K. C. Liu for supplying this reference. For a critique of yung-ying and lien-chin forces in the 1890's, consult Cavendish, 712-714.\n\n32 Smith, \"Foreign-Training,\" 216 and notes.\n\n33 Bell, 2: 4. The standard works on Li's army are: Stanley Spector, Li Hung-chang and the Huai Army (Seattle, 1964); Wang, Huai-chün chih (Hong Kong, 1973).\n\n34 See Chang Chih-tung's somewhat comparable effort in the 1880's and 1890's, discussed in Ayers, chapter 5. For a brief overview of the problems connected with officer education in late Ch'ing China, consult Powell, 40-45.\n\n35 Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins, chapter 9.\n\n36 Wang, Huai-chün, 203; LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39-41, 41-43; LWCK, Memorials, 27: 4-5.\n\n37 On the West Point inquiry, see Chester Holcombe, China's Past and Future (London, 1904), 82-83; FRUS, 1875, part 1, 227-228. On Li's negotiations with Upton, consult LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39a-41a; YWYT, 3: 592; Peter Michie, The Life and Letters of Emory Upton (New York, 1885), 29-298, 309-310.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208328, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "36 \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH \n\n38 Holcombe, 82-83; LWCK. Memorials, 27: 405. See also Wang Chia-chien, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang ti chuang-she chi ch'i yin-hsiang,\" Kuo-li T'ai-wan shih-fan ta-hsüeh li-shih hsüeh-pao (April, 1976), 3. \n\n39 LWCK, Letters to the Tsungli Yamen, 4: 39-41. \n\n40 Wang, Huai-chün, 203 and passim; LWCK Memorials, 35; 33b-34, 34b-35. On Wang, see also Bell, 2: 49. \n\n41 On Chou's army, see Japan, Ministry of War, comp. Rimpō heibi ryaku (1882), 3: 45b-46b; Bell, 2: 4, 57-59; Great Britain, War Office, 33/34 (1880), 128-130; FRUS, 1873, part 1, 182-188; CWCK, 1.4: 36b-32; etc. Chou's nien-p'u is included in CWCK. His writings and nien-p'u indicate a rather progressive outlook, including an appreciation not only of Western weapons and military methods, but also of certain aspects of Western science and medicine. \n\n42 CWCK, 2.2: 13a-b; also 1.4; 2b-3, 32-33. \n\n43 Ibid., see also 2.2: 1-8. On the attractiveness of Green Standard rank, consult K. C. Liu, “The Limits of Regional Power in the Late Ch'ing Period: A Reappraisal,\" Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies, n.s. 10.2 (July, 1974), 210, and esp. 218. \n\n44 See, for example, CWCK 1.1.2: 24b; 1.4: 2-3, 5-13b, 19-24, 26b-27, 32-33b; 2.2: 1-2b; \"supplement,\" 1: 11-23, 44; etc. \n\n45 See, for example, CWCK, 1.1.2: 16b-17, 23-24, 27-28; 1.4: 3b-4, 10a-b, 27, 30-32; \"supplement,” 1: 7-24. \n\n46 CWCK, 1.1.2: 17b-18; 1.4: 30-41; etc. \n\n47 Ibid., 1.4: 33b. \n\n48 Bell, 2: 57; see also Cavendish, 721. \n\n49 Bell, 2: 57, 197; Great Britain, War Office, 33/34 (1880), 129, \"The Army of Li Hung-chang\"; CWCK, “supplement,\" 1: 14b, 20, 23b, 35b-37b; see also CWCK, 1.4: 36b-37. \n\n50 CWCK, 1.1: 19b; 1.1.2: 41b-42; 2.2: 22b. \n\n51 Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 3-4, 23-24, note 18. \n\n52 CWCK, 1.4: 34. \n\n53 CWCK, 1.4: 33b-34; also 1.1.2: 41b-42. \n\n54 See note 40. \n\n55 Knight Biggerstaff, The Earliest Modern Government Schools in China (Ithaca, 1961), 61-62; Cyrus Peake, Nationalism and Education in Modern China (New York, 1932), 10-12; Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang,\" 7-8. \n\n56 Ibid. (Wang), 7-8. \n\n57 Chinese Times, April 30, 1887. The entrance examination consisted of three parts. The theme for the essay was: \"(When the people have been taught patriotism and loyalty) they may easily overcome their enemies.\" The theme for the discourse was: \"Much planning brings success.\" And the subject for the poetry exercise was: \"Though summer has come, nature is still mild and pleasant.\" Ibid. \n\n58 Biggerstaff, 63; NCH, April 13, 1887; Chinese Times, April 23, 1887, \"The Tientsin Military School\"; etc. The most complete discussion of the establishment, rise, structure, administration and influence of the Tientsin Military Academy is Wang Chia-chien's, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-t'ang.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208331, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "MILITARY EDUCATION IN CHINA, 1842-1895\n\n100 Powell, 56-59; Peake, 20-22; Wang, Huai-ch'in, 363; etc.\n\n39\n\n101 Wang Chia-chien, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 1, 8; Powell, 235-236.\n\n102 Chinese Times, April 30, 1887; Ayers, 118.\n\n103 See Ernest Young, \"Nationalism, Reform and Republican Revolution,\" in James Crowley, ed., Modern East Asia: Essays in Interpretation (New York, etc., 1971), 160-162; Yoshihiro Hatano, \"The New Armies,” in Mary Wright, ed., China in Revolution (New Haven and London, 1968), and Powell, passim.\n\n104 For abundant documentation on the dilution of traditional values and loyalties at the Tientsin Military Academy, see Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 9, 11-12, 19-20, and notes, Li Hung-chang had pointed out the need to study the Classics and History \"in order to strengthen the root,\" but Wang claims that the students tended to adopt a foreign-worship mentality, ignored China's legendary heroes, and (in the words of a contemporary critic) neither discussed the virtues of integrity (chih) and duty (i), nor knew of honesty (lien) and shame (ch'ih). Cf. Chou Sheng-ch'uan's army song (Sheng-chün hsün-yung ko), CWCK, \"supplement,\" 1: 50-52b.\n\n105 The evidence, contained in CWCK, remains to be gathered systematically, but even a brief glance at Chou's nien-p'u and his extensive writings suggests these conflicts.\n\n106 CWCK, 1.4: 30-47b, esp. 33b and 37.\n\n107 Ibid., 1.1: 20a-b; 1.1.1: 10a-b; 1.1.2: 15b, 19b-20, 23b (on bullets and rations), 40b-41; etc.\n\n108 CWCK, \"introductory chuan (Chou's nien-p'u)\" 31b-56 passim. Ironically, after Chou's death, the Sheng-chün was employed in work on the grounds of the Tientsin Military Academy. Chinese Times, May 28, 1887.\n\n109 For Chou's concern with positive attitudes toward the military, see CWCK, \"supplement,\" 1: 20b-21, 22b-23, 50-52b. For Chou's esteem for civil status, see CWCK, \"introductory chuan,\" 57n. Cf. sources cited in note 72.\n\n110 These tensions were not, of course, fully resolved — but neither were such tensions in the West. See Barnett, \"The Education of Military Elites,\" esp. 21, 27, etc. On the emphasis on technical education at the Tientsin Military Academy, see the sources cited in note 104.\n\n111 Ernest Young, The Presidency of Yuan Shih-k'ai (Ann Arbor, 1977), 58-59.\n\n112 Ibid., 56.\n\n113 Powell, 160.\n\n114 Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 8; Biggerstaff, 63.\n\n115 Young, Yuan Shih-k'ai, 56-64; Powell, 79-81; Jerome Ch'en, \"Defining Chinese Warlords and Their Factions,\" Bulletin of the London School of Oriental and African Studies, 31.3 (1966), and especially Wang, \"Pei-yang wu-pei hsüeh-tang,\" 12-19, which discusses the careers of over 60 individuals from the academy. Young, 56, notes that of thirty \"leading military participants\" singled out by Liu Feng-han for \"their subsequent prominence in the early republic,\" twenty-five had attended the Tientsin Military Academy before joining Yuan Shih-k'ai at Hsiao-chan (in the period 1895-1899). See Liu Feng-han, Hsin-chien lu-chün, 113-125.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208332, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "40\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\n116 I have discussed many of these problems in Mercenaries and Mandarins and \"Foreign-Training,\" 215-223 and notes.\n\n117 Powell, chapters 2-8; Hatano, \"The New Armies\"; Young, “Nationalism,\" etc.\n\n118 Powell amply documents this point. See also the discussion by Sue Fawn Chung, \"The Image of the Empress Dowager Tz'u-hsi,\" in Paul Cohen and John Schrecker, eds., Reform in Nineteenth-Century China (Cambridge, Mass., 1976), esp. 105-106.\n\n119 For the importance of ideology in other areas of reform, however, see K. C. Liu, “Politics, Intellectual Outlook, and Reform: The T'ung-wen Kuan Controversy of 1867,\" in Cohen and Schrecker, Reform.\n\n120 See Wang Chia-chien, cited in note 104; also Rawlinson, 89.\n\n121 See note 104; also Ayers, 111.\n\n122 The civil service examination system continued to be a nearly irresistible lure to the best minds of the empire, and even Li Hung-chang encouraged foreign-trained military and naval personnel to seek identification with the civil service. See Rawlinson, 203. Biggerstaff, 85, maintains that vested interests were more pervasive in military organizations than the navy.\n\n123 On these problems, see Smith, Mercenaries and Mandarins, chapter 9.\n\n124 See Smith, \"Reflections\"; also Liu and Smith, \"The Military Challenge.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208395, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "SHIWAN POTTERY EXPLORED\n\n103\n\nMy own research on Shiwan has continued in the Department of Fine Arts and the Centre of Asian Studies over the past two and a half years. This included in March of 1978, the opportunity for a three-week individual study trip in Guangzhou and Shiwan. Encountering the concrete reality of what I had researched for so long, discovering a wealth of material I had no idea existed, while adjusting to completely different perceptions of life and study methods within a socialist system, heightened my sense of exploration. Hence the intent of the present lecture is to introduce, in a little more depth, a few of the problems explored on that trip.\n\nExploration across the border revealed that significant archaeological research relating to Shiwan had been carried on for a number of years. There was great excitement over these discoveries and I was warmed by the measure of trust placed in me by the researchers who, despite their own uncertainty, showed me the new discoveries before publication.2\n\nThe research itself calls for the re-thinking of traditional beliefs concerning the history of Shiwan pottery. These traditional beliefs can be traced back to two major written sources. In 1941, Li Jing-kang (*), principal of the Clementi Middle School in Hong Kong, wrote what was up until that time the most careful and logical account of Shiwan history, taking into account scanty written references, oral traditions, and actual objects available. His main source was a handwritten manuscript in the possession of “a certain gentleman in Fushan\". This manuscript recounted that Shiwan pottery began in Yangjiang Xian (縣), where due to the turmoil of war, potters migrating from the Jun (鈞) kilns in Northern Honan Province (河南), established kilns sometime in the late Southern Song dynasty (early 13th century). In the Ming period (A.D. 1368-1643), according to Li, these Yangjiang potters moved to the present location of the potteries in Nanhai Xian (Figure 1). Xu Zhiheng (#2), a Cantonese, and professor of Chinese literature at Beijing University in the early Republican period, recounts the same story and describes this so-called \"Yang-jiang ware\" as having sky blue-indigo blue-ash blue flambe (i.e. streaky multicoloured) glaze, which imitated Honan Jun ware.4 A group of wares which corresponded to this description were identified and placed on exhibition at the Fung Ping Shan Library in 1940.5", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208399, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "SIIIWAN POTTERY EXPLORED\n\n107\n\nthe theme of \"restoring rivers and mountains\" to the point of becoming formula, but no one complained.\n\nMai further describes how the Guangdong opera actors practised the martial arts of the Shaolin branch (*) and finally put this art to use when in 1854 their leader, the actor Li Yunmao (***) also known as Wen Mao () led three armies of actors to join the Taiping effort against the Manchus. These armies were destroyed along with the rest of the Taiping army, and in the aftermath, the Qing court issued an order forbidding the performance of Guangdong opera and had the actors' Qiong Hua (hortensia flower) Association Hall (1446) in Fushan burned to the ground.\n\nA gilt wood carved altar in the Ancestral Temple in Fushan, and a Shiwan frieze depicting the story of the Yang Family Generals, preserve in their carvings the significance of these events and their broader implications for a community not under the domination of a foreign Manchu government, but also besieged with Caucasian foreigners pressing for trade and territorial rights.\n\nThe Qing dynasty gilt wood altar carving has double meaning. The carving depicts the story of Tang dynasty Li Yuanba fighting the dragon colt (*£#£#6). On a second level however, the horse represents the unruly foreigners, and Li Yuanba, having the same surname, represents Li Wenmao. Verifying this are two hidden plaques hung above the scene which can only be seen from a crouching position. One reads \"Great Ming Mountains and Rivers\" (11) and the other \"Qiong Hua Hall\" (44), with the middle character Hua (4) substituted as disguise for the similar sounding Hua (*) of the Hortensia Flower (Qiong Hua) Association. Furthermore, according to Mr. Zhang Tao (**), curator of the Ancestral Temple, the characters on these two wood plaques were originally covered with extra slabs of wood and were only discovered while renovation was being done to the temple between 1971 and 1972. (Plate 14).\n\nIn addition to this gilt wood altar scene, a beautiful ceramic frieze depicting the story of the Yang Family Generals, Song dynasty loyalists, is displayed in the rear courtyard of the Ancestral Temple. In addition to this anti-Manchu theme (the Yang family's loyalty to the native Song dynasty during the period of barbarian Yuan conquest, symbolising the loyalty of the Chinese people to the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208403, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "SHIWAN POTTERY EXPLORED\n\n111\n\nsuch as Lu Xun (§i§) and Yang Kaihui, (#5 B♬*) and many types of workers and peasants. In 1962 the art theory of well-known potter Liu Quan was published in Mei Shu (), which greatly enhances the understanding of a designer's creation process.\n\nI regret that time does not permit more than the introduction of a few topics related to Shiwan pottery, but it is hoped that they are sufficient to stimulate the interest of the audience, whom I have no doubt will have further opportunity in the future to hear more about this fascinating artistic expression.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Nigel Cameron, \"Second Thoughts on Shekwan”, South China Morning Post, Tuesday, October 18, (1977).\n\n2 These discoveries were subsequently published in: Chen Zhiliang (***), “Guangdong Shiwan Gu Yao Zhi Diao Cha\" (ARGZSEALJO✨), Kuo Gu (**), (1978) No. 3, pp. 195–199.\n\n3 Li Jingkang (*), “Shiwan Tao Ye Kao” (*****), Guangdong Wen Wu {}£x#), (1941) Vol. 10: 39-47.\n\n4 Xu Zhiheng (#2&), “Yin Liu Zhai Shuo Ci\" (ABÜZ), Mei Shu Công Shu (*#*#), Shen Zhou Guo Guang She (®Æ*), (1947), Vol. 3, No. 6, pp. 159-160.\n\n5 See Guangdong Wen Wu Zhan Lan Hui Chu Pin Mu Lu (ARXMAL**), Zhong Guo Wen Hua Xie Jin Hui, Xi Nan Tu Shu Yin Shua Gong Si (@ztbet, gå!***AJ), (1940); and photographs in Guangdong Wen Wu (A*X4b), (1941) Vol. 2, pp. 163-165.\n\n6 \"Guangdong Yangjiang Shiwan Cun Fa Xian Gu Dai Yao Zhi” (ARBELZHURLRED), Wen Wu Can Kao Ze Liao (24b4”**) (1955), No. 3, pp. 161-162.\n\n7 Op. cit. Ref. 2.\n\n8 \"Gong Yi Ming Cheng Fushan\" (ILM−84), Xin Fu (**), (February 1959), No. 39, pp. 34-37.\n\n9 Yu Chengxian, editor, (**), Zhong Hua Tong Su Wen Zhang: Fushan Qin Si, (+$**$4ké), Xianggang Zhong Hua Shu Ju (✯#+4#5), (March, 1961).\n\n10 Zhuang Jia (ƒ), “Yi Qi Bu Yi Zhi, Yi Cang Bu Yi Lou-Liu Quan Tao Su Jing Yen Jian Jie”(宜起不宜止,宜藏不宜露,一則傳陶塑經驗簡4) Mei Shu, (★#ƒ), (1962), No. 3, pp. 41 f.\n\nThis theory is discussed more fully in: Fredrikke Skinsnes Scollard, \"Destruction and Creation: The Impact of Revolution on Shekwan Pottery\", Leverhulme Conference, University of Hong Kong, 1977, (In press).\n\n11 Manuel da Silva Mendes, \"Barros de Kuang Tung\", Boletim do Instituto Luis de Camoes, (Outubro de 1967), Vol. 2,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208463, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n171\n\nPractical Application of the Theories of Village Government (**). Peiping, Fu Wen Chai Book Dealers (EMG). 實施 $0.80.\n\nShansi Village Government Series (††*). Shansi Rural Government Bureau (4&H¤Å).\n\nShao Yuan-ch'ung (***); Plans for Local Government During the Period of Political Tutelage (*********). Shanghai, Min Chih Book Store (E4A§). $0.10.\n\nSun Hung-ych (***); Local Self-Government During the Period of Tutelage (‡$45 107 § 1). Shanghai, Kuang Yi Book Store (上海廣益書局), 1929.\n\nTs'ai Ping-chang (*); New Village Government (#1). Shanghai, Yu Yi Book Store (EAA#5).\n\nWang Tao (1); Historical Development of the Chinese System of Local Government (+E***£<*). Peiping, Board of Internal Affairs (46*A**), 1918.\n\nWang Tsung-p'ei (1##); Chinese Rural Assemblies (+@<\"%#\"). Shanghai, Li Ming Book Store (±***$6). $1.40.\n\nWhat Village Elders Should Know (#±NM). Peiping, Ching Chao Yin Kung Shu (北京,京兆尹公署), 1925.\n\nYang K'ai-tao (M); Policies of Village Governments (*#**). Shanghai, The World Book Company (L**H), 1930, $0.60. Rural Sociology (£#*#*). Shanghai, The World Book Company (###5), 1930. $0.60.\n\nVillage Leadership (★ #† 41). Shanghai, The World Book Company (#5), 1930. $0.60.\n\nVillage Organization (AH). Shanghai, The World Book Company (*****), 1930. $0.60.\n\nVillage Self-Government (B). Shanghai, The World Book Company (****), 1930. $0.60.\n\nYin Chung-ts'ai (*#*); General Discussions on Village Government (†† *****). Hunan, Sha Ni Chih Book Store (V£%#4). $2.50.\n\nLectures on the Study of Village Government (#*#A). Shanghai, Ta Chung Book Store (#5). $1.80.\n\nThe Study of Village Government (###). Shanghai, Ta Chung Book Store (£*£†#5).\n\nII. LAWS (**)\n\nHu Hsing-chih (#42); Most Recent Laws for District, Village and Hamlet Local Self-Government (A*#*). Shanghai, Hsin Hsueh Hui Shê (1*****).\n\nLaws and Privileges of Village Government (###). Central Rural Government Research Bureau (★★#*#✯).\n\nLaws for Local Self-Government Now in Force in the Republic of China (P*AMÚGE* •**^ [*1]). Shanghai, The Commercial Press (*$$Y$*), 1922.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208500, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "208 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nThe westermost cannon has an inscription showing that it was cast in the 1st moon of the 10th year of the reign of Chia Ching (1805), weighing 1,200 catties (嘉慶十年正月造,重一千二百斤). Again, this cannon and some others were probably cast for the defence of the region against pirates.4 The cannon which lies next to it had been severely weathered, and the inscription is illegible. \n\nTwo cannons on the east wall bear the same inscriptions. These read as follows:-- \n\nCannon: weight 2,000 catties. \n\nYik: General of Border Pacification, by Imperial Appointment (欽命靖逆將軍奕(山)). \n\nChoi: Minister of Constant Support. Kay: Junior Guardian of the Heir Apparent, and Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi (太子少保廣東總督都堂祁(墳)). Leung: Assistant Minister of Defence, and Governor of Kwangtung (兵部侍郎廣東巡撫部院(寶常)). \n\nLau: Acting Prefect of Fat Shan Prefecture. Cheong: Reserve Magistrate of Hoi Fung District, supervised its manufacture (海豐縣丞即補縣昌、監造). \n\nIn the 10th moon of the 21st year of the reign of Tao Kwang (1841) (道光二十一年十月吉日). \n\nCast by Cannon Artisans Li, Chan, and Fok. \n\nDuring that time, British influence in this area was strong. Viceroy Lin Tse-hsü ordered the casting of cannons from Fat Shan for the fortification of the coast of Kwangtung. These two cannons must be two of those that Viceroy Lin had ordered to be cast, and they were placed in this region for defence purposes. \n\nThe cannon which lies next to these two is again illegible, because of severe weathering. \n\nThese six cannons were selected from elsewhere, some perhaps from the Kai Yik Kok Fort, others from the Shek Se Fort, and were mounted there. Though they were not cast at the same time, they had the same purpose: they were used to defend the region against pirates and foreign invasions. They are now preserved at Tung Chung and help to commemorate these events.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208768, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\n* The evacuation of the South-east coast of China was carried out from the 1st year to the 7th year of the K'ang Hsi reign (1662-1668). It was because of the disturbances of pirates and the followers of Koxinga (Cheng Shing-kung) along the coasts of Kwangtung and Fukien. The disturbances were so large that the Ch'ing Army could not stop them. The government evacuated fifty li from the coast. The lands were abandoned in order that the pirates and the followers of Koxinga could not obtain supplies from them. (see my article: \"The Chow Wang Yi Kung Chi of Kam Tin\", published in the Wah Kiu Man Fa of Wah Kiu Yat Po for 13th September 1976 綿田之周王二公祠,原载1976年9月13日華僑日報文化版)\n\n+\n\n* In the O Mun Kei Leuk ME 1800 edition, it was recorded, \"During the 7th year of Yung Cheng reign, there were forts erected on the two hills. This strengthened the guards of the Tai Yue Shan Shuen”. The Tai Yue Shan Shuen was probably at the place of Tai O today. The forts on the \"two hills\" are most likely to be the Kai Yik Fort on its south-west and Tung Chung Fort on its east. This shows that the Fan Lau Fort was probably rebuilt and refortified in the 7th year of the Yung Ching reign.\n\n19 See my article: \"A Short History of the Pirates of Hong Kong before 1842\", published in Volume 8, No. 4 of the Kwong Tung Man Hin 廣東文献(1979).\n\n11 see Chapter 13 of San On Yuen Chi\n\nChapter 81 of Kwong Chow Fu Chi A\n\n**** 1819 edition and\n\n1879 edition.\n\n12 Chapter 12 of San On Yuen Chi (1819) stated, \"During the K'ang Hsi reign, it was because of robbery and piracy along the south-east coast that the Ch'ing government evacuated the coastal regions. Later, with the surrender of the pirates, the Ch'ing government extended the coastal boundary. More forts and guard-stations were set up. Those of outstanding importance were the Kai Yik Fort on Lantau Island, the Nam Tau Fort, and the Chik Wan Fort.\" The book was written in 1819, and the famous pirate Cheung Po-tsai had surrendered in 1810. This shows that the fort was again under the control of the Ch'ing government after 1810.\n\n14 1a Chapter 130 of the Kwong Tung Tung Chi 4 1822 edition recorded, \"Tai U Shan, an island which lay in the midst of the sea, was a place where foreign ships anchored. There were only two inlets for the anchoring of these ships: they were at Tai O and Tung Chung. At that time, Tai O was guarded by a garrison of thirteen men. There was already the Kai Yik Fort under a Tsin Tsung (lieutenant) of the Tai Pang Battalion.\" The book was published in 1822. This proves that before 1822, there was the Kai Yik Fort guarding the south-west tip of Lantau Island.\n\n14 see Armando M. De Silva's article, op. cit.\n\n15 also called Tung Chung Hau in the past.\n\n10 To the south-east of the valley is the Sunset Peak (Tai Tung Shan 大東山); the Lantau Peak (Fung Wang Shan 凤凰山) lies to the south-west.\n\n17 Sheung Ling Pei Village is one of the largest villages in the Tung Chung Valley. It is situated to the east of the Tung Chung Walled City.\n\n18 Ha Ling Pei Village, an adjacent village to Sheung Ling Pei Village, is situated to the west of the Tung Chung Walled City.\n\n19 See my article: \"Distribution of Forts and Guard-stations on Lantau Island during the Late Ch'ing period\", JHKBRAS vol. 18: 1978.\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208787, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "4\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nWork of the Association in its early years\n\n217\n\nSoon after the port of Hong Kong was opened [again] in the last year of the reign of Hsien Feng in the Ch'ing dynasty (1860-61), there used to be a Nam Pak Hong Street (later renamed Bonham Strand West). At this favourable location our predecessors set up firms dealing in native products from south and north China. The following firms were among those then established one after another: the Kwong Mau Tai Hong and the Woo Kee Hong of Mr. Chiu Yue-tin, a celebrity of Kwangtung origin, the Hau Fung Hong of Mr. Lo Chor-san, the Hop Hing Hong of Mr. Lau Lo-tak, the Siu Fung Hong of Messrs. Fung Ping-shan and Kwong Tsz-ming, the Kwan Mau Hong (in Wing Lok Street West) of Mr. Li Sau-hin, the Wah On Hong of Mr. Chan Yue-fan, the Yue Wo Loong of Mr. Chan Sik-nin, the Yuen Fat Hong of Messrs. Ko Mun-wah and Chan Chun-chuen, celebrities of Chiu Chau origin, the Yuen Sing Fat Hong, the Kam Yue Fung Hong and the Kam Sing Lee Hong of Mr. Choi Si-kit, the Yue Tak Sing Hong and the Kwong Tak Fat Hong of Mr. Chan Tin-san, the Kin Tye Lung of Messrs. Chan Wun-wing and Chan Tsz-tan, the Ng Yuen Hing Hong of Mr. Ng Lei-hing, a celebrity of Fukien origin, the Chui Tak Loong Hong of Messrs. Wu Ting-sam and Wong Ting-ming, the Hau Tak Hong of Mr. Kwok Yim-sing and his brother(s), the Yi Tai Hong and the Lee Yuen Cheung Hong of a business group of Shantung origin. With the exception of Messrs. Chan Yue-fan, Chan Sik-nin and Kwok Yin-sing, all the aforesaid gentlemen have now deceased.\n\nIn 1868, with the concerted initiative and efforts of the said Messrs. Chiu Yue-tin, Chan Chun-chuen, Fung Ping-shan, Choi Kit-si, Chan Tin-sau and Wu Ting-sam, the Nam Pak Hong Association was founded in Bonham Strand West near its junctions with Wing Lok Street and Queen's Road. Then the objectives of the Association were to promote members' welfare and market prosperity, to assist the police in the maintenance of law and order in the neighbourhood and to formulate plans for the prevention of fires and alleviation of disasters. On the first floor of the Association building was the office, where regulations and business rules of the Association were decided, Directors and Managers of the Association mutually elected, and monthly meetings held. For the first term, the Chairman of the Board of Directors was Mr. Chiu Yue-tin and the Manager was Mr. Lau Lo-tak. The latter mana-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208808, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "238\n\nIU, Miss Sheila, Matron, \nThe Grantham Hospital, Aberdeen, \nHONG KONG.\n\nKINOSHITA, Mr. J. H. Palmer and Turner, OTB Building, \n160 Gloucester Road, HONG KONG.\n\nKNIGHTLY, Mr. F J., \n301 Valverde, \nMay Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLOCAL LIFE MEMBERS\n\nKVAN, Rev. Erik, Dept. of Philosophy, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nLAI, MI. T. Ch \nDept. of Extra-Mural Studies, \nChinese University of Hong Kong, \nShui Hing House, 12/F, \n23-25 Nathan Road, KOWLOON.\n\nLAU, Mr. Michael Wai-Mai, \nFung Ping Shan Museum, \nUniversity of Hong Kong, \nHONG KONG.\n\nLAUFER, Mrs. B. M \nB4, Harbour View Mansions, \n11 Magazine Gap Road, \nHONG KONG.\n\nLAUFER, Mr. E. M., B4, Harbour View Mansions, 11 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. B. M. I., \n3 Ravenscourt. \n24 Mount Austin Road, \nHONG KONG.\n\nLEE, Mr. J. S., \n74 Kennedy Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLEE, Dr. R. C., C.B.E., J.P, 1 Hysan Avenue, 21st Floor, HONG KONG.\n\nLETHBRIDGE, Mr. J. H., Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nLEUNG, Mr. Pak-Kui, c/o Home Affairs Dept., 141 Des Voeux Road Central, International Building, 25/F, HONG KONG.\n\nLI, Mr. David K. P., D7 Grenville House. 1 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLISOWSKI, Prof. F. P., 28 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLISOWSKI, Mrs. W. Y, 28 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLIU, Mr. D. H., \n305 Prince Edward Road, \nFlat 5-D, \nKOWLOON.\n\nLO, Mr. T. S., \nc/o Lo & Lo., \nJardine House, 7th Floor, \nPedder Street, \nHONG KONG.\n\nLOSERY, Miss Patricia, \nc/o Russ & Co., \nRoom 1 Baskerville House G/F, 22 Ice House Street, HONG KONG.\n\nLUK, Mr. George Ping-Chuen, B-38 Po Shan Mansions, \n10 Po Shan Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLUM, Miss Ada, 142 Boundary Street, KOWLOON.\n\nMACKENZIE, Mr. John, J.P., \nManagement & Planning Services \n(Far East) Ltd.. G.P.O. Box 9981, \nHONG KONG.\n\nMACKEOWN, Dr. P. Kevin, \nDept. of Physics, \nUniversity of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nMARDEN, Mrs. J. L., 14 Sheko, \nHONG KONG.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208817, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 274, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "247\n\nORDINARY LOCAL MEMBERS\n\nLAI, Miss Merlin S. C.,\n\n177 Bulkeley Street,\n\n1/F,\n\nHung Hom, HONG KONG.\n\nLAI, Mr. W. T.,\n\n47 Sheung Fung Street, Tsz Wan Shan, KOWLOON.\n\n43 Kadoorie Avenue, KOWLOON.\n\nLAWRENCE, Mr. Anthony,\n\n3 Raven Court,\n\n24 Mount Austin Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLAWTON, Mr. David,\n\nc/o The Asian Wall Street Journal, G.P.O. Box 9825, HONG KONG.\n\nLAYTON, Mr. F. A. L.,\n\nc/o Hong Kong & Shanghai\n\nBanking Corp.,\n\nQueen's Road Central, HONG KONG.\n\nLEE, Mr. Peter J.,\n\nc/o Essex Asia Ltd., G.P.O. Box 11393, HONG KONG.\n\nLEE, Mrs. R. M., c/o Essex Asia Ltd., G.P.O. Box 11393, HONG KONG.\n\nLEE, Miss Sandra Suk Yee,\n\n2 Hatton Road, G/F, HONG KONG,\n\nLERNER, Mr. Bernard, Flat 4,\n\n7 Bowen Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLEVIN, Mr. David A., Dept. of Sociology, University of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nLEVIN, Ms. Stephanie S., 50 Middleton Towers, 140 Pokfulam Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLI, Mr. Edwin Lao, Consulate General of Costa Rica, 3 Tin Hau Temple Road, Flat C-10 Hung On Building, Causeway Bay, HONG KONG,\n\nLI, Mr. Shi-yi, 72 La Salle Road, 2nd Floor, KOWLOON.\n\nLI, Mr. Vincent P., A-7 4 South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, HONG KONG.\n\nLIARDET, Mr. A. J., c/o Gilman & Co. Ltd., P.O. Box 56, HONG KONG.\n\nLLOYD, Mrs. Aileen S., Flat 15,\n\n14 Mount Austin Road, The Peak,\n\nHONG KONG.\n\nLLOYD, Mrs. Waltraud E., Flat 11 Cameron House, 40 Magazine Gap Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLOBO, Mrs. Margaret, Race View Mansions, Apt. 72,\n\n46 Stubbs Road, HONG KONG.\n\nLOCKING, Mr. J. R.,\n\nc/o The Royal Hong Kong Jockey Club,\n\nSports Road,\n\nHappy Valley,\n\nHONG KONG,\n\nLOFTS, Prof. Brian, Dept. of Zoology,\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, HONG KONG.\n\nLOK, Dr. Leonora Shin U, Flat B-4 Bonds Mansion, 554-556 Nathan Road, KOWLOON.\n\nLUNNEY, Mr. Raymond,\n\n10/F Ho Lee Commercial Building, 38-44 D'Aguilar Street, HONG KONG.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208839, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 1, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "200\n\non to a melon? Would an onion bulb live if it was fixed on to green vegetables?\" The mother said they could not. Thereupon, he said to his mother, \"In that case, I cannot live\". He told his mother what had happened. She cried, saying, \"Yes, they can live\". However, that was too late. He shook his head, told his mother to bury his head outside the door, and his body on the road, and died. After some time, a small bamboo grew where the head was buried, and a big bamboo grew where the body was buried. In the wind, the small bamboo often brushed against the roof of the mother's house. Angry, the mother cut off the small bamboo with a knife. The end of the bamboo suddenly flew into the sky, and hit the emperor's bed. The big bamboo, however, often said, \"Kill the emperor, kill the emperor\". Passers-by found that very strange. Later, the emperor knew about it, and sent some people to listen to the bamboo. Those people heard many voices talking inside the bamboo: there were people in every section of the bamboo, and they said, \"Don't be afraid, when the bamboo is so big that it bursts, we shall come out. There are many of us. We shall go and kill the emperor. We do not fear anything; we only fear being burnt to death.\" These people reported to the emperor what they had heard, and the emperor came up with a scheme. He sent some people there, pretending to be blind. They carried oil on their bodies. They pretended to have difficulty walking, and they fell by the bamboo. When they fell, they poured oil on the bamboo, and set it on fire. As a result, the people in the bamboo were burnt to death, and they became ants. [Li-tsu she-hui li-shih tiao-cha (Peking: Min-tsu, 1986), pp. 100-101.]\n\nThe similarities seem obvious, but I cannot explain them.\n\nKat O villagers also knew about the fung shui of the Hoh family's gravesites. A village elder of Kei Leng Ha, near Saikung, was also able to name some of these sites (courtesy James Hayes for this piece of information).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208928, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "58 \n\nLEWIS M. CHERE \n\nand recognized in later periods? As in so many cases of this sort, closer examination of the events leads to the conclusion that it may have been both. \n\nWhat little evidence is available at this distance points to a popular nationalistic outbreak against the French, encouraged by the activities of the Imperial authorities at Canton. There is also reason to believe that the old anti-foreignism so frequently pointed to among the coastal Chinese also had some role in the affair. Some local Chinese leadership groups, like the Tung Wah, may also have tried to make use of the incident to enhance their own position vis-à-vis the colonial administration. \n\nThe troubles of September and October 1884 were set off by two events in other parts of the China Coast. China and France had been very close to an open break over the suzerainty of Annam and the occupation of Tongking since early in 1883. When the Chinese appeared to have violated a May 1884 agreement between Li Hung-chang and Captain Ernest Fournier of the French Navy, France presented China with a series of ultimatums in June and July demanding compensation for French deaths incurred in the incident. Since the Chinese believed that it was the French who had violated the agreement they naturally were not inclined to sub-mit to the French demands.9 \n\nFrance, determined to enforce what she considered her just demands, issued one last ultimatum in August. When Peking refused to give in, the French Asiatic Squadron under Admiral Courbet, which was anchored at Foochow opposite a Chinese fleet and the shipyard, opened fire on August 22. The Chinese Foochow Fleet was utterly destroyed with much loss of life. The Shipyard was severely damaged, and the forts along the Min River were taken and destroyed as the French went back downstream. \n\nIn the competition among the governors and viceroys of the coastal provinces to demonstrate their patriotism in the furor that followed the Foochow incident, Chang Chih-tung, newly appointed Viceroy of the Two Kwangs; Peng Yü-lin, Imperial Commissioner for the Coastal Defenses of Kwangtung; and Ni Wan-yuh, Governor of Kwangtung, issued a proclamation calling on Chinese in Singapore, Penang and Vietnam (interestingly enough they did not mention Hong Kong) to sink French ships, or sell them tainted provisions. \n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208954, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "84\n\nDAVID LUNG\n\ncockloft reached by a ladder may be added to provide for additional storage or sleeping space. The front and back rooms are gable roofed, while a portion of the courtyard may be covered to provide shelter for cooking. The walls are load-bearing structures, 12-in cavity walls, made out of greyish bricks of Kwangtung size (11″X 5\" x 3\"), manufactured in regions along Sikiang, West River. Some houses have three to five courses of granite stone on the facade running up from the foundation. Clay roof tiles laid in single layers are supported by rafters spaced roughly 8 in apart. The rafters are in turn placed on beams of fir or pine roughly 6 in in diameter supported by end walls. Window openings are rare and do not belong to the original design. Light is let in through doorways opened to the courtyards and the lanes. The front door openings are usually 8 ft tall and 3.4 ft wide closed by a set of timber doors from the inside and another set of shutters about 5 ft from the outside. Decorative reliefs called hua-liang are commonly found above door openings.\n\nThe planning of the village is based on fung-shui principles. Fung-shui, literally meaning wind-water, is a form of divination based on topographical and architectural features, and is commonly translated as geomancy. It is a science (or quasi-science) which deals with the analysis of the formation of the landscape in selecting sites for graves, buildings, villages or even cities. The notion of siting of towns and buildings by means of oracle divination can be attributed to Shang times from the Chou records,\n\nSchools of Geomancy\n\nThere have been two schools of geomancy since Sung times: the Fukien School and the Kiangsi School. The former puts more emphasis on li, the earth pattern, su, number theories based on the trigrams and hexagrams of the I Ching, and hsiu, astrological elements, which consequently depend more on the use of the compass. The Kiangsi School, on the other hand, looks for ch'i, the cosmic breath, and hsiang, the forms of mountains and watercourses, and so, the use of the compass is subordinate. However, the two schools have fused together since the 19th century.\n\nli # su #\n\nI Ching 易經\n\nhsiu 宿 ch'i hsiang\n\nhua-liang #", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209059, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 221, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "BIBLIOGRAPHY OF TAOISM\n\nLiang, Jung-mao. Pao-p'u-tzu yen chiu. Taipei, 1977. 梁榮茂,抱朴子研究,台北,牧童出版社, 1977.\n\n189\n\nLC\n\n2, 2, 173 p.\n\nLing-hsüeh shih i. Taipei, 1970.\n\n靈學釋義,謝冠能編輯,台北,世界紅卍字台灣分會,1970.\n\n28 p.\n\nLC\n\nLiu, Ming-jui, Chiao-ch'iao tung chang. Taipei, 1965. 劉名瑞.敲蹻洞章.台北,真善美出版社,1965.\n\n9, 63, 4, 71 p.\n\nSA\n\nLiu, Tsun-jen. Ho-feng-tang tu shu chi. Hongkong, 1977. 柳存仁,和風堂讀書記.香港,龍門書店,1977. 2v.\n\nLC\n\nLun tao lu. Chengtu, 1921.\n\n論道錄.成都,聚昌公司,1921. 21 double leaves.\n\nCA\n\nMan-Mō hokushi no shūkyō bijutsu. Tokyo, 1943–44. 滿蒙北支の宗教美術,逸見梅榮編,東京,丸善,1943-44.\n\n8 v.\n\nMori, Mikisaburō, 1909– “Mu” no shisō. Tokyo, 1969.\n\n“無”の思想,森三樹三郎,東京,講談社,1969.\n\n216 p.\n\nLC\n\nBC, LC\n\nMou, Tsung-san. Ts'ai hsing yü hsüan li. Kowloon, 1962. 牟宗三,才性與玄理,九龍,人生出版社, 1962.\n\n3, 5, 384 p.\n\nLC\n\n205 p.\n\nOhama, Akira, 1904– Chūgoku kodai no ronri. Tokyo, 1950. 大濱晧,中國古代の論理,東京,東京大學出版會,1950.\n\nLC\n\nOyanagi, Shigeta, 1870-1940. Dōkyō gaisetsu. Taipei, 1966. 小柳司氣太,道教概說,台北,台灣商務,1966.\n\n2, 92 p.\n\nBC, CA\n\nOyanagi, Shigeta, 1870–1940. Dōkyō no ippan. Tokyo, 1935. 小柳司氣太.道教の一斑,東京,東方書院,1935.\n\n1 v.\n\nCA\n\nOyanagi, Shigeta, 1870-1940. Rō-Sō kenkyū no gendaiteki igi. Tokyo, 1939.\n\n小柳司氣太,老莊研究の現代的意義.東京,啟明會, 1939. 47, 25 p.\n\nBC", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209072, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "202\n\nWILLIAM Y. CHEN\n\nKeng-sang, Ch'u. K’eng-tsang-tzu. Taipei, 1955. 庚桑楚,亢滄子,台北,台灣商務,1955. 48, 2 p.\n\nSA\n\nKo, Ch'ang-keng. Pai-yü-ch'an ch'üan chi. Taipei, 1969. 葛長庚,白玉蟾全集,台北,自由出版社,1969. 3 v. (1472 p.)\n\nLC, SA\n\nKo, Hung, ca. 350-330. Pao-p'u-tzu. Taipei, 1965. 葛洪.抱朴子,台北,中華書局,1965. 365 p. in various pagings.\n\nLC, SA\n\nLao-tzu yen chiu tzu liao hui pien. Hongkong, 1974. 老子研究資料彙編,香港,陶齊書屋,1974. 2 v.\n\nLieh-hsien ch'üan chuan. Peking, 1961. 列仙全傳,王世貞辑,北京,中華書局,1961. 3 v.\n\nLC\n\nCA\n\nLiu, Hsiang, 77?–6? B.C. Li tai chen hsien shih chuan. Taipei, 1960. 劉向,歷代真仙史傳,台北,自由出版社,1960. 1 v.\n\nLC, SA\n\nLü, Yen, b. 798. Lü-tsu ch’üan shu. Taipei, 1967. 呂函,呂祖全書,台北,自由出版社,1967. 2 v. (806 p.)\n\nLC, SA\n\nMurakami, Yoshimi, 1906– Chugoku no sennin. Kyoto, 1967. 村上嘉實,中國の仙人,京都,平樂寺書店,1967. 3, 2, 248, 12 p.\n\nLC, SA\n\nShen, Fen, 10th cent. Hsü shen-hsien chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 沈汾,續神仙傳,上海,商務,1937. 1, 1, 3 p.\n\nCA\n\nShoji, Tatsusaburo. Shina sennin retsuden. Tokyo, 1911. 東海林辰三郎,支那仙人列傳,東京,聚精堂,1911. 3, 3, 15, 498 p.\n\nCA, LC\n\nSsu-ma, Ch'eng-cheng. Tien-yin-tzu. Taipei, 1966. 司馬承禎,天隱子,台北,台灣商務,1966. 14 p.\n\nSA\n\nTung yû t'u chih. Shanghai, 1936. 洞寓圖志,鄧牧編,上海,商務,1936. 2 v. in 1.\n\nCA\n\nWang, Chien, Sung dynasty. I-hsien-chuan. Shanghai, 1937. 王簡,疑仙傳,上海,商務,1937. 2, 21 p.\n\nCA", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209074, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "204\n\nWILLIAM Y. CHEN\n\nJu Tao hsüeh shu ching hua. Taipei, 1969.\n\n儒道學術精華,許萬春編.台南,鳴宇出版社,1969.\n\n3, 3, 155 p.\n\nKamata, Shigeo, 1927– Chugoku Bukkyō shiso shi kenkyu. Tokyo, 1968.\n\n鐮田茂雄,中國佛教思想史研究.東京,春秋社,1968.\n\n425, 170, 16 p.\n\nCA, LC\n\nKuan-li-chang-jen. San-chiao chen ch'uan. Taipei, 1971.\n\n觀禮丈人,三教典傳.台北,自由出版社,1971.\n\n1 v.\n\nLC, SA\n\nKukai, 774–835. Kobo Daishi no shukke sengensho. Wakayama, Japan (Prefecture), 1976.\n\n空海,弘法大師の出家宣言書,高野町(和歌山縣),高野山大學出版部,1976. 2 v.\n\nLC\n\nLin, Chen-hsiang. Tao Mo hsüeh shuo p'ing shu. Tainan, 1972.\n\n林貞祥,道墨學說評述,台南,復文書局,1972.\n\n4, 197, 3 p.\n\nBC\n\nMorohashi, Tetsuji, 1883- Ko-shi to Rō-shi. Tokyo, 1952.\n\n諸橋轍次.孔子老子,東京,不昧堂書店,1952.\n\n334 p.\n\nCA\n\nNan, Huai-chin. Fo-chiao ch'an-tsung, Tao-chiao Tao-chia yü Chung-kuo wen hua. Taipei, 1968,\n\n南懷瑾,佛教禪宗,道教道家與中國文化.台北,真善美出版社,1968.\n\n9, 4, 1, 301 p.\n\nBC, CA, LC, SA\n\nTao-hsüan, 596–667. Kuang hung ming chi. Taipei, 1975.\n\n道宣,廣弘明集,台北,台灣商務,1975. 501 p.\n\nSA\n\nTokiwa, Daijō, 1870–1945. Shina ni okeru Bukkyō to Jukyō Dōkyō. Tokyo, 1930.\n\n常盤大定,支那に於ける佛教と儒教道教,東京,東洋文庫,1930.\n\n3, 10, 750, 28 p.\n\nLC\n\nTs'ai, Shang-ssu. Chung-kuo san ta ssŭ hsiang chih pi kuan. Shanghai, 1934.\n\n蔡尚思,中國三大思想之比觀,上海,啟智書局,1934.\n\n6, 112 p.\n\nCA\n\nTsuda, Sokichi, 1873–1961. Ju Dō ryoke kankei ron. Shanghai, 1933.\n\n津田左右吉,儒道兩家關係論,上海,商務,1933.\n\nCA\n\n71 p.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 8, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "Page &\n\nVol. 25 (1985)\n\nJournal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n217\n\ning machines; perhaps this was it. Notwithstanding the possibility that one item purchased might be unrelated to war, the receipts pasted here are obviously connected with funds raised and disbursed through Hong Kong for some military operation.\n\nIt does not take much imagination to see what this operation was. I translate the following from Liu Shao-t'ang H, Min-kuo ta-shih-chih ICHA DE (Taipei, 1972), pp. 174-177; 16th August, 1920 Commander-in-chief Ch'en Chiung-ming of the Kwangtung Army swore allegiance to Mr. Sun Yat-sen at Chang chou...; 19th, Hsü Ch'ung-chih of the right division of the Kwangtung Army captured Mei hsien; 24th, Commander-in-chief of the Kwangtung Army, Ch'en Chiung-ming arrived at Swatow...; 6th September, in obedience to Mr. Sun Yat-sen's order, Chu Chih-hsin instigated the independence of the Fu-men batteries...; 21st, Chu Chih-hsin... killed, aged 36; 26th Commander of the 3rd division of Canton and Hui-chou, Li fu-lin, declared independence; 2nd October in obedience to Mr. Sun Yat-sen's command, Ku Ying-feng (that is, Ku Hsiang-ch'in) carried 108,000 dollars from Hong Kong to Swatow in support of Ch'en Chiung-ming's troops, and Mr. Sun further remitted 150,000 Hong Kong dollars from Shanghai to Swatow for Ch'en.\n\nTHE NIXON SCROLL\n\nDavid Faure\n\nThe following letters, written in 1963, provide some necessary information on the Nixon Scroll, now presented by the Society to the Fung Ping Shan Museum on long-term loan:\n\n(1)\n\nThe Keeper\n\nOriental Printed Books and Manuscripts\n\nThe British Museum\n\nLondon\n\nDepartment of History University of Hongkong June 14, 1963", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209110, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT ... 1\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT 6\n\nHON. LIBRARIAN'S REPORT.\n\nTRANSACTIONS:\n\nFolk Medicine in Borneo: Diagnosis and Cure-Stephen Morris 10\n\nAnother Look at Land and Lineage in the New Territories, c. 1900-Edgar Wickberg 25\n\nARTICLES:\n\nReligious Response to Modernization in Taiwan: the Case of I-kuan Tao-Hubert Seiwert 43\n\nThe Public Records Office of Hong Kong-A.I. Diamond 71\n\nHong Kong and China in the village World-David Faure 75\n\nThe Chinese Church, Labour and Elites and the Mui Tsai Question in the 1920's-Carl T. Smith 91\n\nResidential Mobility and Kinship Ties among Urban Chinese Families in Hong Kong-Lee Ming-kwan 114\n\nEducation as a By-product of Fish Marketing-T.A. Acton 120\n\nJuan Yuan's Management of Sino-British Relations in Canton, 1817-1826-Wei Peh-t'i 144\n\nThe Hong Kong Origins of Dr. Sun Yat-sen's Address to Li Hung-chang-Alice Ng Lun Ngai-ha 168\n\nREPRINT:\n\nBro. Tsung Lai Shun in Massachusetts 179\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\nThe Yung Muk Tong Factories in Macau-David Faure 185\n\nLetters from World War II-David Faure 187\n\nTraditional Funerals-Patrick Hase 192\n\nNotes on Rice Farming in Shatin-Patrick Hase 196\n\nFuneral pots from an Ancestral Grave-David Faure 206\n\nBOOK REVIEWS 207\n\nMEMBERSHIP AS AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1981 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209218, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE CHINESE CHURCH, LABOUR AND ELITES AND THE MUI TSAI QUESTION IN THE 1920'S 107\n\nson-in-law of Ho Tung\n\nT. N. Chau, a barrister\n\nLi Wing-tin\n\nSimon Tse Yan, also known as Tse Ka Po\n\nFung Ping-shan, donor of the Fung Ping Shan Library building\n\nat Hong Kong University\n\nChau Yu-ting, a wealthy import-export merchant\n\nYung Tse-ming, compradore of the Chartered Bank\n\nHo Wing, son of Ho Fook, adopted son of Ho Tung and compradore of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank\n\nWong Ping-shuen, and\n\nIp Lan-chuen\n\nWong Ping-shuen advocated a slow approach, \"The time was not yet ripe for drastic action. Conditions in China had to be radically changed before it would serve any useful purpose to legislate on the question\".\n\nThe Secretary of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Ip Lan-chuen, contended that Hong Kong was too close to China to attempt abolition at this time.\n\nLi Po-kwai, the Chairman, vividly portrayed the dangers to the mui tsai if she were released from servitude at the age of eighteen. She would do \"mad and silly things\" which would lead to her downfall.\n\nChow Shou-son spoke out as \"being dead against the Bill\". If left alone the custom would die out in time as had the practice of foot-binding. After making his speech in Chinese, for some reason he shifted to English to conclude it, saying, “It is the opinion of the Chinese community and the Chinese people generally that the system should not be abolished”.\n\nMr. M. K. Lo interjected a moderating tone into the discussion when he reminded the meeting that it would have been better if the Chamber had expressed opposition to abolition sooner and more clearly, instead of keeping relatively silent until the Government had drafted and introduced a Bill.\n\nMr. Wong Kwong-tin objected to the Ordinance because it did not provide protection to the owners of mui tsai and was therefore grossly unfair. He gave a warning to the British Government they should be very careful in interfering with an old Chinese custom which had become an unwritten law.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209278, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "60\n\nJUAN YUAN'S MANAGEMENT OF SINO-BRITISH RELATIONS IN CANTON, 1817-1826 167\n\nIbid., 1:22b-23. Court letter to Juan Yuan et al., TK 2/5/25 (1822/7/13). 07 After Juan Yuan left Canton, his successor as Governor-General of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, Li Hung-pin, established a system of patrol boats to check on opium smuggling. Each boat received a monthly bribe to permit the illicit trade. Liang, Kuang-chou shih-san hang k'ao, p. 299.\n\nChang Shun-ts'un #\n\nTao-Kuang ch'ao\n\nCh'en 陳\n\nCh'en-Li shih ★BA\n\nchin f\n\nchüan-na ‡Ã1⁄4\n\nfen 分\n\nHsiang-shan J\n\nHsin-hui hsien-chih Hsi Nai-chi 許乃濟 Hsüeh-hai t'ang***\n\nHu-Kuang Hu-pu 户部\n\nHuang I-ming *** I-li-pu 伊里布\n\nJuan Yuan 阮元\n\nKuang-tung shih-san hang k'ao\n\nKuang tung tung chi là ki\n\nKung-chung-tang\n\nkung-hong 2Ấ\n\nKuo-Liang shih\n\nLi Hung-pin 李鴻賓 Liang Chia-pin 梁嘉彬 Liang-Kuang✯ Liang-Kuang yen-chih\n\nch'ou-pan i-wu shih-mo\n\ntao-t'ai\n\nTi-tzu chi, for (Lei-t'ang-an-chuɃ‡ƒ‡ ti-tzu chi)\n\nTs'an-chan ta-ch'en ★★★E ts'un += 1/10 Chinese foot) Wai-chi-tang >-*#\n\nWai-chiao shih-liao ££* Wu Kuo-yung Wu-lung-a\n\nWu Shou-ch'ang ££ 3\n\nWu Ts'ung-yao 14\n\nWu Tun-yuan {£✶ ̃\n\nyang-hang *{1\n\nyang-shang 洋商\n\nYeh Huan-shu #£#\n\nYeh Hsia 葉及\n\nYen-ching shih-chi &*£✯ Yun-Kuei +\n\nNei-wu-fu\n\nPan-yü 番禺 pao-chia 保甲\n\nTa-Ku\n\n#", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209279, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 182, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF\n\nDR. SUN YAT-SEN'S\n\nADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG\n\nNG LUN NGAI-HA*\n\n2\n\nOf the many studies on Dr. Sun Yat-sen's ideas and works, his letter presented to Li Hung-chang has received relatively less attention.* There were in the past, doubts as to whether the letter was written by Sun himself, as he made no mention of it in his autobiography and the presentation was an appeal to a Ch'ing high official for reform, which might appear to some as inconceivable. Yet, studies from contemporary sources such as the works of Feng Tzu-yu and Ch'en Shao-pei3 confirm that in February 1894 Sun did leave Canton for Tientsin to present a letter to Li Hung-chang, then governor-general of Chihli and one of China's most influential exponents of modernization. In fact, in the pamphlet written by Sun himself after the kidnap incident in 1896, he mentioned twice his attempt to petition the Ch'ing Government for reform. The letter has now been generally accepted as one of the earliest documents we have by Sun himself, showing that while his anti-Manchu sentiments and revolutionary tendencies had germinated in the 1880's, he nonetheless shared some of the notions of the reformists of the time. In view of the fact that during these early years in the formation of his political ideas, Sun had stayed in Hong Kong, where he received much of his formal education, it is worth finding out how much of Sun's proposal in the presentation to Li was nurtured by what he had seen and experienced here.\n\nAt the opening of the presentation, Sun described his educational background so as to claim knowledge which he considered was essential for the modernization and strengthening of China,\n\n\"I have obtained a British medical degree from Hong Kong. As a young man, I had been educated abroad and acquired general knowledge of Western languages, literature, politics, customs, mathematics, geography, physics and chemistry. I paid, however, special attention to their (Western) ways of\n\n* Dr Ng lectures on Hong Kong history at the Chinese University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209280, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 183, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 169\n\nbuilding up a wealthy nation and a powerful army, and to their laws for social reforms. I also discerned the essentials of current events and changes, and the means of maintaining peaceful relationship with other countries.\n\nIn addition to the medical training and earlier schooling he received in Hong Kong, by \"education abroad\", Sun was referring to his schooling in Hawaii. The first Western school which Sun attended was Iolani, and it was an elementary school run by the Church of England in Honolulu, whose staff, except for one Hawaiian, was entirely British. After his graduation from school in 1882, he spent less than a year in a high school, Oahu College, run by American Congregationists and Presbyterian missionaries in the Hawaiian Islands. He was sent back to his native village, Ts'ui-heng, by his brother in the summer of 1883 and enrolled shortly afterwards at the Diocesan Home, a school set up by the Church of England in Hong Kong. The next year he entered the Central School, the first government secondary school in Hong Kong, now known as Queen's College. No record is available as to the class he entered. According to an article in Vol. 37 of Yellow Dragon, the school magazine, Sun entered the school under the name Sun Tai Tseng (Ti Hsiang), at the age of eighteen. He left in 1886 to join the Canton Poh Tsai Hospital as a medical student and then transferred in early 1887 to the Hong Kong Medical College for Chinese. The college was affiliated with the newly established Alice Memorial Hospital, which was set up by Ho Kai, a civic leader in Hong Kong, in memory of his wife. For the next five years, Sun studied under the general supervision of Ho Kai and two Scottish physicians, Dr. Patrick Manson and Dr. James Cantlie. He graduated in 1892 at the age of twenty-six, two years before he wrote the petition.\n\nThus from 1883 to 1892, except for the interval of about half a year in 1886 when he joined the Poh Tsai Hospital, Sun received a major part of his secondary education and then his medical training in Hong Kong. The schools which he attended, the Diocesan Home and the Central School were Anglo-Chinese schools. Since the 1880s, the Hong Kong Government's educational policy had been directed towards the encouragement of the learning of the English language and Western knowledge, and these schools offered subjects such as those referred to by Sun in the opening of his letter. Yet the impact of school upon the mind of a youth like Sun might go much deeper than knowledge obtained from learning in class. The environment or \"culture\" of the school itself played perhaps a more significant", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "The Hong Kong Origins of Dr Sun Yat-sen's Address to Li Hung-chang\n\n171\n\nTheir editorial and correspondents' columns offered a ground for free political discussions, with greater attention on issues in China than those in Hong Kong. There appeared in the 1870's two Chinese-language newspapers, the Hsin-huan jih-pao founded and edited by the well-known scholar reformist, Wang Tao, and the Hua-tzu jih-pao, which was firstly issued by the China Mail as a separate paper in Chinese called the Chinese Mail. But in 1886, the Chinese Mail became an independent paper with Ch'en Ai-ting as its editor. These two early Chinese newspapers were well-known for their promotion of Western learning and China's modernization. About one-third of the Hsün-huan jih-pao was devoted to an editorial for such causes. The Hua-tzu jih-pao did not have an editorial, but a special column was reserved for publishing the writings of Chinese intellectuals in China or Hong Kong. In addition to newspapers, there were occasional pamphlets on current issues or ideas of reforms of the time. The well-known compradore-reformist Cheng Kuan-ying's I-yen, later to be incorporated in his Sheng-shih wei-yen, was first printed and published in Hong Kong in 1872. Intellectuals such as Ho Kai and Hu Li-huan also often wrote to express their views on China's modernization and reforms. Thus in Hong Kong, Sun was well exposed to these writings and ideas. Recent studies show that during these years Sun might also have written occasionally.13 At least two papers written around this time have been identified. In 1890, Sun wrote to Cheng Tsao-ju, a scholar of Sun's native county Hsiang-shan and a prominent and progressive official who had served as Chinese Minister to the United States between 1881 and 1885. The letter was later published in a newspaper in Macao.14 Meanwhile, Sun also made acquaintance with Cheng Kuan-ying, although it is not clear how closely he was associated with Cheng. Regional ties, common appreciation of knowledge of the West, and concern for the renovation of China must have helped Sun to look to Cheng. Sun wrote a paper on agricultural reforms, which, after some revision by Cheng, was incorporated in the 1894 edition of Cheng's Sheng-shih wei-yen. On the way to the north in 1894, Sun stopped in Shanghai to discuss his proposal with Cheng, through whom he also met Wang T'ao. It was through their introduction that Sun was able to meet one of Li's secretaries. The letter to Cheng Tsao-ju and the paper on agricultural reforms are relatively less well-known pieces of Sun's writings. But the ideas expressed in both, though less detailed, are similar to ideas in the letter in 1894. The superiority of Western science and technology, benefits of modern education, full use of human talents and the need for modernization of agriculture are the major themes.15", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 173\n\neconomic development essential for the strengthening of the nation. The essay was rewritten in Chinese by Hu Li-huan and published in the Hua-tzu jih-pao on May 11, 1887. In this essay, however, Hu emphasized that the well-being of the people was essential to the wealth and power of the nation.\n\nIn addition to knowledge of such writings, Sun's political awareness was further stimulated by his personal observation of the efficiency of the British administration, the law and order which provided basic conditions for economic development and prosperity, the civic freedoms which the citizen enjoyed, and the nature of the open society. These, compared with the corrupt and ineffective administration which he saw at his native village, reinforced Sun's determination to work for change. While he exchanged revolutionary ideas with his close associates, he had also with him the hope of rendering change from above as a possible way of saving China. In his address to Li, the main concern was for the prosperity of the nation and well-being of the people. He did not discuss politics or government administration. This was understandable, as Li was then a high official, and any critical comment on or proposal for change in the existing government would arouse his dissatisfaction which then would defeat the purpose of Sun's presentation.\n\nIn the opening remarks of the letter, Sun claimed that the sources of foreign wealth and power did not altogether lie in solid ships and effective guns. Foreign superiority, as he explained, was built up by the application of science and industrial growth. Four measures were prescribed as essential means of bringing wealth to the nation and well-being to the people. They were full utilization of the nation's talents, better use of land and natural resources, and complete free-flow of goods. These four proposals can be compared with the major areas of reform put forward by Cheng Kuan-ying in the Sheng-shih wei-yen, and they show Cheng's influence on Sun. But in the details of his proposal, it is clear that while some of his ideas were affected by contemporary reformist notions, he was nonetheless influenced by his personal experience and observations in Hong Kong. In emphasizing the full utilization of natural resources, he was echoing the notions that industrial development could only be brought about by the adoption of Western technology. He mentioned in particular chemical products, electricity, hydro-electric power, the telegraph, mining, and textile. His remarks on the ill effects of superstition among the people reflected perhaps his iconoclasm which he twice", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209286, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 175\n\ncollege. He therefore laid emphasis on the proper training of talents along Western lines and the full utilization of these talents as essential means of bringing progress to the nation. He advocated education opportunities for all, establishment of different types of schools for people of different potentials, award of academic titles and honours to people with achievement in different subjects of learning, setting up societies of learning, and publishing journals to promote advanced knowledge in various fields. These were, as Sun explained, important reasons which accounted for great advance of new knowledge in the West. He stated, \"The system of recruitment in the West was to some extent similar to what was intended in the ancient times of T’ang and Yu; people with training in different fields were selected and assigned to relevant posts of state affairs, so that those learned in the arts were given appointments in the civil service, those from military academies would be in the army service, agricultural colleges in the agricultural department, technical colleges in engineering and commerce in the trading departments ...\".\n\nSuch information and ideas must have been derived from his personal observation in Hong Kong. The principle of universal education was introduced in Britain by the Education Act of 1870. The award of academic degrees, the establishment of academic societies sponsored by high officials and patronized by the monarch were features of the British system. Since Sun could not, by nature of this presentation, speak critically of the Ch'ing government and its institutions, his emphasis on the selection and appointment of officials from specialists in relevant fields was in effect a proposal for change in the administrative system. Therefore the full utilization of human talent was the first of the four measures which he considered essential for the modernization of China. Human talents were not only to be properly trained but also to be properly used.\n\nArguing for the full utilization of the land, Sun's special concern was the modernization and improvement of agriculture. He emphasized the need for the appointment of officials with such knowledge to be in charge, provision of modern education for such knowledge and also the use of modern Western techniques. Sun's interest in agricultural improvement, which was later to be further demonstrated by his proposal in 1895 for the formation of an agricultural learning society, seems to have little connection with his urban educational background. It was nonetheless in line with his primary concern for the welfare of the people, as peasants then made up the overwhelming majority of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209287, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "176\n\nNG LUN NGAIHA\n\nthe Chinese population. This was to make Sun different from Ho Kai and other intellectual or bourgeois reformists whose interest in economic reform was centred more on industry and commerce. He maintained that improving agricultural productivity was the most urgent and important reform in China. He found it deeply regrettable that in the recent westernization movement undertaken by the Government, agricultural affairs had been neglected as no one was sent abroad or into agricultural college to learn Western techniques. It was perhaps for these reasons that he offered to serve the state, to promote agricultural reforms. He did not claim to have specialized training in this field. But \"for many generations my family had been engaged in farming, and I was able to gain some experience in it\", and \"when I was educated abroad, I often read books concerning Western farming methods, geology and other science subjects\". He admitted that practical knowledge was essential and he was ready to go abroad to study sericulture and other Western agricultural methods.\n\nDr. Sun Yat-sen's years in Hong Kong being an essential part of his formative age, had a significant influence on his intellectual development. He mentioned more than once in his recollections that his revolutionary ideas germinated in Hong Kong, and in his few early essays that can be found, it is evident that he also shared some reform notions of the time. Much of this thinking then, as expressed in his presentation to Li Hung-chang in 1894, was also nurtured by his experience and observations in Hong Kong.\n\nNOTES\n\n1\n\nAccording to Wang Teh-chao, this was published in the September and October (1894) issues of the Wan-kuo kung-pao. It was then republished in issue No. 19 of Yu-shih. See Wang Teh-chao, “Tungmeng hui shih chi Sun Chung-shan hsien-sheng k'o-ming szu-hsiang ti fen-hsi yen-chiu”, Chung-kuo hsien-tai shih ts'ung-k'an, vol. 1 (Taipei, 1960), p. 66, note 3.\n\n2 ibid. note 4.\n\n3\n\nFeng Tzu-yu, “K'o-ming i-shih” (Taipei reprint, 1957), and K'ai-kuo chien k'o-ming shih (Taipei reprint, 1954); Ch'en Shao-pei, Hsing-Chung hui k'o-ming shih-yao (Canton, 1934). See also Chou Hung-jan, \"Kuo-fu 'shang Li Hung-chang shu' chih shih-tai pei-ching”, Ta-lu tsa-chih 23.5, pp. 157–161.\n\n4 The pamphlet, Kidnapped in London, was published in England in 1897. In this, Sun recalled that a Ch'ing official in the Chinese legation said to him, \"You have previously sent in a petition for reform to the Tsung-li yamen in Peking asking that it be presented to the Emperor.\" See Kuo-fu ch'uan-chi vol. 5 (Taipei, 1973), p. 16.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209288, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 191, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG ORIGINS OF DR. SUN YAT-SEN'S ADDRESS TO LI HUNG-CHANG 177\n\nTranslation from op. cit., vol. 3, p. 1.\n\n# The school was set up in 1870 and was originally named the Diocesan School and Orphanage for Boys and known in its short form as the Diocesan Home. The orphanage was closed in 1896, but the school has continued as the Diocesan Boys' School. Its early history is given in W.T. Featherstone, The Diocesan Boys' School and Orphanage, Hong Kong, 1869 to 1919 (Hong Kong, 1930).* The Central School was set up by the Hong Kong Government in 1862 as a result of a proposal from the famous sinologue James Legge. It was the first government school put directly under the supervision of a government officer recruited from Britain. The school was meant to be a model school for the promotion of teaching of English and Western learning. For its history, see Gevenneth Stokes, Queen's College, 1862–1962 (Hong Kong, 1962).\n\n7\n\nThe article was written in 1937, when the early school register was still in the possession of Queen's College. The Yellow Dragon, vol. 37, p. 94.\n\nIt is still not clear when Sun entered the college. It is generally known that Sun was transferred to Hong Kong in early 1887, but the college was not opened until October of the same year. It is possible that Sun had been transferred to work at the Alice Memorial Hospital as a student before the college was officially opened. For Sun's student life in the college, see Lo Hsiang-lin, Kuo-fu chih ta-hsüeh shih-tai (Chungking, 1945).\n\n10 A brief survey of the significant role of the Central School in this respect is given in Ng Lun Ngai-ha, “Role of Hong Kong Educated Chinese in the Shaping of Modern China”, paper presented to the 8th IAHA Conference, 1980.\n\n11\n\n“For more information on these and other early Hong Kong newspapers, see Ng Lun Ngai-ha, “A Survey of Source Materials in Hong Kong Related to Late Ch'ing China”, Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i, 4, (December 1979), 145–146, appendix A.\n\n12 The China coast newspapers are valuable sources for the study of modern Chinese history. For a brief survey of these materials, see Frank H. H. King and P. Clarke (eds.), A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911 (Camb. Mass., 1965).\n\n13 It was said that Sun might have contributed articles to the local newspapers and also to the Wan-kuo kung-pao, of which Cheng Kuan-ying was a patron. See Sun Chung-shan nien-p'u (Peking, 1980), p. 24 and Lo Hsiang-lin, \"Kuo-fu yü Ho Chi chüeh-shih ti kuan-hsi\", Kuo-fu ti kao-ming kuang-ta (Taipei, 1965), p. 129.\n\n14 The Hao T'ou yueh-k'an 14 and 15 (1947), a magazine published by a secondary school in Chung-shan county, noted that it was first published in the Macao Daily in 1892. Its full text can now be found in Sun Chung-shan Shih Jiao chuan chi (Kuang tung wen shih tzu-liao, Canton, 1891), pp. 271–273.\n\n16 For a brief comparative study of the two letters, see Huang-yen, “Chi-shao Sun Chung-shan 'chih Cheng Tsao-ju shu'”, Li-shih yen-chiu (1980:6), pp. 184–189.\n\n10 For a short description of Ho's life and career in Hong Kong, see Wu Hsing-lin, The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, 1936), II, pp. 1–2. Ho's contributions to the reform movements in China have been studied in a number of works. The more recent ones are Chiu Ling-yeong, The Life and Thought of Sir Kai Ho Kai (unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Sydney, 1968) and Tsai Jung-fang, “Comprador Ideologists in Modern China: Ho Kai and Hu", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209322, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "211\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nMEMBERSHIP LIST\n\n(As at 31st December, 1982)\n\nPatron\n\nH.E. Sir Murray Maclehose, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O.,\n\nHONORARY MEMBERS\n\nThe Aide-de-Camp, Government House LAM, Mr. Yung-fai LAWRY, Mr. R.E.\n\nMACLEHOSE, Sir Murray, G.B.E., K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O.\n\nO'HARA, Mrs. Margaret,\n\nTOPLEY, Dr. Marjorie,\n\nLOCAL LIFE MEMBERS\n\nALLEYNE, Mrs. E.L. BOARD, Mr. D.B.M.\n\nBONSALL, Mr. G.W. BUTT, Dr. N.S.G. CALCINA, Mr. P.G. CHAMBERS, Mr. J.W. CHAN, Mr. Alfred T. CHENG, Mr. Tuck CHIU, Dr. Ling Yeong, CHOA, Dr. Gerald H. CHUN, Miss Oy-ling COMBER, Mr. Leon\n\nCRAMER, Mr. B.L.C.\n\nCRONE, Dr. D.L.\n\nDJOU, Mr. G.G.\n\nDUNCAN, Mrs. Josephine\n\nEMERSON, Mr. Geoffrey C.\n\nEVANS, Mr. Paul J.\n\nEVANS, Mrs. P.J.\n\nFABER, Mrs. Audrey\n\nFAULKNER, Mr. Raymond J.\n\nFOK, Miss Nora\n\nFREMANTLE, Mr. Adam\n\nFRY, Mr. R.A.\n\nFUNG, Mrs. Beatrice,\n\nGAFF, Mrs. Jennifer A.\n\nGORDON, The Hon. Sir S.S.\n\nGREEN, Mrs. Judith\n\nHASE, Dr. Patrick H.\n\nHAYES, Dr. James W. HAYIM, Mr. E.J.\n\nHO, Mr. Tick-on\n\nHONEY, Dr. N.R.\n\nHOPKINSON, Mrs. I.\n\nHOWARD, Mr. William James HOWNAM-MEEK, Mrs. R.S. HOYNINGEN-HUENE,\n\nBaron Ture von\n\nHU, Dr. Shih Chang HUI, Miss Wai Haan HUNG, Mr. Chiu-sing IU, Miss Sheila\n\nKINOSHITA, Mr. James H. KVAN, Rev. Erik\n\nLAI, Mr. T.C\n\nLAU, Dr. Michael Wai-Mai\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. B.M.I. LEE, Mr. J.S. LEE, Dr. R.C.\n\nLETHBRIDGE, Mr. H.J. LEUNG, Mr. Pak-Kui\n\nLI, Mr. David K.P.\n\nFUNG, Sir Kenneth Ping-Fan, O.B.E., J.P. LISOWSKI, Prof. F.P.\n\nLISOWSKI, Mrs. W.Y.\n\nGILKES, Mr. David GORDON, Mr. K.H.A.\n\nLIU, Mr. D.H.\n\nLO, Mr. T.S.\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209460, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "95\n\n\"Kaifongs were self-appointed district leaders, people who showed interest in district activities.\n\n40 Marsh to Derby, 6th October, 1884, Despatch No. 340: CO129/217.\n\n\"Marsh to Derby, 11th October, 1884, Despatch No. 342: CO129/217. A police report enclosed in this despatch describes 1,000 women leaving on one ship on the 10th October alone.\n\n42 Daily Press, 9th October, 1884, China Mail, 8th October, 1884. Police Inspector D. Thomson's \"Morning Report\" enclosed in Marsh to Derby, 11th October, 1884, Despatch No. 342: CO129/217,\n\n48 \"Report on Ordinance No. 22 of 1884,\" enclosed in Marsh to Derby, 11th October, 1884, Despatch No. 342: CO129/217.\n\n\"Marsh to Derby, 11th October, 1884, Despatch No. 342: CO129/217.\n\n**Daily Press, 11th October, 1884. Ho Kai (Ho Ch'i) is another colourful personality in Hong Kong's history. His biography has been written by Gerald Choa, The Life and Times of Sir Kai Ho Kai (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1981) and his intellectual biography by Dr. Chiu Ling-yeong, \"The Life and Thought of Sir Kai Ho Kai\" (Ph.D. thesis, University of Sydney, 1968) and Ts'ai Jung-fang, \"Compradore Ideologists in Modern China: Ho Kai (Ho Ch'i) (1859-1914) and Hu Li-yüan (1847-1916)\" (Ph.D. thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, 1975) and \"Syncretism in the Reformist Thought of Ho Kai and Hu Li-yüan”, Asian Profile, Vol. 6, No. 1 (1978).\n\n40 Bowen to Derby, 1st November, 1884, Despatch No. 358: CO129/217. Daily Press, 1st November, 1884. Shu-pao, 10th November, 1884.\n\n**Chang Chih-tung to Tsungli Yamen, 4th October, 1884, telegram in Chang Chih-tung, Chang Wen-hsiang kung ch'üan-chi (The Complete Collection of Chang Chih-tung's Works), 228 chuan, 6 vols. (Photographic reprint, Taipei, 1963) chuan 73:6b-7a.\n\nChang Chih-tung to Tsungli Yamen, 9th October, 1884, telegram in Chang Chih-tung, chuan 73:7a-7b.\n\n\"Governor-General Chang to H.M. Acting Consul Hance, 12th October, 1884, enclosed in Marsh to Derby, 20th October, 1884, Despatch No. 350: CO129/217.\n\n50 Chang Chih-tung to Tsungli Yamen, 9th October, 1884, Chang Chih-tung, chuan 73:7b.\n\n1 Daily Press, 1st October, 1884.\n\n* China Mail, 23rd September, 1884.\n\n63 Bowen to Derby, 25th August, 1884, Despatch No. 298: CO129/217. Marsh to Derby, 25th September, 1884, Despatch No. 336: ibid. China Mail, 2nd October, 1884.\n\n4 Marsh to Derby, 21st September, 1883, Despatch No. 240: CO129/211.\n\n65 (Draft) F.O. to C.O., 7th November, 1884: CO129/219.\n\n5 House of Commons to C.O., 27th October, 1884: CO129/218. 67 Bowen to Derby, 23rd February, 1885 in Stanley Lane-Poole, (ed.), Thirty Years of Colonial Government. Selections from the Despatches and Letters of the Right Honourable Sir George Ferguson Bowen G.C.M.G. 2 volumes (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1887) Vol. 2, 350.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209728, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 385, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "Page 363\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nMEMBERSHIP LIST AS AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1982*\n\nPATRON:\n\nH.E. SIR EDWARD YOUDE, G.C.M.G., M.B.E., GOVERNOR OF HONG KONG.\n\nHONORARY MEMBERS\n\nTHE AIDE-DE-CAMP LAM, Mr. Y. F.\n\nLAWRY, Mr. R.E.\n\nMACLEHOSE, Baron\n\nO'HARA, Mrs. M.\n\nTOPLEY, Dr. M.\n\nYOUDE, Sir Edward\n\nALLEYNE, Mrs. E.L.\n\nBOARD, Mr. D.B.M.\n\nBONSALL, Mr. G.W.\n\nBUTT, Dr. N.S.G.\n\nLOCAL LIFE MEMBERS\n\nCALCINA, Mr. P.G.\n\nCHAMBERS, Mr. J.W.\n\nCHAN, Mr. A.T.\n\nCHENG, Mr. T.C.\n\nCHIU, Dr. L.Y.\n\nCHOA, Dr. G.H.\n\nCHUN, Miss O.L.\n\nCOMBER, Mr. L.\n\nCRAMER, Mr. B.L.C.\n\nCRONE, Dr. D.L.\n\nDJOU, Mr. G.G.\n\nDUNCAN, Mrs. J.\n\nEMERSON, Mr. G.C.\n\nEVANS, Mr. P.J.\n\nEVANS, Mrs. P.J.\n\nFAULKNER, Mr. R.J.\n\nFOK, Miss N.\n\nFREMANTLE, Mr. A.\n\nFRY, Mr. R.A.\n\nFUNG, Mrs. L.\n\nFUNG, Sir Kenneth P.F.\n\nGAFF, Mrs. J.A.\n\nGILKES, Mr. D.\n\nGORDON, The Hon. Sir S.S.\n\nGREEN, Mrs. J.\n\nHASE, Dr. P.H.\n\nHAYES, Dr. J.W.\n\nHAYIM, Mr. E.J.\n\nHO, Mr. T.\n\nHONEY, Dr. N.R.\n\nHOPKINSON, Mrs. I.\n\nHOTUNG, Mr. J.E.\n\nHOWARD, Mr. W.J.\n\nHOWNAM-MEEK, Mr. R.S.\n\nHOYNINGEN-HUENE, Baron T. von\n\nHU, Dr. S.H.\n\nHUI, Miss W.H.\n\nHUNG, Mr. C.S.\n\nIU, Miss S.\n\nKINOSHITA, Mr. J.H.\n\nKVAN, Rev. E.\n\nLAI, Mr. T.Y.\n\nLAU, Mr. M.W.M.\n\nLAWRENCE, Mrs. B.M.L.\n\nLEE, Mr. J.S.\n\nLEE, Dr. R.C.\n\nLEE, Mrs. S.J.\n\nLETHBRIDGE, Mr. H.J.\n\nLEUNG, Mr. P.K.\n\nLI, Mr. D.K.P.\n\nLIU, Mr. D.H.\n\nLO, Mr. T.S.\n\nLOSEBY, Miss P.\n\nLUK, Mr. G.P.C.\n\nLUM, Miss A.\n\nMACKENZIE, Mr. J.\n\nMACKEOWN, Dr. P.K.\n\nMARDEN, Mrs. J.L.\n\nMcCRARY, Mr. M.\n\nMCKEIRNAN, Rev. M.\n\nMCINTYRE, Mr. W.M.\n\nNORONHA, Mr. J.E.\n\nOGDEN, Mr. B.J.N.\n\nOU, Miss G.\n\nPAIN, Mr. J.H.\n\nPICCUS, Mr. R.P.\n\nRAE, Mr. J.A.\n\nRAWLINSON, Mr. M.C.\n\nRAYNER, Mrs. C.M.\n\nRIDE, Lady May\n\nRUST, Mr. H.A.\n\nRYDINGS, Mr. H.A.\n\nSEED, Mr. B.\n\n*Honours and Decorations of Members are not noted in this list.\n\nPage 363", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209843, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "80 \n\nwords of Chinese origin are almost always anglicized in pronunciation. There may be doubt concerning how the word should be pronounced, but rarely is the Chinese pronunciation retained. For example, take the word cheongsam. The affricate /ts/ is replaced by the English /ch/ and the rounded vowel similar to that in the English \"bird\", but with lip-rounding, is replaced by a vowel identical to that in the English 'long'. Similarly in fung shui the Cantonese diphthong /oey/ (similar to that in the French 'lui') is substituted by the /u/ + /i/ sequence as in the English 'ruin'. On the graphological level, there is no question of the loans being written in Chinese characters. The letters of English alphabet may however occur in rather unfamiliar combinations, as in the case of e-o-n-g occurring in cheongsam, and u-e-y in chopsuey.\n\nAnother requirement for full assimilation is related to the grammatical status of the word. Grammatically, it is assigned to a word class, or may have multiple-class membership. It behaves like other members of the class, so that if it is a countable noun it is inflected for number, and if it is a verb, it can take a past tense ending, and so on. Thus typhoon is inflected for number and kowtow for person and tense. It obeys the syntactical rules of the language in combining with other words to form grammatical sentences. For example, the headline 'Running water for lamas' occurs in The South China Morning Post, (7/82) also in the same paper, someone is described as 'mingling with the rich tai tais'. The word is not restricted in occurrence to limited contexts, but may be found to combine freely with other words to form bigger constructions, so that one can speak of Bruce Li as a 'kung fu superstar' The South China Morning Post (26/4/82), while in Noble House the writer mentions ‘a flood of amah Cantonese' (p. 1017). Cheongsam, in its past participle form, functions as an adjective in ‘cheongsamed girl', as used by Richard Hughes (p. 98) and James Clavell (N.H., p. 9). Derivational affixes may be added, as when ‘ism' or ‘ist' is added to the loans tao, lama, Mao, giving taoist, taoism, lamaism, Maoist and so on. It does not matter that Confucius originally derives from a surname plus a title; now that it has been established in the English language, one can derive Confucian and Confucianism from it. Again, it is of no significance that the model for Shanghai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209850, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "Chinese \n\n87 \n\nLoan Word \n\nKumquat, \n\ncomquat \n\nCharacters \n\nKung fu \n\n功夫 \n\nKuomingtang 國民黨 \n\nKuoyu \n\n國語 \n\nKwan-yin \n\n觀音 \n\nkylin \n\n麒麟 \n\nLama \n\n喇嘛 \n\n*laisee \n\n利是 \n\nDEP \n\n** \n\n*Lap sap \n\n垃圾 \n\n*Lap sap chung \n\n垃圾蟲 \n\nLi \n\n里 \n\nWW D \n\n里/座 \n\nLoquat \n\n枇杷 \n\nLychee \n\n荔枝 \n\nMafoo \n\n馬夫 \n\nMahjong, \n\n麻將 \n\n249 2011 \n\nmah-jong (g) \n\nManchu \n\n滿洲 \n\nMao \n\n毛 \n\n*Maotai \n\n茅台 \n\nNankeen \n\n南京棉 \n\nOolong \n\n烏龍茶 \n\nMeaning \n\nThe small round orange fruit of such a tree, with a sweet rind, used in preserves and confections. \n\nA Chinese martial art combining principles of karate and judo. \n\nThe main political party of the Republic of China, founded chiefly by Sun Yat-sen in 1911 and led since 1925 by Chiang Kai-shek; the dominant party in mainland China until 1948. \n\nThe name given to the Chinese \"national tongue\", form of Mandarin adopted for official use. \n\nOne of the Chinese female Bodhisattvas, noted for her kindness. \n\nA fabulous animal of composite form, figured on Chinese and Japanese pottery. \n\nA Buddhist priest of Mongolia or Tibet. The red packets containing money meant to bring luck given on birthdays and festivals, especially at Chinese New Year. \n\nRubbish, \n\nLiterally 'rubbish worm', meaning a litter-bug. \n\nA Chinese measure of distance 27-4/5 li = 10 miles. or a Chinese weight, one-thousandth part of liang. \n\nA small evergreen tree of the rose family, native to China and Japan; the small yellow, edible plum-like fruit of this tree. \n\nThe fruit of the nephelium litchi. \n\nA Chinese stable boy or groom. \n\nAn old Chinese game, played usually by four persons with 136 or 144 \"tiles\". \n\n(One) of the native Mongolian race of Manchuria which formed the ruling class in China from 1644 to 1912. \n\nAdjective from Mao Tse-tung. \n\nStrong Chinese alcoholic drink, \n\nKind of cotton cloth originally made of naturally yellow cotton. \n\nA dark variety of cured tea.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209889, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "126\n\nmatters only. It was not a kaifong that looked after the general affairs of the area. This duty seems to have been performed in the early period by a committee of merchant and trade guild elite figures drawn from a wider area. This body sat in the Man Mo Temple in nearby Hollywood Road, and a special kung sor (kung so) or 'public affairs office' was built for its meetings in the first year of the T'ung Chih reign (1862-1863). This is the date of the inscription above the door of the building, which is still in existence. This Kaifong was later (from 1871) effectively subsumed in the Tung Wah Hospital Committee.”1\n\nThe Earth God Shrine at Li Po Lung Path, Kennedy Town\n\nThere was another, lesser Fuk Tak Kung shrine in an adjoining, equally old urban area at Li Po Lung Path, Kennedy Town. When I made enquiries in 1974, no one could tell the whole history of the shrine or in which year it was established.\n\nAccording to an old kaifong Mr. Chow Kwok-kwan, one of the former managers of the shrine, who was 90 years old in 1974, the shrine was already located on the slope behind 14 Li Po Lung Path when he first came to live in the district in 1914. At that time the shrine was only a wooden hut measuring about 12' x 5' with a height of about 8'. He was told by some elderly kaifongs that the shrine had been there for more than twenty years, which may link its origins to the great plague of 1894, as with the altar at Sheung Fung Lane. At first the shrine only housed the Sam Shing Kung, the deities representing Heaven, Earth and Man, the three Powers of Nature; another deity was added to the shrine: the Fuk Tak Kung or earth god (To Tei) who is responsible for the peace and prosperity of the district. Finally, an image of Kwun Yam, Buddhist Goddess of Mercy, was also placed there. In view of its shabby state, Mr. Chow himself reconstructed the temple as a brick structure of more or less the same size about the year 1940.\n\nLater\n\nIn June 1966 it was destroyed by torrential rain, but up to 1974, when I made my enquiries, none of the interested parties had come forward with a reconstruction or resiting project.\n\nSince 1940, it had been the regular practice for the residents of Kennedy Town to celebrate at the shrine annually, usually on...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209890, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "127\n\nthe 18th to 20th days of the 1st moon, the birthday of the earth god. To celebrate the occasion, a Committee of twelve members was formed. One of these was the Chairman (Chung Li), one the Vice-chairman (Hip Li) and the rest were ordinary Committee members (Chik Li). All the Committee members were chosen from among those interested in taking up the post by casting divining blocks before the gods on the altar, as at Ap Lei Chau; thus, as we have seen, in a different way from the nearer Sheung Fung and Tai Ping Shan shrines. The Committee was also responsible for subsidizing the function in case there was a deficit.\n\nThe annual celebrations took place, not at the shrine, but in Hau Wo Street, a few hundred yards away. A temporary metal structure of about 12' X 8' was erected for the purpose of staging a puppet show. Sacrifice was offered and joss papers and candles were burnt. To conclude the ceremony, there was a distribution of gifts, mainly rice and other foodstuffs, to the poor of the district.\n\nAccording to Mr. Chow, local residents were generally very interested in this event. They believed that by celebrating the festival they would be more fortunate and prosperous throughout the whole year.\"4\n\nThe Earth God Shrines at Nam On Fong and Sai Wan Ho, Shau Kei Wan\n\nI turn now to other shrines of this kind at Shau Kei Wan, in the eastern part of Hong Kong Island. Shau Kei Wan has a good harbour and was a fishing port and boat people's anchorage long before 1841. Its land population was given as 1,200 persons in the first Hong Kong census of May 1841. By 1860 it was listed as having 2,561 land dwellers and 4,338 boat people. In the mid 1860s it was said to have had 307 houses and shops, and 603 boats. In the 1871 census it had 2,360 land inhabitants. At the 1911 census the land population had risen to 11,727 and the number of persons on boats was given as 6,440.5\n\nThese figures include not only the town section of Shau Kei Wan, long known as Tung Tai Kai (東大街) or Great East Street, but a number of villages, and stone quarries with their attached", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209955, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "192\n\nN° of Column\n\n27.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\nOmens\n\nbelow the black, offer it along with wine and dried\n\nmeat (?) and it will be auspicious.\n\nIf sounds are heard on a chen day it bodes ill; parents will die. Offer a peach tree branch 6 inches 8 mu long. Write.\n\n+\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Cheng Te-K'un, Archaeology in China, Heffer, Cambridge, vol. II (1960) p. 90. For the ning ceremony see the same volume p. 55. For further dismembering ceremonies see note 11.\n\n2\n\n* In Song times canine teeth, bile and penises were thought to possess medicinal properties. See D. Bodde Festivals in Classical China, Princeton University Press (1975) p. 321,\n\n\"For an entertaining if not always accurate account of the discovery of the Dunhuang manuscripts, see Peter Hopkirk Foreign Devils on the Silk Road, John Murray, London (1980). The manuscripts discovered by Aurel Stein are in the British Library, those discovered by Paul Pelliot in the Bibliothèque Nationale. Manuscript numbers preceded by \"P\", refer to manuscripts in the Pelliot collection.\n\n+\n\nDuring the Song, the same offence carried the death penalty. Two cases of scholars found guilty of possessing astronomical works are on record; the life of the first man was spared because the book in his possession was incomplete but the second man was executed. See Li Tao * Xu zizhi tongjian chang bian * j.123, pp.1a, b and\n\n續資治通鑑長編 j.14, p.10b.\n\n* P. 3608, chapters 9 to 14. This manuscript contains characters introduced in 689 which, while remaining in official use only until the end of Empress Wu's reign, continued to be used elsewhere until well into the 9th century. See D. Twitchett Printing and Publishing in Medieval China, Frederic C.Beil, New York 1983, p. 88 note 2.\n\nThe most inauspicious themes associated with dogs are: the mating of dogs with pigs, thought by Jing Fang to indicate moral laxity in the nation's women (quoted by the Shou Shenji (juan 6) from the Yichuan); dogs growing horns, the birth of deformed dogs and dogs which suddenly begin to speak or sing. In this connection a tale from the lost part of the Shuyi ji by Ren Fang # preserved in the Gu Xiaoshuo Gouchen tells of a dog which suddenly began to sing and wittily announced the demise of two brothers. Although the animal was beheaded and its head buried by the side of a road the evil inherent in this supernatural phenomenon could not be averted and the brothers did indeed die. See Wei Jin Nanbei Chao Zhiguai Xiao Shuo Yanjiu 魏晉南北朝志怪小說研究 by Wang Guoliang, Wenshi Xue Shubanshi, Taipei (no date), p. 148.\n\n* E.A. Schafer \"The Auspices of Tang\" in The Journal of the American Oriental Society, vol. 83, No. 2, p. 210.\n\n* E.S. Schafer, op.cit, p. 202 “Our knowledge of popular omens lore is limited to a few random notes made by inquisitive scholars\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "116\n\nD.L. MICHALK\n\nAnnexation and subjugation of Hainan\n\nAlthough some ancient sources refer vaguely to the existence of Hainan, it was the act of annexation of the island in 111 BC during the reign of Wu Ti, the Han Emperor, that marks the start of Hainan's recorded history (Schafer, 1969). Of the condition of Hainan when invaded by the Han armies, little is known, except that the island was in the possession of unorganized aborigines called Li, who today number 700,000 and rank as the largest minority group in the island's 5.6 million people. The Chinese invaders had no conception of the size of the island, and for more than seven hundred years of occupation, Hainan was depicted on maps as little more than a wavering coastal strip with occasional southward bulges.\n\nThe lack of thorough exploration was due first to a pre-occupation with exploitation of the island's northern pearl beds, rumours of which initially lured the Chinese to this “treasure island” (Schafer, 1969), and second to the strength of the Li people in the hinterland which confined the Han invaders to the coastline. Two administrative areas were established by the Han government to subjugate the \"savage Li\" and thereby hopefully sap the untouched treasures from the island's interior: drugs, incenses, precious metals, pearls, tortoise shell, ivory and coloured, scented cabinet timbers (Mayers, 1872), all luxury goods prized by the Chinese Court.\n\nThe southern and larger half, including those wild and inaccessible areas which were the principal centres of the Li population, was called the Prefecture of Tan-erh (literally Drooping Ear), a name used to describe the Li whose ornament-weighted ear-lobes hung down to their shoulders (Savina, 1929) as photographed by Clark (1938). The northern and smaller division of the island was known as Chu-yai, signifying the Shore of Pearls after the lustrous gems produced in the mussel beds adjacent to the Straits of Qiongzhou.\n\nPearl gathering became an important industry as the demand for personal adornment increased at Court, and the Hainan pearls were particularly prized for their lustre. Rapid colonization followed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210785, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "119\n\nTo suppress these frequent insurrections, enormous expenditure was required to maintain the garrisons of the walled cities and to import, when necessary, troop reinforcements. The three major uprisings in 1501, 1541 and 1550, for example, required more than ten thousand troops apiece and hundreds of thousands of taels to restore order (Henry, 1886). This significant drain on treasury coffers caused Hai Jui,1 the great native statesman of Hainan, to present his “Crossroads proposal\" to the Ming Government. He suggested that by building two roads (one extending north-south, the other east-west) to intersect in the centre of the Li strongholds, the whole island could be brought under immediate control and at the same time trade with the interior could be enhanced. Unfortunately, in spite of Hai Jui's reputation as a source of sound advice, the plan was not taken seriously, with the result that the interior of Hainan remained a terra incognita until the early part of this century. As late as 1882, when B.C. Henry, the missionary-botanist, penetrated the interior of Hainan, the only road of note was that between Nan Fung and Ka Lit, a distance of about 100 km. Goods such as hides, rattan and fragrant wood, bartered from the Li in the mountains were transported by ox-cart over this rough track to Ka Lit and thence to Hai Kou by boat along the Nan Du River. Travel along this road without a strong escort was foolhardy as bandits constantly patrolled the road preying on unprotected travellers. It was not until after Liberation in 1952 that a road was built through the mountainous centre of the island (Fairfax-Cholmeley, 1963).\n\nWhile local rebellion undoubtedly disrupted trade, it was the burden of taxes and piracy which choked commerce in Hainan. The effect of taxes imposed by the powerful Chinese administrators is well illustrated in the salt-industry. Like most coastal towns elsewhere in China, salt extraction from the sea became a thriving industry in Hainan's coastal cities. However, it was not long before salt-makers were compelled to turn over most of their produce in taxes to corrupt local officials who hoarded it and then forbade producers, under threat of heavy penalty, to sell it elsewhere. This monopolistic practice resulted in the collapse of the industry, though doubtless it enriched the few officials who traded their spoils with the Li for the prized incense timbers of the interior (Schafer, 1969).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210805, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "139\n\nNOTES\n\n'The son of a minor official of K'iungshan, Hai Jui left Hainan at an early age and after passing the superior examination in Beijing, rose rapidly to high office. Although severed at an early age from immediate connection with his native Hainan, Hai Jui continued to bear its interests actively at Court. He died in 1587 (Mayers, 1872).\n\n2\n\nDisappointed by his failure to receive promotion to the Board of Rites in Peking, Wang Hung-hui resigned his office as emissary in 1599 and returned with his family to Hainan. Before leaving, however, he gave the Jesuit, Father Matteo Ricci, letters of introduction to his Peking colleagues (Dunn, 1962).\n\nKnown as Lingnan Agricultural College, the College of Agriculture at Canton Christian College was an indigenous undertaking, and unlike contemporary colleges in Nanking and Peking, it was fostered and developed by the Cantonese and was not directly under western control. Today, Lingnan Agricultural College survives as part of South China Agricultural University in Guangzhou.\n\nWang Guo-xing became the first governor of the Li-Miao Autonomous region which was formed in 1952 (Lee, 1964).\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAnon., (1982a) “Hainan Island Mining and Mineral Survey Mission\", Australian Government Printing Service, Canberra.\n\nAnon., (1982b) \"Hainan Region National Economic Statistical Material — 1981\" Hainan Region Bureau of Statistics, August, 1982, p322.\n\nThe Bulletin (1983) “China's Island Economic Zone\", May 10, 1983 p124.\n\nChin, Mien-min (1962) “Hainan Island under the Chinese Communist Rule,\" Communist China, 2: 231-251.\n\nChina Daily (1981) “Ownership of land will not be altered\", November 4, 1981, published by Xinhua news agency.\n\nChina Daily (1981) “Hainan Island: a place worth investment”, December 4, 1981, published by Xinhua News Agency.\n\nChina Daily (1983) “Special measures for Hainan Island”, June 6, 1983, published by Xinhua News Agency.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210868, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 219, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "202\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nHOW A-CHICK CLIMBED TO THE TOP IN SHANGHAI\n\nAfter his return to China, Tong A-chick, or Tong Mow-chee as he began to call himself, in some sense rode on the coat-tails of his younger and more prominent brother, King-sing.\n\nIn 1862, Mow-chee was employing his language skills as head linguist at the Shanghai Imperial Customs Office. King-sing had preceded him there but had left to seek better prospects.\n\nAt this time their father died and Mow-chee retired for the usual mourning period. Assessing his future prospect in Chinese Government service as not good, he did not return to his job after the mourning period ended.\n\nThe position he had held was a good one, but did not offer many opportunities for advancement, as higher offices in the Chinese Government were generally open only to those who held an official degree. Though he took steps to remedy this by purchasing a degree, he felt prospects in the customs were not bright. Later, when he had more wealth, he purchased the degree that entitled him to wear the peacock feather, and finally the button of the second rank on his hat.\n\nTong King-sing had become compradore at Shanghai to Jardine, Matheson and Company in 1863. In 1870, after leaving Hongkong, Tong Mow-chee through his brother's influence took charge of the Chinese business of Jardine's shipping office at Tientsin.\n\nIn 1872, King-sing was recruited by Viceroy Li Hung-chang to manage the newly created China Merchants' Steam Navigation Company. Though backed by private capital, it was under the control of the Chinese Government. The compradoreship of Jardines at Shanghai thus became vacant. It was natural that Tong Mow-chee should come down from Tientsin to take his brother's place.\n\nIn 1877 Tong King-sing was commissioned to develop the Kaiping coalfields for the Chinese Government. Mow-chee assisted...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210893, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "227\n\nThe whole matter was one that was not really for public discussion and the chairman suggested it be dealt with by the Standing Committee of the chamber. After some discussion this mode of dealing with the matter was approved.\n\nHo A-mei may have been a little bold in speaking up at his first meeting of the Chamber of Commerce, but he was not one to shrink from expressing his opinions. His outspokenness received the approval of the press, which in its comments on the emigration resolution said: \"It was a novelty that it was put forward, not without ability, fluency and clearness by a Chinaman. The fact is reassuring, as an indication of the interest in public events which is being developed amongst the Chinese.\"\n\nHo A-mei, as \"a Chinaman,\" was to speak out about public questions on many other occasions.\n\nHO DABBLES IN THE REALTY BUSINESS\n\nHo A-mei's link with the distant past of Hongkong was a housing scheme he was promoting in 1895. The scheme was financed by the wealthy Li Sing family of Hongkong. They had purchased through a Hongkong-based company, Fuk Tin, the remaining rights of the Tang clan in the area between Laichikok and Shamshuipo. There are also references to the Fung Fuk and Tin Fuk firms in connection with the deal.\n\nThe Tang's claim to the land extended back many centuries, most likely to the Sung dynasty, when members of the family first came into the region. There is well-substantiated evidence that the family once owned Hongkong Island, British Kowloon, much of New Kowloon, Tsing Yi Island and a substantial part of the New Territories.\n\nThe original grant had been broken up through the centuries. It was divided among various branches of the clan, portions had been sold outright to others, certain tracts had been perpetually leased with the Tangs retaining their right to annual payments.\n\nThe Tang family received no compensation for their claim for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210897, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 248, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "231\n\nHowever, after it had been drafted and tentatively accepted by the representatives of both China and Great Britain, the British Home Government raised objections to the opium clause and wished to have it modified before the formal ratification of the agreement.\n\nSome of the difficulty had been caused because the British negotiators had not consulted British interests in India regarding the opium clause. Reference to India was important as the sale of opium was considered essential to the British Indian economy. If the export was curtailed or stopped, drastic readjustments, both in agriculture and in finance, would have had to be made.\n\nThe demand to adopt these hard measures, however, was increasingly heard by the British Government. It came under criticism both at home and abroad about its opium policy.\n\nIn 1881, the Viceroy of Chihli, Li Hung-chang, sent an unofficial representative to India to discuss the problem with the authorities there. He proposed that China buy up all the opium on the understanding that there would be a gradual reduction in its production over the years.\n\nThe plan would have also meant severe financial readjustments for China, as the taxes it derived from opium imports were a significant part of its revenue.\n\nViceroy Li presented a memorial to the Chinese emperor for the approval of the creation of an opium monopoly by the Chinese Government. In the memorial he presented the several advantages of the plan. He argued that it would enable the Chinese Government to levy whatever tax it wished on opium without any interference from foreign powers. With China controlling all opium imports, it could then begin a programme to control the production of opium within China.\n\nThe view of one newspaper editor was that the plan, if put into effect, would be a \"test of their (the Chinese) sincerity of the position they have taken since opium was first introduced to China; viz, that it is a poisonous and dangerous drug, seriously detrimental...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210898, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "232\n\nCARL SMITH\n\ntal to their people, and it will thus be in their power to cut off the supply altogether by a pecuniary sacrifice, far less than that voluntarily taken by England in the emancipation of slaves in the West Indies.\n\nA number of historians have regarded Li Hung-chang's attitude towards the opium problem as ambiguous. However that may be, he took a strong stand in a letter he addressed to the Anglo-Oriental Society for the Suppression of the Opium Trade.\n\nHis statement was couched in a high moral tone.\n\n\"Opium is a subject of discussion of which England and China can never meet on common ground. China views the whole question from a moral standpoint; England from a fiscal. England would sustain a source of revenue in India, while China contends for the lives and prosperity of its people. The ruling motive of China is to repress opium by heavy taxation everywhere, whereas with England the manifest object is to make opium cheaper, and thus increase and stimulate the demand in China.”\n\nLi recognised that the crux of the issue was the importance of opium for the revenue of India, and thus indirectly of Britain. He contended that China did not tax opium because of the revenue it produced, but “the present import duty on opium was established, not from choice, but because China submitted to the adverse decision of arms. The war must be considered as China's standing protest against legalising such a revenue.\n\nA Shanghai paper did not believe the letter was composed by Viceroy Li. It stated: \"It bears the impression of foreign --- we had almost written missionary penmanship throughout.” It was perhaps the product of one of the Viceroy's advisers trained in a missionary school, such as Wu T’ing-fang (Ng Choy) or Chan Lai-sun. Whoever wrote it, it went out under Li's name and must have represented his opinions.\n\nThe letter became the subject of a question in Parliament to the Secretary of State for India as to whether the Indian Government was taking any steps to review Britain's position on the opium", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210899, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 250, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "233\n\nquestion.\n\nThe reply was properly evasive and noncommittal.\n\nIn 1881 when Ma Kei-chung, Li's representative to India, passed through Hongkong, he was most anxious to confer with Governor Hennessy. According to local notices, the Governor played hard to get, though it was rumoured that they had discussed the formation of a syndicate which would buy opium in India, bring it to Hongkong and from there distribute it throughout China.\n\nIt is here that Ho A-mei enters the story. According to Eitel's history of Hongkong, Europe in China, A-mei was to arrange for the $20 million proposed as capital for the new syndicate. Just which capitalists would back the project was not stated. Undoubtedly a number of wealthy Chinese in Hongkong were interested.\n\nNot long after Ma's stopover in Hongkong, Sir John Pope Hennessy, Governor of Hongkong, made a trip of a “private” nature to Peking. A John Pitman went to Peking at about the same time. He was a financial adventurer who became involved in several big schemes backed by Chinese capital. In one of these, the bid for the Wei Sing gambling monopoly at Macau, Ho A-mei had been associated with Pitman. Pitman was an intimate friend of Sir John Hennessy and it is possible that the Governor was presenting a scheme in Peking in which his friend had an interest.\n\nIn January 1882, a report was circulated that Li Hung-chang had done a turnabout and appealed to the Emperor not to establish an opium syndicate.\n\nFast upon this news came the rumour that the Tsung-li Yamen (the Chinese Foreign Affairs Bureau) was so pleased with Ma Kei-chung's negotiations, after his return from India, with Sir Thomas Wade, the British Minister, that it was going to recommend him for the post of superintendent of the syndicate should it be established in Hongkong. The authenticity of the report was put in doubt by the comment that a British Minister had never previously negotiated with anyone under the rank of a Viceroy, a position", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210916, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 267, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "250\n\nCARL SMITH\n\ntions between the Government and the Chinese. He believed Chinese views on matters affecting public welfare should be known and taken into consideration in decisions made by the Government and its officials. He was a strong advocate of equal treatment of all groups within the Colony and was opposed to class legislation. These policies were not welcomed by a large part of Hongkong's expatriate population. When Ng Choy was named to the Legislative Council there were murmurs of displeasure.\n\nThe choice, however, was a happy one.\n\nNg Choy, a barrister educated in England, was a diplomat by nature. During the period he represented the Chinese on the council, he steered successfully the treacherous course of cooperation with Governor Hennessy's \"pro-Chinese policy\" and cross currents of opposition it aroused among the European colonials. All of his good sense, ability to relate to people, integrity of character and humour were needed, and these did not fail him.\n\nIn 1882 he resigned to join the staff of Viceroy Li Hung-chang at Tientsin as a legal adviser. It was not easy to find someone who would fill the seat so capably. Ho A-mei, never backward, was willing and eager to compete for the high prize. His competitors were only a handful. Prominently mentioned were Dr. Ho Kai, Wei Yuk, Leung On and Wong Shing. Ho A-mei aspired to join their ranks.\n\nWho were these men and what were their qualifications?\n\nWei Yuk had been educated in Scotland and was compradore of the Chartered Bank, having succeeded his father in that position.\n\nGovernor Hennessy had made him a Justice of the Peace in one of his bids to tie the Chinese more closely to the Government. The editor of the Hong Kong Telegraph described Wei Yuk as \"a gentleman of great intelligence besides his wealth and position, exercising vast influence in all local matters appertaining to the Chinese.\" He served on the Legislative Council from 1896 to 1914 and became known after receiving a knighthood as Sir Wei Po-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210935, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 285, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "268\n\nChau Li-ping's house, held on one, and possibly, two floors. Again, I did not ask the number of tables, but the place was packed. I saw no sign of entertainment in the restaurant but there was a large stage on the western waterfront. There was a capacity crowd there, and it was very difficult to squeeze through to another performance further on. The loud-speakers were good, and very loud, and the performance was a traditional Cantonese opera in high-quality costume. The show had cost the organizers $1,600 for two days. Further along, the Chung Hing Street (#26) association's stage was much duller by comparison, though traditional. The stage costumes and loud-speaker system were of poorer quality but I understood that this two-day show had cost only a little less, at $1,400.\n\nWe then visited the Chiu Chow Association ($45ƒ€) in its new (1969) premises. The place was packed, and we were on the third and top floor where there is an altar with spaces for memorial tablets. We ate again, and an auction of lanterns and other items was in progress during the forty or more minutes that we spent there. There was apparently no entertainment or stage performance, but the Wai Chiu Association (€), which is allied with this much newer association, was giving a Cantonese opera performance at the recreation ground at the Pak Tai temple. An outside altar had been set up for the Pak Tai god, at which kau pao2 were being handed in and donations registered.\n\nBesides the Chung Hing Street festivities, some of the other street associations were also celebrating the day. The Pak She Street (ii) and San Hing Street (#) Associations' premises were gaily decorated and lit up, and an altar and kau pao were seen in the San Hing Street premises. I did not have time to look closely into the Pak She office.\n\nThe Tai San Street (#) people have no premises and had no stage performances, but they had erected their usual lo tang pang (M) to which the small carrying image (17) of Hung Shing (#) from the nearby temple had been brought. This matshed is of particular interest. Inside is a red and white scroll with couplet dated Hsien Feng Z year (1859-1960) written by Cheung Yuk-tong (3FF) who, as we know from other inscrip-\n\nPage 285\n\nPage 286", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211045, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 106, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "81\n\nwas copied by a craftsman in Guangzhou from a scroll painting supplied by the temple for use as a model. The scroll painting once hung in a reception hall of the main temple. We viewed and photographed this painting (which is not on public display). The inscription on the painting is Chisong Daxian (Red Pine Fairy). The painting is evidently one painter's version of the ancient figure of the Red Pine Fairy, and is similar to another, older picture of this figure.26 The painting does not explicitly refer to Huang Daxian. However, the appearance of the figure, who is holding a handful of herbs that he has collected, and the two deer at his feet, are consistent with a portrayal of Huang Yeren.\n\nTo summarize: Huang Yeren has been known in the Luofu area, and probably worshipped, since at least the early Song period. There was once a separate shrine to Yeren, and when the temple was rebuilt after being destroyed in the early 1800's, Yeren was moved into the same room as Ge Hong. Now, there is a separate room for Huang \"Daxian\" at the Luofu Chongxu Guan. However, he is now no longer identified as Yeren, but merely as the Red Pine Huang Daxian. We believe that this has something to do with the belief that Huang Yeren is the same figure as the Hong Kong Huang Daxian—or that the differences are unimportant.” However, the biographies of the two Huangs are clearly irreconcilable. Neither Huang Yeren nor the partly overlapping figure of Huang Li bears any resemblance to Huang Chuping. Further, there are no literary traditions that Huang Chuping went anywhere near Luofu, or anywhere other than Jinhua Mountain in Zhejiang province, and we have found no trace of any previous worship of Huang Chuping at Luofu.28 Hence, it is surprising that anyone should want to confuse the two figures. Why has this confusion of the two Huangs occurred? We now turn to the interviews and sources in which Huang Yeren and Huang Chuping have been confused or merged.\n\nIdentifications of the Hong Kong Huang Daxian with Huang Yeren of Mt. Luofu\n\nIn 1985, the first author interviewed Taoists and others in Guangzhou and in Xiqiao, and found that where they had any opinion about the origin of the Hong Kong Huang Daxian, they", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211082, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "118\n\nhad to bestow, made Ho A-mei a possible candidate for the Legislative Council.\n\nNg Choy, who had recently resigned, was the first Chinese member of the Council. He had been appointed by Governor John Pope Hennessy in 1878. His nomination had been part of what the English language press liked to call “Hennessy's pro-Chinese policy.\" Governor Hennessy's object was to establish closer relations between the Government and the Chinese. He believed Chinese views on matters affecting public welfare should be known and taken into consideration in decisions made by the Government and its officials. He was a strong advocate of equal treatment of all groups within the Colony and was opposed to class legislation. These policies were not welcomed by a large part of Hong Kong's expatriate population. When Ng Choy was named to the Legislative Council there were murmurs of displeasure.\n\nThe choice, however, was a happy one.\n\nNg Choy, a barrister educated in England, was a diplomat by nature. During the period he represented the Chinese on the Council, he steered successfully the treacherous course of co-operation with Governor Hennessy's \"pro-Chinese policy\" and cross currents of opposition it aroused among the European colonials. All of his good sense, ability to relate to people, integrity of character and humour were needed, and these did not fail him.\n\nIn 1882 he resigned to join the staff of Viceroy Li Hung-chang at Tientsin as a legal adviser. It was not easy to find someone who would fill the seat so capably. Ho A-mei, never backward, was willing and eager to compete for the high prize. His competitors were only a handful. Prominently mentioned were Dr. Ho Kai, Wei Yuk, Leung On and Wong Shing. Ho A-mei aspired to join their ranks.\n\nWho were these men and what were their qualifications?\n\nWei Yuk had been educated in Scotland and was compradore of the Chartered Bank, having succeeded his father in that position.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211382, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "74\n\nTang family had the right of building shops there, and a stone with an inscription to that effect, was put up in the temple of T'in Hau Kung(g) which can still be seen in old Tai Po market.\n\nWhen the Man family lost their case a wealthy friend called a big meeting of the elders of the seven districts round about Taai Haang (林村), Fan Ling(K), Lam Ts'un(#1), Yip Woh(), Sheung Wan(), Ting Kok(TM) and Cheung Shue Tan(). At his suggestion, and financed by him, they built a new market where the present market now stands. It was called Taai Woh Shei (utmost friendship market)(★Fifi) and was officially opened on the twenty-third day of the 6th month of the twentieth year of Kwong Sui, A.D. 1894. All the trade at once went to the new market and the old one gradually fell into disuse and can now be seen as a very poor and derelict village.\n\nNote. 1. The district of Sun On was formed in the sixth year of Lung Hing() A.D. 1572 of Ming dynasty. Fourteen years later the **History of Sun On District** was written by Yau Tai Kin the district magistrate. It was revised for the first time in the eighth year of Sung Ching(), but this edition was not published until eight years later when a third magistrate Chau Hei Yiu(2) added slightly to it. A second edition was published in the eleventh year of Hong Hei(E) A.D. 1672 of Ts'ing dynasty, a third appeared sixteen years later, and the present edition was published in A.D. 1819.\n\nNote. 2. The second character(W) is read yeuk in Cantonese but in the New Territories dialect it is read as Kwat.\n\n#\n\nNote. 3. Lam Fung is \"Limahong\" (= Lim a hong, not Li ma hong) whose name is already mentioned in the history of the Philippine Islands. It is also translated as in some Japanese books, and Limahong or Lin Ah Hong in some of the European books.\n\n=\n\nLam Fung\n\nLimahong was a native of Raoping district(ATM) In the 10th month of the 2nd year of Lung Hing(), A.D. 1568 of Ming dynasty, he took sixty-two battleships with 2,000 sea-soldiers, 1,500 women, and a large store of food and ammunition to attack the Philippines. He was defeated and his fleet dispersed by the soldiers of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211404, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "96\n\nmoved from Fukien to Heong Shan county in Kwangtung during the Sung dynasty (960—1279). About a hundred years later, his great, great, great, great grandson, Heen Bow, who was a student at the county school, founded the village of Cha In and established the West Branch (145 or 945) of the clan. Since he was born during the latter part of the Yuan dynasty (1279-1368) and died during the Ming dynasty (1368-1644) at the age of 56, Cha In village was settled about the mid-1300s. An ancestral temple was built to honour him as the 'First Ancestor' and to pray for the glory and prosperity of his descendants.\n\nA great, great, great, great, great grandson of Joong Goong, named Jun Hung, branched out to Poo San #1, as did another great, great, great, great, great grandson, named Bow Sung.\n\nThe son of Heen Bow, named Kwong Joong, had two wives, the first of whom died before the marriage was consummated. The second wife bore him three sons. The eldest, Li Jung, branched out to start the East Branch 東堡 or 東房,\n\nThe second son of Kwong Joong, named Li Jen, entered the emperor's service when he was only 15 and his feats of courage surpassed others. At the age of 19, while on a mission for the emperor at King Jow Prefecture, he met his death at sea. This service to his country brought glory to the clan. A temple was built in his honour and a statue of him was placed there for sacrifices to him. During the reign of Hong He of the Ming dynasty, an official named Iu Goong was commissioned to find out all about Li Jen's background for a report back to his superiors. Iu Goong visited the temple and was so impressed by what he heard that the Emperor bestowed Li Jen posthumously with many honours for his distinguished service, naming him to a government post in Taiwan and Adjutant to the Viceroy of Fukien, and noted that although Li Jen was dead, it seemed as if he were still alive. Iu Goong also presented to the temple a tablet of honour and a stone lion to enhance its appearance and to serve as an inspiration to others 'to serve the emperor with loyalty and devotion, to bear the lance and follow the emperor to battle, to win glory, to extend benevolence, to protect the race, and to respond whenever the need arose.'\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211405, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "97\n\nA note on our genealogy\n\nThe genealogy of our family began with Heen Bow, because he was the one to form the West House (4) of Cha In village. He was, therefore, considered the first generation, although Joong Goong was the first to settle there. The route taken was the one usually taken by others fleeing southward from Fukien to Kwangtung. Nan-hsiung Prefecture is located in the northern part of Kwangtung. My father told me that Tung-kun was also one of the stop-over places and that the Cha In natives speak a subdialect derived from Amoy where their forefathers had passed through.\n\nCha In village consists of three branches of the clan Poo Shan, East House, and West House. My father, of the West House, often distinguished the relationship of a clansman as one from Poo Shan, or the East House, or the West House. There was an annual rivalry between the East and West to be the first to worship and beseech blessings at the grave site of the First Ancestor during the Ching Ming Festival. Family traditions had alleged that Li Jung, the founder of the East House, had been conceived before his parents were married, but I am not sure myself of the facts here.\n\nThe performance of bravery by Li Jen was the one event in the village of national importance that was a source of great pride to the clan.\n\nThe word 'Goong' is a title of respect.\n\nThe following sequence of characters indicated the generation to which one belongs: Sai, Duk, Jok, Kau, Wing, Ngin, Pui, Ki, Mung. The appropriate character is incorporated in the name taken at marriage, and this name is framed and hung in the main room of the home. From this name, one would know how to address and pay respect to a fellow-villager. For example, a Wing generation would address a Kau generation as 'Uncle'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211631, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "21\n\nto be regarded as such by mankind and to be revered only as the representation of that power. However, over the centuries, he has developed into a god in his own right, depicted as a gilded image of an emperor sitting on a throne, and is accepted by the masses as the ruler of the Heavenly bureaucracy.\n\nIn T'aishan in Shantung province it was claimed that the Jade Emperor in mortal life had been merely a learned doctor of medicine who had lived during the 12th century AD at the Sung court in Kaifeng. He attended the emperor Hui Tsung during a serious illness and saved his life with a miraculous cure. He was known as Chang Yu-huang, but, on his death, he, like many a hermit, was deified by imperial decree.\n\nBritish representatives met the imperial representative, Li Hung-chang in 1876 in the temple (Yuh Huang T'ing) dedicated to the Jade Emperor to the west of Yent'ai (Cheefoo) in Shantung province to arrange the Chefoo Convention. Another incident involving the British in North China and connected with the Jade Emperor concerned Sir Meyrick Hewlett of the China Consular Service at the turn of the century during the clearing up after the siege of the British Embassy during the Boxer Rebellion. He found in the house of Sir Ernest Satow, HM Ambassador in Peking, a tablet with a background of sky-blue, framed in rich gold and inscribed with the four characters in gold — 'Huang T'ien Shang Ti'. Prince Ch'ing identified it as an item from the Temple of Heaven which had been missing for more than a year. When Sir Ernest asked how to restore it to its rightful place, the Prince begged the Ambassador not to send it round to his palace as should it be placed in the entrance he could neither leave nor enter his home without kowtowing twenty-seven times before it. Another more enlightened official helped out by bearing it off at dead of night in a Peking cart to the vaults of a European bank where it awaited a favourable day for restoring it to the Temple of Heaven. Some thirty-five years later, Sir Meyrick, paying his farewell visit to Peking, visited the Temple of Heaven and asked the attendants whether he could see the tablet, kept with the other tablets sacred to the emperors of the Ch'ing dynasty in a small temple opposite the Altar of Heaven. They replied that this was quite impossible, since even in post-imperial Kuomintang days no-one was allowed to see it. Sir Meyrick related the story of its recovery, upon which the attendants agreed to show him the tablet together with the tablets to the 28 Major Constellations, to Thunder and Lightning, and to the other forces of nature, but said that the tablets to the emperors were all lost after their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211979, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 394, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "deui-lyun dim-dang Wif ding-hau T`LI\n\nDongguan 東莞 dong-ji\n\nDung Ping Guk 東本局 faan\n\nFa-Gung Fa-Mou (EAEN\n\nfa-paai TEMP\n\nFau-Ng ởH\n\nFong 兒\n\nfong\n\nfong-jeung\n\nFu Qing (47\n\nfu 伏\n\nFu-Hip\n\ngwan-ma 郡馬\n\nGwok-Yin\n\nGwong-Yu\n\nK\n\nGwong-Yu Tong Gwun-Yam #E\n\nGyun 銷\n\nHa Tsuen 厦村\n\nHa Che 下崟\n\nhaang 坑\n\nha-fu F\n\nHak-Sa\n\nha-yan FA\n\nHei-Ye 起野\n\nheui-lok\n\nHeung\n\nheung\n\nFui-Sing !!\n\nFung Yuk-Daan MƒU!!\n\nGaai-Yut\n\ngaam-sang\n\nGai-Jau #\n\nheung-on\n\nHo fil\n\nhoi-dang EH hou 號\n\nHung-Fan Taam\n\ngam-taap\n\nGam-Tin\n\nGaozong h\n\nGau Ga Chyun **†\n\nhung-jeuk FL\n\nHung-Ji 孔子\n\nHung-Ji 洪贄\n\nHung-Sing #\n\nHung-Yi 洪儀\n\ngeui-yan\n\ngit-jing #7\n\nGit-Sau\n\ngu l\n\nGuangdong MAC\n\nGuangzong 光宗\n\nguk 榖\n\ngung-chou Y\n\ngung-sang\n\nGwaan-Dai BNR\n\nGwai-Ting\n\ngwai-waan\n\n(?)\n\nGwai-Wong\n\nE\n\ngwan 棍\n\nGwan-Haak 7K\n\nGwan-Leung R\n\njaap-fo 雜貨\n\nJai Baak-Fu Jan 鈞 Jan-Ting Jau M Jau-Man B jau-tung 州同 Jeung Hoi Jeung 張\n\nJeung-Luk A\n\njeun-si 進士\n\nJiangxi 江西\n\nJi-Ga Tong #18 2 Jik-Gin\n\njiu BE\n\nPage 369", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212002, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 417, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "392\n\nin the Tang Dynasty were found in Chung Hom Wan, Sha Wan 沙灣 and Aplichau 鴨脷洲\n\n+\n\n5\n\nHong Kong Island in the Ming Dynasty\n\nIn the Ming Dynasty, because of the production of incense wood in the area, the economic condition of the people became better. More people came to live on the island. During the Wan Li Reign, there were at least seven villages, namely: Hong Kong, Tit Hang 鐵坑, Chung Hom 春坎, Chik Chu 赤柱, Tai Tam 大潭, Shau Kei Wan, and Wong Nei Chung. The north coast was still sparsely populated.\n\nAt the end of the Ming Dynasty, the island was frequently attacked by pirates. Though naval vessels from the Nam Tau Chai to Long Pak Kau patrolled along the coast from Tai Pang 混白滘, piracy was still very active.\n\nHong Kong Island in the early Ch'ing Dynasty\n\nDuring the early Ch'ing Dynasty, the Coastal Evacuation was carried out. People on the island fled inland. The villages were abandoned.\n\nIn the 8th year of the K'ang Hsi Reign (1669), the Edict of the Coastal Evacuation was revoked. People returned from inland and rebuilt their villages. In the early years of the Yung Cheng Reign, the seven villages, i.e. Hong Kong, Tit Hang, Chung Hom, Chik Chu, Tai Tam, Shau Kei Wan and Wong Nei Chung, were rebuilt. Because of the danger of piracy, the government built forts and set up military posts along the coast. Nam Tau and Tai Pang were the two main military bases near Hong Kong Island. However, no military post was established on the island at that time.\n\nIn the years of the Chia Ching Reign, two villages, Pok Fu Lam and Soo Kon Poo, were newly established. The Hung Heung Lo Naval post, which was under the control of the Tai Pang Battalion, was established too.\n\nHong Kong at the beginning of its Colonization\n\n12\n\nIn the 20th year of the Tao Kuang Reign (1840), the Opium War between the British and the Ch'ing government broke out and the Ch'ing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 420, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "395\n\n\"Tai Hai Shan, which lies in the sea of Tung Kwun, consists of thirty-six chui. People depend on fishing and salt panning\". However, Chapter 1 of Tai Ming Yi Tung Ming Shing Chi, which was published in the Ming Dynasty, records, Tai Hai Shan, which lies in the sea to the south of Tung Kwun, is surrounded by thirty-six chui. Its territory has a circumference of about three hundred li. From these, we know that, in olden days, Tai Hai Shan was a name representing thirty-six chui. A \"chui\" is a word which may mean 'island' or 'native village'. Also, we know that it was a large territory with a circumference of about three hundred li. However, today, we treat Tai Yu Shan as only one large island.\n\nThe island was dwelt in by primitive settlers from very early days. Previously, archaeological finds of stone and bronze tools at Man Kok Tsui on the east coast and at Shek Pik on the south are plentiful. These give significance to primitive native dwellings on the island.\n\nAt the end of the East Tsin 東晉, Sun Yun 孫恩 and Lo Tsun 盧循 revolted in the lower course of the Yangtze-kiang and in Fukien Province. In 408, Lau Yu of the East Tsin suppressed the revolt successfully. Lo Tsun's followers scattered and lived on Tai Yu Shan afterwards. They were known as Lo Yu 盧餘.\n\nIn the Sung Dynasty, Tai Yu Shan was famous for salt panning. During the North Sung, the salt panning on the island was under the administration of the Hai Nam Ch'eung (Chaak). About 1160, the island and its surroundings were under the control of the aborigines with Chu Yau as their leader. Later, when Chu Yau and his men surrendered, the robust men and youths were dragooned to serve in the Sung navy, the old and the infirm were spared. In 1197, Sung officials captured salt smugglers on Tai Yu Shan. The natives under Man Tang rose in open revolt. The governor of Kwangchow Fu sent troops to the island. The revolt was quickly suppressed and all the houses in the villages were razed to the ground. Afterwards, a permanent garrison of three hundred strong was stationed there to control future uprisings. During the Yuan Dynasty, hundreds of people from other lands came to the island and set up their homes there. They lived on farming and fishing.\n\nDuring the Ming Dynasty, the coastal area of Kwangtung Province\n\nPage 420\n\nPage 421", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212008, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 423, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "398\n\n16\n\nSee Chapter 32 of the Yuet Tai Kei\n\n1\n\nWan Li edition.\n\n17 See the Map of the East Coast of the Kwangtung Province in the Ching Cho Hoi Keung To Shuet. The book was prepared in the Reign of Yung Cheng (1723-1736).\n\n18 See Chapter 10 of the San On Yuen Chi. 1819 edition.\n\n19\n\n20\n\n+\n\nSee Chapter 125 of the Kwangtung Tung Chi, 1822 edition.\n\nSee my article \"More about the Tung Lung Fort\", Vol. 22, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1982.\n\n21 See my article \"Distribution of Forts and Guard Stations on Lantau Island during the Late Ching Period\", Vol. 18, Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1978.\n\n22 See Chapter 3 of the San On Yuen Chi. 1688 edition.\n\n23\n\nSee Chapter 2 of the San On Yuen Chi, 1819 edition.\n\nTUNG LO WAN 銅鑼灣\n\nTung Lo Wan, the small bay which lies on the north coast of Hong Kong Island, got its name because it has the shape of a bronze gong. Before the 1840s, there were only a few Tanka boat people living in these small bays and anchorages. They fished in the local waters and lived in some proximity to the land people of the two nearest local villages of So Kon Po 掃管莆 and Wong Nai Chung 黃泥涌,\n\nBefore 1840, the area was known as Hung Heung Lo Shan. Legend said that in olden days, there was a red incense burner floating on to the shore which landed at the site of the Tin Hau Temple (Tin Hau Temple Road). Thus the hill was known as Hung Heung Lo Shan; and in 1810, a guard station (shuen) was posted there,\n\n+\n\nIn the early 1840s, the land around Tung Lo Wan was known as Tang Lung Chau, which means Lantern Isle. It stretched from Tai Hang 大坑, through Causeway Bay 銅鑼灣 to Kellett Island 奇力島. The incense burners placed in front of the Tin Hau Temple of Causeway Bay and the couplets inscribed by the window of the Lotus Palace of Tai Hang are evidence to this old name. The Tang Lung Chau Market in the area is important evidence, too. However, the origins of the name Tang Lung Chau are unknown.\n\nIn 1871, the Causeway Bay Police Station at Causeway Bay was built, and in 1884, 23 acres of land were reclaimed at Causeway Bay. With the construction of the causeway joining Kellett Island and the shore of\n\n!\n\n------", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "73\n\nelements in the term 'Syrian brilliant teaching\". The expression ‘brilliant teaching' for Christianity occurs three times in the text of the Book of the Secret Peace and Joy, but there is no reference to Ta-ch'in.\n\nWe must conclude that, by the tenth century, the Nestorian monks at Tun-huang no longer used Adam's formula Ta-ch'in ching-chiao as punctiliously as they once had, although both Ta-ch'in and ching-chiao are found separately, and that a tendency to render proper names by transliteration from the Syriac had replaced the earlier policy of finding appropriate Chinese terms for them. Other examples of this tendency can be found in the titles of some of the thirty-five books listed in the Book of Praise: The Gospels (Syriac: evangelion) are the A-wan-chü-li-yung ching; the Epistles of St. Paul (Syriac: shlicha, the Book of the Apostle) the Shih-li-hui ching; the Book of Hosannas the Wu-sha-na ching; and the Book of the Cross (Syriac: tsuliba) the Tz'u-li-po ching. Although these are the titles, according to the Book of Praise, of books translated by Adam, it is difficult to believe that he would ever have allowed them to be given such meaningless names in Chinese. We have seen how much care he took in the Sian tablet inscription to make himself clear, and suitable Chinese titles could easily have been found for these books. But book titles, as we have already seen in the case of other Tun-huang manuscripts, are obvious targets for updating in the light of changing taste, and these Syriac-influenced titles were probably given to Adam's books by the Tun-huang monks in the tenth century. They lived on the fringes of China and were not writing for discerning scholars in the capital, as Adam was. They preserved the memory of their past glories under the leadership of men like Reuben and Adam, but a definite change of style had taken place since the confident days when the Sian tablet was erected. They were conscious that an era had passed.\n\n1\n\nNOTES\n\nHong Kong has a fine collection of bronze crosses from the Ongut region, worn by Nestorian Christians during the Yüan period, in the Fung Ping Shan museum of Hong Kong University. See F. S. Drake's article \"Nestorian Crosses and Nestorians in China under the Mongols\", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 2, 1962, pp. 11-25.\n\nHis Chinese name, given in the Sian tablet inscription, was A-lo-pen. It is suggested in Volume 3 of the Cambridge History of China that A-lo-pen is a transliteration of Reuben, and this seems to me as good a guess as any.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "209\n\n7\n\nThe texts translated by Legge were given the special subtitle, The Sacred Books of China: The Texts of Confucianism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1879-1891). They included six volumes (numbers 3, 16, 27-28, 39-40) in The Sacred Books Of The East Series under the general editing of F. Max Müller: Part I. The Shu King (the Book of Documents), The Religious Portion of the Shih King (The Book of Odes), and the Hsiao King (the Classic of Filial Piety) (XW) (1879); Part II. The Yi King (the Book of Changes) (58) (1882); Part III. The Li Ki (the Book of Rites), (禮記) I-X (1885); Part IV. The Li Ki, XI-XLVI (1885); Part V. The Tao Teh King (道德經) and the Writings of Kwang-Tze (莊子) (the Taoist Classics by Laozi and Zhuangzi), I-XVII (1891); Part VI. The Writings of Kwang-Tze, XVIII-XXXII, and the Thai-Shang Tractate of Actions and Their Retributions, (太上感應篇) with Appendices, I-VIII (1891). One of Legge's more important addresses in this field was to the Oriental Congress which met in Lyons and Florence during September, 1878. It was entitled, \"On the Present State of Chinese Studies and What is Wanted to Complete the Analysis of the Chinese Written Characters\" (September 16, 1878). Legge was Chairman of the Congress.\n\nAfter his Inaugural Address at Oxford, Legge quickly sought to attract students and any interested public by presenting very practical discussions of Chinese language. On November 7, 1876, he presented \"The Nature and History of the Chinese Written Character\". In 1878 another public lecture dealt with \"Principles of Composition in Chinese, or Grammar without Inflections\". By January, 1877, he was able to attract enough students to begin a course entitled \"Elements of Chinese and the Confucian Analects\". By the school year of 1881-1882, Legge was presenting classes on The Four Books, Laozi's (Zhuangzi) Daode Jing (道德經), and Chinese Poetry. See Oxford University Gazette, 1876-1877, pp. 64, 191; 1878-1879, p. 93; 1881-1883, pp. 200-201. The text he used for the grammar course in his early years at Oxford was Stanislas Julien's Syntaxe Nouvelle de la Langue Chinoise (ibid, 1877-1878, p. 193).\n\n* Besides the major Taoist volumes in The Sacred Books of the East, Legge also presented independent public addresses on Laozi and Zhuangzi (莊子) at Oxford's Taylorian Institute. The high regard Legge had for Zhuangzi can be seen in the typescript of the address, still available in the Bodleian. See Oxford University Gazette, 1889-1890, p. 92.\n\nLegge's response to Buddhism was very much influenced by the polemical attitudes of the Tang dynasty scholar, Han Yu, and other criticisms of Buddhism he read in Chinese tractates written by notable missionary scholars. He employed Han Yu's memorial against Buddhism as part of class readings beginning in 1883, added other texts to this in the late eighties and early nineties, and spoke publicly on \"The Purgatories of Buddhism and Taoism!\" in 1893. See Oxford University Gazette, 1882-1883, p. 558; 1884-1885, p. 339; 1892-1893, pp. 226, 491. His most important text and article relating to Buddhism are A Record of Buddhist Kingdoms, Being an Account by the Chinese Monk Fa-Hien of His Travels in India and Ceylon (AD 389-414) In Search of the Buddhist Books of Discipline (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1886), and “A Fair and Dispassionate Discussion of the Three Doctrines Accepted in China', by Liu Mi, A Buddhist Scholar”, (London; n.d., presented to the Orientalist Congress 188?, pp. 563-580). The original source of publication for the article is not clear.\n\n† Besides the Buddhist texts mentioned above in §9, Legge also published Christianity In China: Nestorianism, Roman Catholicism, Protestantism. On the flyleaf is the following title: Christianity in China; A Rendering of the Nestorian Tablet at Si-an-fu to Commemorate Christianity. London: Trübner & Co, 1888.\n\nCf Lindsay Ride's \"Biographical Note\", in The Chinese Classics with a Translation, Critical and Exegetical Notes, Prolegomena, and Copious Indexes (Taipei: Southern Materials Center, Inc, 1985), p. 22. At the age of 26 he had been awarded a Doctorate of Divinity by New York University (1842).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212343, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 285, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "262\n\npublic feeling. By his order he has misappropriated public land, and allowed one clan to take it by force and occupy it. A narrow place through which tens of thousands of the people must pass, and one clan has been allowed to grab it and keep hold of it! This is a case of officials and bullies in collusion. Who can trust them?\n\nMoreover, this is an enlightened age. Fung Shui cannot be allowed to impede communications. There are innumerable precedents. Anyway, if the Fung Shui is examined, that village is a good three li away, and the bridge is low down while the village is high up. Where is the problem? Why do we hear of fields and rice being flooded? This is clearly a case of a hidden plot to preserve private income. They are merely hatching a hundred schemes to destroy this bridge. Today the Cheung clan is trying in every way to destroy the bridge-work at Kim Hau. They consider that the ferry should remain as it now is.\n\nWhat they lose today in bribing the officials they can skin the ferry passengers for tomorrow.\n\nMagistrate Yau is a scandalous official uninterested in the public. How can we expect him to investigate this properly? It is useless to accuse an official he can rely on the other officials. It is like sending a lamb into a tiger's mouth.\n\nWe the gentry and others have collected money to build a bridge. We cannot make any profit by this. Why should what we are doing offend those prominent officials and that powerful clan? Why should it cause a lawsuit?\n\nWe have merely planned the construction of this bridge, and the work on it has already been overthrown three times. If the bridge-work were to be overthrown yet again, then not only would there never be a future renaissance for the communications of the people of all the surrounding districts, but also, the people having been oppressed and ground down for ages, so, what the bad consequences\n\nPage 285\n\nPage 286", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212497, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "31\n\nLo was suspected to have cheated an amount of 20,000 taels as bad debt from the Bank See Group Archives of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, Comprador Files Law Pak Sheung\n\n|| Ibid. Lo Hok Pang was said to be involved in certain bankruptcy cases See Comprador Files Lo Hok Pang\n\n12\n\nFor an important article that explores the studies on early Chinese in Hong Kong, see Carl T Smith (1993), Hong Kong Chinese Wills 1850-1890\n\n13 See HKRS#144-98. Cheang Hoong (December 1856), 245 Wong Kong (August 1867), 254 Kwong A Hang (January 1872), 268 Ng A Cheong (October 1870), 349 Law Pak Sheung (February 1877), 368 Wei A Kwong (October 1866), 457 Law Sai Nam (December 1881), 470 Lau Cheong (June 1880), 661 Au Yeung Shing (December 1886); 733, Wong Shi Lai (June 1888), 734 Sung Chin Tseung (January 1888), 1161 Tong Mow Chee (December 1894), and 1465 Choa Chec Bec (June 1890)\n\nHKRS#134-144; Soong Ke (December 1864)\n\n15 See Zheng Guanying. Da Guangzhou shangwu zonghu yi bingting zhuamban zhangcheng ershisi tiao (To draft the twenty-four opening ordinances of the General Chamber of Commerce of Canton), in Xia Dongyuan (1988a), pp 593-6\n\n16 HKRS#144-273 O Kee Cheong (October 1872)\n\nHKRS#144-1504: Leung Kiu (April 1887)\n\n18 HKRS#144-394 La Hing (January 1879)\n\n19 See Carl T Smith (1993), p 11, 15-6\n\n20 For Western merchants who came with their Cantonese compradors to Shanghai, see Hao (1970), pp 51-3\n\n21 According to Leung Yuen-sang's study, Wu Jianzhang came to power because of the rise of mercantile power in post-1843 local politics when there was an absence of official-gentry leadership during the British invasion and capture of Shanghai in 1842 The vacuum was filled by Cantonese merchants and compradors They were sought because of their foreign language skill and foreign knowledge During Wu's office, nearly all the jobs in the government were filled by Cantonese See Leung (1990), pp. 53-6, 147-50, Toyama Gunji (1994), Shanghai dotai Go kensho (The Shanghai Taotai Wu Jianzhang), pp 45-54. and Zhang Wenqin (1989), Cong fenguan guanshang dao maiban guantiao, Wu Jianzhang shilun (From Feudal Official Merchant to Compradorial Bureaucrat), pp 31-54\n\n21 Leung Yuen-sang (1982), Regional Rivalry in Mid-Nineteenth Century Shanghai: Cantonese vs Ningpo Men, pp 34-6.\n\n21\n\nThough Li Hongzhang was a central bureaucrat, through the guandu shangban enterprises in Shanghai and Tianjin, he had successfully extended his influence in this region discussed through the \"Shanghai-Tianjin Connection\" See Leung Yuen-sang (1986), The Shanghai-Tientsin Connection: Li Hung-chang's Political Control over Shanghai during the Late Ch'ing Period, pp 315-30\n\n24 Ibid, pp. 45-6\n\n24\n\nWang Gungwu (1990). China and the Chinese Overseas, pp 175-6\n\nHKRS#144-1152 Li Chu (December 1896)\n\n27 HKRS#144-1087. Lee Chak (May 1894)\n\n8 HKRS#144-1093 Chan Kin Tong (April 1896)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212498, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "32\n\n29\n\nThe term 'comprador' in Chinese history is quite argumentative. In late Qing times it referred to a commercial broker, an agent and employee of a foreign firm. With the rise of Chinese nationalism in the Republican period, the meaning was gradually expanded beyond its original sense to include politics in a negative meaning or collaboration with foreigners of serving interest of imperialists. In Chinese Marxist scholarship, comprador has taken on a political meaning. See Jung-fang Tsai (1981), The Predicament of the Comprador Ideologists, pp. 191-7. However, economic historians such as Wang Jingyu, realizing the role of Chinese merchants in the economic development of the nineteenth century, said they included compradors who had large investment in modern enterprises, been active in huashang fugu huodong as well as buying capital in from foreign aggressive enterprises. See Wang (1965), Shijiu shiji waiguo qinhua qiye zhong de huashang fugu yundong (The Activities of Chinese Merchants to Buy Capital-Shares from the Foreign Aggressive Enterprises in China During the Late Nineteenth Century) and (1983b) Shiji xifang ziben zhuyi dui Zhongguo de jingji qinlue (The Economic Invasion of Western Capitalism on China in Nineteenth Century), pp. 483-526.\n\n10 Xu Run, Qing Xu Yuzhi xiansheng Run zixu nianpu, pp. 4-5.\n\n31\n\nAs Xu himself stated, the estimate value of this amount after discount should be 3,219,470 taels. See ibid, p. 68.\n\n17 Other investments, though the amounts are uncertain, can also be ascertained from his autobiography. They are: a pier company at Guangdong, a grocery at Shanghai; also silk cloth shop, tea shop, partnership in Huya'an Insurance Co., Huaxing Insurance Co., Difeng Co., Shanghai Land Investment Co., Ltd., Shanghai Tramway Co., Xunhuan Newspaper in Hong Kong, a water works, and Tongyi cultivation company in Guangdong. See Qing Xu Yuzhi xiansheng Run zixu nianpu, preface.\n\n33\n\nSee Liu Kwang-ching (1962), Anglo-American Steamship Rivalry in China, 1862-1874, p. 155.\n\n14\n\nSee Hao (1970a), p. 100. As Xia Dongyuan found that in the Zheng's zhushu (will) written in 1914, Zheng regarded 4,088 taels the interest from share-stocks as one of his main sources of income. See Xia (1985b), p. 268.\n\n35 See Zheng Guanying, Zhi Li Zhaomin Fangbo lun zhuang Lundun Hongyuan Gongsi (Letter addressed to Li Zhaomin in discussing the founding of Hongyuan Company in London), in Xia Dongyuan (1988a), pp. 507-3; Wu Chang-chuan (1974), pp. 86-8.\n\n36 As Wang Shui has concluded from various sources, during 1840 to 1894 Chinese compradors had accumulated a total income of about half a billion taels, see Wang (1983), Qingdai maiban shouru de guji jiqi shiyong fangshi (An Assessment of Compradors' Income and Its Spending Ways in Qing Dynasty), pp. 298-307.\n\n37 See Thomas G. Rawski (1970), Chinese Dominance of Treaty Port Commerce and its Implications, 1860-1875, pp. 451-73.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212502, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "36\n\nKong, Capital Communications Lid\n\nHo, Ping-ti 1966a. Zhongguo huiguan shilun (On the history of Landsmannschaften in China). Taibei, Shihuo Chubanshe.\n\n1966b. The Geographical Distribution of Hui-kuan (Landsmannschaften) in Central Upper Yangtze Provinces. In Tsing Hua Journal of Chinese Studies 5/2 120-52\n\nHonig, Emily. 1992. Creating Chinese Ethnicity Subet People in Shanghai 1850-1980. New Haven and London, Yale University Press.\n\nHunter, William C 1882 'Fan Kwae' at Canton Before Treaty Days, 1825-1844, London Kegan Paul, Trench & Co\n\nKing, Frank H. H. 1983. edited. Eastern Banking Essays in the History of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation London, Athlone Press\n\nKeswick, Maggie 1982. The Thistle and the Jade: A Celebration of 150 Years of Jardine, Matherson & Company London, Octopus.\n\nLai, Chi-kong. 1992 The Qing State and Merchant Enterprise: the China Merchants' Company, 1872-1902. In Jane K. Leonard (edited) 139-56.\n\nLee, Pui Tak. 1990 Kindai Chugoku ni okeru kōsho Kigyō no rekishi teki tenkai Kanyahyōkōshi wo jirei toshite (The historical Origins of Commercial and Industrial Enterprises in China, the Case of Han-yeh-p'ing Coal & Iron Company Limited, 1896-1991) M Litt. Thesis. University of Tokyo.\n\nLeonard, Jane K 1992. edited; To Achieve Wealth and Security, the Qing Imperial State and the Economy, 1644-1911. Ithaca, East Asia Program, Cornell University\n\nLeung, Yuensang 1982 Regional Rivalry in Mid-nineteenth Century Shanghai. Cantonese vs Ningpo Men. In Ch'ing-shih wen-t'i: 4/8; 29-50.\n\n1986. The Shanghai-Tientsin Connection. Li Hung-chang's Political Control over Shanghai during the Late Ch'ing Period In Chinese Studies 4/1 315-31\n\n1990 The Shanghai Taotai: Linkage Man in a Changing Society, 1843-90 Singapore. National Singapore University Press\n\nLiu, Kwang-ching 1979 Credit Facilities in China's Early Industrialization The Background and Implications of Hsu Jun's Bankruptcy in 1883. In Modern Chinese Economic History 499-509, Edited by Chiming Hou Taibei, Institute of Economics, Academia Sinica\n\n1982 A Chinese Entrepreneur In Maggie Keswick (edited) 103-30.\n\n— 1990. Jinshi Shixuang yu Xincheng Qiye (The new thoughts and modern enterprises) Taibei, Lianjing Chuban Shiye Gongsi\n\nMann, Susan Jones 1972. Finance in Ningpo the 'Ch'ien Chuang', 1750-1880 In W E. Willmott (edited) 47-78\n\n1974 The Ningpo Pang and Financial Power at Shanghai In Mark Elvin & G. William Skinner (edited) 73-96\n\n— 1976. Merchant Investment, Commercialization, and Social Change in the Ningpo Area In Reform in Nineteenth-Century China 41-8. Edited by Paul A, Cohen Cambridge and Massachusetts, Harvard University Press.\n\nMcElderry, Andrea Lee 1992 Guarantors and Guarantees in Qing Government-Bussiness Relations In Jane K. Leonard (edited) 119-38\n\n1993 Guarantors in China's Treaty Ports the Evolution of Employee Bonding Unpublished paper presented at the 34th International Congress on Asian and North African Studies, Hong Kong\n\nMei, June 1979 Socioeconomic Origins of Emigration Guangdong to California, 1850-1882 In Explorations in Economic History 7/4 451-73\n\nQing Xu Yuzhi xiansheng ruḥ zixu nianpu (Chronological autobiography of Xu Run) Reprinted in 1981\n\nQuan, Hansheng 1972 Zhongguo Jingjishi luncong (Collected essays on Chinese economic", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212503, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "37\n\nhistory) Hong Kong, Xinya Yanjiusuo\n\nRawski, Thomas G. 1970. Chinese Dominance of Treaty Port Commerce and its Implications, 1860-1875. In Explorations in Economic History 7/4, 451-73.\n\nRedding, Gordon S. 1991. Weak Organizations and Strong Linkages: Managerial Ideology and Chinese Family Business Networks. In Gary Hamilton (edited), 30-47.\n\nRhoads, Edward J. 1975. China's Republican Revolution: the Case of Kwangtung. Cambridge and Massachusetts, Harvard University Press.\n\n1977. Merchants Associations in Canton, 1895-1911. In William Skinner (edited), 97-117.\n\nRowe, William T. 1984. Hankow: Commerce and Society in a Chinese City, 1796-1889. Stanford, Stanford University Press.\n\nSekkó Zaibatsu (The Zhejiang financial clique). Edited by Mantetsu Shanhai Jimusho. Shanhai, Mantetsu Jimusho, 1929.\n\nShanghai duiwai maoyi (Shanghai foreign trade, 1840-1949). Compiled by Shanghai Shehui Kexueyuan Jingji Yanjiusuo and Shanghai-shi Guoji Maoyi Xuehui Xueshu Waiyuanhui. Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences Press, 1989.\n\nShanghai Sojourners. Edited by Frederic Wakeman and Wen-hsin Yeh. Berkeley, Institute for East Asian Studies, University of California, 1992.\n\nSinn, Elizabeth. 1989. Power and Charity: The Early History of the Tung Wah Hospital. Hong Kong, Hong Kong Oxford University Press.\n\nSkinner, William G. 1974 (edited). The Chinese City: City Between Two Worlds. Stanford, Stanford University Press.\n\n1976. Mobility Strategies in Late Imperial China: A Regional-System Analysis. In Regional Analysis, Volume One: Economic Systems, 327-64. Edited by Carol A. Smith. New York, Academic Press.\n\n1977 (edited). The City in Late Imperial China. Stanford, Stanford University Press.\n\nSmith, Carl T. 1983. Compradores of the Hongkong Bank. In Frank H. H. King (edited), 93-111.\n\n1985. Chinese Christians: Elites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong. Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\n1993. Hong Kong Chinese Wills, 1850-1890. Unpublished paper presented at the International Conference on Folk Documents and Regional Society in South China, Hong Kong University of Science and Technology.\n\nSu, Waigong. 1933. Xianggang, Shanghai, Guangzhou shangye mingrenlu (Prominent business characters of Hong Kong, Shanghai, and Canton). Shanghai, Shangye Bianshu Gongsi.\n\nTopley, Marjorie. 1964. Capital, Savings and Credit among Indigenous Rice Farmers and Immigrant Vegetable Farmers in Hong Kong's New Territories. In Capital, Saving and Credit in Peasant Societies: Studies from Asia, Oceania, the Caribbean and Middle America, 157-86. Edited by Raymond Firth and B. S. Yamey. London, George Allen & Unwin.\n\n1968. The Role of Savings and Wealth among Hong Kong Chinese. In Hong Kong: A Society in Transition, 167-227. Edited by Ian C. Jarvie and Joseph Agassi. New York, Frederick A. Prager.\n\nToyama, Gunji. 1944. Shanhai Dota: Go Kensho (The Shanghai taotai Wu Jianzhang). In Gakkai 1/7, 45-54.\n\n1945. Shanhai no shinsho: Yo Bo (A gentry-merchant in Shanghai: Yang Fang). In Toyoshi Kenkyu 1/4, 17-34.\n\nTsai, Jung-fang. 1975. Comprador Ideologists in Modern China: Ho Kai (Ho Chi, 1859-1914) and Hu Li-Yuan (1847-1916). PhD thesis, University of California, Los Angeles.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "44\n\n19\n\nRuan Yuan as a \"bridge for classical learning\" between the Han Learning scholars of Jiang Fan's Guo chao Han xue shi cheng ji (Han Learning scholars of the Qing dynasty) and the later work of Chen Li (1810-1882), Dong xu du shu ji (Chen Li's notes on the classics in which he argued against the viewpoint of the earlier classicists that Han period scholars had ignored metaphysical study.) Qian pointed out that \"recent scholarship has neglected the significance of this transitional period, thereby underestimating the significance of Ruan Yuan's contributions to the development of classical learning of the mid-Qing era.\"10 This finding was echoed by He You Shen# of the University of Hong Kong, who observed that Chen Li's thinking had been influenced by Ruan Yuan.\n\nAfter becoming a fellow of Xue Hai Tang, Chen Li went to visit Ruan Yuan in Yangzhou in 1841, and again three years later. These two visits influenced the direction of Chen's later thoughts tremendously.\"\n\nOther scholars have stressed the importance of Ruan Yuan's patronage activities. Liang Chi Chao wrote that \"Ruan Yuan of Yi-zheng served in the provinces for several decades. Everywhere he promoted learning. He exerted tremendous influence on other scholars of the era in Zhejiang, Guangdong, and Yunnan.”12 Xiao Yi Shan- stated that \"Ruan Yuan's contributions to learning were not confined to his own writing. He established institutions to give other scholars an opportunity to research and to publish. He was extremely influential on other scholars of the era. His scholarly achievements far surpassed those of his contemporaries, such as Wang Chang, Bi Yuan and Zhu Jun.\"'13 Hu Shi went further by analyzing the secret of Ruan Yuan's success.\n\nRuan Yuan's special talents rested in his ability to collect the leading scholars of the day, and have them work together to compile such major works as Jing ji zhuan gu, Shi san jing jiao kan ji, Chou ren zhuan, and others. He also published works of other scholars, among them Ling Ting kan, Jiao Xun, Wang Zhong, Liu Tai gong. His Huang Qing jing jie, 1,400 juan, represented the first conclusive study of classics by scholars of the Qing dynasty.14", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212513, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "47\n\n1820-1840. Ding xiang ting pi tan, 4 juan, 1800 and several other volumes.\n\nHow Ruan Yuan managed his scholarly projects\n\nAs Chief Executive in the provinces, with authority to allocate public resources and solicit private funding, Ruan Yuan was able to make decisions to sponsor academic and scholarly activities. With government affairs demanding his constant attention, the scholars around him, with expertise in various fields, were entrusted with the actual research and writing of the works. Ruan Yuan could draw from the large field of scholars he knew who either did not qualify or had preferred not to enter government service. A number of these scholars from Ruan Yuan's own home district, the Yangzhou and Jiangdu area, which had enjoyed a long literary and intellectual tradition, followed him throughout his career. From the provinces of Shandong and Zhejiang where the scholarly heritage was also exceptionally strong, and where there was a rich legacy of book collecting as well, he was able to recruit many scholars. In addition, as examiner for several provincial level examinations and in particular as Metropolitan Examination examiner in 1799, he could lay claim to a network of 'students' all over the country. Lynn Struve's observation about the Xue Brothers is equally applicable in Ruan Yuan's case.\n\nThe opportunities to serve as examiners for the most important capital and provincial examinations, through which they could develop networks of \"student-teacher\" relations among the most promising examinees in the country.21\n\n122\n\nRuan Yuan himself showed how he gave up all his time away from government affairs on literary production. “I have no time-consuming avocation. Nor do I enjoy a capacity for wine. Therefore, I tend to spend all my spare time with a brush in my hand, in the company of books and scholars.” He indicated in the preface of each work where the idea for its creation had originated. The subjects for his earlier works as a young Hanlin had been assigned to him. Two major subjects for compilation later on had been proposed by other scholars—the Chou ren zhuan by Li Rui (1765-1814) and the Shi san jing zhu shu fu jiao kan ji by Lu Wenchao (1717-1796). In addition to the scholarship needed for such tasks, Ruan Yuan provided the management for such productions. He wrote on how his writing projects were organized.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212514, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "48\n\nCompiling a book is different from actually writing a book. Before I became so heavily involved in official affairs, I wrote books, such as Yi li shi jing jiao kan ji (Commentary and collation notes for the classic Yi li), 4 juan, 1792 and Shi ju sui bi (Notes on paintings and calligraphy in the imperial collection), 8 juan, 1792, conducting all the research and writing all the text myself. Since I took on official responsibilities, beginning as director of studies in Shandong, works such as Shan zuo jin shi zhi (Identifications of ancient inscriptions on bronzes and stone found in Shandong), 24 juan, 1796, Jing ji xuan gu and Chou ren zhuan, have been published with other scholars shouldering the responsibility for research and writing.23\n\nTime constraint was not the only reason for seeking assistance from other scholars. He had on his personal staff a number of secretaries, also scholars in the Chinese context, who had expertise in various areas, such as coastal defence or grain transportation. Ruan Yuan had revealed that even his official papers were not completely written by him alone, an accepted practice at that time. “I remember that in the days (when we were working to eradicate piracy in Zhejiang), no correspondence or order was ever sent out without hard deliberations. I drafted some of the correspondence myself; while others were drafted by members of my staff and revised by me.+24\n\nZhang Jian (1768-1850), one of his closest associates, showed how Ruan Yuan worked on a book.\n\nRuan Yuan organizes the compilation of a book usually by working on the conceptualization and outlining the content of each chapter himself. Then he assigns to certain friends, or students, or younger members of his household, the task of research and writing. He always revises the text with a red pen, rewriting again and again very carefully. After he began to take on administrative responsibilities in the provinces, however, he has had very little leisurely time for such creative pastimes. As a result, his efforts have been expended more on compilations which do not demand so much of his time in detailed research and writing.'+25\n\nAn insight into how Ruan Yuan managed to publish Ji gu zhai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212518, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "52\n\nZang Yungtang (1767-1811) had studied in Suzhou in 1793, the centre of Han Learning at that time, and was invited by Ruan Yuan to edit the classical dictionary, Jing ji zhuan gu. In 1800 he was asked again by Ruan Yuan to collate the Thirteen Classics. He stayed on Ruan Yuan's personal staff until 1802. After failing the Metropolitan Examination, he went into business; then joined the personal staff of Yi Bingshou (1754-1815), who was then the Prefect of Yangzhou, in 1804, to write about the topography of Yangzhou. From 1807 onwards, he went back on Ruan Yuan's payroll, compiling Wu Dai shi [History of the Five Dynasties] at the behest of Liu Fengao (1761-1830).\n\nQian Taxin (1728-1804) came from a scholarly tradition, a grandson and son of noted men of learning. After obtaining his first degree at the age of 17 sui, he became residential tutor in a family with an excellent library which he used extensively. After attaining the jinshi degree in 1754, he remained in Beijing where he became friends with Dai Zhen and Ji Yun (1724-1805) who later became chief editor of the Si ku chuan shu. He directed the Chong shan Academy in Nanjing, and joined Ruan Yuan on the dictionary project in Hangzhou. He was the author of the critical notes on Er shi er shi kao yi [Twenty-two dynastic histories], 100 juan, 1782. Ruan Yuan's subordinate wife, Liu Wenru (1777-1849) was to compile the same for Er shi si shi [Twenty-four dynastic histories].\n\nChen Shouchi (1777-1834) of Minxian, Fujian had started his career with Zhu Gui. Afterwards he joined the faculty of Gu jing jing she and the Fu Wen Academy. He was recruited to work on Jing fu and Hai tang zhi by Ruan Yuan. At a later date, he served as editor-in-chief of Fujian tong zhi [Provincial gazetteer of Fujian] and Li xian fang zhi [Local gazetteer of the Li District of Jiangsu]. His own essays on the Classics, with several letters from Ruan Yuan, were printed in Zuo hai wen ji [Essays by Chen Shouchi].\n\nChen Wenxu (1775-1845) of Hangzhou was a “student” of Zhu Gui, who introduced him to Ruan Yuan. Ruan considered Chen one of the foremost poets of the province, and appointed him to his personal staff. He gained expertise in sea transport, salt administration, grain transport and flood control. He helped Ruan Yuan establish a humanitarian social welfare policy, including famine relief. He collected a large number of women students. Both his subordinate wives were acknowledged poets.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212519, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "53\n\nJiang Fan (1761-1831) was one of the scholars from Yangzhou who followed Ruan Yuan all their lives. After losing his fortune and library in a drought that devastated Yangzhou 1785-86, he worked for a number of major officials on their personal staff, including Grand Secretary Wang Jie (1725-1805) and Ruan Yuan. At the recommendation of Ruan Yuan, who was then Director of Grain Transport, Jiang was appointed to the Lizheng Academy as Director in 1813. He followed Ruan Yuan to Canton as tutor to Ruan Fu (b. 1802), who, alone among Ruan Yuan's children, had entertained any pretension as a classical scholar. While at Canton, Jiang edited the Guangdong tongzhi 1819-1822 under Ruan Yuan's aegis. Ruan Yuan published Jiang's major work, Hanxue shicheng ji.\n\nJiao Xun (1763-1820) was another scholar from the Yangzhou area. He was considered to be a major force of the mid-Qing era in Classics, history, astronomy, mathematics, phonetics, etymology, and geography. He was a close personal friend of Ruan Yuan and worked as Ruan's personal secretary in the early days of Ruan Yuan's official career. A record of anti-piracy campaigns in Zhejiang 1799-1809 was compiled by Jiao and printed as Yingzhou shu ji. Jiao also worked on Chouren zhuan. He was recorded to have been paid 1,000 taels to compile the Yangzhou fu zhi [Local gazetteer of Yangzhou]. With this money, he was able to purchase land and build a house. His own works, mostly printed by Ruan Yuan, included Bei hu xiao zhi [Local history of Bei hu, a community north of Yangzhou], Li tang xue suan ji (Jiao Xun's mathematical studies), and Diao gu lou ji [Studies from Diao gu lou], comprising three major treatises on the Classics.\n\nHung Yixuan (1770-1815) was an example of those scholars whose personality and inclination had made it difficult for them to fit into the trials and tribulations of official life. One of three brothers all known for their intellectual achievements, which embraced astronomy, history, the Classics, and geography, Hung first came to the attention of Ruan Yuan in Hangzhou in 1796 or 1797. As Governor-General at Canton, Ruan Yuan rescued Hung from office by appointing him to his personal staff to work with Feng Dengfu on epigraphical notes they were compiling on Zhejiang.\n\nLing Tingkan (1757-1809) had made his home in Yangzhou, where he had become a close friend of Ruan Yuan. A jinshi of 1790, Ling had", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212520, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 74, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "54\n\n-\n\npreferred not to enter government service. He was a contemporary of Hong Liangji on the personal staff of Bi Yuan. Ling excelled in phonetics, textual criticism, the Classic of Rites, including music, as well as astronomy and mathematics both the Chinese and Western tradition. He was asked by Ruan Yuan to tutor his son Ruan Changsheng (adopted 1793, d. 1833). It was Ling who brought the excitement of the Tian yi ge collection to Ruan Yuan's attention. Ling, with Li Rui and Jiao Xun, had worked on the chou ren zhuan from the beginning. His own manuscript, Li jing shi li (Exposition on the Classic of Rites), 13 juan, was edited by and printed by Ruan Yuan after Ling's death. His prose, Jiao li tang wen chỉ [Collected prose of Ling Tingkan], 36 juan, first printed in 1812, has been useful in research on Ruan Yuan as well.\n\nZhang Jian (1768-1850) was one of the scholars who had been associated with Ruan Yuan from the beginning of the latter's official career until after his retirement. Zhang had served on the personal staff of Ruan Yuan, together with Yang Fenghao (1755-1816), Shi Guochi, and He Yuanxi (1766-1829). As a scholar, Zhang worked on various compilations, such as the Jing chỉ zhuan gu, and lectured at the Gu jing jing she. He was more useful to Ruan Yuan in his government, however. Zhang was best known for his expertise on sea transportation of tribute grain. It has been understood that Ying-he's famous memorial on sea transportation was based on Zhang's work. Zhang edited Ruan Yuan's papers on famine relief (in Ying zhou bi tan) and Liang Guang yen fa zhi [Salt Administration of Guangdong and Guangxi]. Zhang also supervised the compilation of Ruan Yuan's nian-pu, Lei tang an zhu di zu ji.\n\nLiu Wen chi (1789-1856) of Yangzhou had studied under Bao Shicheng at Mei hua Academy. He was a nephew of Ling Shu (1775-1829), another scholar who had been close to Ruan. Liu was of a younger generation of scholars who had not known Ruan Yuan in his heyday. Being a neighbour, however, he had corresponded with Ruan Yuan before the latter's retirement in 1838. In 1837, Ruan wrote a preface to Liu's work, Yang zhou shui dao ji. Ruan Yuan in retirement was an important figure in Liu's diary and they worked together on several works including a new printing of a Song-Yuan edition of a prefectural gazetteer of Zheng jiang, for which Liu wrote a preface in Ruan's name (1843). Liu recorded that he had written prefaces to several other works for Ruan Yuan, as the latter grew more\n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212521, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "55\n\nintellectually lethargic. It was also from Liu's diaries we discover that Ruan Yuan's house was burned down on April 2, 1823 with heavy losses, including Ruan's entire library.1\n\n31\n\nThe founding of the Xue hai tang in Canton brought to Ruan Yuan a number of Cantonese scholars. Besides Chen Li, who was cited by Hiromu Momose in Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period as perhaps \"the most brilliant among a group of Cantonese scholars who developed eclectic theories mid-way between Sung Neo-Confucianism and the School of Han Learning,\" the others included Lin Botun, Wu Lanxiu, Ma Fuan, and Xu Rong, Tan Rong from Nanhai, who had passed the provincial examination in 1824 and had been appointed to the Xue hai tang by Ruan Yuan but had chosen not to take the metropolitan examination, nevertheless persuaded his friends, the Wu Family hong merchants, to print the large collectanea, Yue ya tang cong shu, consisting of 180 titles.\n\nIt is disappointing that the personalities and idiosyncrasies of these scholars cannot be discerned from reading their writings. Employing the techniques of detective novelists by investigating whatever might be construed as clues that come my way, I have been able to reconstruct the person of Ruan Yuan to a certain extent, but the scholars around him have completely eluded my attempts. They were not easy prey. Neither were they easy to manage. At times their eccentricities hindered progress of Ruan's work.\n\nThe completion of Shi san jing zhu shu fu jiao kan ji was delayed considerably because of personality conflict among the compilers. The idea for such a project had originated with Lu Wen chao (1717-1796), a scholar-official from Hangzhou who had spent a greater part of his time copying various old editions of the Classics by hand, noting the differences and printing the corrected texts. After Lu's death his student, Zang Rong, who was working on Jing ji zuan gu, persuaded Ruan Yuan to undertake the project to print the Jiao kan ji as well. In 1799, after consulting his staff, a much more ambitious project became envisaged, to print the Thirteen Classics together with all the notations throughout the ages.\n\nBeing then Governor of Zhejiang with resources at his command, Ruan Yuan asked Duan Yucai (1735-1815), a Classicist with expertise in etymology and phonetics, to take on the responsibility as editor. Considering the task too arduous for a single man, Duan recommended his friend Gu Guangchi (1776-1835) to share the work. Gu, in turn, brought other scholars.\n\n33\n\nPage 75\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212526, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "60\n\nGovernor-General of Yunnan & Guizhou\n\nKunming 2A\n\n1816-1835\n\nAssistant Examiner of Metropolitan Exam\n\nBeijing\n\n1833\n\nAssistant Grand Secretary\n\nKunming\n\n1B\n\n& Peking\n\nGrand Secretary in charge of Board of War\n\nBeijing\n\n1A\n\n1835/3\n\nActing President of the Censurate\n\nBeijing\n\n1835/10\n\nReader, Palace Examination\n\nBeijing\n\n1836\n\nSenior Professor (Hanlin Academy)\n\nBeijing\n\n1836\n\nAppendix 2\n\nRuan Yuan's Major Works and Compilations\n\nKao gong ji ju zhi tu jie 考工記車制圖解\n\nShi qu sui bi 石渠隨筆\n\nYi li shi jing kan ji 儀禮石經校勘記\n\nShandong xue zheng Ruan Yuntai shi tong sheng shu mu 山东学政阮芸台示童生书目\n\nShan zuo shi ke 山左石刻\n\nJingyin dao ren zhuan 淨因道人傳\n\nYunfeng zhi bei tu 云峰志碑图\n\nZhejiang shi ke 浙江詩課\n\nChong xiu piao zhong guan ji 重修剽中观记\n\nXiao cang lang bi tan 小滄浪筆談\n\nShan zuo jin shi zhi 山左金石志\n\nHuai hai ying ling ji 淮海英靈集\n\nLiangzhe yu xuan lu 兩浙輶軒錄\n\nCeng zi shi pian zhu shu 曾子十篇註疏\n\nWei yu shu shi sui bi zhu 魏餘蔬食隨筆注\n\nZhu cha xiao zhi 竹姹小志\n\nJing ji zuan gu bu yi 經籍纂詁補遺\n\nDi jiu tu shuo 地球圖說\n\nGuang ling shi shi 廣陵詩事\n\nChong xiu Hui ji Da yu ling miao bei ji 重修惠济大禹陵庙碑记\n\nDing xiang ting bi tan 定香亭筆談\n\nChong jian Yangzhou hui guan bei ming 重建扬州会馆碑铭", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212527, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "Liang Zhe fang hu (ling qin ci mu) lu (REHE)* Zhejiang kao\n\nKu jing jing she wen ji 詁經精社文集\n\n(Wang fu zhai) zhung ding kuan shi (E) H**\n\nXue shi zhong ding kuan shi 薛氏鐘鼎款識\n\nJiao shan ding-kao 焦山定陶鼎考\n\nHuang Qing bei ban lu\n\nHai tang zhi 海塘志\n\nJi gu zhai zhung ding yi qi kuan shi ****\n\n海連考\n\nHai yun kao I\n\nLiang Zhe jin shi zhi 兩浙金石志\n\nShi san jing zhu shu fu jiao kan ji +¶EAH\n\nYang zhou Ruan shi jia miao bei 揚州阮氏家廟碑\n\nYen jing shi wen ji 擘經室文集\n\nSui Wen xuan lou ming\n\nYing zhou shu ji 瀛舟書記\n\nQu jiang ting ji 曲江亭記\n\n**\n\nSi ku wei shou shu mu ti yao 四庫未收書目提要\n\nTian yi ge shu mu 大一閣書目\n\nLing yin shi shu zang mu\n\nChou ren zhuan AM\n\nShi san jing jing fu +*\n\n****!\n\nYi li shang fu da gong zhang zhuan zhu chuan wu Kao x\n\n功章傳注舛考\n\nHan Yen xi xi yue Hua shan bei kao ✶✶U**\n\nRu lin zhuan kao ####N\n\nGuo shi wen yuan zhuan 國史文苑傳\n\nJiao shan shu cang shu mu 焦山書藏書目\n\n(Song ben) shi san jing zhu shu (**)+***\n\nJiang su shi zheng #\n\nJiang xi gai jian gong yuan hao she bei ji 江西改建貢院號舍碑記\n\nGuangdong tong zhi 廣東通志\n\nGai jian Guangdong xiang shi wei she zhuo bei ji *****\n\n碑記\n\nShi shu gu shun 詩書古訓\n\nYen jing shi ji 擘經室集\n\nChong xiu Ruan shi zu-pu CEE**\n\nHuang Qing jing jie 皇清經解\n\nXue hai tang zhi 學海堂集 Yen jing shi shi lu 擘經室詩錄 Shi hua ji 石畫記\n\n61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212657, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "192\n\nA CHINESE MEMORIAL HALL\n\nDEDICATED TO\n\nWANG TE LU\n\nA CLAN HERO\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nAncestral halls are the family or clan memorial chapels which every respectable clan or family throughout China had, and in Taiwan and amongst overseas Chinese communities in South-east Asia, still has. Known as Tz'u-t'ang they are fine buildings in honour of family ancestors whose tablets stand in regular order on the main altar according to their respective generations.\n\nThere were, however, also the memorial halls each dedicated to nationally renowned worthies, individuals who had served their emperors faithfully to the end of their days and had had conferred upon them posthumous honours in addition to any conferred during their lives; they were also canonised with a title which, added to the family name, reverently designated their memory.\n\nNeither the ancestral temples nor the memorial halls to nationally renowned worthies should be confused with the Portrait Gallery of Heroes of Hall of Worthies, Ling-yen Ke, in which stood the tablets and portraits of heroes who assisted in the founding of a dynasty and supported it in the succeeding years.\n\nA typical example of special temples erected in the memory of a renowned worthy were those built in, amongst other places, Peking, Tientsin, Shanghai, Nanking and Soochow, in honour of one of the most famous Chinese of the nineteenth century, Li Hung-chang, a statesman and diplomat [1823-1901]. He was posthumously granted by the Ch'ing emperor the honorary title of Grand Tutor, the name Wen-chung, the hereditary rank of Marquis of the first class, whilst his name was entered in the Temple of Eminent Statesmen.\n\nYet another form of honour, in this case of a comparatively minor mandarin albeit probably the most senior of all Taiwanese during the Ch'ing dynasty, is to be seen reflected down the side walls of the shrine hall of one such Clan temple, the Wang Memorial Chapel in rural central Taiwan. The walls are covered in memorabilia dedicated", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212716, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "Chinese Military Services which have not before been recorded in English. One aspect of Mesny's writings which will bring wry smiles to a number of western faces was his occasional essay into the ever-popular art of China-watching. In 1896 his conjecture that Earl Li Hung-chang was a likely candidate to be the first ruler of a China ruled by Chinese is now, with the benefit of hindsight, amusing to say the least. Even more so was Mesny's next thought. Li perhaps might even marry the Empress Dowager and thus amalgamate his influence with that of the reigning line. He added that the Empress Dowager was however too old to bear children and would therefore only be a witness to her own departing glory by seeing her husband, [and Li would then have been 74] begetting an heir to the throne through a younger woman.\n\nBetween 1850 and 1873 peasant discontent, both Chinese [Han] and non-Chinese, led to a wave of rebellions, some of exceptional size. These included the Taipins, the Nien and the Moslem revolts, but not Ya'qub Beg's Sinkaing rebellion which ended in 1877. Mesny first became involved in the Taiping rebellion [1850-1864] towards its latter days, a time when the imperialists were gaining the upper hand and had confronted the Taiping leadership in its capital, Nanking where he was held captive for some months. Later, whilst he was working with the Chinese Maritime Customs in Hankow, he became involved with the Nien-fei [the Nien rebels] bandits who ravaged north of the Yangtze between 1851 and 1868.\n\nThe Nien, a decentralised association of peasants, were basically bandits without any ideology as such, whereas the Taiping rebels were a pseudo-Christian movement led against the imperial rulers in Peking by Hung Hsiu-ch'uan who had adopted some elements of Christian beliefs into his ideology. The Taiping rebels, whose capital city was Nanking, enjoyed some sympathy from westerners but eventually the rebellion was defeated but not until many millions had died. When the final defeat came it was due mainly to the Chinese imperialists under Tseng Kuo-fan, Li Hung-chang and Tso Tsung-t'ang, aided to some extent by several foreign-trained Chinese forces which included the much-vaunted western-trained force, first under an American Frederick Ward and finally under a British colonel in the Royal Engineers, Charles Gordon, together with direct British and French military intervention in Shanghai and Ningpo areas. The rebels, with whom Mesny and many Christian missionaries at first sympathised, introduced many reforms such as monogamy, and the banning of opium, tobacco and alcohol, and foot-binding.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212732, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 41, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "26\n\nname had eventually appeared in the Peking Gazette. In 1871, he added, he was recommended for special honours on account of distinguished services on the field of battle and received the order of merit called Yung Hao with the title of Ying Yung Pa-t'u-lu [i.e. ‘Brigadier-General, the title of Knight Ying of the Order of Pa-t'u-lu, Mesny\"]. Mesny was awarded the Ying-yung for having penetrated a Miao stronghold with a few Chinese riflemen and turned the tide of battle from defeat into victory. In April 1896 Mesny wrote: 'Having lived in Hankow for some years and acquired some notoriety amongst the Chinese there, if not actual fame, the characters Wen-kao 'Eminent', were chosen and given me as a Hao or familiar by my friends.' His Chinese name is Mai Wen-kao or using a transliteration 'Mai-shih-ni [i.e. mai-knee) and his rank, Tsung-ping **General**]. In another autobiographical 'obituary' printed after his death in the Celestial Empire, a Shanghai paper, he described himself as 'I, Wen-kao William Mesny, F.R.G.S., Brevet Lieutenant-General of the Chinese Army; Knight, Ying Yung of the Order of the Pa-t'u-lu..................\n\nMesny noted on one occasion long after he had completed his military service that he had come across a battalion of Kueichou field troops with the men wearing the cuirass-shaped uniform or Pa-t'u-lu vesture, invented by Mesny in 1868 for the An-ting and Ko-i Rifle Brigades. [\"The ancient Manchu Knights of the order of the Pa-t'u-lu wore such vests as uniform when not wearing the metal cuirass, hence its significant name Pa-t'u-lu.']\n\n[NOTE: Liu Ming-ch'uan, Governor of Taiwan 1884-1891, referred to in the text as having met Mesny, initially was a freebooter who, during the Taiping Rebellion supported Li Hung-chang and the Imperial forces, and opposed the Taipings. He was at that stage a fairly lowly officer and is recorded as having received 'the honorary title of military merit, baturu': Later, when more senior he was awarded the much greater award of the Yellow Riding Jacket.]\n\nMesny was awarded the 'flowery plume' [hua-ling ##4] in 1869 together with the brevet rank of colonel after battles with the Miao tribesmen. He was also presented with the Pao-hsing in 1869. He refers to the Pao-hsing #, the Precious Planet [or decoration of the Star of China] implying that it was the same decoration as the Double Dragon Jewelled Star which he also later referred to. It was, he said, instituted after the Taiping Rebellion as a form of reward for foreigners who", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212737, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "31\n\nA native of China generally, whose chief characteristics are: sobriety, frugality, and industriousness; having a burning desire for male offspring, an insatiable appetite for public notoriety, and a terrible affinity for lucre; a being who is perfectly willing at all times, and in all places, to worship the God of Wealth, Ts'ai Shen, or any other particular god or deity, as well as all the known and “unknown\" gods and his own ancestors, as far back as he, or somebody else, may be able to have traced them, but more especially any of them who may have acquired wealth or fame in any age.\n\nPatronage and Name Dropping, and Incidental Anecdotes\n\nHe appears never to have missed an opportunity throughout his long life in China to pay his respects by calling on the local county, provincial and even national mandarins. A number of these officials were referred to thereafter on more than one occasion as 'friends' or 'officials with whom [Mesny] had conferred.' The one he most prided himself on was his 'intimacy' with the Chinese senior statesman, Li Hung-chang, by whom he would appear to have been tolerated, but only just, though with the normal Chinese courtesies.\n\nMesny knew the importance of patronage and name-dropping, especially in China: this we can see from the two and a quarter pages he devoted in one of his Miscellanies to the momentary meeting with a Manchu hereditary prince; his obituary of Tso, etc. He was as obsessed with his affiliation and rapport with the Chinese as he was about females, and at every possible opportunity he managed to name-drop and rub home his kindred feeling for the Chinese together with descriptions of their reciprocation in kind. Mesny refers with pride on a number of occasions to Chinese 'sworn brothers.' He disclosed these individually either without ever referring to them again or in some instances he simply mentioned their names in passing during descriptions of his journeys. One such blood brother was Chang Kuang-chun (or -chin) who in about 1874 was an Expectant ta-t'ai of Szechuan, and a Metropolitan literary graduate [Chin-shih] of the Tao Kuang reign. Another was Chang Ping-tang, the Military Secretary to the C-in-C of the Szechuan Force. Elsewhere in the Miscellany he claimed to have two Chinese sworn brothers, one a literary and the other a military undergraduate whom he had met whilst travelling in a provincial town in Kueichou. He met", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212747, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 56, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "41\n\nHis leaders in his Miscellanies and his letters to the local papers are little different from present day British local paper indignation. A typical Mesny throw-away remark was the comment that ‘As China licks the hand that slaps her most, even a mailed one, so she has decided to give Prince Henry of Prussia’ a befitting reception at Nanking, of all places.\n\nHe frequently made the point that his knowledge of Chinese customs outweighed that of virtually all other foreigners, and that he, understanding Chinese ways, was in the position to inform foreigners how they should react to Chinese behaviour with due decorum. He explained manners and Chinese courtesy at great lengths, including the various bows and genuflections to be afforded to whom and when. It must have irritated many a foreigner to be reminded so often that he, Mesny, ‘knows better’ what is ‘the done thing.’\n\nOne of the hundreds of short essays in the Miscellany in which he informs his readership of such Chinese mores and customs is simply entitled ‘Etiquette’. He begins by explaining that the Chinese people beat the world for official etiquette, social politeness, ceremonies, manners and customs. He added that ‘I have never yet found or met a foreigner who has been so careful as myself to observe all the Chinese manners and customs of society, whether official or private and without sacrificing any important privilege of my British birthright. Without performing the degrading ceremony of kotowing to anybody, I have nevertheless observed all the other rites and ceremonies. Some foreigners, like Sir Halliday Macartney, have performed the kotow to their superiors, Li Hung-chang, for instance, but I have rigidly declined to do so, although many Chinese officials of the highest rank have kotowed to me; on such occasions I have bent my knees and picked them up.’\n\nMesny continued in this vein for several more paragraphs instructing his readers on polite behaviour. He then described the matter of ‘equipage’ which he suggested was ‘a serious one, especially at Peking.’ ‘I was advised by a friend,’ he continued, ‘not to travel in a cart or carriage drawn by a horse or pony. A mule is the proper animal. A cart with four openings on each side, three at the back, and one at the front is called a Shih Erh Kai, or twelve openings, and is only used by dudes, saunterers or other persons noted for their irregularities in the matter of genteel propriety. I was quite surprised to find the veteran Doctor Dudgeon riding in a cart drawn by a pony. I called his attention to this", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "49\n\nDespite the feeling we have acquired simply from his own writings that he had many acquaintances and few friends, that he was neither a European nor a Chinese and was held at arms length by both, that he was God's gift to the girls, that he offered guidance and good advice with great foresight to the Chinese, and was either ignored or his ideas purloined by others, the obituaries, possibly following a policy of avoiding speaking ill of the dead, described him as ‘a great traveller, a great scholar, a soldier, an author and publisher. A cheery man who most people knew, who at 77 walked briskly to and from his office, beloved by many, although not rich in the world's goods he was always ready to help others, and was of a very cheerful disposition. He endured many shrewd blows of fortune but always came up smiling.'\n\nHe must have been regarded both in Shanghai and in Hankow as an eccentric and colourful old man. Everyone would know of him but to what extent he was accepted socially we shall probably never know unless, that is, someone's private correspondence in which he is mentioned comes to light.\n\nNOTES\n\nMason was a young British official in the Chinese Customs on the Yangtze who organised the shipment of arms to and became involved with Nien rebels. Mesny, who knew nothing of Mason's schemes and plot, found himself officially ostracised after being accused by Li Hung-chang of being a rebel leader.\n\nIt is strange that there appears to be no reference to the typhoon in the available Shanghai papers of the day. Also, in view of his complaints about people's refusal to face up to disaster by taking out insurance, why did he not have the Rink insured? Probably, considering his circumstances, he was unable to afford the premium.\n\nThe Tsar-li Hui has been variously described as a minor religious cult, in Shantung province in particular, or as survivors of the White Lotus Society, an anti-dynastic body since its foundation in the fourteenth century through to its final defeat in Shansi in 1815. A number of members then joined the Nien revolt, and here we have a link perhaps between Li Hung-chang's accusation that Mesny was a leader of a Nien rebels during the Mason case.\n\n$\n\nMesny's Chinese Miscellany: Volume 2 item 1431 page 362\n\nBat'uru: 'A kind of Manchu Distinguished Service Order [DSO]' Johnston RF Lion and Dragon in Northern China. Murray: London 1910\n\nWilliam Mesny always referred to himself as 'Knight Ying of the Pa-t'u-lu' BA\n\nThis decoration was intended to correspond to European Orders [sic].\n\nGarrett, Valery M Mandarin Squares. Oxford University Press. Hong Kong. 1990", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212770, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "64\n\nSeptember 1885 March\n\nJune\n\nca 1885\n\n1886 January\n\nca 1886\n\nca 1886\n\n1887\n\n1889/1890\n\n1889 23 January\n\n1890\n\nLived in the Chang-fa Chen, an hotel in Shanghai\n\nHis first child, Pin Mesny, also known as Hu-sheng, born in Shanghai Departed Shanghai aboard the Yangtze for Canton and appointed for service in both Arsenals [claimed that during the years 1884/1887 whilst living in Canton, he suffered from boils, eczema and prickly heat]\n\nMany of Mesny's notes lost in Chungking during the destruction of the CIM missionary premises. Mesny had left them for safe keeping with the Rev G Nicoll\n\nOffice Bearer of the Keystone Royal Arch Chapter of Masons in Shanghai\n\nPromoted to the brevet rank of Lieutenant-General [ennobled for three generations: previously claimed to have been bestowed in 1879] In charge of the China Branch of the New York Life Office, in Shanghai\n\nRepresentative of the Lartigue Railway Construction Company in Shanghai\n\nIntention to publish a monthly magazine in Shanghai to be called Yüleh Pao together with Chiang Chao-ling (friend and sworn brother). to be the organ of the Reform Party\n\nMade two journeys through Anhui and northern Kiangsu in connection with famine relief\n\nJourney through Anhui, around Lake Chao from Wu-hu to Lu-chou Fu, returning 5 February 1889\n\nVisited Wu-chang to warn Chang Chih-tung that he was erecting the Iron and Steel Works in Wu-chang in an unsuitable place\n\n1891 7 September Typhoon destroyed the Olympia Skating Rink, his property in Lloyd\n\n1892 January\n\n1894\n\nMay\n\n1895 September\n\n1896 Mar/Sep 1898\n\nMay/June\n\nDecember 1899 Mar/Oct\n\nRoad, Shanghai, ruining him financially.\n\nMesny involved in the Mason case\n\nInvited to organise a naval brigade for service on the Hsiang and Han rivers\n\nStormy interview with Li Hung-chang in Tientsin Visited Peking and had breakfast with Manchu Prince Su Claims to have volunteered for service in Manchuria [Sino-Japanese War]\n\nEn route to Manchura: Visited Liu K'un-1, Generalissimo of Chinese Forces [afloat and ashore] at his headquarters at Shan-hai-kuan Mesny refused permission to visit camps of Wu Ta-cheng and Wei Kuang-tao at or near to T'ien-chuang-tai Liu advised Mesny to return to Tientsin.\n\nHis second and only other child, his daughter, Marie Wan-er, born in Shanghai\n\nBegan the publication of his Chinese Miscellany Volume 1 in Shanghai\n\nPublication of Volume 2 of his Chinese Miscellany\n\nLegally married to Lady Han, mother of Hu-sheng [or Pin] and Marie Wan-er\n\nTrip by chartered boat to Hangchou\n\nVisited Nanking\n\nPublication of Volume 3 of his Chinese Miscellany", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212775, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "69\n\nGreen Standard forces and not so about the Lien-chün, we can assume that he was a member of, or attached to one of the Lien-chün.\n\nMesny wrote relatively short explanatory notes in the first volume of his Miscellanies on the three armies, the Army of the Huai River, the Army of the Hsiang River and the Army of Ch'u, about which he felt he had unique knowledge having served with the Chinese military.\n\n'The Huai Army, an important Field Force raised in the area drained by the River Huai, did such good service to the Imperial cause under the C-in-C Li Hung-chang, who had been wise enough to advocate and introduce the use of foreign weapons. The Ever-victorious Army, styled Chang-sheng Chün, first organised and disciplined in a foreign manner by General Ward and subsequently rendered so famous under the command of General Gordon, was the principal corps of this army, and consisted of 5,000 men all told. The Ming-tzu Ying, another corps of the same army, raised by General and later Governor Liu Ming-ch'uan, and disciplined by General Pinel and Colonel Lucas, though senior to the Ever-victorious was, however, secondary in importance at the time' [but still existed when Mesny was writing this in 1895].\n\nAt no time did Mesny allude to a general staff in the sense we understand it today. This raises the question what did the Force have by way of what we now call an operations staff or department? Nor did Mesny refer to staff officers responsible for the organisation of manpower or materials; and although he mentioned procurement officers and a staff of officers surrounding the General commanding to carry out his bidding, 'operations' as such, the most crucial aspect of an army's functioning was kept strictly in the hands of the Szechuan force C-in-C. It would appear that military operations in their wider sense were directed by civil mandarins who were more interested in cost cutting than in the direction of the campaign, whereas the military officers, who grade for grade were very much the juniors to the civil mandarins, were responsible for the day to day running of the various forces.\n\nForward planning was always limited by financial constraints. Arms and ammunition, rations and reinforcements had to be reviewed and planned well in advance, but with the attitude of the Viceroy in Ch'eng-tu [according to Mesny] and the restraints imposed by him little could ever be expected to be achieved.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212776, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "70\n\nOne of the problems faced by the Szechuan Force commander was the distance between his headquarters and the Viceroy's Yamen in the Szechuanese capital at Ch'eng-tu and the time it took for orders and reports to be carried between them. The length of time between reporting back to Ch'eng-tu and receiving instructions either encouraged the Force commander to take too much upon himself or to sit and wait for further intelligence or instructions. When the Hunanese Force was defeated on its way to take part in a joint operation with the Szechuan force, communications were such that the first the Szechuanese general knew that the plan had gone wrong was from stragglers from the defeated Hunanese Force and from captured Miao. Considering the terrain the commanders had no real choice as communications relied upon runners who had to cross enemy country where the Miao who knew the country well were in full control.\n\nWhilst Mesny did not provide any evidence of the consultative procedure, if indeed there was one, between the Viceroy of Szechuan and the Szechuan Force commander, we do know from Mesny that the military commander in Ch’eng-tu, the Tartar General Chung-shih, was visited by the Szechuan Force commander when the Szechuan Force commander returned to the provincial capital to pay his respects to the visiting Li Hung-chang.\n\nAn Outline Description of The First Campaign against the Miao: 1868-1871\n\nThe first campaign by the Chinese Imperial Forces in Kueichou to suppress the rebellious Miao tribesmen, as seen through Mesny's eyes, began with a thrust by the major element of the Szechuan Force into the heartland of Miao territory during the late summer of 1868. The Kueichou provincial Force and the Hunan Force, two other separate armies under their own commanders, paid and supported by their own provinces, flanked the Szechuan Force though, as we hear little about them and their activities from Mesny, we are led to believe that they were relatively inactive. The interesting point about the forces used to suppress this local rebellion of Miao tribesmen [which was minor on the scale of events], was that each of the Chinese Imperial forces was controlled unilaterally and led by Chinese officers from the contiguous provinces of Kueichou, Hunan and Szechuan without any senior general empowered to command all three forces. Until relatively recently senior military commanders in the Chinese Imperial Army had in the main been Manchus and not native Chinese.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "76\n\nThe Chinese Government, Mayers does not refer to the Lien-chûn Ying. Mesny's ambiguous descriptions are confusing though it would seem that there were four separate bodies, the Banner Forces, the ill-trained Green Standard armies under provincial control, the Disciplined Battalions formed from the Green Standards forces, and the local defence train bands.\n\nThe standing army was divided into two great classes, the Banner Forces, [Ch'i-ping], and the Militia Forces (Chih-ping]. The real Chinese National Army also called Ying-ping generally styled by foreigners as the Green Banner Force [Lu-ch'i Ying'] derived its title from the colour of their triangular standard, green satin with a red satin scalloped border and a golden dragon embroidered in the centre. Each province had a separate army corps under a C-in-C styled Ti-tu Chün-men [one such force was the Kueichou Provincial Force operating alongside the Szechuan Force in which Mesny served]. The forces consisted entirely of Chinese and were, in fact, a part of the local militia. Three centuries ago, wrote Mesny, it was the finest military force in the world: as it was in 1895, he added. The force was beneath criticism.\n\nThe Disciplined Army battalions, the Lien-Chün Ying [troops trained by and after foreign advisers], was a new organisation instituted by Ts'en Yü-ying, formerly Governor of Yunnan, Kueichou, Fukien and subsequently Governor-General of the Yun-kuei provinces. It consisted of detachments from the various Territorial Green Regiments formed into battalions and bearing the same territorial name as the regiment from which they had been detached and of which these detachments actually formed or constituted a fighting or field battalion. The Disciplined Battalions were armed with obsolete rifles but far superior to anything opposed to them in Yunnan or Kueichou. These Disciplined Armies, often referred to as the Anhui and Hunan Armies, were originally privately raised and financed by Tseng Kuo-fan and Li Hung-chang to combat the Taiping rebel armies and were under the personal command of Han Chinese generals. Later, they employed westerners such as Mesny to assist China's programme of 'self-strengthening', primarily in the sphere of armaments.\n\nAlthough Mesny explained that there was a lack of uniformity in organisation throughout the whole of China he went into some detail, and added that each provincial army corps was considered a regular", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212791, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "The Ko-i Brigade' \n\n義全軍 \n\n[Knoron as Liu's Force] \n\nCommanding General: Liu Ho-ling NBG \n\nSecretariat and Commissary Staffs \n\n85 \n\nment [Hu-chin \n\n*ang-sheng Chin] \n\nStandard \n\nYü Te-k'u \n\n2 Regiment Left Regt \n\nBlue Standard \n\nComd Gen Sich Hung-chang \n\n3 Regiment Right Regt \n\nWhite Standard \n\nComd General Lung \n\n4 Regiment Vanguard Regi \n\nRed Standard \n\nComd xxx \n\n5 Regiment Rear Regt \n\nBlack Standard \n\nComd Gen Chou Wan-shun \n\nlion \n\n \n I Battalion\n Left\n 2 Battalion Supplementary\n \n \n 3 Battalion New\n Bacation Battalion\n \n \n \n Battalion\n t Battalion Forward Battalion\n | Baration Right Baualcon\n \n \n 2 Battalion Supplementary Battalion\n 3 Battalion New Battalion\n 2 Ballation Supplementary\n \n \n Battalion\n 2 Battalion Supplemenary\n Battalion\n \n \n 3 Battalion New Battalion\n 1 Battalion Rear Battalion\n 2 Battalion Suplementary Battalion\n \n \n 3 Battalion New\n \n \n \n\nForeign-armed \n\nUnit \n\nBattalion \n\nunds \n\n· Mesny -ying] \n\nl'u \n\n[Fu-chung Ying] Cond: Colonel Hsiang \n\n(Hain-chung Ying] \n\n[Yang-pao To \n\nComd \n\n洋炮釅 \n\nColonel Hsung \n\ncompanies \n\n1st Battalion - 'original', 2nd Battalion - 'Supplementary', and 3rd Battalion - 'New' \n\n>, usually pronounced \"Guo-i\" means \"Determined and Faithful\" \n\ndowel Hsiang appeared to have commanded both the 2nd Battalion and the Foreign-armed Unit as General Yü Te-k'ai commanded not only his Regiment but also the 1st Battalion \n\nMesny also referred to the following without identifying their subordination: The Chung-tzu Ying & consisting of Sha-jen; four unidentified battalions of auxiliaries - Mino and Chinese rebels, one commanded by Sha-yen Wang; four unidentified battalions commanded by Brevet Maj-Gen Lan, Colonel Wang, Yang Yich-ting and Li Yin-chiu", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212798, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "92\n\nLi Hung-chang ## [1823-1901]\n\nHe was one of the outstanding figures in modern Chinese history; a statesman and diplomat. He was Governor of Kiangsu province at the time of the Taiping Rebellion, and again was a major proponent in the self-strengthening movement in Imperial China during the latter years of the Ch'ing dynasty. He was first a soldier who came to notice during the suppression of the Taiping rebellion and later went on to help develop western economic methods to endeavour to lead China into a greater independence from western domination. He emerged from comparative obscurity commanding a few battalions of field troops with the title of Expectant Tao-t'ai of Fukien in 1859 serving under Tseng Kuo-fan (q.v.) and soon rose to fame.\n\nLiu Ming-ch'uan ## [1836-1896]\n\n劉銘傳\n\nSaid to have been a gang leader who murdered a rich villager. When the Taiping rebels threatened his area, he organised a volunteer corps which became famous as a military leader. He was rewarded by being made an official of the first rank and Commander-in-Chief of Chihli at the early age of 29. Under the command of Tseng Kuo-fan, he defeated the Nien rebels. Some time later, in 1884, he was made Governor of Fukien during the France-Chinese war and ordered to garrison Formosa. Liu was defeated in several lesser battles but held Taipei and was probably saved by a French change of policy when they withdrew from Formosa [Taiwan]. Liu was made Governor of Taiwan in 1885 and relinquished his post in 1891, dying in retirement.\n\nLittle, Robert and Archibald\n\nRobert [Bob] was a failed tea merchant who edited the North China Daily News for eighteen years. According to OM Green, he was the best-loved man ever known in the Settlement [Shanghai]. His brother, Archibald Little, who was not so loved according to others, has been credited with designing and taking the first steamship up the Gorges. He made the first attempt in 1888 but, when he got to I-chang, the officials raised a storm of protest and he had to desist; the Chinese Government afterwards buying up his ships. In 1899, he tried again, with a boat called the Pioneer, and got through from I-chang to Chungking in seven days compared with the three or even six weeks it took a junk to be hauled up by trackers on the bank. Archibald's wife, Alicia, founded one of...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212805, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "99\n\nrebellion [1851-1868], led by Chang Lo-hsing, was a rising of impoverished peasants against the Manchu dynasty in the area to the north of the Huai River. It was defeated by the local Huai Army under Li Hung-chang into whose army many Nien were enlisted for service in the troubles in the North-west.\n\nNingpo: a treaty port on the coast of the eastern province of Chekiang.\n\nPai-lou: an ornamental archway in memory of a deceased person of exceptional chastity, loyalty or filial piety.\n\nSeals [Mandarin]: Every Chinese official of any standing had a seal of office. [all seals, either government, business house (hong) or personal were usually referred to as 'chops' by foreigners]\n\nSedan chairs: Mesny was first carried by two bearers but was upgraded to three shortly afterwards. The emperor alone was entitled to sixteen bearers, princes of the blood eight, and all other officials down to Prefect four, including District Magistrates if in office. Below this grade two was the rule. All tao-t'ai's rode in green chairs carried by four bearers, accompanied on their official visits by a great number of attendants, some of whom were bodyguards, the others bearers of the insignias of office.\n\n'Self-Strengthening': a Chinese term denoting the policy of selective adoption of western technology and institutions between 1860 and 1895. One of the main proponents was Li Hung-chang about whom Mesny wrote many complimentary and other not so complimentary comments.\n\nSquares: pu-tzu: Square badges denoted the nine grades of official ranks in later dynastic China, worn front and back of the official's surcoat. They were some twelve inches square, embroidered in various designs, portraying, for example, a silver pheasant for a civil official grade 5, and a tiger for a grade 4 military official.\n\nSqueeze: applied both as a verb and substantive to peculation of any kind. Originally it was the commission Chinese servants, fully in accordance with Chinese custom, charged their masters on all articles purchased.\n\nTa Ch'ing**: The Great Pure Dynasty: The name of the last Imperial", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212943, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "Lectures:\n\n1993\n\n16 April\n\n14 May\n\n11 June\n\n9 July\n\n15 October\n\n30 October\n\n19 November\n\n26 November\n\n9 December\n\n1994\n\n21 January\n\n18 February\n\n11 March\n\n21 March\n\nChinese Opera Di S.Y Chan\n\nGrowing Up in China Mr Denis Bray\n\nNew Territories Poetry and Song Di Patrick Hase\n\nThe Li Family of Hong Kong Mr Frank Ching\n\nChinese Festivals in Hong Kong. Dr Patrick Hase based on video taken by Mr. Peter Lee\n\nMult-culturalism and Asia Asian Arts Society of Australia Dr. James Hayes\n\nEmigration from Hong Kong Dr. Elizabeth Sinn\n\nLaw as a Foreign Language Professor Derek Roebuck\n\nTriad Societies in Hong Kong Mr. Ip Pau-fuk\n\nWilliam Mesney. Mr Keith Stevens\n\nChinese Clothing An Illustrated Guide Mis Valery Garrett\n\nEternal Serenity Meaning of Architecture of the Chinese Buddhist Monastery Di Puay-peng Ho\n\nAncient Chinese Gold Dr Simon Kwan\n\nCrossing the Taklamakan Desert Mr Charles Blackmore\n\nVisits:\n\n1993\n\n3 April\n\n2 May\n\n22 May\n\n5 June/September\n\n25 June\n\n3 July\n\n30 September\n\nExhibition of paintings by Nancy Woo - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University\n\nJewish Cemetery\n\nMer Yung Tang Collection of Paintings by Chan Dai Chien Chinese University Art Gallery\n\nMarine Police Headquarters in Tsim Sha Tsui (two visits)\n\nJapanese Tea Ceremony - Fung Ping Shan Museum, HK University\n\nPicnic and outing to Yuen Tun Village Civil Aid Services Camp, Tar Lam Chung\n\nWo Hang Village to see making and letting off of paper balloons (Moon Festival)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213223, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "24 \n\nthe business in 1876 and died at Dresden in June 1886 (DP 17 June 1886, 31 Dec. 1895).\n\nBernard Harkort established a firm of his own at Shanghai in 1857 when he took over the business of Trautmann and Co (FC 30 June 1857). He retired in 1863 and returned to his home at Leipzig where he died in 1865 (CM 5 Feb. 1863, 7 Dec. 1865). Gustav von Hitzeroth became a partner of Carlowitz and Co. in 1864.\n\nThe importance of the firm in the German trade with China is indicated by the presence of successive partners of the firm on the Board of the Hongkong and Shanghai Banking Corporation from 1879 to 1914. A branch of the firm was opened at Shanghai in 1877 under the management of Alfred F.O. Krause (DP 3 Apr. 1877). Mr. Krause and Bernhard Philipp Schmacker became partners in the company in 1881 (CM 3 Jan. 1881). Chemical dyes have long been a specialty of the German trade. In 1880 Carlowitz and Co. advertised themselves as the agents for the Aniline Dye Co. of Berlin (DP 30 Apr. 1881). The company represented German financiers in arranging a five million mark loan to His Excellency Li Hung-chang in 1887 (DP 28 Feb. 1887). It also represented the Krupp armament firm in 1912 for a loan of six million marks with the head of Chekiang Province (DP 15 May 1912).\n\nThe enlarged business interests of the firm were accompanied by the admission of additional partners: Charles Von Bose 1883, Eduard Jean Mac Paquin 1887, Gustav Adolph Degenes, retired 1899, H. Caesar Erdmann, retired 1900 but remained a dormant partner, Friedrich Carl Paul Sachse 1893. This list is not exhaustive. When the firm was placed under liquidation in 1914 the partners were M. March, R. Lenzmann and A. Schultz, all of Hamburg, T. Rusmore in New York, B. Rosenbaum and R. Laurenz in Shanghai, A. von Bohuscewiez in Tientsin and C. Landgraf in Hong Kong.\n\nSiemssen and Company\n\nPustau and Co. was the first German firm to open an office in Hong Kong. Siemssen and Co. followed them from Canton some nine years later (FC 31 Mar. 1855). George Theodor Siemssen had established himself at Canton in 1849. In 1855 he bought a lot on Queen's Road near the present Hongkong and Shanghai Bank building. Until the building he\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213257, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "Fung shur is not composed entirely of superstitions. Much consists of a complex web of well-documented metaphysical beliefs and esoteric knowledge based on first principles and supported by philosophical theory and practices grounded in ancient, indigenous lore. There is a rich technical vocabulary (Morgan, 1980:209).\n\nAlthough sometimes dismissed by sceptics as old-wives tales, psychic power in various forms and occultism are, of course, not uncommon in the West. They include hypnotic suggestion, thought transference, telepathy, premonition, emotional links, out-of-body experiences, life-after-death, and even the charming of warts.\n\nFung shu doctrine embraces magnetism, cosmic waves, radio activity, the mysteries of heaven and earth, the natural sciences, logic, higher mathematics, chemistry, geology, geography, philosophy, astronomy, psychology, ecology, architecture, spatial orientation, and ergonomics. It has been claimed that what geomancy is to geography, astrology is to astronomy (Cumine, 1981:75). Although fung shui depends upon elements such as design, spatial planning, ecology, and common sense, there is also a degree of mysticism. Sometimes geomancy is debased by gnosis, ancient spiritual sciences and beliefs, folk religion, and traditional mythology. The relationship to nature, and observing nature's principles linked to the universe, is important. Some practitioners claim, 'One does not demand reasons from nature.'\n\nOne fung shui master stated, 'A person is not just born, married, loses his or her job, and dies. There are reasons. For example: in early 1992, the Antiquities Advisory Board was preparing for a group photograph. The author wanted to walk in, and stand in the centre behind a row of chairs, but his path was blocked by a group of fellow members. During those intervening seconds, a heavy electric-light globe capable of maiming or killing came crashing down just where the author would have stood. Some Board members reacted by saying good fortune comes in waves. At that time the author's luck was at a high ebb. Then would have been the time to have bought a sweepstake ticket. Luck attracts luck. Other members said that, because the author had donated blood 70 times, escaping death was a reward for good deeds.'\n\nThere are references to fung shui as early as the third century BC, referring to the construction of the ... (a li is about one third of an ...).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213351, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "156\n\nintellectual and historical traditions. Thus they were able to push the study of Hong Kong history to new frontiers.\n\nThe Hong Kong History Project, Chinese University of Hong Kong\n\nResearch was pursued with great energy at the Chinese University, and a history project its members began in 1978 may be said to have marked a turning point in the development of the study of local history.\n\nAimed at saving whatever historical information that might still be found, the Project included Ng Lun Ngai-ha, Kwan Li-hung, David Faure, Bernard Luk, Tam Yu-yim and Barbara Ward, and teams of students. They began by gathering historical inscriptions in temples and ancestral halls, and then went on to interviewing villagers for what they remembered of the villages. Villagers were also asked to come forward with whatever documents they had. Soon, gathering documentary materials and interviewing became complementary. The research teams worked on one district at a time, first concentrating on Sha Tin and Sai Kung, then Lam Tsuen and in 1982, Tsuen Wan, though members would approach other villages in the New Territories whenever the opportunity arose. Their search yielded rich fruits because they cast their nets wide - they sought materials that earlier researchers had not considered relevant. Thus documents such as village regulations, land deeds and accounts, ritual and ceremonial texts, scholars' handbooks, textbooks and almanacs, clan records and so forth were gathered, and these were able to throw new light on important, and yet hitherto neglected, aspects of village life - daily life, farming and subsistence, sickness and death, family life, marketing, intervillage organizations, internal village organization, \n\n22\n\nThe project must have seemed like a massive raid by scholars into the New Territories, and its benefit to other scholars is incalculable. Many of the manuscripts and books were deposited in public libraries. Inscriptions copied were published in three volumes as Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, now standard reference. The wealth in information supplied by these inscriptions is overwhelming, and Maurice Freedman noted that, together with land deeds, genealogies and other records, they formed the basic sources for an understanding of the New Territories. The exercise was all the more timely since, in face of Hong Kong's rapid development, it was possible that many of the inscriptions might have been lost had the project not been undertaken at that time. 24", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213442, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "CHOK HUNG vs. LI FUI CHOI\n\n\"No enquiry has ever been made to ascertain what Chinese law is. It is an extraordinary fact that the Court of this Colony, in which the Chinese live and trade as freely as Englishmen and citizens of other countries, should do with regard to the Chinese what it would never dream of doing with regard to Frenchmen or Germans or Americans; and not only that, but that it should be entirely in ignorance of Chinese law on any subject which concerns the family life and family law of those who form the bulk of its inhabitants, which is so often before the Courts—its marriage law, and the rights of property it gives; its law applicable to children. We are in the dark as to the law of majority, as to the customary law of China generally, and above all as to its law of succession. The attitude of the Court has been to let the troublesome question wait until it is definitely raised by the parties. I myself have been guilty of this, though I have rebelled more than once or twice.\n\nPage 20\n\nDuring the last half century, there have been three such enquiries, of which the results have been published. I refer, of course, to the Report of the Committee appointed in 1948,1 Greenfield's article on marriage,2 and the report and recommendations on the same subject by the Attorney General and Secretary for Chinese Affairs in 1960.2 The latter two publications do not deal with any Chinese customary law of marriage particularly obtaining in the New Territories, but the first does deal with certain aspects of Chinese customary law peculiar to the New Territories.\n\nIf a search is made of the law reports, only two cases will be found where the particular Chinese customary law obtaining in the New Territories was considered. Prima facie, that is a remarkably small number for 57 years of law reporting, and it is worthwhile probing the reasons for this dearth of case law.\n\nFirstly, the Chinese much prefer to compose their disputes or to refer them to extra-judicial arbitration than to a court of law.**\n\nSecondly, in deference to this general desire of the litigants, the District Officers arranged for the bulk of the disputes which came before them, in their Small Debts Courts or when they sat as Assistant Land Officers to decide summary land cases, to be settled out of court, most", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213476, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "39\n\nCivil Code (see also Committee Report 2953. pp. 193 and 251)\n\nIn the matter of the state of YOUNG SING, YOUNG LING SHI & 2 OTHERS vs YOUNG HONG NING (unreported) the original record was destroyed during the Japanese occupation but a contemporary newspaper report is to be found in the South China Morning Post of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th July 1940.\n\n12. I am indebted to the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for giving me permission to peruse their files on the subject (particularly SCA3/251/51 and SCA2/351/54).\n\nPR File SCA2/351/54\n\nWilson's Notes\n\nWilson's Notes, 61; Van der Valk, op. cit. p. 76 where this custom is described under the title of \"T'ung-yang-hsi\".\n\nMorris, Hong Kong and Malaya, E.T.M.S.O. 1937, p. 14, for the custom generally see Burkhardt, op. cit., Vol. 1, p. 173.\n\nHvide Committee Report Appendix IV, p. 120 and Chap. I, para. 13 but in Ping Shan Land Case No. 24 of 1954, JANG LAP TEUNG vs TO SHU KAN (unreported) the Assistant Land Officer (Mr. B.D. Wilson), in the absence of proof that perpetual leases could be made under Chinese custom relied upon the English Rule against Perpetuities. (This case was the subject of Civil Appeal No. 24 of 1954 TO SHU KAN vs. JANG LI YAU TSO (unreported) but Reynolds, J. held that he had no jurisdiction to hear and determine the appeal).\n\n19 (1949) HKLR 58.\n\n1 Wilson's Notes; Gompertz, op. cit. para. 16 and compare Jamieson, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, Shanghai 1921, pp. 30-31.\n\nTM Committee Report, 1953, Chap. V, para. 400 at p. 54.\n\n* Now Cap. 30, and see Committee Report, 1953, Chap. II, para. 17 at p. 9.\n\nDe Wilson's Notes.\n\nCommittee Report, 1953, Appendix IV, p. 120 and Chap. II, para. 13, after Williams, Ag. C.J. in Civil Appeal No. 16 of 1947, CHEUNG SAU TIM vs CHEUNG YUI LAM, (1948) 32 HKLR 1, at p. 6.\n\nThis statement is from Wilson's Notes.\n\nT'ung-yang-hsi = a wife married when both parties were previously unmarried.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "55\n\npoor doctor escaped to Taiwan on some other score.\n\nThen we learned that the famous playwright Woo Tzu-kwong () married the actress Hsin Fung-hsia () and the couple live happily together until now. It is fair to say that the theatrical people in China, including those actors and actresses, are living a stricter moral life than their counterparts of the European and American origin. I hope that, one of these days, the social differences will be swept away so that men and women can live a non-hobbled life as anybody else.\n\nThe Applause and the Booing\n\nApplause by hand clapping is only a recent invention to the theatres in China. In the old days, applause came spontaneously from the audience when the public felt the singing or acting was beautifully done by yelling the word “Hao” (好) in the third tone. Booing was seldom practiced except for the following few reasons:\n\n(a) when the singer missed or could not keep up with the rhythm or beat of the music;\n\n(b) when the hat fell off from the actor's head to the ground; \n\n(c) in a fighting scene, when his spear, or weapon, fell to the ground.\n\nCoincidentally, booing is delivered by yelling the same word “Hao\" (好) in a different tone, the fourth tone, pronounced as ().\n\n\"The Patron Saint” of the Theatre\n\nYou have probably heard that in China, every trade has its quasi-deity who is worshipped with reverence. The position of this quasi-god equals, in status, the “Patron Saint\" in the Western world.\n\nIn the theatrical profession, they worship Emperor Xuan-zong (玄宗) of the Tang Dynasty - his real name is Li Long-ji (). Xuan-zong is his reigning name.\n\nHe was an exceptionally talented man, possessing charm and charisma. In the second year of his reign, he established, within his palace, a school which he called the \"Pear Garden”, to teach young and talented men and women how to sing and to put on a show. Up to this day, people like to refer to theatrical men and women as \"disciples", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213783, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "106\n\nThe genealogy of the Chengs of the Nam Wai traced their origin to a Song dynasty settlement in several places of Xingning, with farming and orchard land of several Chinese acres and population of more than one thousand. As the result of disorder during the Yuan they lost all names and burial places of ancestors save what was called their zheng shizu immediate Beginning Ancestor, ancestor Shao Ji(7) Lang. This name, while not indicated as a duming, also fits into the pattern of ordination names. The beginning ancestor's eldest son Shao Jiu(19), who was said to be of the Yuan dynasty, had only one son Shi Jiu (19). The latter moved to Changle County in the Taiding period (1324-1327) when he had no relatives around at the native place of Xingning. His son Liu Shi San (63) bore a son during the Hongwu years, Liu Shi Jiu (69). Liu Shi Jiu had a son called Sheng who lived during the Tianshun years (1457-1464), to whom the genealogy attributed magical powers,” but does not indicate any ordination name. One part of the genealogy listed the next eight generations, showing separately the two descendants of each of his two sons, while limiting itself to the descendants of the elder son in the last four generations. Another listed the descendants of the second son, who is an ancestor of the Chengs of Nam Wai. The first ancestor to have an ordination name in the genealogy is Fa You in the seventh generation, an ancestor of the Chengs of Nam Wai. His father lived in early Ming during the Hongwu years (1368-1398). But it was among the descendants of the first son that we find many with ordination names, a large proportion of the ancestors named for the 12nd to 14th generations.\" The only other ancestor of the Chengs of Nam Wai to have an ordination name was Fa Jing of the 16th generation who moved to the Xin'an county in the early years of Kangxi (1662-1722) at a very young age \"His ordination, it therefore appears, probably took place in Xin'an county,\n\nSimilarly, in a fragment of the genealogy of the Lis of Wu Kau Tan after the name of the 14th generation ancestor Ming Fang and his zi and hao names there are eight words which can be punctuated as \"[alternative name] Fa Nian, and fang ming Li Mou Shi Lang”. While the term Shi Lang is the same as a title of an official it seemed to be originally Mou Shi(4)Lang. The caption of the plate says this is the first ancestor of the Lis to move to the Hong Kong region, probably in early Qing. The Chens of Luk Keng and elsewhere of the New Territories had some ancestors with ordination names since the 1st generation in early Ming until the 10th generation in early Qing. One\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213836, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "161\n\nthe community from calamity.\" The temple is nothing more than a small room of about 50 sq ft with simple decoration. On the altar an idol representing the deity is enshrined. At the corner of the room, there is a place for the earth god. As observed, incense is occasionally offered at this unfrequented temple.\n\nEven smaller in size is the wooden Ta-wang Palace at Ma Wan Chung. Hung there is a 1989 canopy with the title \"the Pantheon of The Earth God in Southeast and the Empress of Heaven\" (天后地主大王). The temple thus seems to serve as a Ta-wang shrine for individual worshippers at the village, as well as a temple of the Empress of Heaven for the fishing community in the vicinity. Fishermen, or former fishermen, there all regard themselves as members of the Tung Chung community. They settled ashore at their shacks 40-50 years ago. They also have ancestral graves in the area. Now more than 400 people from 48 households are official residents of the Fishermen's Village. Some of them have even managed to acquire and expand homesteads. Intermarriage between them and settlers at other villages has become acceptable. While fishermen in other regions usually worship the Empress of Heaven as their patron goddess, Tung Chung's fishing population are mainly Houwang worshippers. They have donated money to support opera shows during the deity's birthday festival and formed an association called Sheng-li t’ang which has actively taken part in festivities in celebration of the Houwang's feast day.\n\n40\n\nNotwithstanding the establishment of the Ta-wang Palace, as pointed out by a settler at the fishermen's village, only a few of them have become frequent visitors to this temple. The Houwang, as Tung Chung's principal god occupying a higher position in the pantheon hierarchy than other deities, remains the most popular deity in the locale, and the Houwang Temple has all along drawn the biggest crowd of worshippers from the community.\n\nFacing the Tung Chung Bay, the Houwang Temple is located at Sha Tsui Tau (see the map of Tung Chung). There is an adjacent open space in front of the temple, now used mainly for the holding of the annual festival commemorating the deity's feast day. The earliest dated ritual item inside the temple, a bell cast with the date of the 30th year of the Ch'ien Lung reign, suggests that the temple might have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213855, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "180\n\nThe\n\nIssei, \"The Jiao Festival in Hong Kong and the New Territories,\" in Julian F. Pas, ed., Turning of the Tides: Religion in China Today (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1989), pp. 271-298\n\nInterviews: K'ung Chao-hsiang (age 79), Lung Tseng Tau, Jul 6, 1991; Hsieh Ch'i, op. cit.\n\nInterview of Mo Shu-ling (age 65), Mok Ka, Jun 29, 1991\n\nInterview of Lo Ch'uan, op. cit., Jul 8, 1991\n\n[hid]\n\n\"Ho, op. cit.; while some villagers did not remember the role of the Houwang in the rituals, an old man, who had witnessed the festival three times, indicated that the Houwang idol would be \"invited\" from the temple and enshrined on an altar set up for the ceremony (Interview of Lo Ch'uan, op. cit., Chap Mun Tau, Jun 22, 1991)\n\n\"Tanaka, op. cit., pp. 273-274\n\n*Faure, 1986, op. cit., p. 84\n\n14\n\nJames Hayes, The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1983), pp. 159-160\n\n\"Ho, op. cit., p. 6\n\n16\n\nInterviews: Cheng P'o, op. cit.; K'ung Chao-hsiang, op. cit.\n\n\"Interviews: Cheng Man-hung, op. cit.; the Tung Chung Public School, Jul 1991; Tseng Kuan-hsing (age 60+), Upper Ling Pei, Jul 12, 1991\n\n*Interview of K'ung Chao-hsiang, op. cit.\n\n14\n\nJCH\n\nIbid.; Interviews: \"Uncle Li\", op. cit.; Cheng Man-hung, op. cit.; the Tung Chung Rural Committee, Aug 12, 1991\n\nInterview of Feng Po (age 65), Ma Wan Chung, Jun 16, 1991\n\nBrum, op. cit.\n\n*James Hayes, \"Chinese Temples in the Local Setting,\" in Some Traditional Chinese Ideas and Conceptions in Hong Kong Social Life Today, Week-end symposium, Oct 2, 1966, the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, p. 92\n\n\"Faure, 1981, op. cit., p. 76\n\n**\"Ch'ung-hsiu Houwang-miao pei-chih,\" IV, 1910, collected in K'o Ta-wen, Lu Hung-chi, & Wu Lun Ni-hsia, comp., Hsiang-kang...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "182\n\n++\n\nJames W Hayes, \"The Patterns of Life in the New Territories in 1898,” JHKBRAS, Vol 2 (1962), p. 75. James Hayes, \"The Settlement and Development of a Multiple-clan Village,\" in Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, ed., Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, Week-end Symposium, 9th-10th May, 1964 (Hong Kong: Cathy Press) p. 13. Hayes. 1966 op cit, pp 92-93\n\n***Kung-li Ta-hsi-shan Tung-Hsi-chung Chiang-shan chu-tien Liang-hsiang ho-huo yung-yuan chao-na pei,” £££%£¶‡ui (@N✯\n\nin K'o, et al. op cit. p 43\n\n65\n\nFor the concept equating local temples with the yamen and temple gods with local officials, see Faure, 1986, op. cit. p 71\n\nJames Hayes, \"Secular Non-gentry Leadership of Temple and Shrine Organizations in Urban British Hong Kong,\" JHKBRAS, Vol 23 (1983), pp. 113-114\n\nK'o et al, op cit. pp 399-402\n\n+\n\n* Law Man Sang, \"The Rural Leadership of Tung Chung \" Graduation Thesis, History, Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1992, pp 36\n\nAT Interview of Kung Chao-hsiang, op cit\n\nFor this point, see Topley, op cit p 18\n\nInterviews of Kung Chao-hsiang, op cit, Jul 6, 1991, Jul 8, 1991\n\n70 Ibid\n\n\"Interview of Cheng Man-hung op cit Jul 1, 1991\n\nIbid\n\n21\n\nInterviews Lo Chin-hu (age 80), Shek Lau Po, Jun 29, 1991, Li P'o, Cheng Man-hung etc, upper Ling Pei, Aug 11, 1991, Huang P'ing T (age 70), Ma Wan Chung, Aug 19, 1991, Cheng Man-hung, Huang Chieh-lin etc, Tung-sheng-lou Sept 23, 1991\n\n#\n\n\"Interview of Cheng Man-hung, op cit. Aug 11, 1991\n\n\"Law, op cit p7\n\nTh\n\nInterview of Huang P'ing, op cit. Aug 18, 1991\n\n+\n\n\"Ng Cheuk You \"Land and People in Tung Chung Valley An Example of Rural Land Use in Hong Kong.\" Ph D Thesis University of Hong Kong, 1965, p\n\n\"Interview of Ch'en Kuang-sheng, op cit, Jul 8, 1991", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214018, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "52 \n\ndedicated to the 3rd century BC hero, Li Mu? Peasant memories have so frequently proved to have been selective and extremely partial to local heroes and as the famous battle fought by Yang Yeh in northern Shansi took place quite close to the site of the temple it would be understandable for them to assume rightly or wrongly that the temple had been dedicated to his son in those distant days before the temple was destroyed. And here is another problem. No one nowadays knew when the temple had been demolished, the best bet would seem to be during the Japanese campaigns of the 1930s.\n\nNOTES\n\n'The Khitan [in Chinese Ch'i-tan] were Tatars who adopted the Chinese name Liao for their dynasty, and were hunters from approximately the area now known as Inner Mongolia\n\n4\n\n༣\n\n\"General\" in Chinese used to be a generic term for the leader of an independent body of soldiers and was even used for leaders of village militia groups as small as a score or so\n\nHe was also known as P'an Hung and referred to in the novel as the Sung Imperial adviser Hung-yang Tung At the Hung-yang cave)\n\nThe Eldest Son was Yang Yuan-ping, the Second Son, Yang Yen-ling, and the Third, Yang Yen-kuang.\n\n*This cult is in no way connected with Yang Hou, whose images have been noted in eight temples in Hong Kong and Macau\n\n7\n\nA small temple in Taipei is dedicated to the Four Ambassadors [who crossed to Taiwan] from the Chin Lake in Ch'uanchou, and despite the main deities within all being pestilence Wang-yeh, and acknowledged as such by the temple keeper, they were also identified as four of the sons of Yang Yeh. The images were well-nigh impossible to discern with any clarity as the protective plate glass was extremely grimy.\n\n8 Werner also noted that Ch'an Shih-kung was a popular deity in Kiangsi province whose aid was sought by peasants for rain during prolonged drought. He added that pictures of the deity in monasteries showed him with a vermilion mark on his forehead and with a tiger crouched at his feet. Legend explained that a tiger which had menaced travellers had been ordered by Ch'an Shih-kung to desist, and it had followed him like a dog thereafter. It would seem that the deity noted by Werner was not in any way connected with Yang Wu Lang.\n\n9 In a small Singapore temple the following title was inscribed into a multi-deity tablet, even though no images of the Yang clan were present: Hsien-feng Yang Chiang-chun Chi-chiao Wang-yeh [The Fleet of Foot Vanguard General].", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214197, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "18\n\npeople believe, and there appears to be truth in this (with greater use being made of the Chinese language since the Handover), that Hong Kong as a city-state is becoming more Chinese. Although this can affect the development of Hong Kong humour it is expected to be more than offset by globalisation and the world-wide effects of radio, television, the Internet and information technology.\n\nThe late Lin Yutang postulated that a Chinese believes, while getting in a few puffs while standing in front of a no-smoking sign, that the world is a stage where drama and high comedy abound. Life is a huge farce and one must not take matters too seriously, whether they be government reforms or funerals (Lin, 1936:65). The latter have a certain amount of 'gaiety' about them. Sending a person on his or her last journey to confront the final mystery of life should, it is believed, be expensive. The Chinese consider only Europeans (Lin insists) take funerals seriously and try to make them solemn affairs. What is wrong at a funeral in getting a few words across to a pal, about horse racing or morning walks, when you have not seen him for a long time? The man who takes life too seriously and obeys all the rules (according to Lin), and keeps off the grass when nobody is looking, appears ridiculous. In addition Chinese humour often takes a tolerant view of vice and evil. Instead of condemning them outright why not make fun of them? Lin Yutang believed humour could transcend cynicism and be used for other and better purposes than reconciling oneself to one's down-trodden position.\n\nAccording to Lin Yutang (1936:64), first-class humour is to be found in the Confucian Analects. \"After all, Confucius is quoted as having said, because Tsai Yu napped during the day:\n\nRotten wood cannot be carved nor a wall of dried dung trowelled. How would I rebuke him?\n\nA saying like that is always good for a chuckle.\n\nMuch humour is to be found in Ming dynasty novels, in Hong Kong's New Territories' folk songs (largely forgotten except among the elderly), and in the poetry of the drunkard, Li Po (alias Li T'ai-po), who lived in the eighth century. He made much of the solace and lib-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214258, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "The King Protector of the East and controller of Spring\n\nelement: water\n\nP'i-p'u Tung-ch'a T'ien-wang LUXXE\n\n毘普動叉天王\n\nRed face\n\nMo-li Hai\n\nLute/guitar\n\nor Umbrella\n\n摩禮海\n\nor Sword and Snake\n\nor writing brush\n\nor Green face\n\nKuang-mu Virupaksa\n\nT'ien-wang\n\nwith Red beard 廣目天王 [Colour: red]\n\nThe King Protector of the West and controller of Winter\n\nelement: fire\n\n79\n\nP'i-p'u Po-ch'a T'ien-wang OXXE\n\nMo-li Shou Rat or Mongoose\n\nPink or Green face Tseng-ch'ang Virudhaka\n\nT'ien-wang\n\n[Colour: Red] 增吒天王\n\n[which changes into\n\nand short beard\n\n摩禮壽\n\na white, winged\n\nor Red Bird\n\nelephant]\n\nor Red or Golden Dragon\n\nor Magic sword and ring\n\nor Whip\n\nThe King Protector of the South and controller of Summer [or Spring]\n\nelement: wood\n\nT'i-t'ou Lai-cha T'ien-wang DELI\n\nMo-li Hung Umbrella\n\nPink or white face T'o-wen Vaisravana\n\nClean shaven\n\nor Money bag\n\nT'ien-wang\n\n摩禮紅\n\nor Snake [and pearl]\n\n[Colour: Black]\n\n多聞天王\n\nor Rat/Mongoose\n\nor gold\n\nand occasionally", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214273, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "94\n\nAh-hsü-lo Wang 阿修羅王\n\n[Asura]\n\nNa-lo-yen T'ien\n\n那羅延天\n\n[Narayana - son of Nara -the Original Man]\n\nMi-ta Chin-kang\n\n密達金剛\n\n[Guhyapati raja]\n\nT'i-t'ou Le-cha 提頭勒吒\n\n[Mo-li Hai - Dhrtarastra - Guardian of the East - one of the Four Diamond Kings]\n\nP'i-lo Le-cha 毘羅勒吒\n\n[Mo-li Hung- Virudhaka, Guardian of the South - one of the Four Diamond Kings]\n\nP'i-lo-po-cha\n\n毗羅博叉\n\n[Mo-li Ch'ing - Virupaksa - Guardian of the West - one of the Four Diamond Kings]\n\n[T'o-wen T'ien Wang - Mo-li Hung]\n\nP'i-sha-men T'ien 毗沙門天\n\n[Vaisravana, One of the Four Diamond Kings - the Guardian of the North - Bishamen]\n\n[Protector of Travellers in the train of the 1000 arm Kuan Yin]\n\nChin Ta Wang\n\n金大王\n\nChin-se Kung-ch'iao [Five-colour Peacock]\n\n金色孔雀\n\nMan Hsien-jen 滿仙人\n\n[Purna - The Fully-complete Immortal]\n\nMa-hu-lo Wang 摩虎羅王\n\n[Mahoraga]\n\nMa-ho-lo Nü\n\n摩和羅女\n\n[?]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214461, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 319, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "286\n\narms Force, and at about this time Ward was strongly praised by Hope,1 the British Admiral who appealed for a large expansion to Ward's force. The eventual force of about 8,000, under a number of foreign officers and several Chinese was, after several very successful battles, named by imperial decree the \"Ever Victorious Army [Ch'ang-sheng Chün].” It was under the overall command of the Governor of Kiangsu province. He was awarded the fourth rank button with peacock feather, though he has also been said to have received the higher imperial award of the Yellow Riding Jacket. At about this time Ward married the daughter of his Shanghai Chinese merchant-patron, Yang Fang. Referred to as Major Ward or General Ward, his rank was immaterial. He was the commander and, in Chinese terminology, commanders in action of forces larger than company level, that is over about one hundred men, were referred to as Chiang-chün, a term translated into English as General.\n\nHe died in Ningpo in September 1862 having been mortally wounded in action at nearby Tz'u-ch'i while reconnoitring by himself and having asked to be buried in the court of the Confucian Temple at Sungkiang, his unthinkable request was granted. He was succeeded for a short time first by another American, Burgevine [of whom more later], and then temporarily by Captain Holland before being finally replaced by Charles Gordon, a British officer in the Royal Engineers. The latter was generally credited by foreigners with the eventual defeat of the Taiping forces. In reality, by the time of Ward's death the corner had already been turned by the much larger Imperial forces under Li Hung-chang, supported by the Ever Victorious Army and other similar small units of foreign led Chinese, and within a short time they, together with British [a brigade of some two and a half thousand men under Brigadier-General Charles Staveley] and French forces, had the Taiping in retreat. Harry Franck, the American traveller of the 1920s, explained probably quite accurately that \"Gordon did the least of the work and won most of the credit for the 'Ever Victorious Army'.\"\n\nFranck retold a legend that \"Ward had planned, in case the Trent affair [during the US civil war] resulted in war with England, to seize British warships and merchantmen in Chinese waters. He had converted his large possessions into cash and negotiable securities, which disappeared when he was killed. An English officer last seen with him was accused of the theft, and there were long proceedings in the U.S. Consular Court in Shanghai.”", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214628, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "Hang, Nga Tsin Long, Shek Kwu Lung and elsewhere in the area. Branches of the village clans moved out of the area to Siu Lek Yuen, Tseung Kwan O, and Lamma Island, during the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.\n\nWritten records, however, give a different, more complex, and doubtless more accurate account. The Ng clan has three surviving Tsuk Po, an old hand-written one from Nga Tsin Wai itself (several slightly different copies of this survive), and a recent printed revision and updating of it, and yet another hand-written version from the branch of the clan that moved to Siu Lek Yuen in Sha Tin in the late seventeenth century14. The Chan clan has a Tsuk Po from the branch of the clan that moved to Tseung Kwan O in the early eighteenth century. No written records are known to survive from the Li clan, however. The foundation records of Tai Wai, in Sha Tin, also have some information to offer.\n\nThe Chan clan Tsuk Po gives as the First Ancestor of the clan the second of the clan to settle in Kwangtung. Chan Tsun-hing (陳遵興), the father of the First Ancestor, came from Kiangsi, and was posted to Nam Hung (Nanhsiung, 南雄) in Kwangtung after achieving great success in the Imperial Examinations in 1138. His son, the First Ancestor, Chan Hing-yuen (陳興遠), also achieved official rank, and moved from Nam Hung after he had married and had two sons (i.e., probably in the middle twelfth century, or a little after that period), to Nga Pin Heung (衙前鄉, “Beside the Yamen”). Later in the Tsuk Po it states that this place was \"at Kowloon\", and that the place was so named because it stood to one side of the yamen of the Pak Kap Sze (伯嘉祠), who was presumably a military official.\n\nThe Chan clan Tsuk Po gives five further generations of the clan who died in the Sung (i.e., before 1279), and a further three who died in the Yuan (i.e., between 1280 and 1367). If it is assumed that Chan Hing-yuen was born about 1125, and assuming a 25-year generation gap, the last Sung ancestor would have been born about 1245, and the last Yuan ancestor about 1320, and this seems to fit the dates given well, and can be taken as probably close to the truth.\n\nThe Chan clan Tsuk Po then proceeds to give six ancestors who died in the Ming. This cannot be correct. The Ming (1367-1644)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214687, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "Sham Sam, Shan] Yarn Tso, tr. Ng Tsuk [Tseuk] Ming, Tso Sang\n\n1/1\n\n0.55\n\nSome lots have one of the trustees, others the other, or both. Tso Sang holds no individual land\n\nShi Tsun Tso, tr. Ng Yuk Tsun\n\nShing Pak Tso, tr. Kun Po with Tsing Yam Tso & Chau Yam Tso\n\n0.60\n\n0.54\n\nTr. holds no individual land\n\n0.12\n\nTr. holds no individual land\n\nShing Tat Tso, tr. Shui Po (1{Anc.Hall}) (6 sites)\n\nKC2/8\n\n0.78\n\nWith Li Shing Kwai Tso and Chan Chiu In Tso (1(Tin Hau Temple & Vill.Office)) (2 sites)\n\nShing Un Tso\n\nSz Ko Tso, tr. Chuk [Tseuk] Ming\n\nTak ko Tso, tr. Ng Fuk with Hon Ko Tso, Fung Ko Tso\n\nTing Fuk Tso, tr. Ng Kam Tak\n\nTsak Tai Tso, tr. Ng Tsun San\n\nTseuk Lai Tso, tr. Ng Shing Hi\n\nTsing Yam Tso\n\nKCL1/2\n\nSP1/3\n\n8.73\n\nSee Yat Un Tso. Some lots show Tsun Shau or Kun Shau or Tak Lap us trustee. Some agric land is in Po Kong village area.\n\n0.68\n\n1 lot has Man Hi as trustee.\n\nI has Yuk Sing [0.46]\n\nSP1/3\n\n0.37\n\nTr. holds no individual land\n\n0.07\n\n1/1\n\nKC1/9\n\n0.56\n\nSee Sham Yam Tso\n\n99", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215072, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "125\n\nthe death of his mother who had been defenestrated on orders from her husband, King Zhou, as punishment for bearing such a 'monster.' Yin Jiao was determined to destroy not only his father but also the Imperial Concubine, Da Ji, the Nine-tailed Fox Spirit and current royal favourite who had caused the death of Yin's mother by her calumnies. Yin was presented with two magic weapons by the Goddess Tian Fei, a gold club and a battle-axe, and after the final great battle between the forces of the declining, sinister and corrupt Shang dynasty and the victorious future Zhou dynasty at Wan Xian Chen, Yin Jiao fought first on the side of his father, King Zhou. Later, after switching sides and fighting for the good King Wu, he was unfortunately decapitated by a general during the battles having been sandwiched by the Buddha Randeng between two mountains. He was deified during the general deification at the end of the war by Jiang Ziya, the future Prime Minister of the new dynasty, on the authority of the Jade Emperor. Yin Jiao, at the end of the novel, having been sent by Heaven to bring dread calamity down on to King Zhou because of his blasphemies and evil ways, volunteered to be the executioner of his father and his father's concubine, Da Ji. He was proclaimed Prince Jingming and was rewarded by the Jade Emperor for his bravery and filial piety with the titles of Taisui, Marshal Yin and with the presidency of the Ministry of Time. In the novel, the full title of Yin Jiao, the younger son of the evil King Zhou of the Shang dynasty, is Dou Lei Taisui Yin Yuanshuai.\n\nRC\n\nand as one of the Twenty-four Heavenly Lords he is also referred to as Yin the Heavenly Lord (Yin Tianjun).\n\nAn entirely different story is given in another novel, the Shenyi Jing which tells of Jin Chong, the son of Pan Gu the creator of the world, who lived in the mountains of Shandong province. Jin was canonised as Taisui by Fu Xi, a primeval ruler and sage, the first of the three emperors of the legendary period, for his many good deeds and was made responsible to Heaven for supervising the activities of all the spirits and demons. Few Chinese would appear to know this story.\n\nDoré, who refers to Taisui as the Patron of the Harvests, explains that Yin Jiao's baby name whilst living with He Xiangu was Jin Nazha. This adds further confusion to the legends surrounding Li Nazha [the Third Prince - San Taizi], a very popular deity who appears with great frequency in Chinese legends and fairy tales.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215210, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 306, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "270\n\nconnection, as my mother was a Yip from Chan Uk Village, also at Nam Tau. There were over ten families of Ng in Kowloon Tsai, but we had no ancestral hall there. There were two parts to the village, an upper and lower part - Sheung and Ha Wai. We lived in the Ha Wai. There was a Tin Hau temple at the village, and we had puppet shows on the goddess' birthday every year when I was young. We also had a Ta Chiu in the village every ten years.\n\n'I was married to a Li of Sheung Sha Po Village when I was 18. My husband was a revenue officer in the Customs service. We had three houses in the village, but they were all demolished for the airfield extension. We were sent first to a vacant tenement house in Cheung On Street [not identified in a modern street guide, but very likely to have been in nearby suburban Kowloon] whose owner had left. We were there for 4-6 months, before moving to Model Village.\n\n'I am Shing Sung, now 55, a Hakka. I was born at Nam Tau and came to Kowloon when I was 18 to join my uncle who owned a wooden house at Tsat Kan Uk [The Seven Houses], a place north of old Kowloon Tsai Village. I later built a wooden hut there for myself. I came to Model Village after the war. I remember that there were private fields in the general area, as well as government land. People named Fung, Hui and Tsang owned fields there before the war.\n\n'I am Madam Law Mui, aged 57, also Hakka. I was born at Nam Tau, and came to Kowloon when I was 20, to marry Shing Sung's elder brother - also to The Seven Houses. We farmed government land there, for which we had a permit and paid fees, both before and after the war. There were many people at Ap Tsai Wu (Duckling Pond), the name of the general area where we lived and farmed. They were scattered here and there, because we were all vegetable farmers and you built your own house beside your own plot of land. Like Shing Sung, we moved to Model Village after the war.\n\n'I am Madam Kwai-fung, aged 64. I am a Hakka, born at Sha Po Tsai, Kowloon, where my family had lived for several generations. My father kept a store in Lower Sha Po, near Blacksmiths' Street in the Kowloon City suburb. When I was 22, I was married to Ng Sam-hong, a Punti, of Old Kak Hang Village, next to Nga Tsin Wai, when we had gone to live in a newly repaired house. We had two houses of our own at the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215271, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "1 March 2002\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH\n\nLIBRARY\n\nADDITIONS LIST 2001/2002\n\nAdams, Edward Ben, 1934-\n\nPalaces of Seoul: Yi dynasty palaces in Korea's capital city; foreword by Hwang Su-Young. Seoul, Korea: Taewon Pub. Co., c1972.\n\nBelden, Jack, 1910-\n\nChina shakes the world. New York: Harper & brothers, c1949.\n\nBodde, Derk, 1909-\n\nLaw in imperial China: exemplified by 190 Ch'ing dynasty cases (translated from the Hsing-an hui-lan) with historical, social, and juridical commentaries. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, c1967.\n\nBoulger, Demetrius Charles de Kavanagh, 1853-1928\n\nThe life of Sir Halliday Macartney, K.C.M.G., commander of Li Hung Chang's trained force in the Taeping rebellion, founder of the first Chinese arsenals, for thirty years councillor and secretary to the Chinese legation in London. London, New York: J. Lane company, 1908.\n\nCarney, Dora Sanders, 1903-\n\nForeign devils had light eyes: a memoir of Shanghai 1933-1939. Toronto: Dorset Pub., 1980.\n\nCopper, John Franklin\n\nWords across the Taiwan Strait: a critique of Beijing's \"White paper\" on China's reunification. Lanham: University Press of America, c1995.\n\nCroft, Michael\n\nRed carpet to China. London: Longmans, c1958.\n\nCronin, Vincent, 1924-\n\nThe wise man from the West. London: R. Hart-Davis, c1955.\n\nxlv", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215303, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "28\n\nsparse evidence we have from local chronicles.\n\nIn Gong'an Magistracy (in Jingzhou Prefecture) people hoped for rain on the She day as this was a good omen. In the same vein we find a note from Tongshan Magistracy (in Wuchang Prefecture) to the effect that if it rained on the She Day, it was said: 'She Weng yu rain of the Worthy She'. A rustic proverb had it that 'She Gong Mr. She'--and 'She Mu Lady She'--'do not drink old water'. The metaphor here was that the fresh water of the spring rains was drunk by the earth. It is interesting to note that the proverb insists on a female counterpart to the She.\n\nIn Yingshan Magistracy there were si offerings to the She; these were spoken of as qi gu 'prayer for grain'. Similar offerings, but this time described as jiao libations, occurred here in Yingshan on the third day of the third moon, later on in the spring. On the She Day we encounter offerings taking place in Zhongxiang Magistracy, the capital in Anlu Prefecture, and here we get some more detail concerning the rustic population. The chronicler describes how the celebration engaged wu and xi male and female sorcerers-who appeared with drums and singing, thus welcoming the shen spirits. With 'arms joined' they were stamping on the ground, all this being a ge jie ji 'an offering of rhythmic singing'. Everyone drank She wine and shared She meat. The wine was supposed to cure deafness. Sacrificial meats (sheng) and sweet wine (li) are also mentioned from Wuling Magistracy, the capital of Changde Prefecture. From Jiangling Magistracy, the capital of Jingzhou Prefecture, we get a description of She fan 'She food' -which was a mixture of pork and mutton put inside a pumpkin. The magistracy of Suiyang is said to have been a place where four neighbourhoods combined to ji offer to ben jing She shen 'the local She spirit'. People shared out delicacies\n\n6 古今圖書集成, 1888. VI, 1193: 風俗考 3b.\n\n7 古今圖書集成, 1888. VI, 1120: 風俗考 6ab.\n\n8 古今圖書集成, 1888. VI, 1166: 風俗考 4a.\n\n9 古今圖書集成, 1888. VI, 1166: 風俗考 4ab.\n\n10 古今圖書集成, 1888. VI, 1142: 風俗考 2a.\n\n11 古今圖書集成, 1888. VI, 1259: 風俗考 1b.\n\n12 古今圖書集成, 1888. VI, 1193: 風俗考 2a.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215304, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "and sacrificial meats (zuo IF) that had been used in the ji sacrifice.13\n\n29\n\nThe oldest source we have is from the Liang dynasty (502-556 AD), a thematically organized chronicle accounting for the customs of the lake land in Central China, called Jing Chu sui shi ji, or Records of the Seasons in Jing and Chu. It is very apparent that this text has had an influence on later scribes. For instance, it is quite clear that the compiler of the record of Suiyang has copied from the old Records the note saying that four neighbourhoods combined to celebrate the She. This description of social organization might not have been very accurate in late Imperial times, nor can we assume that it was anything more than an idealized picture in early medieval China. Perhaps it only means that a vicinage had one centrally located She altar. The Liang source also mentions sacrificial meats and strong wine and in this there may have been more of a true historical continuity through the centuries.14\n\n16\n\nThe chronicler of Wuling magistracy juxtaposes the celebrations of the She with the vernal breaking of the earth in agriculture and the inundation of the fields in the second moon.15 Some names also indicate an agricultural connection: In Yingshan the offerings to the She were called qi gu 'prayers for grain'16 and the day seems to have been known as gu ri—'grain day'. As was noted above, the peasants of Suiyang were on this day forecasting inundations, droughts and tao rice growing in the fields'. There was a saying here: She zhong xin *£*—'to sow the new [crop] at She [time]'. There can be no doubt that the day of the She and its celebrations were connected with the new agricultural season, the breaking of the earth in the spring and the sowing of the rice grains.\n\nIn a sense the Li Chun festival was a precursor of the She Day. The latter was officially calculated on the basis of the occurrence of the former. Both festivals were concerned with the breaking of earth, but it seems clear from this juxtaposition that Li Chun was more 'prospecting' and anticipating—an official recognition of the arrival of\n\n13 古今圖書集成.1888.VI,1120:風俗考4b.\n\n14 On the Jing Chu sui shi ji, see Turban 1971: 3-46.\n\n15 古今圖書集成.1888.VI,1259:風俗考1b.\n\n16 古今圖書集成.1888.VI,1166: 風俗考4a.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "42\n\nFaure, David, 1986. The Structure of Chinese Rural Society: Lineage and Village in the Eastern New Territories, Hong Kong. Hong Kong &c: Oxford University Press.\n\nGu jin tu shu ji cheng 4 (The Complete Collection of Ancient and New Matters from Illustrations and Documents). 1885-88 (1726). Compiled by Chen Menglei and Jiang Tingxi. 3rd edition. Shanghai: Major Brothers.\n\nHODOUS, Lewis. 1974 (1929). Folkways in China. Taipei: Ch'eng Wen Publishing Company.\n\nJing Chu sui shi ji (Records of the Seasons in Jing and Chu). Complied by Zong Lin. Liang Dynasty. In Hubei yunxin yi shutt (Documents on Traditional Morals in Hubei). N.d.\n\nTUN LI-CH'EN. 1987 (1936). Annual Customs and Festivals in Peking as Recorded in the Yen-ching Sui-shih-chi. Translated and annotated by Derk Bodde. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.\n\nTURBAN, HELGA. 1971. Das Ching-Ch'u sui-shih chi, ein chinesischen Festkalender. Augsburg: Dissertationsdruck W. Blasaditsch.\n\nYANG, C.K. 1961. Religion in Chinese Society: A Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of Their Historical Factors. Berkeley: University of California Press.\n\nYiyang xian zhi (Chronicle of the Magistracy of Yiyang). 1874. N.p.\n\nYuanjiang xian zhi (Chronicle of the Magistracy of Yuanjiang). 1807-09. N.p.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "115\n\nDAR2032AM\n\nKNMUGA*Y\n\n如耶路撒冷陷落時, Agippa 號野雞 Hastings #ENBAHNB (VOTA\n\nKO 200 989 KARPRAKA\n\nASSANT (GDOM) A\n\n在隨後的歲月裡，繳何職和另一位立豬石鹼瓤鵝\n\nAMAMURAMAH · BMW IMA\n\nof Henry May · A. W Brown · WA\n\nPH M Taylor MMA Tha** M\n\n* - Wong Leung humt? • Young Him- Pongi門，麗金榴，豐義理，確镗芬·西蘭\n\nJ\n\nThe Presentation of The Tribute\n\nApril 28, 1910 was a typical April day, fine but cloudy with a light breeze, temperature 78°F and humidity 80%. Contemporary events included the arrival of Halley's comet, in its 76-year orbit, which was \"plainly discernible to the naked eye at Hong Kong during the early morning”. It\n\npromised to be \"as brilliant and awe-inspiring as it must have been at the times of the fall of Jerusalem, the death of Agrippa and the Battle of Hastings\". Mark Twain died, and a Frenchman won a £10,000 prize from the Daily Mail newspaper for flying in stages between London and Manchester at 200 feet and 33 miles per hour.\n\nThe deputation received at Government House was introduced by Dr Ho Kai with his fellow legislator Mr Wei Yuk. Those present included: the Hon. Sir Henry May (Colonial Secretary), the Hon. Mr. A.W. Brewin (Registrar General). Capt. PH. M. Taylor (aide-de-camp). Messers Lau Chu-pak, Ng Hon-tsz, Ho Fook, Ho Kom-tong, Wong Leung-him, Yeung Him-pong, Wong Kum-luk, S.W. Tso, Sin Tak-fun, Fung Wa-chun, Cheung Si-kai, Li Sui-kam, Lau Yuen-chuen, Leung Fui-chi, Yu To-shan, Chan Sik-lam, Li Yau-chun, Chau Siu-ki, Wo Wan-cho, Wo Tsai-yang, Lo Kun-ting, Siu Yim-Eai, Sam Pak-ming, Li Wing-kwong, Chan Wan-sau, Mok Man-cheung, Tam Hok-po, Leung Kin-en, Chan Kang-yi, Lau Pun-chiu, Chiu Yee-ting, Chan Pak-yee, Wo Tsa-wan, Yiu Ki-yun, Li Po-kwai, Chan Chuk-hing, Tsang Yik-kai, Chan Lok-chun, and Ho Mok-lok.\n\nThe Governor received The Tribute together with an album of red morocco leather, which bore his monogram in silver and contained the address in both Chinese and English.\n\n和一本發行紀念冊，紀\n\nDr Ho Kai CMG, Legislative Council member, (1880-1914); founder of the Alice Memorial Hospital (1886) and co-founder of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese (1887).\n\n何啟爵士，立法局議員（1880-1914年）；雅麗氏醫院的創辦人（1886年）和香港華人西醫書院的共同創辦人（1887年）。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216308, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "16\n\nappear during the Northern Song Dynasty (960-1126). In the year 1066 the Northern Song Emperor Ying Zong (1063-1067) built a new Big Buddha Hall (Da Fo Dian) and the New Precious Pagoda (Xin Bao Ta) on this same site. Although at that time it was named Kong Xiang Si, it is from this date that Longhua Temple's history can accurately be traced through a continuous progression of events up to the present day. In fact, it is even possible that the 11th Century Xin Bao Ta is the same pagoda which still stands today, albeit after having been repeatedly repaired and restored countless times.\n\nDuring the Li Zong reign (1224-1264) of emperor Zhao Gui Cheng at the end of the Southern Song Dynasty (1127-1279), four boundary stones were erected in 1262, one in each of the four corners of the temple's property. Two of these supposedly still exist today, and one of them can actually be seen in the Mu Ta Yuan, lying on the ground beside the Tao Ming Chan Si Mu Ta.\n\nIn the Yuan Dynasty (1279-1368) the temple was given several land grants which added considerably to its territory. However, at the end of the Yuan Dynasty the temple buildings were completely destroyed during a battle, except for the Bao Ta pagoda, which is recorded as somehow miraculously surviving the conflagration, as it supposedly would in many similar situations throughout the temple's history.\n\nThe third Ming Emperor Yong Le (1403-1424) completely rebuilt the temple from the ground up between 1410-1416, and also changed its name from the Northern Song Dynasty name of Kong Xiang Si to the present day name of Longhua Si. Later, the Shan Men front gate was built between 1506 and 1521.\n\nThe structures built by Yong Le importunely had a short life span of only 140 years as the whole temple was destroyed during an invasion by Japanese Wako pirates in 1553. Nonetheless, after the destruction of the Wako pirates, the Ming Dynasty began a reconstruction project which lasted for about ten years, from 1563 to 1574. However, during the late Ming Dynasty the temple suffered from neglect and only one new hall, the Scripture Storage Pavilion (Cang Jing Ge), was built in 1611. A Cang Jing Ge is used by a temple to store the Tripitaka (San Zang) scriptures.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216312, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "20\n\nDynasty (960-1126). First they tied ropes around the base of the pagoda and tried to pull it down, but when this failed they poured oil all around its base, intending to set it on fire and burn it down. At this stage the account recorded in the local records (zhen zhi) states rather mysteriously that \"the strong opposition of the residents and other people\" forced the Red Guards to give up. Thanks to the intervention of these nameless people, the pagoda repeated its performance of having miraculously survived many upheavals throughout the temple's history.\n\n1\n\nNonetheless, the destruction of the relics within the temple halls continued for another month. On September 3rd an estimated 103 antique relics found in the temple were looted. This was followed on September 14th by the intentional destruction of the Da Cang Jing, a sacred Buddhist scripture which weighed 1,763 kilograms before it was shredded into waste paper. Finally, on September 30th the Ming Dynasty bronze bell in the Bell Tower (Zhong Lou), which weighed 2,574 kilograms, was cut into pieces and melted down as scrap metal, as was the last remaining Buddha statue, which had been a gift of Ming Emperor Wan Li, and weighed 334 kilograms.\n\nHaving now been destroyed as a functioning temple, all that remained were the empty buildings. In 1967 the temple buildings were all rented out as warehouse storage space to the China Rice and Oil Import Export Co. The one exception was the Master's Room (Fang Zhang Shi), in which some monks may have continued to live a hidden existence.\n\nAfter 15 years of having been closed as a place of worship, Longhua Temple was finally reopened in February 1981 after three of the main halls had been repaired, including the Mi Le Dian, Tian Wang Dian, and the Da Xiong Bao Dian. The government tried to make further amends in 1983 by giving the temple a new set of scriptures known as the Long Cang, which had been preserved in the Shanghai Library. In 1984 the Bao Ta pagoda was repaired, and these repairs continued with the restoration of the San Sheng Dian in May 1986.\n\nIn 2001 a giant new shopping centre called Longhua Tourist City was built behind the pagoda, but this surprisingly has not damaged the environment, and in fact has added the convenience of additional restaurants in the area at which one can rest after a long day's exploration.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]