[ { "id": 204402, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "NESTORIAN CROSSES\n\n25\n\n1644, but not seen since then until now! A third, No. 74, is the stone discovered in 1906 and illustrated by Ecke and Demiéville in 1935 (op. cit. Pl. 70b). A fourth stone (No. 74) is similar to these, but not seen before. Mr. Wu, from the style of the carving, judges these four stones to be relics of the Franciscan mission in Ch'üan-chou in Mongol times. A fifth stone (No. 75) with a Latin inscription largely illegible, can clearly be assigned to the Roman church. Dr. John Foster, who published a preliminary paper on these stones in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (1954) based on a set of rubbings which he received from China, has deciphered on this stone the name and date of Andrew of Perugia, Bishop of Zayton, who died in A.D. 1326.\n\nIn contrast to these, the twenty stones, Nos. 70 to 89, which include six with Syriac inscriptions, and which for the most part have the characteristic Nestorian Cross with its blossoming ends, can be ascribed to the Nestorians, who evidently had an establishment in the city. One of these Syriac inscriptions (No. 77) is dated A.D. 1349; while two with Mongol inscriptions (Nos. 85, 86) are dated A.D. 1311 and 1324. The remaining seven (Nos. 90 to 96) are slabs for covering tombs engraved with the characteristic Nestorian Cross, reminiscent of those found in Mongolia and Turkestan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n153 \n\nthe cultivation of all plants whose names are qualified by the prefix faan,\" used for immigrants such as the tomato, the guava, the rambutan, one kind of melon, and the sweet potato. The peanut is not so qualified and it would appear that the prefix faan is used only for importations from the Pacific. The peanut bears no indication of foreign origin in its name. I do not know what it is called in the various dialects of Fukien, but Chinese books of reference refer to it as lok fa shang. The Cantonese name is fa shang, which is clearly an abbreviation of the former, while the Hakka name is ti tiu, which means earth bean. \n\nAgain it might be of some assistance if there could be recorded the names by which this plant has been known both in Arabia and in other countries of the Middle and Far East to which the Arabs introduced it. Another introduction, perhaps better described as a reintroduction, was the lemon. It would appear that the first Arab traders on their admission to Canton at the end of the sixth century took back with them the seeds of a plant then described in Chinese as yi mo (itself clearly a non-Han name) and from that plant developed and cultivated the now well-known lemon-shaped lemon which they called by the name Al-Laimûn which is the old Chinese name arabized by the common ending -n and the initial slurred with the definite article. The Cantonese then re-borrowed the Arabic name in the form of ning mung12 which we still use. Another Arabic word which was introduced into the language of Canton was the word amah, now familiar in the meaning of a Chinese female servant employed by a foreign family, which has nothing to do with the Cantonese word for grandmother2 but is a word for a female servant common to all the Semitic languages, including Hebrew it will be found in the Books of Exodus, xxiii. 12, Judges xix. 9 and many other places in the Bible. I suspect that many of the other words commonly used in Cantonese to express special relationships between Chinese and foreigners could also be found to have an origin in Arabic, Malay or other languages used by foreign traders in Canton before any Europeans were heard of: for example, sz tsai,16 sz tau,15 (which I think is the Arabic sayyid,1 fa wongł which is clearly the same word as the Urdu malik, originally meaning king and then gardener; kwun-tim,\" sz-naai14 and taipan3 If this surmise is correct, then these words are likely to have been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205137, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "88\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nspent a good part of the night at their devotions, which he describes as such \"a whooping and shrieking and general caterwauling as should have banished the most belligerent horde of devils as effectually as it did the sound sleep from which it frequently tore me.”40\n\nOne could cite dozens of similar passages from the reminiscences of Western travellers and old China hands.*\n\nIt may seem remarkable that after a century of such contact, the monks continued to be hospitable and courteous towards foreigners who treated them with even a modicum of respect. But barbarian boorishness was easy to excuse, since it only confirmed the Chinese sense of superiority. Nor was this sense threatened by Christian polemics. The monks were usually able to take care of themselves in an argument. When Timothy Richard interviewed a leading Peking monk, he was asked \"Who sent you to China? Your sovereign?\" Richard answered: \"No, I would not have come to China if I had not felt that God had sent me.\" The monk said: \"How do you know what the will of God is?\" Richard's reply is not recorded, but in recounting the conversation he urged that Buddhism should not be judged by the ignorance of the ordinary monk.42\n\n**\n\nWhat did trouble the Buddhists was their inability to compete with the Christians materially. They did not have the unlimited funds that seemed to be available to missions, so that even if they wanted to, they could not build schools or orphanages on the same scale. Nor did they have the extra-territorial privileges that made it possible for missionaries to offer converts protection from Chinese law. Particularly resented was the fact that the 1929 Regulations for the Supervision of Monasteries and Temples applied to Buddhist and Taoist institutions, but not to Christian ones, which were, of course, exempt by “extrality.”\n\nFor all these reasons the Buddhist attitude towards Christianity gradually hardened. Anti-Christian feeling, which had at first arisen in response to Jesuit inroads during the Ming Dynasty,43 began again to displace the usual attitude that all religions were different aspects of a universal truth. It became common (presumably more common than it had been before 1860) for monks to warn their lay disciples against reading Christian books. The lay initiation often included an abjuration of heterodoxy. I have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205157, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "108\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nThe practice of ordering a number of Hanlins to become Recorders of the Emperor's Deeds found its origin in an edict by the Emperor K'ang-hsi in the first year of his reign (1662). He ordered two officials selected from the Academy, one Manchu and one Chinese, to attend him in monthly shifts.29 They were to record his actions both in the Manchu and the Chinese languages. Their writings were to be sealed in secret, and even the emperor himself was not permitted to see them.30 This may be regarded as the beginning of the Ch'ing Record Office and the first time the Manchus had set up this typical Chinese institution.\n\nOn the face of it, it was rather paradoxical for an autocratic monarch to devise a method whereby his own actions were recorded in black and white. The likely explanation is that the emperor strove to impress his people with his adherence to enlightened ideas. The Confucian precept of good government was that the monarch should live up to the moral standards prescribed for him by past sages. Officials and people would look up to him for example. Thus, if the emperor was moral and diligent, the Confucians maintained, the Empire would be at peace, with or without the application of the legal system. The Emperor K'ang-hsi therefore hoped to implant in his people's minds the impression that his actions were enlightened enough to be favourably judged by posterity. They would then be of the opinion that he had played well his part as a Confucian monarch. Moreover, the system of recording the emperors' actions had been practised for centuries. The emperor thought it desirable to follow the revered Confucian tradition.\n\nHowever, in the practical application of the system, the emperor seemed to be quite vexed by this \"spying duty\" of his own officials. He gradually departed from the strict observance of the system and thought out pretexts to circumvent its liberal tone. Using yet another Confucian idea that attendance on parents was natural and filial, he commanded the record officials not to follow him when he daily visited his mother in the Inner Court.32\n\nIn 1679, the emperor's doubts about the contents of these records were revealed by his inquiry whether any personal inventions and prejudices had been added to them. The record officials replied that the records were to be examined jointly by the twenty-two members together and that none of them would record official memorials privately. This, however, still did not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "28\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\nThe following short description of how some sects related to territorial units comes mainly from my own investigations and examination of sectarian documents in Singapore and Hong Kong. The groups I studied are off-shoots of a widely ramifying system sometimes called Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao, \"The Great Way of Former Heaven\". It contains many sects going under different names. The sects of this religion were found in many parts of China and copied the State system of territorial administration in dividing up areas for administration with lodges descending to the level of the district. Below the district, however, the groups had other centres for members and based, as in Buddhism and Taoism, on pseudo-kinship organization. Provision was thus made for China-wide organization, although it is doubtful whether any sect extended over the entire country at any time.\n\nThe system appears to have worked as follows: administrative lodges existed usually, and where feasible in the face of campaigns of suppression which were waged from time to time against them, in the chief towns of provinces, counties and districts. The \"capital”, however, was not necessarily the same as the imperial capital but might be the town where the sect developed originally or to which it had been forced to remove its head office because of State activity against it. Until the late '50s of the nineteenth century, sects were headed by a patriarch who ideally resided in the main lodge but sometimes lived in another remoter place to escape attention by the State. In the records of some of the sects, the patriarch is compared to an emperor. It is often claimed he was an incarnate Buddha. Under the patriarch, there were various officers administering the branch lodges. All administrators had to hold degrees known as “lotus degrees\" to be eligible for such posts, although not all \"degree\" holders were administrators. Examinations for these degrees were in religious knowledge and techniques, which included knowledge of their own sutras (sometimes written in code) and Taoist type \"hygiene\" and Ch’an Buddhhist type meditation. Degrees have elaborate titles in many of the sects and are likened in their literature to degrees for State examinations. Administrative posts are sometimes compared to those occupied in the State administration by governors, judges and magistrates.\n\nMany sects are \"vegetarian\", that is to say they require degree-holders to practise permanent vegetarianism and also sexual", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206266, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n77\n\n(10) Relation of land ownership to élite status can be judged by a list of the twenty highest rate-payers in 1876 and 1881, published in the Government Gazette. The list includes both Europeans and Chinese. In 1876 European ownership outranks Chinese twelve to eight; but in 1881 ownership had shifted so that there were seventeen Chinese among the twenty highest rate-payers. In the 1881 list seven of the top twenty were of compradore families, six were merchants, one contractor, and the widow of Rev. Ho Fuk Tong, ordained minister of the London Missionary Society's Chinese congregation.\n\nThe terminal date for this study is the opening of Tung Wah Hospital in 1872. After this date, the names of the Directors of the Hospital published in the Development of the Tung Wah Hospital 1870-1960 are an excellent criteria for determining élite status. After 1872 there is also an ever increasing number of subscriptions, memorials, committees, delegations, etc., which serve as counter-checks to the Tung Wah Directorships.\n\nFor a study of élite based on such lists, it is necessary to give identity to the names by a biographical sketch. These sketches indicate the manner by which the individual arrived at élite status. To reconstruct the biographies of these early residents of Hong Kong is not easy. Only documentary sources have been used for this reconstruction. No information has been sought from present day descendants of these individuals. I have relied upon such material as newspapers, Land Registry Office records, the Police and Lighting Rates for 1860, 1868 and 1872, the Government Gazettes and Blue Books, the published Calendar of Probates and Administrations, the Colonial Office Records in the Public Records Office, London, and the archives of several Missionary Societies. The Chinese practice of using various aliases complicates identification. In one instance, for example, an individual used at various times and in various relationships ten different aliases. The varying Romanization for Chinese names constitutes another problem for the researcher who uses western sources. The contemporary English, Portuguese, Germans and French each had a different system for Romanizing Chinese characters. For instance on page 101 there is a reference to Tso Aon's brother, Chow Yik Cheong. The Chinese character", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206270, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n81\n\nshould be seized as a traitor by the Mandarins. In the end he settled at Hong Kong, where he is said to encourage disreputable characters by the loan of money, and in various ways to reap the proceeds of profligacy and crime.5\n\nLoo Aqui also appears in the records as Lo Aking 盧亞 or Sze Mun King [Lo] (King, the Gentleman). At the time of the Sino-British war he seems to have played both sides of the game. The Chinese government lured him back to Canton by offering him an official degree of the sixth rank. He accepted but did not stay long with the Chinese, as he was soon back in Hong Kong enjoying the rewards of his services as provisioner for the British forces. He seems to have had supporters in Hong Kong Government circles for he secured the grant of a large and valuable section of land behind the Marine Lots of the Lower Bazaar. This was the area between Queen's Road and Jervois Street extending from near its junction westward to Cleverly Street. He and his family also acquired a number of Marine Lots by grant or purchase. Of the twenty-seven signers of the petition of land owners in 1848, about one-fifth of them were members of the Loo clan. Soon after the settlement of Hong Kong Loo Aqui was operating a gambling establishment and brothels. In 1845 he built a theatre. For a time he held the opium monopoly, and when the residents of the Middle Bazaar were removed to the Tai Ping Shan area in 1844, he petitioned the Government for the privilege of operating a market for the inhabitants, agreeing to build a substantial market house at a cost of $2,500 and to pay a monthly rental to Government of $200 for a period of five years. Loo Aqui and Tam Achoy were recognized as the leaders of the Chinese community, for according to a Chinese account entitled \"Information as to the period of the formations of Districts in Hongkong and the alteration of the Character Wan—a bay to Wan—a circuit”, in 1847 they built the Man-Mo Temple on Hollywood Road and here \"they judged the people in public assembly\" until 1851 when the shopkeepers of the Lower Bazaar \"repaired to Man-Mo Temple, elected a Committee, and therein decided all cases of any public interest\".\n\nAside from Aqui's income from various business ventures, he had a steady income from his properties. In 1850 he was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n211\n\nenamelled and monochrome wares of the same period. In commenting on the rise and fall of artistic merit in porcelain production during the 15th Century, Mr. Brankston aptly observes that \"In Yung-lo the lotus has budded; in Hsuan-te the flower has opened in all its freshness but, by Ch'eng-hua, the leaves begin to tremble in the breeze\" — a quotation which is affectionately remembered by students and writers on the subject. The chapters on the kiln sites of Fou-liang and on the methods of porcelain production provide material not usually given in books of this nature and the photographs and woodcuts of the potters at work are of particular interest. Diagrams illustrating the shapes and sizes of typical forms and also the sectional drawings of foot rims make a most valuable contribution to the work.\n\nThe aspiring connoisseur would do well to heed the advice given with regard to acquiring good eyes for judging ceramics when the author suggests that he drink tea each day from cups of different periods. If, after two weeks, no particular piece has asserted itself, he may be assured that the interest in porcelain was formed only in order to create a diversion and to occupy time and space, so a change over to stamps or coins would be recommended.\n\nOf slight build and quietly spoken, Brankston was possessed with unusual gifts of mind and eye in relation to Chinese porcelain and he writes about his favourite pieces in a most charming and sensitive manner. The dedication \"To the Lotus, who knows why\" provides an aperitif to the subtleties and delicate appreciation of the subject in store for the reader.\n\nHong Kong, 1971\n\nF. WARRINGTON-STRONG\n\nCHINESE FAMILY AND COMMERCIAL LAW, G. Jamieson, M.A., C.M.G., Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh Ltd, 1921. Now reprinted in Hong Kong: Vetch and Lee Ltd, 1970.\n\nWhen George Jamieson wrote the preface to his work, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, he considered it a \"pioneer treatise on the Civil Law\" as it then prevailed and regarded it as a work which would assist the \"future pleaders and judges in the Courts", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206467, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "# THE LIBRARY OF THE HONG KONG BRANCH ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\n# REPORT FOR THE YEAR 1971-1972\n\nAlthough no books were purchased for the Library during the year, growth continued through gifts and by means of exchanging our Journal for the publications of other institutions, etc. The additions recorded totalled 19 books (two in Chinese) and 4 pamphlets, which brought the library stock, confirmed by actual count, to 287 books and 46 pamphlets. There are also 11 volumes in Chinese, one scroll, one reel of recorded tape, one microfilm, and five albums of photographs of the Nixon collection of Nestorian crosses. A list of donations is appended to this report, and we take this opportunity of again thanking our various benefactors for their welcome gifts.\n\nDue to the increase in book stock, it became necessary to remove all the bound volumes of periodicals from the bookcase of the Branch at the British Council back to the University Library. There are now only the books judged to be of greatest interest at the British Council, the remainder of the collection being at the University. Members may borrow the volumes from the British Council, whilst those at the University are intended for reference. There is a card catalogue of all books at both locations in the British Council Library, and it is hoped to produce for the benefit of members a handlist of the books and pamphlets in the Library of the Branch.\n\nNew exchange arrangements have been made with the Colonial Secretariat Library, as a result of which we shall receive the Hong Kong Government's annual report on Hong Kong, and have already received back issues since 1965. Negotiations over other exchanges are in progress. As a result of existing exchanges, 30 volumes of periodicals were completed and have been bound during the year. This brings the total holdings of periodicals to 185 volumes (bound in 142), which includes 5 volumes received as a gift from the University of Hong Kong Library.\n\n18th March, 1972.\n\nH. A. RYDINGS\n\nHon. Librarian,\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206675, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n217 \n\nfourteen centuries (i.e. from the 7th century, the period of the beginning of the grand romance of the Lan-t'ing Preface, to less than ten years ago?) evaporates in the presence of the magical magnificence of the calligraphy. By religiously translating every single word of the miscellaneous writing on the Lan-t'ing as collected in the KKYL by Wang Tso, Sir Percival David became the first Englishman to dive into the dark waters of the mystery of the cult of Lan-t'ing. The translation reads well, even if no attempt is made to ease the task for the English reader of identifying personages referred to by multifarious names and titles. A great deal of patience and labour must have gone into the translation of this long section which can only have minimum appeal to the general reader but will be useful to the specialist student who wishes to explore the more esoteric subjects of Chinese art—although the student must also expect to do some homework before he or she can achieve full understanding of the stories told in this section. Similar criticism can be applied to other sections of the book which are mainly Wang Tso's additions. They deal with such subjects as imperial patents, imperial seals, and wandering spirits.\n\nThe reviewer must not give the impression that there are no notes at all; but that many more notes are required to make such a strange (in the sense of being foreign) book intelligible to the English reading public which, though large in numbers, is not and cannot be generally familiar with China of the 14th century and before. Of the notes which are given, some are useful, such as that on \"hsi-p'i\" lacquer on pp. 145-6.\n\nAll in all, the most accomplished production of the book contrasts sharply with the unfinished nature of its contents. And this brings us back to the cautionary remark made earlier, that the book must be judged as an unfinished work. With this work, Sir Percival David has taken English scholarship in Chinese art history to the verge of a new level of understanding. It is hoped that a new generation of scholars will follow the path that he has shown.\n\nAs a postscript, it may be mentioned that the plates, chosen by Mr. Basil Gray who has otherwise done excellent work in preparing the book for printing, do not relate too well to the subject matters dealt with in the book. Again, to perform this task satisfactorily, it would have been necessary to do a great deal of research into the kind of objects which would go into the collection of a Ming scholar.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206760, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "YAUMATEI TYPHOON SHELTER, HONG KONG\n\n31\n\nOn 13th September, 1906 it again became time for His Excellency to speak on the Estimates of Revenue and Expenditure for the coming year. In the course of that speech he said—\n\nOne of the items which I wished to appear on the Estimates for this year but which does not appear is the typhoon shelter. So long as we have those waterworks on hand to which I have referred there is very little chance of doing anything in connection with the shelter; unless the Chamber of Commerce would suggest raising the light dues to provide funds for its construction, in which case such a reasonable suggestion might be adopted.\n\nEvents were then to take a tragic turn. A week later on 20th September, 1906, His Excellency returned to the Legislative Council and informed the members that (as they well knew)—\n\nHong Kong had just suffered from catastrophe as calamitous, if not more so, than any which had previously befallen the Colony, the loss of life and property between the hours at 9 and 11 on Tuesday morning were as far as can at present be judged greater than those incurred in the great typhoon of 1874.\n\nHe went on to say--\n\nNone of us are likely to forget the scenes of that morning, first of all we saw when the typhoon gun was fired about 9 o'clock crowds of helpless shipping drifting to the east before the wind, then the whole scene was wiped out by the blowing sheets of rain, and an hour later the atmosphere being again clear, we saw that the junks and small craft had disappeared and that many of the larger ships were aground or in distress. What had happened to the Chinese boats was evidenced by the appalling scenes of desolation along the prayas or the Kowloon shore. I need not, however, dwell on those scenes nor account the losses which were witnessed and known to all of you.\n\nHe went on to detail and pay tribute to various acts of heroism which had occurred during the course of the storm.\n\nThis typhoon had occurred just after the budget for 1907 had been presented and before the Council had had an opportunity to comment on the proposed expenditure at its next sitting. Now the Governor had suggested the construction of a typhoon shelter could not be started unless perhaps it were financed out of increased light dues. Despite the typhoon in which an estimated 10,000 people", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206789, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "60\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\nChinese inquiry into the matter. The Chinese in Ch'ang-an and in the coastal regions were not at all happy about the evil-doings of these foreigners and finally in A.D. 836 a large-scale anti-foreign movement began. In that year, it was decreed that private intercourse with various ‘coloured-eye people' was prohibited. Lu Chün, newly appointed governor of Canton in A.D. 836, also forbade Chinese and foreigners to continue living together unsegregated; intermarriage was not allowed and foreigners were prohibited from owning houses and land.\n\nThere were different kinds of regulations governing foreigners if they violated the law. Persians, Arabs, Uighurs, or in short, all aliens, if they became involved in legal complications among themselves, would be judged according to their customs; however, if they were involved with Chinese, they would be put under Chinese jurisdiction. The Persians and Arabs, according to Soleyman, had their Kādi appointed by the (Chinese) emperor and also had several sheikhs to assist him.10 It must be due to the policy of segregation which forced the aliens, say the Persians and Arabs, to form their own settlements outside the city known as fan-feng.11\n\nMost of these foreigners preferred to stay in T'ang China permanently, were all rich and seldom had their own families lived with them. To avoid unnecessary implications, the government had to introduce regulations to govern the inheritance of property.12\n\nWith regard to properties of the deceased Persians and Arabs, it was decreed that only the following next-of-kin had the right to inherit:\n\na) Parents,\n\nb) First wife,\n\nc) Sons and daughters,\n\nd) Blood brothers,\n\ne) Nephews, and\n\nf) Blood sisters\n\nMarried daughters would automatically lose the right of inheritance. Blood brothers, blood sisters, and nephews (sons of blood brothers) must live with him at the time of the property-owner's death or they would not be qualified for the right of inheritance. Unmarried blood sisters could only inherit one-third of the property. Adopted sons and daughters had no right of inheritance. A first", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206864, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n135 \n\n(1847, or 26th year of To Kwang), Sz-man-king and one Tam-tsoi, built the Man Mo Miu, and here they \"judged the people\" in public assembly. In 30th year of To Kwang (1851) the shop keepers of Sheung Wan or Upper Bay ... repaired the Man Mo Temple, elected a Committee, and therein decided all cases of any public interest. \n\nBiographical notices of the two community leaders who built the temple are given in an article \"The Emergence of a Chinese Elite in Hong Kong” in this Journal, vol. 11 (1971), pp. 80-82, 87-88. \n\nPrevious to the opening of the Man Mo Temple the Shing Wong Temple may have been used as a Chinese \"Town Hall\", for as we have noted only one such building is listed in 1845 and 1846, but two are listed in 1847, the date given for the erection of the Man Mo Temple. The two temples were quite close to each other. The Shing Wong Temple was on the western edge of the European part of Victoria and the Man Mo Temple on the eastern edge of the Chinese settlement. A steep and rocky hillside divided the two sections. \n\nConfirmation of the 1847 date given in the quoted Chinese account is supported both by the date, Tao Kuang 27th year, inscribed on the bell at the Man Mo Temple and the date of the Crown Lease for Inland Lot 338 upon which the Temple is built, which is 24 June, 1847. A letter dated 29 May 1847, from the Colonial Secretary authorized its issuance with the stipulation that the premises be used as a school. After the building was finished, however, it was used as a temple. In consequence, the Government in March 1848, began charging Crown Rent for the lot. It was then decided that the temple should be rebuilt on a larger scale reflecting the increasing affluence of the Chinese community. An account of the opening of the new building is reported in The Friend of China, 24 May, 1851: \n\nThe Chinese Community are now enjoying themselves in a way we have never seen before in this Colony, on the occasion of the opening of a spacious Heathen Temple in the Hollywood Road, a few hundred yards from the London Missionary Society's College and Chapel. The Temple is dedicated to a body of the civil and military Gods, and has cost nearly a thousand pounds sterling in erection,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207179, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 250, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "244\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nromanization, Chinese characters and their translation. The authors were also able to round off their observation with a fair knowledge of Chinese civilization and the basics of Buddhism and Taoism.\n\nAs these 9 sacred mountains were of such fundamental importance for the world concept of Chinese civilization since its dawn and few western people ever had, or perhaps ever will have, the chance to visit these mountains, this might be justification enough to publish this travel diary 37 years after this strenuous pilgrimage was undertaken, although judged as a whole the text is somewhat meager and weak.\n\nIt is a beautifully produced book, with good quality of paper and printing and a generous layout, and clean dark blue linen hard cover which is the trade-mark of all books published by Vetch & Lee Ltd.\n\nHong Kong, 1975.\n\nHELGA WERLE", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207260, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 28, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "20\n\nJOHN T. MYERS\n\nin personal expenditures. Cult members assert that he is the Tai Wong Ye of their temple. The manner of his becoming their patron deity is outlined on a scroll prominently displayed in the temple office.\n\nAccording to the scroll a General Lei fled south with the Southern Sung Court in the late 13th century taking with him the tablet of his illustrious ancestor Lei Man Chung Kung. After the defeat of the Sungs at Ling Ting Island near contemporary Hong Kong the general established residence in the Lo Fu Ngam region of Kowloon. Within the area now occupied by the Lok Fu Housing Estate he is reported to have constructed a shrine in honor of his illustrious ancestor. It is further reported that the residents of the region soon recognized the Tang statesman as a powerful supernatural advocate and developed a popular devotion in his honor.\n\nWe know little about the fate of the shrine and its deity during the ensuing 600 years other than that it persisted as a small structure tended in later years by Hakka villagers. After the Second World War the Lo Fu region changed dramatically as it became the site for squatter huts housing migrants from China. The immediate vicinity of the shrine was staked out almost exclusively by squatters from the Chiu-chow speaking region of Kwangtung Province. To the best of our present information it was with the arrival of the Chiu-chow that the shrine and its patron deity became the focus of spirit-medium activity.\n\nFormer residents of the squatter settlement indicate that they found the shrine in disrepair and untended when they established their squatter huts. A small group of the Chiu-chow migrants soon undertook its repair and began active worship of the deity. After several months one of their number, a dockyard coolie, began to act strangely. An elderly kei tung judged that he had become possessed by the shrine's patron, Tai Wong Ye, and had been chosen to serve as that deity's medium. The new kei tung soon became the central focus of religious rituals sponsored by the shrine.\n\nA new phase in the temple's existence began in 1957 when the government announced plans for the removal of the squatter area preparatory to constructing on its site the Lo Fu Housing Estate. Most of the Chiu-chow squatters were allocated quarters in the soon to be completed Kwun Tong/Tsui Ping Road Resettlement Estate. The spirit-medium and 18 male devotees of Tai Wong Ye", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207262, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "22\n\nJOHN T. MYERS\n\nwithout assistance. The diagnosis of spirit possession is invariably rendered by an older kei tung. It is a common belief that those chosen by the gods to serve as their mediums are persons destined to die at a rather youthful age. Their lives are prolonged in order that they may serve the possessing deity. Confirmation of a predes-tined early death is sought by the Taiwanese in the possessed's horoscope and by the Chiu-chow in his having fairy bones shan kwat.\n\nThe mere fact of spirit possession, however, is not sufficient to qualify one as a new kei tung, capable of mediating effectively between the world of man and that of the gods. To determine whether the possessing spirit is a benevolent one or an evil spectre the neophyte is initially subjected to ritual exorcisms by an older kei tung. He will also be required to demonstrate the authenticity of his possession by an ability to endure without apparent discomfort various types of bodily mutilations. At Tai Wong Ye Temple, even after he is judged authentically possessed, the neophyte is required to undergo a further period of training and observation by the senior kei tung before he is allowed to handle the petitions of worshippers during public ceremonies. The length of the \"training period\" is indeterminate depending in large measure on the judgment of the senior specialist. Once he is satisfied that the neophyte is ready the new \"Ki Tong\" is allowed to conduct unassisted public ceremonies, dispensing advice, amulets foo, and/or medicinal herbs to petitioners.\n\nDuring the period of intensive field research (1973-74) the Kwun Tong temple commanded the services of three \"official\" kei tung and one who was \"in training\". The undisputed hup cheung or cult leader was the medium who had experienced his initial possession in Lo Fu squatter camp. Employed now as a foreman of dockyard coolies he is likely on any given evening to be found at the temple. Subsequent to his possession by Tai Wong Ye he has been chosen by another deity, The Third Prince, to act as his medium.\n\nThe second medium is a Chiu-chow in his early 30's whose father is one of the founding members of the temple, i.e., one of \"The 19 Brothers\". Employed as a textile worker in Kwun Tong he frequently works overtime at the factory and is therefore more often to be found at the temple on feast days than on an ordinary\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207263, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "A HONG KONG SPIRIT-MEDIUM TEMPLE\n\n23\n\nweekday. His possessing spirit is the saintly monk Buddha Sha僧。\n\nThe third medium is also a Chiu-chow in his early 30's. He is employed as a performer in a Chiu-chow opera troupe and seldom appears at the temple except on major feast days, e.g. Chinese New Year. His possessing deity is the Supreme Buddha.\n\nThe medium \"in training” is a Chiu-chow in his early 20's who was until recently employed as a security guard at a local transportation facility. He now supports himself by odd jobs such as take-home piece work from local factories. His possessing deity is the mythical Monkey of Chinese legend.13\n\nIt is obvious that an individual kei tung's rank within the cult is not based on the relative position of their possessing deities within the Chinese pantheon. Rank is predicated on the kei tung's experience as a medium and degree of involvement in the affairs of the temple association. The mere fact that the cult master's possessing deities would be judged as relatively minor personages in the Chinese pantheon in no way affects his recognized position of dominance among the ritual specialists. His over twenty years of experience as a kei tung, and his role as one of the founding “19 Brothers\" of the temple association, render his position unassailable.\n\nMany elaborate ceremonies are conducted by Tai Wong Ye kei tung, the most ostentatious being those held during Chinese New Year and the Yu Laan or Hungry Ghost Festival. It is our contention, however, that the keystone of the cult's appeal as a religious centre lies in the simpler ritual held each evening at 10 p.m. It is that ritual which we will now discuss.\n\nTai Wong Ye Temple: The Possession Ritual\n\nEighty-seven years ago a Christian missionary in Amoy described a spirit possession ritual as follows:\n\n\"The graven idol can be seen sitting in the shrine, with its attendant figures by its side. The group of men that are chanting in a steady, monotonous voice charms that are supposed to bring the spirit are usually men of no reputation in the village. There is no scholar in his long role present, and no man of influence standing by to do honor to the idol. The men seem fit for scenes of darkness and remind one of Macbeth's witches making their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207353, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "THE EMPLOYMENT OF FOREIGN MILITARY TALENT: \n\nCHINESE TRADITION AND LATE CH'ING PRACTICE \n\nRICHARD J. SMITH* \n\nDespite China's persistent and often pronounced Sinocentrism, and her general distrust of aliens in the interior, the theoretically self-sufficient Middle Kingdom in practice had to make almost continual use of foreign military talents. This was true not only of conquest dynasties and periods when martial values were disesteemed.2 The expansive Chinese dynasties of Han and T'ang also employed barbarians in a great number of civil and military capacities. It has been estimated, for example, that at times more than half of the T'ang military posts were held by men of foreign origin.3 So pronounced was Tang Wu-tsung's appreciation for foreign administrative and military talents that he commissioned his minister, Li Te-yü, to compile the biographies of thirty foreigners from Ch'in to T'ang times who had rendered \"meritorious and loyal\" service to China. This two chuan work, no longer extant, bore the title I-yü kuei-chung chuan (Biographies of Foreigners Who Returned to Loyalty), emphasizing the idea that it was natural for outsiders to come to the fold of Chinese culture and offer their submission and service to the Middle Kingdom.4 \n\nWe do not know who the thirty individuals who \"left [their] distant lands and returned to China\" were, but there are several likely candidates. By looking briefly at a few representative foreigners in the Chinese military service, and examining the foreword to the I-yü kuei-chung chüan (preserved in Li Te-yu's collected works) and other evidence, we may gain some idea of the theory behind employing barbarian officers, as well as the circumstances under which they were engaged, the standards by which their loyalty was judged, and the means by which they were controlled. Such a survey provides the necessary backdrop for a discussion of Chinese policy toward foreign employees in the late Ch'ing period, when China faced unprecedented challenges both within and without.5 \n\nAlthough by 1860 at least a few Chinese had come to see that China was entering a new stage in her foreign relations, Chinese \n\n* Dr. Smith is Assistant Professor of History, Rice University, Houston, Texas.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207393, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n153\n\nWorld War dealing with the Campaigns. This was compiled from records and reports prepared for the editorial board by Colonel J. T. Simson, Lt. Col. C.O. Shackleton, Dr. P.S. Selwyn-Clarke and myself.\n\nPRELUDE\n\nUp to 8 December, 1941\n\nAfter twenty-four hours delay outside the harbour because of fog, my wife and I disembarked in Hong Kong one fateful day, 1 April 1939, where I took up duty as surgical specialist in the British Military Hospital, Bowen Road. The Colony was by far the most beautiful station in which I had ever served and the scenery recalled to me, as to many others, parts of the west coast of Scotland. Twelve years earlier I had spent a short time there on my way to Shanghai, Tientsin, Peking and Shan hai kwan so that the scenes were not altogether strange to me. We lived a pleasant life in a hotel and flat for the next fifteen months.\n\nBecause of fears that a Japanese attack was imminent my wife was evacuated in July 1940, first to the Philippines along with service and civilian wives and families and thence to Sydney with them. She took hardly to the regimentation inevitable in view of the numbers involved, and after living in Melbourne, Sydney and Brisbane she left the shelter of the official evacuation. In some fashion she contrived to make her onward journey to the west via Hong Kong and after a short interlude there she lived successively in Singapore, Colombo, up-country in Ceylon, in Calcutta, Delhi and Bombay before she reached England on 4 July 1942. At one time in India she was tempted by an offer to go to Chungking to work there with a financial expert friend of ours who was attached to the Chinese government at that time, but in the end she did not. Experiences of this kind were not uncommon among service wives and I include this short note of her travels to show what a war-time evacuation of families can mean.\n\nWith her departure my own life in Hong Kong continued to be filled agreeably enough with work, including valuable experiences with the University Department of Surgery and the Professor, K.H. Digby. There were plenty of opportunities for physical exercise, and I carried out an order to prepare lists of surgical equipment I judged necessary to fit army hospitals for the inevitable coming", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207401, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n161\n\ntroops, in my opinion, put up an excellent resistance from the static strong points which were the mainstay of the defence plan. They were pitted against a numerically superior and much more mobile enemy and no blame should be placed on them for the fact that our resistance was broken in under three weeks, nowhere near the ninety days originally judged to be desirable. These views imply no criticism of the defence plan for the circumstances of the Colony decided the plan. The defence was further prejudiced by the huge population of non-combatants in Kowloon and Victoria. Given the conditions under which our troops had to fight, I believe that our defeat could never have been avoided except by avoiding hostilities altogether. I believe we could have accepted any loss of face which a pre-war withdrawal, leaving only internal security forces, would have entailed. Having said that, however, the troops thereby released from Hong Kong would probably have been used in Singapore and almost certainly would not have changed the outcome there. One can only sympathise with the Governor and the G.O.C. and their staffs in their task of defending a Colony whose fate was sealed long before the fighting and they and the troops did their jobs well. The story unfolded slowly but inexorably after the style of a Greek tragedy.\n\n26 DECEMBER 1941–7 AUGUST 1942\n\nThe Japanese were slow to move in to take control of the hospital though they did concentrate our fighting troops at once and moved them to prisoner of war camps. For years I wondered why the hospital and indeed the whole of Hong Kong was spared the large scale rape, murder and looting which seemed to be the reward for Japanese troops upon the capture of large cities in China. The case of Nanking in December 1937 was the best known of these, when the city was given over to the victorious Japanese troops and for some weeks suffered on a huge scale.\n\nIt was not until I read the Official History of the War Against Japan that the probable explanation appeared in Volume 1. The Japanese attack on Hong Kong was made by the 38 Division reinforced by additional troops. The division had three regiments, the 228, 229 and 230 Infantry Regiments. The 228 regiment was transferred from Hong Kong to Davao on 18 January 1942 and thence to Amboina and Timor. The 229 regiment and one battalion", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207421, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n181\n\nthat the fears of the reluctant officers were justified. A monthly deduction of the order of £14 was made from the home pay of officers who were prisoners of the Japanese. This, added to the uncertainty in all cases of their husbands' fate, caused great concern to wives. Fortunately, at a later date a wiser and more generous course was taken and by the end of the war all money thus deducted had been refunded,\n\nIn addition to their contributions to the Central Fund, officers gave support in money to individual other ranks, patients and staff, and some were particularly generous. It is pleasing to record the generous gifts made from their pay by officer prisoners.\n\nThe greatest contribution to our energy requirements was undoubtedly made by the rice in our diet. As an aside on this, my wife told me that when listening to the daily broadcasts on food by the Radio Doctor at that time, Dr. Charles Hill, she heard him say that rice was not a good diet. (It was probably in short supply at home at the time). Incensed, she wrote to him saying that his statement was most disheartening for families who had relatives who were prisoners in Japanese hands, knowing that rice was their staple diet. Needless to say she got no reply but ended up wiser in the arts of propagandists. Because of our dependence upon rice, that part of money spent and gifts devoted to general messing was used on purchases designed to make the wearisome rations more palatable, and also to provide a supplement on the lean days when boiled rice and vegetables were the only food available. If judged solely by calorie values the proportion of energy supplied in the general diet from money contributed by officers and from the gifts of our Hong Kong friends was not large. The money, though, bought substances which were invaluable in giving men some interest in their food and thus in making better use of it.\n\nAdding together the value of gifts received from visitors and purchased using money contributed by officers my records show the following additions to the daily of all receiving general rations\n\nProtein G Fat Carbohydrate G.\n\n1943. One week in Jan.\n\n7.9 12.6 28.6\n\nAverage for June.\n\n3.0 2.0 9.0\n\nAverage for Dec.\n\n2.0 3.0 6.0\n\n1944. - Average for March.\n\n1.6 3.6 12.6", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207428, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "188\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nvaried greatly at different times. In 1942 and 1943 we had much difficulty in maintaining a growth of yeast, but we produced a kind of hop barm made from cod liver oil and hops which produced with flour, bran and ground rice a bread which in our circumstances was passable. In 1945 bread and what we called rock buns were made from rice, bran and beans steamed in an old refrigerator converted for the purpose and suspended over a fire. To us the result was excellent.\n\nStoring the food\n\nWe maintained a steward's store throughout in which food stocks were held under the care of the steward and an assistant who lived with their charge. I said earlier that the arrival of food stocks was a spectacle never missed by the observant eyes of staff and patients, and by the time the Red Cross bulk stores began to come in I judged it wise to publish lists showing the quantities and varieties of food in all intakes, and this was appreciated.\n\nCooking the food\n\nThis was a heavy and often thankless task. The cooking apparatus was improvised after the main hospital kitchen was destroyed by enemy action in 1941. It was often very hard to get a good fire burning; the early rice boilers were deep and whether because of this or as a result of inexperience, the rice produced was often stodgy and gooey. Shallow boilers were installed later, and the quality of the rice delivered to the consumer improved greatly. The worst times were in 1942 when the hospital was overcrowded, the infections were rampant and the deficiency diseases were appearing, and also in 1943 when a long period of undernutrition could be foreseen. The unfortunate cooks came in for much criticism which of course did not improve matters. In addition to cooking they were called upon to divide the cooked food into containers for messes and wards and this led to further recriminations. I watched this situation with a great deal of care and I believe that we were fortunate to have men in these key positions who did not take advantage of their offices to get extra food for themselves, and who withstood apparently with only slight resentment much ill-informed and envious criticism. My natural faith in these men was all the stronger for the fact that the records of the body weights", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207436, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "196\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nnames in this account I shall spell them as they sounded to me. I was old enough to be aware of the fighting qualities of their troops in the Russo-Japanese war of 1904 and Japan was acclaimed as our ally in the First War. The reputation of the people for courtesy in their own country was high. The situation changed drastically in the nineteen thirties.\n\nThe conduct of their troops in Manchuria and in China, the truculence of their government and the xenophobia of their nationals in Japan itself gave the nation a sinister reputation, and those of us who had followed these developments had few illusions about what would happen to people conquered by their armies if war came. This reputation was entirely self-made. I never hated the Japanese as such though I came to distrust individual members of their army. I try here to record our dealings with those in charge in the British Military Hospital in Hong Kong. The name of our hospital changed from time to time. In April 1942 I was writing reports and requests from the British Military Hospital. By September 1942 our name had become \"Dai Ichi Bun In, Kirishima Dori\". By October 1943 we were \"Dai Ichi Bun Ken Sho\", but I don't know what our name was in Kowloon.\n\nThe commander of P.O.W. camps in Hong Kong was one Colonel Tokunaga, and our hospital came under his authority. He was a thick-set man of a little over average Japanese height. His age was not easy to guess but I judged him to be well over fifty and he gave me the impression of having been recalled to active service from the reserve. He was nicknamed 'the pig' by our troops. I do not know if he could speak English but I suspect that he understood our language a little. I never had experience of conversation with him, and on his inspections and visits he seemed utterly withdrawn from any human contact with staff or patients though his orders, transmitted to me after inspections, showed that he had been observant and had noted arrangements which he considered should be changed. These referred only to such matters as the lay-out of beds, notices in wards, conditions in the hospital grounds and so on. He never gave me orders at the time of his visits; these were transmitted later. When the representative of the Red Cross came, Tokunaga always preceded him wherever they went and he obviously dictated the route to be followed. I never knew him speak to a patient. Tokunaga seemed to me to be a Japanese officer of the old school showing by his demeanour the rigidity of his training.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207447, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n207\n\nsinglets at 0.50 each. Salt then cost m.y. 1.20 per pound and sugar 1.00 per pound. Many items however were quite useless to us because no one would spend money on them under our conditions. For example there were pipe cleaners, mosquito coils, leads for eversharp pencils, mirrors, after shave lotion etc., and these obviously came from peacetime stocks which the compradore could not sell anywhere else. As time went on the stock lists grew shorter and the prices higher. In January 1944 Taikoo treacle cost m.y. 10.00 a tin and syrup 10.80 a tin (two months later syrup cost 19.20 a tin). In March 1944 corned mutton was m.y. 9.00 a tin. In January 1945 syrup cost 85.90 a tin and by July 1945 the price had risen to m.y. 528.00. These figures indicate the collapse of the military currency introduced by the Japanese during their occupation.\n\nThe account I have just given might be described as lawful trading. Trading between Japanese guards and hospital staff and patients was forbidden by the Japanese, but as I have already described our guards were not notably well nourished and their clothing was poor in quality. They also were interested in trading, and a brisk business sprang up between those on our side who had goods to spare and guards who wanted goods to sell in the market outside. I knew all about this though not usually about detailed transactions and I judged it to be no concern of mine to interfere. I had however to intervene when hospital inmates began to sell hospital property in the form of sheets, blankets, towels etc. Our stocks of such items as these could not be replaced and as we needed what we had I forbade the sale of hospital property of all kinds. I would not care to assert that no further transactions of this kind took place, but the danger of running out of equipment receded.\n\nReady marketability provided a great temptation to thieving among our people. At the beginning of my charge when thefts occurred we carried out searches, but these were never rewarded since a theft would always be so timed that stolen articles could be passed at once to a sentry and so beyond our jurisdiction. On one occasion the theft of a small suitcase became known to the Japanese by some means unknown to me, for I adhered strictly to the principle of never asking the Japanese to play any part in our internal affairs. This time there was a great to-do and I was ordered to produce the culprit. I never found out who this was but even", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207452, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "212\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nwhich swept through the hospital from time to time. If any instrument did survive it was not taken to Kowloon when the hospital moved there in March 1945. Placed in a similar position in a hospital today I would never run such a risk again.\n\nThe foregoing account shows a remarkable naivete on my part. The guilelessness of some of our men was quite as remarkable. I recall examining the diary of a soldier who died in Bowen Road before handing his belongings over to someone authorised to receive them. The diary had many references to world events which had clearly been obtained by wireless. I thought it wise to destroy these references at once, for if discovered they would have led directly back to an illicit receiver as the source which I judged to have been sited in a P.O.W. camp.\n\nThe Japanese allowed us to receive and read copies of an English language paper called the Hongkong News, which was published in the Colony. My notes show that we began to receive three or four copies of this paper daily from October 1942. I circulated these copies to each ward in the hospital and to all staff, but I am sorry I did not preserve any in my own records. The news in the paper was, I recall, quite accurate in describing places where events of importance in the war were taking place. I cannot say whether all events were recorded in this fashion. The treatment of the stories in the paper was, of course, wholly from the Japanese angle, and the result was to create in us prisoners a mounting sense of the victories they were achieving. We could and did discount many of the stories, and we had in the hospital a number of school-type atlases which were never taken away from us, and from the place names we could at least trace where events were taking place in the war as they happened. At first, this local paper was issued to us free, and from time to time supplies were stopped when it was not difficult to deduce that the issues that had been withheld contained news unfavourable to the Japanese.\n\nAUGUST\n\nDECEMBER 1942\n\nThese five months were for the hospital the worst period of our imprisonment. On 1 August 1942 there were 245 patients attended by twelve officers on the staff, not all of whom were medical, sixty-five other ranks including six Royal Engineers plus one civil engineer, seventeen nursing sisters Q.A.I.N.M.S. and Canadian", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207473, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n233\n\nMail for prisoners came in well by our standards in 1944, and the record was established in a Red Cross message dated January 1944 to a man from his wife in Australia which he received in May. At the other extreme one letter from a wife in Stanley Civil Internment Camp and dated 4 September 1944 addressed to her husband was delivered in Bowen Road at the end of October 1944. The husband died in our hospital on 27 October 1943 and of course his death had been reported at once to the Japanese. All in hospital were now allowed fifty words on their outgoing cards irrespective of destination once a month. In October 1944 six of our patients and staff handed in through me forty-word messages to their families on the offer that these would be broadcast by the Japanese. Replies were invited. These messages were returned to me as lacking in drama. The contents were, like all such messages devoted to personal and family affairs and could be of no possible interest to anyone except the recipient. I never heard that any messages submitted for broadcasting were received at home.\n\nSeveral times during 1944 I re-classified for Saito all our patients under certain heads; first there were those fit to return to camp; next came those with visual defects, the result of dietary deficiencies but generally physically fit; the third showed patients unfit for military service by reason of age, wounds etc. Those not included in the lists were under treatment with a reasonable prospect of restoration to fitness for camp, fitness for camp being judged in all cases as being unlikely to come to harm by such a move. The first category of patients, numbering fourteen were having no treatment and needed special accommodation only; in the second case we advised that patients could go to camp into special accommodation so long as they received eight mg thiamine by injection every second day and were seen by our ophthalmologist every two months (we had produced this list with great care some months earlier). In the third category there were 94 names including 24 Canadians, Portuguese and 1 Dutchman. A series of drafts left hospital for camps and our staff was likewise reduced by 10 R.A.M.C. and R.A.D.C. in April. Japanese policy became clear when on 19 November 1944 Saito notified me of their intention to reduce the total of patients and staff in Bowen Road to 200, and a final draft of 9 staff and 46 patients left for camp on 22 November.\n\nOur men were better adjusted to their diets, but some of those admitted from camp were showing serious signs of undernourishment.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 245, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n237\n\ndays in selected cases but without improving the condition of their patients.\n\nIn addition to beautifying our cemeteries further by means of tiles removed from walls in the hospital, a wooden Memorial Cross was completed and erected in the front cemetery to those of 27 Company R.A.M.C. who had been killed. The names of the men had been skilfully carved by a patient, Private Medhurst. The ideas for beautifying the cemeteries and for the memorial cross as well as for many of the improvements made in the hospital came from many sources and I was able to give all encouragement to men with ideas and to provide materials when available.\n\nThe year 1944 was a bad one for the supply of our Japanese rations and fuel. In February we had our last baking of bread using flour, and by that time the flour was very stale and weevily. In compensation the ration of rice allowed by the Japanese was raised from 384 grammes first to 570 grammes and later to 600 grammes daily. We were never able to issue rice on these scales because of the short weight sacks to which I have referred before. A typical disappointment came in March when the ration was cut back to 480 grammes, the cut being made retrospective to 1 March. March also brought news through Watanabe who told me that Red Cross bulk supplies would be delivered twice a month and I prepared lists of items we considered desirable, again keeping my suggestions within the bounds of what I guessed to be practicable in Hong Kong. Saito told me on 8 March that supplies I had asked for on 29 February after one of his searches could not be provided. This was an advance for me because so often in the past I never heard what the decision was on any request. In our first receipt of Red Cross supplies in March we received cod liver oil which I allocated to the medical officers for use as they judged proper. We had also received some shark liver oil from visitors and I used this by adding it to any stews we had in proportion of 5 minims for each person in the hospital. At this time we began to issue to all in hospital soy bean powder as such, instead of making what turned out to be rather repulsive milk from it. We continued to make soy milk for certain patients on the assumption that it might be more readily absorbed. Our meals were often late, mainly because of difficulty of getting good fires in the kitchen. Deliveries of rations were often irregular and we were generally uneasy about the system. Our guards seemed to share this anxiety. The quality of rations", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207478, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "238\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nwas specially poor also about this time some of our rice was wet and a stock of bran became hot but we still used every scrap of food. We did have one splendid feast in August 1944 when we received one issue of unplucked pheasants and partridges packed in Manchuria in 1941. Our cooks prepared a stew which made a memorable addition to our rice and vegetables. The game had obviously been in cold store in Hong Kong and electricity cuts must have endangered the refrigeration and so we benefited. In August the Japanese were very active in storing rice and a total of 250 sacks were stacked partly in our hospital building where the Japanese held the keys and partly in the Japanese medical quarters. This was another of the very heavy fatigues which devolved upon staff. It was usually non-nursing staff who did work of this kind, though some of the nurses joined in which clearly meant that they welcomed even heavy labour if it involved a change in their routine.\n\nThe Red Cross local bulk supplies allowed us to make our basic diet of rice and vegetables much more palatable and, just as important, they showed our people that a valiant attempt to meet their needs was being made. Our morale, depressed by the third year of our captivity was lifted.\n\nMr. Zindel visited us in August and again in December 1944. In August after the usual formal and silent round of the wards I was summoned to the Japanese office where I found Tokunaga, Saito, Zindel and an interpreter. Zindel then asked me what food stuffs we needed, making the point no doubt for the benefit of the Japanese that he had asked similar questions of the officer placed in charge by the Japanese of the other ranks camp in Sham Shui Po. I asked for food containing protein and vitamins, saying that these were our main need though we also needed sugar to replenish our falling stock. He told me that fresh meat was not available which came as no surprise to me but most helpfully offered beans, which I welcomed. I followed up this very short talk with a list addressed to Zindel through the Japanese, again limiting our requests to items which we judged might be available. At Mr. Zindel's December inspection no conversation was allowed though the visit was marked by an air raid.\n\nIn August 1943 we had no mains water for 36 hours and had to carry what we needed from the reservoir where the water level was too low for our pumps to be effective. Thereafter we had no trouble for some months though we were reproached for using", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 256, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "248\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nThere was no lift. By now we were caring for 15 patients with active pulmonary tuberculosis. The medical officer staff was slightly different from what it had been in Bowen Road (See Appendix C) and contained one new member, Captain Coombs. The changes had been made by the Japanese and I was not consulted, though Coombs was a valued and welcome member of the staff.\n\nThe building was arranged in two wings, and looked at from the front the left hand wing was given over to Japanese quarters. In the centre was a large Assembly Hall while our hospital occupied the right hand wing. The Assembly Hall was out of bounds to us except on special occasions. I had hoped to get a member of the Hong Kong Volunteers to come with us from Sham Shui Po as a rice cook, but he did not turn up, and Corporal J. O'Grady took charge. Our practice was now to cook all our food in bulk and not by wards and messes in their own containers as in the past. The kitchens had shallow rice boilers and our rice from now on improved considerably. The electricity generator had been damaged during the move but repairs were started by our engineers. The church was sited in the Central Clock Tower room. Saito gave us a Hongkong News from which on the 14 April we learned of the death of President Roosevelt and we held a memorial service for him on the following day.\n\nA refrigerator was converted to act as a steamer, steam being delivered through the top, and the cooks baked some very good so-called cake and made some experimental bread without flour which turned out to be excellent when judged by our standards. We even began to fry the bread sometimes when we had enough oil. On 19 April four blinded men and two old men arrived, the former with attendants to look after their needs. On 20 April Colonel Tokunaga made an afternoon inspection and we were ordered to remove all beds from verandahs and all staff except the steward and one cook were required to sleep in the barrack room. Visitors arrived to deliver parcels the same day but they had to leave them for collection by us some distance away from our front door. With 134 patients and no beds on verandahs our space was pretty crowded. By now our non-medical staff was building up and we had one shoemaker, two tailors, one barber, two cooks, three rice grinders, four vegetable men and three wood men. We also used two men for pots and pans and two appear in my diary as having duties connected with beds though I cannot now remember", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207508, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 276, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "268\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nNone of the foregoing figures can be taken as more than approximately correct. A figure however for which I can vouch with certainty is the total number of wounded treated in Bowen Road. This figure was 646 and was carefully computed by me in the studies I made of our records during the months and years of captivity before the Japanese finally destroyed them. The Bowen Road figures include all who were seriously wounded during hostilities, because all wounded admitted to other hospitals in the Colony and who were unfit for discharge to P.O.W. camps after our surrender were eventually concentrated in Bowen Road by the end of February 1942. The last patients who suffered war injuries to be admitted came from St. Teresa's Hospital in Kowloon when this closed on 11 August 1942. My record of the total Bowen Road casualties amounting to 646 is likely to be less than the actual total number of wounded, because when other hospitals were closing and evacuating their more seriously wounded patients to Bowen Road it is likely that a number of other patients had by then recovered sufficiently to be able to go to P.O.W. camps and it must be remembered that it was the Japanese who decided where these patients must go.\n\nThe official figures suggest that, excluding Indian casualties, some 855 soldiers were seriously wounded during hostilities. In Bowen Road we treated 646 of these. It is evident therefore that about 75% of seriously wounded other than Indians were evacuated by the medical services to hospitals. This represents a major success having regard to the conditions, and the system of evacuation and the skill and determination with which it was carried out must be judged to have worked well. The Field Ambulance commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Ride, which achieved these results was responsible also for recovering Indian casualties, and I have no doubt that these were evacuated with the same degree of success as were the British casualties. Figures however are lacking since the Indian Hospital was overrun during the Japanese advance and records were lost. Readers will recall that early in the hostilities the Chinese ambulance drivers deserted, understandably enough especially to those familiar with the Japanese treatment of captured Chinese opponents. Thereafter ambulance cars were driven by Field Ambulance personnel usually drawn from the medical services. This makes their achievement all the more notable.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207860, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 248, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n233\n\nor resisting them (and running the risk of being accused of denying the original undertaking by the British Government to respect local beliefs and customs). It is not to be wondered at that present-day administrators sometimes appear to be reluctant protectors of popular faith. They probably feel themselves caught in a situation where they are being exploited by the unscrupulous for the respect they show for their religion.\n\n67. Cynical and selfish exploiters there no doubt are, but the problem cannot be dismissed so simply. For if these men are able to put forward strong cases it is because they have behind them a public opinion firmly rooted in geomantic faith. There is every indication that the fung shui objections are now being raised on an unusually large scale. It was to be expected. In the full flood of rural development traditional rights are bound to be increasingly affected. The system of geomancy is so complex, the alternatives in interpretation so numerous, that a fung shui case can be brought against anything at all that meets with the disapproval of the country people. Any work undertaken by the Administration can be said to be harmful in geomancy. But it can also be judged to be geomantically beneficial if local opinion is in favour of its practical worth. (I know a community where a proposed new road is being urged precisely on the grounds that it will help remedy a natural defect in the geomantic conformation of the front aspect of the village). But it is not to be assumed that people are making a coldly rational translation of their practical wishes into the language of geomancy. They may be rationalising, as the psychologist might put it, but they are not hypocrites.\n\n68. Faced by its dilemma the Administration must fall back on what it considers to be a practical formula: fung shui objections will be heeded if they are 'reasonable'. What is 'reasonable'? It would be interesting to know. As far as I can see, 'reasonable' is taken to be assessable by the sincerity of the objectors. If they seem to believe what they assert, and there is no evidence that they are misrepresenting facts (as, for example, about the ownership of graves), then a case has been made and the Administration must in some measure yield. Of course, it is not necessary to yield; a 'tough' policy would almost certainly work, in the sense that objections would become fewer and people accustomed to the fact that they are no longer in a position to get their way. (There must have been times in the history of the New Territories when a firm resistance...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208065, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "88 \n\nK. G. STEVENS \n\nof a better place. In most temples he stands slightly off to one side from the middle of the Under Altar behind the incense pot. The same God Carver explained that the other, similar image in the Under Altar, is the Black and White Demon (). He too is standing, dressed in sackcloth and has his tongue protruding. He has a black face, the same four characters down the front of his dunce's cap. He too, holds the wand with its tattered decoration which he uses to lead souls safely into the Afterworld and before the Judges of Purgatory. He is sometimes known as \"The one who leads the souls\" (). The usual image, the Local Wealth God who is occasionally known as the Filial son (#7) according to the Macanese carver, is taller, stands in sackcloth, but with a white face and wearing a dunce's cap without characters.\n\nThis statement by a man who is at the heart of image making and whose other statements have been well borne out by temple keepers in both Hong Kong and Macau, has thrown a cat amongst the pigeons, as a careful examination of Under Altars reveals that very few images have black faces or characterless caps. All, with and without characters and with black or white faces, are referred to without exception by the individual temple keepers as the Local Wealth God. They added, however, that they may also be called by the less polite and now old-fashioned title of Wu Ch'ang Kuei, the \"Unpredictable Demon\" (), a term Burkhardt1 consistently used for the demonic policeman who arrests souls.\n\nThe same God Carver also explained that the Wu Ch'ang Kuei quite frequently has red tears running down his face because, apparently, as a youth he so got on his Mother's nerves that she cried herself to death. Covered by remorse and crying until he drew blood, he set himself the task of guiding first her soul, and then souls of others, safely into the through the Underworld.\n\nThe primary function of the Local Wealth God, according to the majority of temple keepers concerned, is to provide unexpected money (always in small quantities), and particularly for luck in gambling, especially horse racing. He is prayed to by gamblers who are going through a lengthy and damaging run of bad luck. In addition to this well-known ability to provide small quantities of unexpected money, a few temple keepers understand that, dressed in hemp, he has the power to drive away sickness demons and, if \n\n(1) V. R. Burkhardt: Chinese Creeds and Customs: Vols. 1-3. 1952-5 Hong Kong (SCMP).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208074, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "UNDER ALTARS\n\n97\n\nWhen the Mean One's slips are pasted up they are promptly beaten with a shoe or slipper, and then, over them, are pasted the red and green slips representing the control exercised over them by the Green Horse and the Nobleman.\n\nOne form of the charm is a green paper cut-out horse about 24 inches long, mounted by a separate piece of red paper, cut out in the stylised form of a man. These are pasted in shrines to control the Mean Ones.\n\nOne word of warning for the iconographer. Confusion may arise in temples of Overseas Chinese communities beyond the shores of Hong Kong and Macau, particularly in Fukienese temples in SE Asia. In these there is no Under Altar as such, except in Cantonese communities in places like Kuala Lumpur. There is a separate altar which has no special title, on which there are two or more images whose general features are very similar to the Local Wealth God. They wear dunce's caps, have gaunt faces with protruding tongues and carry a fan each. In addition they carry either a chain and padlock, or a tablet permitting them to carry out an official arrest. These are the lictors of the City God whose task it is to arrest the souls of humans when the ill-fated day of death arrives, and then drag the soul before the Judges of the Underworld. Usually, one of the two images is a short man and the other, very similar to the Local Wealth God, is a tall man. The Cantonese do not appear to hold them in awe as do the Fukienese, and only depict these lictors on murals, paintings and sketches of the courts and punishments of the Underworld. Incidentally, in Yunnan, the demonic lictor of the City God was known as the \"Chicken Foot Demon\", because down to his knees he was as described, \"gaunt, with dunce's cap etc,\" but below his knees were two enormous chicken's claws. On the altar of these lictors in Fukienese temples one may see the occasional White Tiger and, very rarely indeed, a Green Horse. More frequently, the small image of Chao, the Wealth God Hsuan T'an can be seen astride or beside his tiger.\n\nOne exception to the latter is interesting. In Stone Nullah Lane in Hong Kong a larger than life image of Chao Kung-ming stands with three other deities before the main altar. Beside him is a minute tiger, the size of a kitten. The image of Chao is the only one in Hong Kong temples which is coated with red and green", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208347, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "IS FACE THE SAME AS LI? \n\n55\n\nflexible, li is rigid and unyielding, and so societies interested in the same results—or what appears to be the same results, avidly turn to the cultivation of subtle techniques for manipulating face, leaving the narrow path of li to fanatics and moral people.\n\nThat is perhaps, incidentally, why Confucianism bears such strong marks of pride and not so much the marks of a shame sanction. Even its shame is based on pride. The most valued disposition in a Confucian man is his pride, or 'self-pride'. Literary history, biographies of scholars, officials and poets as well as evidence in daily contact with them leaves little room for doubt. This pride is not the same as face, because it involves severe self-criticism and an ideal self-image which is in operation not only when someone is looking, but even when no one is looking except oneself, and oneself is always looking. This ideal self-image rests on pride: the conviction that it is superior, that it hangs upon nothing except one's aspirations. To be superior one has to be superior to someone, and Confucian men have not pitched themselves only against foreigners or 'barbarians' but the ordinary people—the 'small people'—they live among. The small people are afraid of punishment, of public censure, of being shamed, but the superior man is afraid of not reaching his high ideal. The superior man judges himself not by the approval of his community but by the traditional ideal set by Confucius and in the sacred books of ancient sages. He is ashamed to see himself fall short of that ideal, but that he should adhere to that ideal stems from pride, from his aspiration to be a true elite.\n\nParallel in a Guilt-saintliness System\n\nIs there a parallel to the subterfuge relation between li and face in a guilt-saintliness system such as Catholicism? We have good reason to expect people to resort to subterfuges when hard-to-attain or unattainable goals are pressed upon them. Catholicism certainly presses upon its adherents the extremely high aspiration of saintliness such as expressed in 'You should be perfect, as your heavenly Father is perfect' on the one hand, and on the other of a scrupulous conscience able to detect the smallest sin and bring on the deepest feeling of guilt. The propagated lives of canonized saints act as the models constantly exhorting one to combine both and bring them to the very highest standards. It is easy enough to see the subterfuge, which is to take upon extravagant acts of piety rather", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208412, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "C. MARTIN WILBUR\n\ngoes on in his social environment. He feels morally responsible, and realizes that he may be held legally so, for the behavior of the members of his family certainly, and to some extent of all his neighbors.\n\nIII\n\nThe general structure of the Chinese family is pyramidal. This is true both for the largest unit, the clan, and for the smallest group, the individual sex family. At the head of each family unit stands an individual usually called Chia-chang (家長). It is of value to consider the attributes of this Chia-chang because he is the basic unit of village government, the link between the family and the larger group of neighbors. Moreover, he is the prototype of the village elder, who stands somewhat in the same legal and psychological position in the village as does the Chia-chang in his immediate family. The customary, ethical and legal sanctions which reinforce the Chia-chang reinforce also the village elder. There is no more perfect example, in fact, of the generical relationship between the family and all other social institutions in China.\n\nIn the simple sex family the father is usually Chia-chang, or after his death, the mother, if the family is still dependent upon the parental grouping. It was found that in Ching Ho, a village just north of Peiping, of 371 families only ten had women as family heads, and of these nine were widows. In the \"larger family\" which covers several generations living together by common consent under one roof as a single economic unit, the principle is more complicated. Su, quoting Chinese legal sources, gives the following order for succession to the position: grandfather, grandmother, great paternal uncles, their wives, father, mother, paternal uncles, their wives, elder brothers, their wives2. This systematic order is sometimes broken when the individual who would properly become incumbent is judged to be too young or of questionable character or ability. These qualifications of age and character are most important, and carry over into village government as well. Certainly no system of family or village control could be efficient without some modification from the rigid rule set down by law.\n\n1 Ching Ho a Sociological Analysis; p. 43.\n\n2 Su; op. cit., p. 48; from: Ta Ch'ing Lü Li, sec. 88; and Provisional Civil Code, art. 1324.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208447, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "VILLAGE GOVERNMENT IN CHINA, 1933\n\n155\n\njudged according to the intrinsic moral value which it has, measured by the supposedly-known natural law. Government measures are therefore obeyed, in so far as they correspond with this popular sense of rightness, not merely because it is positive law.\n\nA partial explanation of the situation may also be found in the philosophy of Taoism, which stresses an indifference to government. Several factors make this hypothesis seem correct. Taoism is strongest in rural districts; in fact, it arose out of the conditions of rural life. Its doctrines, moreover, apply to the life of the village more than do those of Confucianism, which better fit the urban and ruling classes. One of the central doctrines of Taoism is Wu Wei (§) “inaction”, and one of its precepts is that the best government is no government. But such a force is entirely unmeasurable, and the hypothesis can only be advanced for what it is worth.2\n\nTimes occur, it is true, when Hsien government becomes intolerable to the people. In such cases, the first impulse with the Chinese villager is not, as with us, to elect representatives to go as a delegation to make complaint. Rather, the whole village is liable to rise up to a man, armed with what weapons and implements are at hand, and to descend upon the Yamen to demand redress. Demonstrations of this sort are quite embarrassing to the magistrate, for if wind is gotten of them by his superiors, he is liable to be heavily punished. This direct method of self-assertion on the part of the people is therefore often quite effective.\n\nThese two attitudes, on the one hand a positive avoidance, and on the other a profound indifference to the central government, are basic in the relations of the people toward any government greater than their own village polity. And it is these two attitudes, inherited from the Ch'ing dynasty, which will be among the chief obstacles to any form of democratic and representative government which the Republic may attempt to establish.\n\nV\n\nAs a conclusion to this chapter, it seems appropriate to outline the most recent developments in rural government under the Republic, and to indicate something of what the future may bring.\n\n1 Duyvendak, J. J. L.; The Book of Lord Shang, p. 129-130.\n\n2 For this idea, the writer is indebted to Dr. D. W. Lyon, in a conversation on Dec. 12, 1932.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208875, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n9\n\nThese are the wooded valley running down from Lantau Peak through Luk Wu to Tai O, the wooded area around Lo Wai to the north of and above the new town of Tsuen Wan, and the oldest of all, the easterly wooded slopes of the hill known to foreigners as Castle Peak. (Plate 2)\n\nBuddhist temples can also be established by a monk wishing to set up an establishment of his own to earn credit. The usual pattern would be first to open a small temple consisting of a Buddha Hall, a living room and kitchen. As others join him, if of course they do and if the temple retains its popularity, so the establishment will thrive and grow. However, should he die prematurely, his establishment usually dies with him.\n\nBuddhist monasteries, nunneries and temples usually follow a pattern based on the origins of the monk who first founded or organized the establishment. Hence, a monk from Shandong will reflect his provincial background in the organization and iconographical features of the establishment.\n\nBuddhists rarely have simple temples. Whereas traditional folk religion temples consist of a single storey, monasteries tend to have an upper and lower hall. Buddhist and Daoist monasteries and temples may best be described as being a series of \"boxes\" which, unlike a very high proportion of traditional temples, do not need to be symmetrical. They tend to run to complexes with their numerous rooms and halls, separate buildings and shrines, each housing one or more images. In each devotional hall the main sanctuary or altar which holds the image or symbol of the deity (or in the case of the Halls of Long Life and Rebirth, the spirit tablets) serves as the focal point of devotions and rites. Some monasteries and a few temples have a separate hall dedicated to the Ten Judges of the Underworld (with Di Zang Wang on the main altar) or the Eighteen Luohan (the disciples of the Buddha Sakyamuni).\n\nThere are, in addition to the devotional halls, monks' and nuns' quarters, kitchens, visitors' halls, refectories, study rooms, reading and meditation halls. Many small images are to be seen in each, though they are not always Buddhist. The occasional state religion cult hero or folk religion deity may be seen usually donated by a not too discriminating devotee. Abbots rarely refuse an image, particularly if it is accompanied by a donation to the establishment.\n\n*路盧遮那寺 in Lo Wai.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208883, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 45, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n17\n\nThe even larger Guan Yin temple, facing south west on the reverse of the same hill, has a similar layout, though in this complex the side halls are separated from the main hall by unroofed passageways.\n\nA third large temple, but not of traditional architectural style, the Lin Dai Temple off the Estrada do Repouso, has two separate secondary halls to the west but only one to the east. Each of the two western secondary halls are sub-divided into two altar halls, one to the front and one to the rear, making a total of seven separate altar halls.\n\nThe nearest equivalent in Hong Kong to the two largest traditional temples in Macau, are the traditional temples in Hollywood Road in Central Victoria, Temple Street in Yaumati and Stone Nullah Lane in Wanchai. Nowadays the traditional temple in Yaumati (Illustration 9) is in practice four individual temples under the management of the Tung Wah Hospital Group. Originally it was a single temple consisting of a large main hall with two side halls on either side, each hall separated from the next by an uncovered passageway. For at least thirty years, however, the complex has consisted of the main major temple, with the two secondary halls to the north being divorced from it and becoming individual temples with their own keepers, controlling committees and cults. The two secondary halls to the south have again been divorced from the main hall. One is an individual temple with its own cult etc and the other is a clinic and dispensary. The main cults in the four temples from north to south are Guan Yin, the City God, Tian Hou and again Guan Yin, though in addition the major deities worshipped in the second and fourth temples are the Ten Judges of the Underworld and She Ji (**) the Spirit of the Harvest and Crops. The carved titles of the main deities over the four temples' entrances, are interesting. The first is Fu De (**), the Earth God (and not Guan Yin as one would expect), the second has the title of the City God Temple above its entrance, the third has Tian Hou and the fourth has She Tan (***) (again not Guan Yin as one would expect). The last entrance, the clinic, has the characters for the Library over it.20\n\nThe traditional temple in Stone Nullah Lane in Wanchai is comparatively larger than other similar temples in the colony and is made up of four individual halls. The main hall, roughly 40 feet wide by 55 feet long, has three side-altars on each side of the\n\nPage 45\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209039, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "BOOK LISTS\n\n169\n\nference on Records, Salt Lake City, Utah, 12-15 August 1980 \"Chinese Clan Genealogies and Family Histories: Chinese Genealogies as Local and Family Histories\", published in Volume 11 of its Proceedings, \"Asian and African Family and Local History\". These are from the Tsuen Wan sub-district of the N.T., mostly in manuscript. I have also collected on Lantau Island. In all cases a xerox copy has been taken and the original has been returned to its owner.\n\n(b) Handbooks of family and social practice\n\nThese are available in printed and manuscript form. Those purchased and included in this list are a sample of the types that come onto the local book market.\n\n(c) Almanacs\n\nI have collected modern editions of various Hong Kong publishers from 1949 on, by the following firms: 聚寶樓, 廣經堂, 永經堂, 福安堂 and 明記. Besides these, I have also purchased the listed earlier works, variously from Hong Kong, Canton-Fatshan, and Shanghai.\n\n(d) Collections of couplets for every occasion\n\nThis was a popular field, judged by the numbers seen.* The attached list shows how Shanghai publishers took over collections earlier published in Canton.\n\n(dd) Riddles and Proverbs\n\nI attach a few titles from this interesting sub-group. \"Proverbs are not devoid of attractiveness and charm, especially as they often appear as couplets, sometimes rhymed\", writes Patrick Pichi Sun in his foreword to Seven Hundred Chinese Proverbs translated by Henry H. Hart (Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1937). Riddles were\n\n* They abounded in the towns and countryside. An interesting collection of couplets from buildings of the Ch'ing period in the Sha Tou Chen sub-district of Nan Hai county of Kwangtung is given at pp. 101-110 of the 36th anniversary bulletin of the Nam Hoi Sha Tau Association, Hong Kong, published by the Association in 1964. Couplets by famous Cantonese are featured in two articles by Chin Yung (A) entitled TSLA LO in Vol. 12, Nos. 1 and 2 of a Taiwan publication ✯✯ A, 71st Year of Chinese Republic, 31st March and 30th June (1982).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "33\n\nThis contrasts with the situation in Hong Kong, for instance, where Chinese were tried by colonial judges principally according to English law, and also with Singapore where a similar situation obtained.\n\nLand Regulations: the Constitution of the International Settlement\n\nEarlier I have made mention of the Land Regulations without clearly explaining what these were. As these Land Regulations formed the Constitution of the Settlement on which nearly the entire structure of government was built it seems proper to give some more details about them,\n\nIn the course of the Settlement's history (1845-1943) three sets of Land Regulations were issued: in 1845, 1854 and 1869. They all dealt in various degrees with the delimitation of the settlement's boundaries, the mode of renting land, the way in which foreign land-renters or ratepayers could elect a Municipal Council, the organisation of the Municipal Council and other administrative details. The way in which these sets of Land Regulations originated differed from each other.\n\nThe 1845 Land Regulations\n\nThe first set was issued by the taotai Kung Mu-chiu, on November 29, 1845. According to the preface these had been drafted by the Chinese and British authorities, meaning Kung and consul Balfour, \"in communication together\". This first Constitution had a distinctly Chinese flavour, as was to be expected. The basic principles of Chinese rulers were: first, paternalism, which held that a great number of detailed rules had to be laid down in writing and that one of the main tasks of administrators was to prevent the cropping up of unrest among the population, second, the so-called Ai-min principle (literally \"love the people\") which said that the feelings of the people should be respected, and third, the principle of mutual responsibility through the pao-chia system. In one form or another all these foundations of the Chinese state were represented in the 23 articles of the Land Regulations (the number of articles alone already indicates the Chinese obsession with detailed rules): e.g. paternalistic attitudes were to be found in articles IV, VI, IX, X, XI and others; the Ai-min rule in articles II, V, VII and IX; and the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209466, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "101\n\nlawyers two months training in \"New Democracy\" and placing them under Communist cadres.\n\nWhen the People's Political Consultative Conference, organized by the victorious Chinese Communist Party, issued its \"Common Programme\" formally establishing the People's Republic in September 1949, it also adopted an Organic Law of the Central People's Government, Article 5 of this document provided for a Supreme People's Court and Supreme People's Procuratorate, but no action was taken on the establishment of a system of lower courts until September 1951. In fact, during this period, civil and criminal courts left over from the Kuomintang period continued to function alongside military, revolutionary, and people's tribunals. Article 17 of the Common Programme had done away with the six codes of the Kuomintang, but new laws were published in rapid order, some 3,452 of them by September of 1954, including major laws dealing with land reform, marriage, the punishment of counter-revolutionaries and corruption. However, no systematic codes were issued and there were many gaps in areas which lawmakers in most societies would consider of prime importance, including such crimes as homicide. When appropriate laws and regulations were lacking, judges were supposed to use the general policies of Mao's \"New Democracy.\" Such ambiguity naturally led to great inconsistency in judgments, and judges were forced to make wide use of analogy even to the point of secretly basing their decisions on Kuomintang legal precedent.\n\nIn the autumn of 1952 a National Judicial Conference was called to launch a reform of the courts. By the time the movement came to an end in April 1953, many former Kuomintang officials had been removed from the judicial system, but the problem of judicial decision making continued to persist. A Chinese Political Science and Law Association was established in the spring of 1953 which in May of the following year began publishing its national legal journal, Zhengfa yanjiu [Researches in Political Science and Law]. At the same time, a special legal publishing house was established and began producing annual collections of laws. Several law schools or institutes for training judicial cadres were also opened. Finally a second National\n\n--", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209475, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "110\n\nW. ALLYN RICKETT\n\nadvisory offices were established in most cities throughout the country. The year 1979 also witnessed the beginnings of a major nationwide campaign to publicize the new laws and explain the rights and obligations of citizens contained therein. An impressive number of legal publications have appeared, including an increasing number of law journals. Numerous delegations of Chinese lawyers have visited abroad, and a number of Chinese students have been sent abroad to study Western law.\n\nThe new system, with some minor changes, harks back to that instituted in 1954. The Ministry of Justice is responsible for the general administration of justice and the training of judicial cadres. The court system is composed of the Supreme People's Court, Higher People's Courts, Intermediate People's Courts, and Basic People's Courts. There are also special courts: military, railway transport, water transport, forestry, as well as special branch courts dealing with economic affairs. There is a two-trial (one appeal) system, and trials are open unless they involve state secrets, matters of personal shame such as rape, or juveniles. As in the 1950s, judges, except in minor civil and criminal cases or where otherwise specified by law, are assisted by elected lay assessors, who are members of the trial court and enjoy equal rights with its judges when the judges perform their duties in court. Court presidents are elected by people's congresses at various levels while judges are appointed by the standing committees of these congresses. Courts are no longer accountable to local governments, but only to the people's congress of their constituency. The Supreme Court has been given an expanded role over its 1954 predecessor. While only the Standing Committee of the NPC has the authority to interpret the Constitution and other laws, the Supreme Court can give explanations on questions concerning the specific application of laws and decrees in judicial procedure. It also must rule on all death sentences.12\n\nThe right of defense is spelled out in the Criminal Code of Procedure, which provides that the accused may either defend himself or request the assistance of a relative or guardian, a member of his unit, people's organization, or other citizens approved by the court, or a lawyer. Lawyers function under provisions contained in Articles 28 and 29 of the Criminal Code of Procedure and \"The Provisional Regulations Governing the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209481, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "116\n\nW. ALLYN RICKETT\n\n' Mao Zedong, “Hunan nongmin yundong kaocha baokao,” Mao Zedong xuanji (Beijing: Renmin Chubanshe, 1964), 16.\n\n* See Patricia Griffin, The Chinese Communist Treatment of Counter-Revolutionaries: 1924-1949. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1976.\n\nIt is interesting that in many cases involving homicide resulting from marriage or family problems, the accused was formally sentenced in accordance with the Marriage Law of June 1950, which in itself simply stated that persons guilty of such an offense would bear criminal responsibility before the law.\n\n\"The right of defense was provided for in Art. 12 of the \"Provisional Regulations of the Shanghai People's Court Governing the Disposal of Civil and Criminal Cases\" (Aug. 11, 1949) and in Art. 6 of the \"Organic Regulations of the People's Tribunals\" (July 20, 1950), but was left out of the \"Provisional Organic Regulations of the People's Courts\" (Sept. 3, 1950). I know of no case where defense was actually permitted during the pre-Constitution period. Even appeal was very rare. The first public notice of the use of lawyers that I know of involved thirteen American nationals charged with espionage who were tried and then released in November 1954 by a military tribunal.\n\n冉\n\n* According to an editorial in the Guangming Ribao (Jan. 27, 1957), by 1957 there were some 670 legal advisory offices with 2,100 professional lawyers scattered throughout the country. Fees were paid by clients to the legal advisory office according to their ability to pay. Lawyers were paid salaries by the advisory office. As a defense counsel, people's lawyers were not considered an agent of the accused. They constituted an independent party at the trial and were not bound by the will of the defendant. Their duty was to help clarify the facts and present whatever extenuating circumstances might assist the judges in rendering a fair sentence.\n\n* Codification had been called for as far back as the Yenan Period and in 1948 it was discussed by the Central Committee of the CCP. This led to the formation of a Law Codification Committee in 1950. However, nothing seems to have been done until after the passage of the Constitution. Finally in Nov. 1956 it was announced that a draft criminal code consisting of some 261 articles had been completed by the Law Section of the Standing Committee of the NPC and had been turned over to the Standing Committee's Bills Committee for discussion and amendments.\n\n* Renmin Ribao, Dec. 12, 1957 and Zhenfa yanjiu, 1958, No. 1, 18-23. * Zhengfa yanjiu, 1958, No. 1, 10-17.\n\n10 For an excellent survey of developments during the period 1978-80, see Shao-chuan Leng, \"Criminal Justice in Post-Mao China: Some Preliminary Observations,\" China Quarterly, 87 (Sept. 1981), 440-469.\n\n\"For an English translation of all seven laws, see Foreign Broadcast Information Service, Daily Report: PRC, 27 and 30 July 1979. The Criminal Code and Criminal Code of Procedure have also been translated by Jerome Cohen, The Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 73,1 (Spring 1982), 135-203, and by Chin Kim, The American Series of Foreign Penal Codes, No. 25 (Littleton, Colorado: Fred B. Rothman & Co., 1982).\n\n12 Article 43 of the Criminal Code limits the use of the death penalty to only \"the most heinous offenses\" (homicide, rape, arson, robbery, dike-breaching, planting explosives, embezzling public property, and counter-revolutionary crimes). It also stipulates that unless immediate execution is mandatory, a two-year reprieve may be granted. If the offender shows evidence of repentance, the death penalty may be converted to a life or term sentence.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209486, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "121\n\nemotional man, he was the darling of the public but less popular with Judges and members of the English Bar.\n\nIt was not easy, given the facts outlined above, for Marshall Hall to establish a sound defence, one that would save the unfortunate man from the gallows. The three murders — that of his Welsh wife (born Catherine Morgan) and of his two daughters, Doris (20) and Cecilia (18) — appeared to be unmotivated. Since Marshall Hall could not understand why Lock went berserk, he concluded he must have been insane when he committed the crimes. In 1925 a plea of insanity had to satisfy the M'Naghten Rules. These rules declared:\n\n'to establish a defence on the ground of insanity it must be clearly proved that, at the time of committing the act, the accused was labouring under such a defect of reason, from disease of the mind, as not to know the nature and quality of the act he was doing, or, if he did know it, that he did not know he was doing what was wrong'.8\n\nBut when Lock phoned the Liverpool police and reported the murders, it was clear he knew what he had done and that it was wrong, and that he expected to be punished.\n\nIf the case were tried today, it seems likely his counsel would plead 'diminished responsibility'.10 In 1925, needless to say, such a plea was not available to the defence, so Marshall Hall fell back on a rather dubious argument, supported by questionable medical and psychiatric evidence, that Lock acted as he did in a state of 'unconscious automatism', brought on by an epileptic fit.11\n\nIn 1918 some drunken Russian sailors had attempted to enter the Chinese Republic Progress Club, run by Lock; a fight had broken out when he attempted to eject them and he had been stunned by a billiard cue. Witnesses for the defence averred that his behaviour started to change afterwards, that he began to drink heavily at times, but more so when, in 1923, he lost much of his fortune — £10,000 — in an unsuccessful shipping venture. As Marshall Hall argued: \"Some minute happening in the brain caused a change for which none of us can account, turned a man — a mild, lovable, peaceable man — into a raving madman. Absolutely and entirely motiveless, he killed those", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209500, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "135\n\n1911.40 After the First World War, the number had risen to over 2,000. (These figures do not include several thousand seamen, mostly firemen, stokers and stewards, without permanent domicile). At the beginning of the century, it is claimed, Chinese tended to ‘avoid Scotland and Wales', but were strongly attracted to London, especially Limehouse. With such small numbers present in Britain, it seems certain British judges and lawyers rarely came in contact with Chinese, only very occasionally perhaps in certain Liverpool or London courts; but never, one surmises, in normal social intercourse. In the 1920s, then, the Chinese in Britain were still a mysterious, but minute, social entity, habitually caricatured in the press and by novelists as 'vellee' strange people who spoke a particularly difficult and dissonant language and wrote, as Dr. Johnson noted, a script that was perversely pictorial to alphabet-lovers. Even professors of Chinese, sinologues and sinologists, were regarded at that time with as much wry amusement as were Assyriologists or Egyptologists, seekers after equally rarefied knowledge of no great practical importance.\n\n47\n\nThe first mass movement of Chinese to the outside world occurred in the nineteenth century. It was mostly 'coolie emigration', to use Campbell's descriptive term, the drift of mainly uneducated and relatively unskilled, though hard-working, Chinese to places where opportunities appeared to be brighter than in the homeland (a territory then much wracked by rebellion, foreign wars, famine and other afflictions). Lock Ah Tam, as mentioned above, is representative of the first wave, an emigrant who did well in his adopted country. As China was forced reluctantly into the modern world and into normal diplomatic relations with foreign powers, a different type of Chinese was becoming known abroad — the educated Chinese, a member of the 'Mandarin class', as Europeans were wont to describe him. In 1876 Kuo Sung-tao was appointed as the first Chinese minister in England.18 A Legation was then established in London, in 1877, with a normal complement of officials and secretaries. Chinese diplomatic staff became a common sight in Whitehall although, until the 1911 Revolution, most wore traditional Chinese attire and sported the queue. (After 1911, they took to frock-coat and top-hat and adopted European hair-styles).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209503, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "138\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nstatus of China in the world polity and of Chinese in general as citizens of the world).\n\n54\n\nNo one believes today that Chinese motivation needs a separate system of explanation, that the Chinese mind has its own eccentric circuitry. Freud, that Columbus of the Mind, revealed that in the unconscious · the deep, dark, oceanic under-world of the individual human beings are very much alike in their mechanisms. This great step forward in social perception has helped to bridge the gap between the races (still opposed of course by politics) and has made murder less incomprehensible, less inexplicable when committed by foreigners; and judges, counsel and juries (perhaps) less perplexed by the act.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 George Orwell, Decline of the English Murder and Other Essays (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1965) 9.\n\n* 'Our great period in murder', Orwell writes, our Elizabethan period, so to speak, seems to have been roughly 1850-1925. Orwell was writing in 1946, but with hindsight it is plausible to suggest the 'great period' could be extended to the eve of World War I.\n\n* See: Jean Chesneaux, The Chinese Labour Movement 1919-1927 (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1968) 122.\n\n• See, in particular, Harold Z. Schriffrin, Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1970). Also Nym Wales, The Chinese Labor Movement (New York: John Day, 1945), which contains the biographies of some revolutionary seamen.\n\n• Edward Marjoribanks, Famous Trials of Marshall Hall (Harmondsworth, Middlesex: Penguin Books, 1950) 384. At his trial Lock was described as a 'Chinese shipping agent'.\n\n• Sir Henry Dickens in The Recollections of Sir Henry Dickens, K.C. (London: Heinemann, 1934) 244-245, writes: He was a good advocate but it cannot be truly said that he was a great one. He had not the gift of far-seeing discretion which is required in a great advocate. He was much too ready to talk at length when addressing a jury, without having previously weighed the possible consequences of what he said'. An old lag once called from the dock to Sir Henry (1849-1933). 'You ain't a patch on your father!', which greatly amused him.\n\nT\n\nSee Marjoribanks, op cit. Doris Lock did not die from her wounds until January 28, 1926. See The Times of January 29, 1926.\n\n* There is a full discussion of the origin of the M'Naghten Rules in Nigel Walker, Crime and Insanity in England, vol 1 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1968).\n\n* Marjoribanks, op cit, 383. See also The Times February 4 and 8, 1926.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209697, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 354, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "332\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nIn their general introduction to this impressive work the editors comment that it but scratches the surface of our understanding of this rich realm' and express the hope that it will *stimulate other scientists' and thus be 'judged as a success in broadening the biological horizons of Hong Kong and its people'. Although most of the papers represent specialist studies more suitable for the professional marine biologist reader, there is something here for anyone with an interest in Hong Kong biology. Not only are so many members of our marine flora and fauna defined, but the results of the ecological investigations of a variety of Hong Kong marine habitats should greatly assist the reader in appreciating this fascinating subject.\n\nThere is, however, little beyond the first chapter for the general reader. It is here that the implications of development and pollution are discussed and the dangerously high level of pollution in Tolo Harbour highlighted. It is here also that an appeal is made to protect and conserve at least parts of this rich region.\n\nThus the editors' aspiration to stimulate other scientists will undoubtedly be successful but, much as it pains this reviewer to say it, their hope that it will broaden the biological horizons of Hong Kong's people is a faint one. The book is not really aimed at the non-specialist (nor do I believe it could or should have been) and the factors of length, price and scholarly approach will, I am sure, deter such potential readers even from browsing amongst its fruit.\n\nThe book gains its strength from the fact that the history of marine biological research in Hong Kong is brief and has concentrated mainly on fisheries research and development. Thus, together with the proceedings of an earlier workshop on the molluscs of this area, it provides a great deal of invaluable information not previously available to all those interested in the marine flora and fauna of Hong Kong.\n\nLike the participants in this workshop, all of us who have an interest in Hong Kong biology must be grateful to the organizations and individuals who supported this very worthwhile venture.\n\nI. H. HODGKISS", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209796, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 55, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "33\n\nsangha could be healed and raised by strict adherence to the old rules. 14\n\nBut how can adherence to old rules be encouraged when monks are living in vastly changed conditions, and when nearly every monk has his own temple? It seems that supporters of the old system had not faced the challenge of the changed condition of the time. Some realized that verbal exhortation alone would have little effect in bringing back a better observance of the old rules, and so proposed a centralization of authority into a hierarchical structure. How to reconcile this with the traditional egalitarian ideal was not discussed. Despite this talk of retaining the old system, all the discussions also encouraged active participation in social life, especially in the form of rendering social service to the community.\n\nThe full implication of these discussions of the reorganization of the sangha for the understanding of the monks' changing self-perception is very great and will be discussed later. Here, one may note that one common agreement of these discussions is that monks should be more than just monks. They should acquire skills which will equip them to render social service to the community.\n\nC. Education of the Monks\n\nThe agenda planned for the Conference of Chinese Monks also contained an item on the education of monks. The responses to this item were numerous and quite unanimous. Basically, it was felt that all monks should receive a secular education in addition to the traditional Buddhist schooling in doctrine, rituals, precepts, and cultivation. In the words of one monk who responded, the monk's education should consist of two parts: internal education, comprising the traditional education of the monk with the exception of outmoded matters, and an external education, which was the same as a secular education. The latter was judged necessary for the propagation of the faith and for active service to the community.1 Another proposal divided education into four categories: 1. Fundamental education; 2. professional education, i.e., a secular training preparing the monks to take up jobs which render service to the community; 3. education for the propagation of the faith, which trains eligible monks for the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209799, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "36 \n\nto say to every aspect of human life. The Buddha has a teaching for worldly way (#M✯). \n\nE. Buddhism and Science \n\nThe question of the attitude of Hong Kong Buddhists towards science is too wide a topic to be discussed fully in this paper. However, a short sketch of the current trend is desirable for an understanding of the monk's mental framework. \n\nScience has come to the attention of the monks because its effect on modern life cannot be ignored and because it has captured the faith of almost everybody. Buddhism has been pushed to a defensive position when some of its beliefs and practices have been judged superstitious and 'unscientific.' It has tried very hard to rid itself of the tag 'superstition.' Four kinds of arguments have \n\nbeen put forward in recent discussions. \n\nThe first is a redefinition of Buddhism or a restoration of the Buddha's original teaching. This argument contends that all that can be called superstitious in Buddhism belongs to accretions and borrowings of rituals and beliefs of other religions and these have been tolerated in order to please the incorrigible tendencies of unsophisticated believers. These can be and should be done away with when the believer makes advances in his knowledge of the religion. The Buddha's teaching is a philosophical one and contains nothing contrary to science.20 \n\nThe second argument, a favourite one, is that Buddhist teaching anticipates discoveries in science and thus possesses a cosmology more compatible with modern scientific discoveries than the cosmologies of other religions. Many examples of anticipation have been offered. The following is only a sampling: 1. Buddhism affirms the existence of millions and billions of world systems. This anticipates and corresponds to the astronomical discoveries of innumerable galaxies and solar systems in the universe.21 \n\nThe Buddhist cosmology is thus superior to the Judaeo-Christian one which makes this world the centre of everything. 2. \n\n2. The Buddha saw 84,000 worms in a bowl of water. This anticipates the discovery of microbes after the invention of the microscope.22 3. The Buddha says that the world", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209801, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 60, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "38 \n\ninto other areas. There have been a migration of temples from isolated and inaccessible locations into the urban areas. \n\nThere has been some rather substantial accumulation of wealth and a proliferation of temples. These changes have had an incalculable impact on the life-style of the monks. Northern immigrants accustomed to the well-ordered daily schedule of prayer and meditation at public monasteries cannot find the support to continue such practices. There simply are not enough monks for such a system to work. Monks of local origin lose their incentive for whatever spiritual work they perform when they take up lodging in the city. Above and beyond these changes in material condition, there is a growing sense of the futility of old spiritual practices like prayer and meditation. These are increasingly looked upon as quaint, archaic, backward, if not downright superstitious by the ordinary citizen. It would not be a surprise if the monks were losing their sense of purpose. Hence, consciously or not, they are looking for a new definition of monkhood, a monkhood appreciated by society at large, a monkhood the monks themselves can be proud of. The new monkhood should accentuate its visible contributions to society. The monk is not a parasite on society but one who dedicates himself to the welfare of all in accordance with the Mahayana ideal of self-giving. What can manifest this spirit more than involvement with education, welfare, social work, homes for the aged, hospitals, youth work and so on? The new monk is not solely concerned with antiquated, unintelligible religious practices, but is a man dedicated to the service of all. \n\nThe articulation of this new image of monkhood was precipitated by an acute shortage of recruits for the sangha, which in turn initiated self-reflection and examination. A wide range of issues came under discussion. There was a recognition of the necessity of adjustment to modern life in a city. There was a conviction that the old manner of living had gone forever. \n\nforever. There was a belief that old-fashioned prayer and meditation were not appreciated by society at large. Cut off from the old way of living, the monks experienced an increasing sense of inadequacy. Were they to be judged a backward and superstitious lot who tried to make a living with their rather dubious ceremonies for the dead? It was with this scenario in mind that they stressed the \n\nPage 60\n\nPage 61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209964, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "201\n\nThere were two museums which I intended to visit but as my daughter's birth day approached the time available for such luxuries declined.\n\nI wrote to the Duke of Edinburgh's Royal Regiment museum, at Lichfield, Staffordshire, and received a very helpful reply. The 98th Regiment, later the 2nd North Staffords, served in the First China War and in Hong Kong.\n\nOn display at the museum are a \"soldier's watercolour\" in the uniform of the period c1840-50. \"This also shows a sentry box and the Colours and seems intended to indicate a coastal location. The 'China Dragon' is on the colour and the painting could well relate to the Regiment's subsequent service in Hong Kong (1842-45)\".\n\nThere is an officers' Shako plate (1829-44), an officers' shoulder belt plate, an officers' sword belt clasp (1826-55) and \"two buttons, a shoulder numeral and a few other relics of the period, subsequently dug up in Hong Kong\".\n\nThe other museum which I missed was that of the Royal Berkshire Museum, successors to the 49th Regiment, in Salisbury, Wiltshire.\n\nMy experience in 1983 proved that visitors to England should make a point of calling in at virtually any regimental or army museum that they pass. What may be judged an unimportant relic against the span of centuries of regimental history may be viewed quite differently from a Hong Kong point of view.\n\nNot army, but equally interesting, is the National Railway Museum, in York, which might seem an unlikely place to search for souvenirs of China--but it houses what is probably the biggest one in Britain. There, sparkling and gleaming, is a mighty Chinese National Railways Class KF 4-8-4 locomotive. The 93-foot long behemoth was built in the mid-1930s at the Vulcan Foundry, Newton-le-Willows, to haul 600-ton trains over the mountainous central section of the Canton-Hankow Railway. After 43 years in service the locomotive was presented to the museum by China and it left Shanghai for England in 1981. The sheer size of this monster makes it stand out and it looked to me far and away the biggest in the extensive collection. The engine weighs in at 114.9 tons with a 77-ton tender.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210552, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "140\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\nThe current scholarly debate on the behavior of spirits in Chinese society owes a great deal to this earlier literature. Echoing Goody, Maurice Freedman rests his claim that the ancestors are benevolent until provoked in large part on the argument that the jural emancipation of sons from their fathers' ritual and economic authority is not delayed until their deaths, but occurs more gradually once the sons attain adulthood.3 The conflicting positions of Hsu and Ahern also become more intelligible once set in this context. If the ancestors are unfailingly benevolent in West Town, it may well be because children there are rarely punished, and because a father treats a son who has married and produced children of his own as his equal.4 In Ch'i-nan, malevolent or simply capricious ancestors have been judged responsible for crippling injuries and deaths among their descendants: here, very young children are in fact routinely subjected to severe corporal and psychological punishment. What is more, for the adult male his father's death means both an end to ritual subordination and in most cases a substantial landed inheritance!75 Ch'i-nan seems, therefore, to be a community in which both explanations can be validated, and Ahern does attempt to establish a cause-effect relationship here by building upon the work of Meyer Fortes, another African anthropologist. Among the Tallensi, whose fathers literally own their children, Fortes concludes that ancestors are “a standardized and highly elaborated picture of the parents as they might appear to a young child in real life mystically omnipotent, capricious, vindictive, and yet beneficent and long-suffering; but the emphasis is far more on the persecuting than on the protecting attributes.” Careful questioning of her adult informants led Ahern to the conclusion that in Ch'i-nan as well, ascendants are not conceived to be elderly and infirm, as most were at the moment of death. Instead, they appear to their own fully grown sons and daughters as active adults in their own right, which can only mean that the perspective is that of the child.7\n\n78\n\nThere is little to be said on the subject of child-rearing in classical antiquity, but Roman fathers long exercised much the same rights over their children that Fortes witnessed among the Tallensi, and it may therefore be suggested that delayed jural", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210687, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "21\n\nin private practice. However he quickly became established and when Hayllar left Hong Kong in 1882 he was ready to step into his shoes. The Hong Kong Telegraph in its obituary observed “In the early part of his career he had an uphill fight but his eloquence and thorough grasp of the law quickly placed him in the leading ranks of the Bar and after the retirement of Hayllar he had no rival. No important case could come before the court without Francis being retained\". The China Mail said “As a lawyer he had limitations but they were due to lack of early legal training rather than lack of ability. He had a ready grasp of the main points of a case and was unequalled as a reader of character, particularly Chinese character, and an expert cross-examiner\". The speed with which he prospered may be judged from the fact that he took silk in 1886, being only the third member of the Hong Kong Bar to do so. In his letter to the Colonial Secretary requesting the Governor to recommend him to the Secretary of State for appointment Francis wrote \"His Excellency is well aware that this is an honour which according to the recognised custom and etiquette of the profession is always asked for and when properly applied for is seldom refused”. The Chief Justice (now Phillippo) wrote \"Mr. Francis is fully deserving the honour he seeks. On the retirement of Mr. Hayllar Q.C. he obtained the position of leading counsel at the Bar in conjunction with the Attorney General. In nearly every case he holds a brief on one side or the other, and as leading counsel when more than one counsel is employed”. Governor Bowen wrote \"he has risen into leading and lucrative practice at the local Bar where he is making, as I am informed, some £4,000 annually. I have no hesitation in recommending that his application be granted\". The newspaper reports of cases bear out the above observations. Only towards the end of his life when his health began to fail did anyone else challenge his supremacy. He died before the start of the Hong Kong Law Reports but one of his cases is reprinted from a newspaper: Tang Kai Shang v. Ng Pak To H.K.L.R. Vol. 6 for 1911 p.90.\n\nReading the newspaper reports of his cases Francis comes across as a forceful, and often pugnacious and outspoken, advocate who took every possible point for his clients and never gave up. He had many clashes with the bench, other counsel and witnesses. He admitted that he was \"at all times very hot tempered\" and more than once apologised for “the unjustifiable warmth” of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "25\n\ntenced two soldiers to seven years penal servitude for robbing a man of ten dollars. However in a report to the Governor (Hennessy) he wrote \"if after the circumstances shall be forgotten, say a year after the Regiment shall have left the Colony, you should think it fit to remit any portion of the sentence it might be done”. In another case of robbery in which two defendants were convicted by a majority of the jury of four to three he wrote “I know the Chief Justice has expressed dissatisfaction at verdicts by majorities but the judges have found themselves bound to accept them as conclusive and the practice has been to act on such verdicts. I felt myself obliged to follow such precedents\". He recommended that they be pardoned because a co-defendant who pleaded guilty asserted that they were innocent. In September 1881 the Governor discharged them, and the two soldiers, from prison and was abused by the press for his \"capricious leniency”. (In 1894 an Ordinance provided that a majority of five to two was required in criminal cases). When criticised for hearing proceedings in camera he said \"I mean as long as I sit on this bench to continue to exercise the discretion vested in me by law to hear a case in camera when the ends of justice appear to me to require it, in entire disregard of all obloquy to which it may expose me”. When he ceased to act as Puisne Judge the Chief Justice wrote to the Governor to say that he entirely agreed with the Daily Press that Francis had earned for himself a high reputation for ability and clear-headedness. In addition he was appointed to the Commission of the Peace in 1878, and a member of the Commission to Revise the Laws and Ordinances of Hong Kong in 1887. He was also an examiner of candidates for admission as attorneys both when he was a solicitor and after his call to the Bar. He was never appointed acting Attorney General or Chief Justice, which appointments carried a seat in the Legislative Council (the latter until 1889) and that according to his obituary in the China Mail was a matter of regret to him. The system of acting appointments could have disadvantages as Francis pointed out. In 1885 there was a rumour that the Puisne Judge was going on leave for twelve months and that E.J. Ackroyd the Registrar of the Supreme Court would be appointed to act in his place. Francis wrote to the government expressing the view that officers of the Supreme Court should not be appointed to the bench and that the Registrar was a far more important official than the Puisne Judge. He pointed out that Ackroyd had been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211156, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 217, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "functions.\n\nA nineteenth century Chinese account of the Chinese community in early Hongkong states that the donors, Loo King and Tam A-tsoi, \"judged the people in public assembly.\"\n\nIn 1851 the temple management was broadened. At that time the shopkeepers and firms subscribed to repair and probably to enlarge the structure. They elected a committee.\n\nFor some years the temple on Hollywood Road with its adjoining Kung Soh (public meeting hall) served as an official centre for the Chinese community. With the opening of Tung Wah Hospital in 1872 a new focal point for community identity emerged.\n\nTUNG WAH OFFICIALS UPSET EXPATS\n\nThe formal inauguration of a Chinese Chamber of Commerce Hall in 1895 was the culmination of many years of discussion and planning for a proper meeting place for the Chinese community to discuss matters affecting its welfare.\n\nFrom 1873 to 1895 these meetings had been held at the Tung Wah Hospital. Earlier still, community leaders had met at the Kung Soh or meeting hall beside the Man Mo Temple on Hollywood Road.\n\nA notice in the Daily Press of January 2, 1873, mentions the move to the new Hospital: \"The old Joss House Court the Kung Soh, in the Hollywood Road, — has, we hear, been given up in favour of another building not far off.\"\n\nThe article describes how the court functioned: \"It seems that there a vast number of disputes are settled, and that it is an understood rule that matters should be brought to the cognisance of the proper authorities only if they cannot be arranged in this manner.\n\nWe understand the committee of the Chinese hospital is the same body of men who head the kaifong, and that they discuss municipal and semi-political matters in the hall of the hospital.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211161, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "197\n\nand in his public utterances, and during the course of his much lauded conciliatory and considerate policy towards the Chinese, the Governor has unduly accentuated the political power assumed by this eleemosynary institution.”\n\nThe paper had time and again drawn the attention of the public to the dangers the activities of Tung Wah posed to the legitimate authority of the Government.\n\nOnce again it warned of the \"dangerous mischief calculated to result from the action of a native corporation possessing no guide or check” and urged the “necessity for either prohibiting the directors from acting as extra judges or jurymen, or for recognising certain powers in them limited by clearly defined rules.”\n\nTheir acting as \"a sort of Small Cause Court, Chamber of Commerce, Tribunal of Arbitration, (and) Hongkong Association\" was the natural result of the composition of the directorship of the hospital,\n\nIt was made up of elected representatives from the major commercial guilds. There was usually a member from the pawnbrokers, the compradores, the rice merchants, the nam-pak hongs (trading firms dealing in goods between the northern ports of China and Southeast Asia), the California-Australia importers and exporters, the piece-goods merchants, the cotton yarn merchants and the opium dealers.\n\nThe directors were quite aware of the tenuous position they were in, due to their being charged with the management of a hospital and at the same time undertaking to act as a board of arbitration over disputes that could not be settled within a guild.\n\nThey also could not escape the fact that the Chinese in Hong Kong looked to them as their natural leaders and entrusted them with the general overseeing of the welfare of the community.\n\nAs long as the hospital was used for the management of general community affairs, the directors realised they would be criticised. For this reason they requested a grant of land from the Govern-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211381, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "73\n\nAt first Maang's father refused to go, but Maang said to the pirate, \"My father is old and half mad, do not listen to him\", and then turning to his father, he said, “Do not weep for me. Go home and look after our family. My younger brother will serve you in my stead as a good son, and he will grow up and rear more sons for you.\" So the father was hustled back to the shore and the ship sailed away with Maang on board. Then Maang was filled with grief, and crying, “I will never serve these wicked men”, he jumped overboard and was drowned. His body was subsequently washed up at Taipo and buried near by.\n\nIn the fourteenth year of Maan Lik A.D. 1586 when the district Magistrate Yau T'ai Kin (游太卿) wrote the \"History of the Sun On District' he included the story of Maang in it. Twenty-seven years later the then district magistrate Wong Ting Yuet (黃廷越) petitioned the emperor for leave to put Maang's spirit table in the \"Heung Yin Ts'z” (鄉賢祠) Temple for worthy villagers, and later on the descendants of Maang's family Tang (鄧) collected enough money to build a special temple at the place where he was buried. This temple has since been destroyed but the grave still remains and a tablet about 5 feet high and 4 feet wide can be seen with the following inscription on it “[written in large characters] Grave of Tang Sz Maang, devoted son of Ming dynasty [then in smaller characters] repaired in the seventeenth year of Kin Lung (乾隆) 1752, the eighth month, lucky day\".\n\nIn the eleventh year of Hong Hei A.D. 1672, two descendants of the Tang family bought from the government enough land round the temple to make a market there. Shops were built and sub-let and the proceeds went to the upkeep of the temple. Thus old Taipo market was started. During the reign of Ka Hing of Ts'ing dynasty 1796-1820 a man named Man Yuen Chue (文元柱) of Man Uk village (文屋村) (See Note 4) wanted to build some shops for himself in old Taipo market. The Tang family objected and a lawsuit followed. The magistrate who judged the case finally gave leave to the Man family to build dwelling houses only, in the village, not shops. In the twelfth year of Tung Chi (同治) 1873 of Ts'ing dynasty a typhoon destroyed the whole of Man Uk village, and the Man family again wanted to build shops in old Taipo market. Another lawsuit resulted, as the Tang family again objected. On the fourteenth day of the fifth month of the eighteenth year of Kwong Sui (光緒) A.D. 1892 of Ts'ing dynasty it was finally settled that only the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211632, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "22\n\nremoval to T'ai Miao.\n\nIn Tainan in southern Taiwan an elderly temple keeper claimed that the heads of the five major religions, Confucius, Lao Tzu, The Buddha, Christ, and Mohammed gathered and chose Kuan Yu (otherwise known as Kuan Kung, the Patron deity of loyalty) to be raised in succession as the 18th Jade Emperor. He assumed the throne at Chinese New Year in AD 1864 and still occupies the throne.\n\nAlthough the Jade Emperor is concerned with running the bureaucracy of the spirit world and with meting out justice, he delegates many of his day-to-day responsibilities to his ministers and judges. It is accepted by devotees that he is the arbiter during disagreements between the gods. His rule is conceived of as similar to a reigning Chinese emperor, he being the heavenly ruler with the Chinese emperor the terrestrial ruler. Most people believed that the emperor of China was his terrestrial equal. Despite the large pantheon the Jade Emperor commands, containing an inordinate number of Buddhas and bodhisattvas, The Five Emperors, Kings/Judges of the Underworld, major gods and all the deified spirits (shen), in Chinese mythology he is frequently duped and outwitted, as indeed the Chinese well knew that their emperors were. One only has to remember the story of Ch'i T'ien Ta Sheng, better known in the West as Monkey to see how gullible he can be. This does not mean that he was not feared. The Jade Emperor's forces include his powerful spirit armies, capable of destroying anyone or anything, which he can unleash upon anyone who offends him.\n\nAn English missionary in the nineteen thirties after 36 years in North China wrote \"Lao T'ien Yeh is the Supreme God, the popular equivalent of Shang Ti of the Classics. He is not represented by any image or other symbol nor are there any temples in his honour, nor is he the object of popular worship. But built into the outer wall of the house, beside the doorway, there is commonly a little shrine in which thank offerings are placed at harvest time. When you inquire what people know about him, the usual answer is 'He sends the wind and the rain and ordains life and death, and to him the Kitchen God makes his annual report'\"*.\n\nIt is well known that the Jade Emperor personally receives reports from each and every Kitchen God during the period from the 12th day of the final lunar month until the Lunar New Year's Day, and from these", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211635, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "25\n\nwhich is reserved exclusively for the occasion. The offerings must include red pork and two long stems of bamboo in leaf; these are laid out on special tables placed on small stools so that they do not touch the ground and be defiled.\n\nThe Jade Emperor's image has been noted on altars in nine temples in Hong Kong and in two in Macau. It is also to be seen on numerous altars throughout South-East Asia and in Taiwan. In Taiwan his image appears alone or with two or three attendants on a number of secondary altars and even on side altars. In Hong Kong he is the main deity in six of the nine temples and is the major deity on a secondary altar in the other three.\n\nThe most fascinating image of the Jade Emperor in Hong Kong is to be seen in the upper level hall of the Monastery of the Ten Thousand Buddhas in Shatin where he is flanked by two of his ministers. In a large number of temples in which he is the main deity the Jade Emperor is supported in this way by the two stellar deities, each in his own secondary altar flanking the main altar with the Jade Emperor. They are the Lord of the Northern Bushel and the Lord of the Southern Bushel, Nanpei Tou (jjdk-1-). There are also a number of images of attendants flanking the image of the Jade Emperor, and on occasions the Civil and Military Judges (Wenwu P'ankuan).\n\nHe is the main deity in a tiny temple near Shaukiwan on Hong Kong island, a tiny image in a small single-room temple occupied by one elderly lady, the temple keeper. The original occupants were refugees from Yunnan province in the early fifties, dead these many years. By the mid-seventies the temple was being kept spotlessly clean by the elderly lady who had been an amah to a long-departed English family. She explained that she had to earn her keep somehow, especially as her husband had already 'long time gone topside'.\n\nIn Penang people will tell you that the small red shrine outside their shop or house is dedicated to the Jade Emperor even though neither his name nor title is recorded anywhere.\n\nSupporting the Supreme Deity is a Board or Ministry of Thirty-Six Ministers, with duties to supervise junior celestial officials and clerks, whose images are rarely to be seen on altars though on temple murals all thirty-six are frequently portrayed. Their role is to control and run", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211785, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "175\n\nwas enough to account for that. In addition quite a few women were the wives of missionaries, and in religious circles suspicions about the theatre in general and the role of females in particular often still lingered on. This was indeed so conspicuous that the list of \"contributors\" in the first issue of \"Puck\" (April 1, 1871!) mockingly included: “Our Dramatic Critiques will be undertaken by the Missionary Body who are so frequently absent from the Performances and will therefore be impartial judges of the merits of the Performances\". And then, of course, it may just have been possible that the taipans did not like to see their wives before the footlights with other men.\n\nReading about the early Thespian evenings one may nonetheless be fooled into thinking that women had in fact taken their place on the stage. In the circumstances it was only natural that the \"actresses” should be called \"Miss\" or \"Mrs.\", but what should we think about the glowing term in which one of them, a “Mrs Nesbit” (was this stage name a pun on the rather well-known British actress Louisa Nisbett?) was described on more than one occasion:\n\n“The acting of our charming favourite Mrs. Nesbit, as Mrs. Lullaby [in Henry Danvers' A Conjugal Lesson, on March 26, 1857 – JH] left nothing to be desired. It was perfect of its kind and were it not that she gave a too vivid, and, it may be, truthful portrait of that dread of club-haunting bachelors like ourselves, the matrimonial chamber, we could on the instant have made Mrs. Nesbit the offer of our hand”.* Stronger even, on February 16, 1859:\n\n#\n\n\"But where shall we find words to express our admiration of Mrs. Nesbit, that beautiful Nesbit, who, blessed with an incomparable modiste, displayed so many feminine graces, such latent charms, as effectually to revive the enthusiasm of our younger days and cause us to run round the stage door in the hope of once more beholding so fair a 'genius of the lamps'.\n\n* 34\n\nAnd in an epilogue to the evening of May 26, 1864, the ladies were again put under the spotlight:\n\n\"But stay! The Ladies' praises must be sung. These Belles were surely meant to be well rung. There's Wiggins, Lizzie, Baby, only choose.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211820, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "210\n\nBagshaw and Bradshaw, the critic had to admit that \"what it was all about we were utterly unable to discover\" (NCH 4.6.1859).\n\n15.2.1860 (Wedn)\n\nL.S. BUCKINGHAM: \"Take that Girl Away\" (1855)\n\nT: Comedy (2 acts)\n\nC. SELBY: \"A Fearful Tragedy in the Seven Dials\" (1857)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nTh: N.N. (F)\n\nN: First performance of the season\n\nR: The new theatre was only a small one and therefore it was announced in the Herald of February 11 that \"admission will only be given to ticket holders. Tickets will be distributed with the Bills to the various Hongs and any Gentleman who may be accidentally omitted will be supplied on written application to the Manager\". From time to time politics continued to turn up in the playhouse. It was the time of the English and French wars in China; the United States was not taking part in them, only sharing in the spoils, yet the following remark closed the review: \"We beg permission to observe that we should have been glad to have seen the 'Star Spangled Banner' floating over the proscenium along with the colours of France and England. All honour to the Anglo-French Alliance! But our American cousins form, in every respect, so important a section of this community that the absence of their flag on an occasion like Wednesday evening would seem to be a discourtesy of which we feel very sure that the worthy management never was intentionally guilty\". Tonight, and on March 15, the faces of Messrs. PICKWICK, BRUSHWOOD, and TINTINNABULUM as well as that of Mrs. NESBIT were absent from the stage; others like Miss WALTERS and Mr. PETREL had remained. Making their debut were Mr. ADOLPHE, \"gifted with both self-possession and a good voice\"; Mr. WITHAM who, as Cuttle (in Take that Girl Away) \"displayed a steadiness and a clearness of enunciation calculated to make him a valuable actor in 'utility' parts\"; and Mr. NATIVE whom the reviewer thought \"better fitted to shine as a sentimental than as a grotesque lover\". Miss WALTERS was \"dressed to perfection, played as well as ever (can we say more!) and was charmingly feminine\". In A Fearful Tragedy in the Seven Dials, there was the first night of Mr. C. AITCH as Slumpington for whom **a great future success in 'character parts' was predicted. These hopes were not realised, however, for I have not found his name again. For the umpteenth time, the Herald judged the pieces that were represented weak - to put it mildly. (NCH 18.2.1860).\n\n15.3.1860 (Thur)\n\nT. TAYLOR: \"Still Waters Run Deep\" (1856)\n\nT: Comedy (3 acts)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Poor Pillicoddy\" (1848)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music by the band of H.M.S. Imperieuse\n\nTh: N.N. (F)\n\nN: Second performance of the season\n\nR: This second night took place in a house that was \"crowded in every part\" and proved \"in every respect highly successful\". The \"Man on the Bund\" had no longer a say in the theatrical reports, and the piece about which he had been so dissatisfied (see 23.4.1857), Still Waters Run Deep got a far better critique now: \"in that scene in the second act in which the villain Hawksley is unmasked, the interest was raised to an exciting pitch and sterling dramatic ability displayed by the performers\". No actors were mentioned, but in Poor Pillicoddy, a \"young gentleman made his first appearance", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "263\n\nI shall not venture to say much about the cooking, etc. for I am obliged to keep my eyes shut on all occasions where I am near it, for fear I might see something not quite to my fancy in that department. I enjoy the biscuits very much, only I shall soon have to shut my eyes when eating them. Our fresh provisions are beginning to go, so we must soon fall back upon the preserved provisions. We have plenty of good milk to last the voyage, plenty of sardines, salmon, etc. and plenty of bottled fruit, so that we have a fruit pie or pudding every day. In fact we have everything that could be procured on land, and for what I can see, quite as good.\n\nThe captain and I agree very well on all points but religion. Yesterday we had a regular set-to about it, and I was obliged to talk to him rather plainly, only it will not do to say too much to such a man when he is warm. Captain Moult is about such another, or else he would not be a bad companion. He has been well educated, and has a good share of common sense. We are thrown a great deal into each other's society, and so it is to our interest to keep on pretty good terms. Since he has resided at Hong Kong for some time he knows all about the place, and I get a good deal of information out of him, on different subjects.\n\nWe have spent several hours in walking the deck together. It is the only exercise to be got on board ship. I have however invented two or three species of exercise in my cabin, which I find very beneficial. I believe I should be soon laid up if I did not take a fair amount of exercise. Often I have envied the sailors at their work, and should have liked to have a pull at the ropes with them.\n\nSaturday, April 6th\n\nToday has been a cheerful pleasant day. Soon after daylight the chief mate came down with the intelligence that land was in sight on the \"lee bow\". After so many days rambling over the water it was joyful news to me, so I got up, and had the usual wash all over, and went upon deck to take my constitutional, i.e. early walk. It was a lovely morning. The sun already \"well up\" was rather warm, and all round was lovely and delightful. Sure enough there was the land, but it was above thirty miles off, yet on account of its great elevation (in some parts 6000 ft) I judged it to be about four. The clear atmosphere quite deceived me. It proved to be Madeira, and we were on the eastern side. All day I have been on deck enjoying the beautiful soft balmy breezes, which are now quite", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212170, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "89\n\nCHINA ON THE BRINK OF WAR*\n\nNanking 1937\n\nP. H. MUNRO-FAURE\n\nIn 1937 my business took me to Nanking, to which the government of General Chiang Kai Shek had some time previously removed the capital. His government was now known as the \"Central\" government, not so much to distinguish it from other governments which might pretend to a share of control at the fringes, but rather to identify it with all China; for the character \"chung\", which in the past had been translated \"middle\", as in \"Middle Kingdom\", was used by the Chinese to represent their country. Thus historically the translation \"China\" government would have been more accurate than \"Central\" government.\n\nThis government in the ten short years from 1927 had achieved the most astonishing improvements. It had certainly not attained standards of nation-wide control, justice, individual freedom, fair taxation, or even public works, of the excellence taken for granted in the more advanced democracies of the west, but it had given ample proof of a capacity for progress.\n\nOne weakness in the Chinese administrative system had been the failure to separate the judicature from the executive. The magistrate who tried a case also prosecuted, and then carried out the sentence. The system, of course, gave rise to many abuses. But now a beginning was made with the establishment of independent courts, known as \"Modern\" courts, whose officials had purely judicial functions. These courts were still few in number, the judges were inexperienced, and because they were very poorly paid they were open to corruption; but it was a sound beginning.\n\nSimilarly the lack of a stable civil service had meant that whenever an official was changed, whether, for instance, the magistrate of a country district, or the Commissioner in charge of the former Concession at Kiu Kiang, or the Minister for War, the new man\n\n* This is the second extract of Col. P.H. Munro-Faure's Memoirs. See the Editor's Note at p 61, Vol. 29. [Editor]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212182, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "101\n\nignorance. The cook, on the other hand, a tall northerner from Tientsin, would blanch at the first sound of the siren and bolt like a rabbit to his hole; and our little amah, a timid soul, would stand and weep in a corner. At one time we got quite worried about her, because whenever there was a raid her temperature went up; she, however, recovered her normal poise when she followed her \"missy\" to the quieter atmosphere of Wuhu.\n\nDuring all this period the Chinese commercial community watched the attitude of the foreign residents and judged of the progress of the war from what they read into their movements. The war had naturally resulted in a severe restriction of credit and we were all concerned with the collection of outstanding accounts. One foreign business man, who controlled a large upcountry organisation, maintained that his wife's continued residence in Nanking inspired his Chinese agents with such confidence that they continued to remit funds, so that he estimated her presence was worth several lakhs to the firms by whom he was employed. This is one aspect liable to be overlooked by Consuls, who order their nationals at short notice out of a place in the hope of avoiding international complications.\n\nWhether because they grew tired of the discomforts of a bucolic existence, or of the expense, or whether it was because they found that the part of the town in which they used to live had escaped the attention of the enemy bombers, it was a fact that many Chinese, who had left Nanking in August, returned in October, and many of the shops which had closed their doors reopened.\n\nThe question of provisions became easier again, and some enterprising compradores even replaced exhausted stocks by railway from Tsingtao, or by motor lorry from Shanghai, though to cover the risk of loss en route they found it necessary to raise their prices from two to three times. Butter was a problem, until we discovered that while the number of milk consumers had fallen off heavily the number of cows had remained static, and the surplus of cream thus available produced excellent fresh butter. The dairies in Nanking existed for the convenience of the foreigners as the Chinese themselves do not consume milk or milk products. In more recent years, however, Chinese have taken to tinned milk, particularly for infants, and by this indirect approach are to a small extent developing a taste for cow's milk.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212268, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "opposition to missionaries. A recent case in point is the brilliant article by Andrew Nathan on the use of value judgements in cross-cultural studies. Arguing for \"evaluative universalism\" rather than \"cultural relativism\", Nathan uncovers a number of hidden biases in the last thirty years of American sinological studies. His \"evaluative universalism\" is informed by a relatively sensitive account of the nature of value judgements. Rather than support an uncritical absolutist stance, he argues that scholars must make explicit and reasoned value judgements of foreign cultures by employing the values they believe to be valid. In this way, the validity of the values can come under legitimate scrutiny, and the beliefs of the investigator in the validity of these values can be tested by norms of rational discourse.\n\nIn the process of elaborating his position, Nathan at least three times suggests generalized criticisms against missionaries. Implicit in these generalizations is the claim that missionaries are driven by zeal, and so are incompetent and biased judges of foreign cultures, not fairly stating the value judgements of the cultures they are proselytizing. Exactly these kind of general statements, especially when embedded in the text of a notable scholar, would discourage inquisitive souls from the hope of ever finding a missionary who would be something more than a cross-cultural misfit. But Legge was precisely such an exception.\n\nPragmatic Difficulties\n\nLargely as a consequence of some of the above mentioned misunderstandings, James Legge has been generally neglected and we should ask, \"Why?\"\n\nI would like to suggest here four pragmatic reasons for this oversight.\n\nFirst, the immensity of the scope of Legge's work is simply forbidding. The sum of all his efforts included translations of nine Confucian classics, descriptions and evaluations of four religious traditions (Confucianism, Taoism, Buddhism, and Christianity), data involving materials from China, Japan, Korea, India and Europe (he was literate in Latin, French, German, Italian, English, biblical Greek and Hebrew as well as several Oriental languages). A proper\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212293, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "212\n\nKong CT. London Missionary Society Archives, South China, April 24, 1845: Legge writes to the headquarters, sending copies of Collie's work to them.\n\nC Andrew J Nathan, \"The Place of Values in Cross-Cultural Studies: The Example of Democracy and China\", in Paul A. Cohen and Merle Goldman, eds., Ideas Across Cultures: Essays on Chinese Thought in Honor of Benjamin I. Schwartz (Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1990), pp. 293-314. I quote here the three relevant sections.\n\n**After World War II] relativism especially recommended itself as a corrective to our society's nineteenth and early twentieth-century missionary impulses... that their way of life was not going to sweep the world.... (Ibid. p 296).\n\n**The relativist position |-| adopted in order to prevent missionary zeal from clouding our understanding of the non-Western world |. led in some cases to an equal but opposite kind of self-deception”. (Ibid. p 304).\n\n\"Evaluative universalism by no means requires a return to the missionary mode of promoting Western values. It is not a call for proselytism but an expression of the belief, first, that value differences when they exist can, and can only, be honestly expressed, and second, that beliefs originating in different societies can fruitfully be confronted with one another, compared, and judged, even though disagreement is expected to persist”. (Ibid. pp 312-313).\n\nRecorded in Legge's autobiographical account entitled \"Notes of My Life\" (pp. 25-27), kept now in the Bodleian Library in Oxford.\n\n12 These books are Paraphrasis Psalmorum Davidis Poetica (n.p., 1566) and Rerum Scoticorum Historia (ed. apud A. Arbuthnetum, 1582). English translations of both were available in Legge's time.\n\nLi\n\nThis version was apparently intended as a replacement of the earlier rendition of The Book Of Poetry published by Legge in 1871. It was a completely revised text of both the verse and the commentarial notes. Because it only included the English text and not the Chinese text which appeared in the first edition, however, the later Oxford edition of 1893-1895 republished the earlier text. A comparison of this earlier rendition with the second edition (which others called Legge's \"metrical“ Shijing \"jén) would display the kind of discipline Legge had as a translator of classical texts. See James Legge, The Chinese Classics: translated into English, with Preliminary Essays And Explanatory Notes – Vol III: The She King; or, The Book Of Odes (London: Trübner & Co., 1876). See also Alfred Lister, \"Dr. Legge's Metrical Shi-King\", The China Review 5:1 (July 1876), pp. 1-8.\n\n11\n\nThis Hebrew Psalter was prepared with a twenty-seven page introductory essay which included some critical commentary, and over three hundred pages of metrical paraphrases of the Psalms. Legge's position in presenting the Psalter was primarily meditative and not textual-critical; neither did this tome contain the kind of extensive commentarial apparatus which The Chinese Classics always included. Perhaps it is for some of these reasons that the manuscript was never published. It is now kept in the library of New College at the University of Edinburgh.\n\n14 The printed text of this poetic summary of Chinese history I found in the Oriental Studies Library in Oxford. It was clearly planned and printed as part of some larger work.\n\nFor the value of \"cherishing the old\", see the Analects 2:11, The Chinese Classics: Vol 1, op. cit., p. 49. Han Yu's opposition to Buddhist and Taoist superstitions, his courageous attack on their spiritual deceptions, and his consequent punishment must have stood as a courageous example to Legge. Han's specific interest in the old style, and his influence in stimulating interest in the renewed study of ancient texts and writing styles, parallels some of Legge's own interests.\n\n17 After graduating from King's College, the young James spent time with his father", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212381, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 323, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "300\n\nin Singapore but not elsewhere, and the temple keeper was unwilling to offer any further information. A year or so later under a little pressure he revealed that he, personally, called them White Crane Mothers (Bai He Mu).\n\nRecently his son, who has now set up his own establishment, was more forthcoming. He began by saying that he did not agree with his father's description; the images were neither spirits (shen) nor demons (kuei) but were rather a substitute for the individual human (Ti-shen). Such images were carved by him for people who brought the description of the image required written, usually on red paper, by a spirit medium. He claimed that the practice was not unique to Hokkiens (people from the southern coastal province of Fukien) and that he had heard of it ‘all over China' including Taiwan (which is predominantly Hokkien speaking). He himself is a Hokkien though his clients in Singapore included local Ch'ao-chou, Cantonese, Hakka and Hainanese people.\n\nThe son explained that a living human may suffer from an unidentifiable ailment and having been to a western trained doctor and consulted a Chinese physician or herbalist, neither of whom has been able to diagnose the cause, in desperation he consults a temple spirit medium who, in a trance, discovers the cause, usually an 'unpaid debt from a previous life. Immediately after death souls are judged on the misdeeds done during their lifetime on earth and after purging their sins they are reborn. Occasionally misdeeds are missed and only discovered after the individual has been reborn, hence the ailment as punishment. The spirit medium is tasked to discover the identity in his or her previous life of the human now suffering from the unknown ailment and to record his or her likeness in that previous existence which will then be carved into an image. The surname of the individual in his or her previous life is also recorded on the reverse of the image. This image is unique to the family of the individual now alive, almost always with an entirely different surname to the one of the previous incarnation, and is kept on the family altar. It is never placed on a public altar for public reverence. After a ritual performed by the spirit medium the image is considered to house the spirit of the living individual with the ailment but with the identity of the previous incarnation, and it is expected that the spirit now residing within the image will absorb the 'unpaid debt' lifting the punishment from the living individual.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212539, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "73\n\nIn China's foreign policy one goal has never changed - the quest for national prestige. The modernization programme, judged from the international perspective, is an expression of China's striving for prestige. In that context, to have her national flag saluted, the national anthem played, and China's name mentioned was something for China to pursue. For a long time, China had viewed international sports competitions as chances to enhance her prestige. Since 1979 high culture was incorporated into the Struggle to the End. To raise the level of Chinese artists to that end needs foreign expertise.\n\nThough Western art forms such as ballet had been introduced to the Chinese scene in the first decade of the Republic, China has long been suspicious of Western influence in China's cultural life. Before the Cultural Revolution, few Western cultural groups visited China. The Cultural Revolution not only continued that tendency of suspicion, but also cut Chinese artists totally off from foreign artists for a period long enough for them to fall behind in artistic achievements. To reverse that situation, China needed to use foreign co-operation in arts.\n\nOn the other hand, Chinese audiences had become very dissatisfied with the monochrome culture developed in the years of the Cultural Revolution. After the conclusion of the Cultural Revolution, Chinese artists tried to enrich the cultural life of the people, but progress was slow due to many factors. This naturally led to a growing interest in cultural pluralism. The lack of high-quality indigenous cultural performers provided a rationale to invite Western arts groups to make up the deficiency.\n\nSince 1978, a few organizations have been deeply involved in hosting artists from Western countries, among which the most important is the China Performing Arts Agency (CPAA). In the period 1979-1981, the CPAA hosted 37 Western performing arts groups, nine of which were from the United States. Among the nine American groups it hosted in this period, seven fell in the category of non-governmental exchanges. As a state agency, its policy in regards to what programmes should be accepted was surprisingly liberal. All \"orthodox\" performing arts forms, such as classical music, ballet and operas, were considered acceptable by it as long as the group was qualified and, with few exceptions, able to cover its own costs, as the agency had a limited budget for hosting foreign groups, which went almost exclusively to official exchange programmes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212573, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "107\n\nis unacceptable to many Chinese. In China, therefore, organs are often obtained from executed criminals.\n\nIn this study the three sisters cried bitterly when informed an autopsy would be carried out on their mother's body. They were relieved when the authorities relented. The three blamed themselves because the mother was alone at the time of the heart attack. A soothsayer, however, said that nobody could have saved her. If she had been taken straight to hospital at the onset she would have died just the same. Because of her age and the hour of death it was prophesied the deceased would go to heaven.\n\nThat the dead person had not eaten that evening before death was construed as a good omen. Missing the meal signified she has left everything behind for her children. However, she was in the habit of drinking from a special mug. This had disappeared. It was assumed she had taken it with her. That three months before death she had given a friend a piece of jade and had told her: 'I may not be here for your next birthday,' was repeated frequently by mourners.\n\nIn her early thirties, influenced by eldest daughter, mother had been baptised a Catholic. But the attractions of a combination of native Taoism, Buddhism and folk religion were too great. By the 1960s, mother was no longer practising Christianity. She never expressly told relatives why she left the Church. It was probably because, to a very Chinese person who spoke no English, Catholicism was too western; in spite of the Church adopting a few Chinese customs, such as three bows to a deceased's photograph and the 'last glance' at a funeral. Many quote the saying: 'One Christian more is one Chinese less.'\n\nA few hours after death, the mother's spirit, which left the body as visible vapour, was in limbo wandering about'. Depending upon deeds performed on earth there are six possible 'destinations': hell, heaven, and becoming an animal, a ghost, a human again or a buddha. Everybody possesses a number of spirits, one of which first descends into hell (described as dark and yin) to await sentencing by 10 judges. There the spirit is tried, punished and purged. Those who have committed excessive evil spend longer in purgatory before going to heaven (seen as bright and yang). People can later be reborn as children, or, if sinful, as animals.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212640, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "174\n\nteams should decide to be active at the same time. Of course, it was always possible, once China had Allies who would unquestionably win the war, whatever happened, that the negative policy might be overdone: should that happen, I am myself convinced, it would not be in accordance with the inclination of the frontline troops, if we can take those who passed through our school as typical, or of guerilla generals.\n\nThe idea of catching the Japanese by a mine, which might explode when those who had set it were many miles away, appealed immensely to the Chinese mind; but the urge was subject to the necessity of not drawing too heavy a retaliation onto the local population. The Japanese expected the local population to inform them of guerilla movements in the vicinity and inferentially any successful guerilla exploit was due to collaboration with guerillas and punished accordingly. Actually, of course, the population supported the guerillas so long as the guerillas did not make life too difficult by attracting too much Japanese retaliation. The guerillas depended, not only for success, but for mere existence, on the intelligence of Japanese movements provided by the local population. When it came to carrying out an operation; for instance, the capture of a small fort, the Chinese much preferred to capture it by guile. The Japanese garrison, who like all soldiers preferred to be waited on to doing anything themselves, would have a Chinese coolie to carry water from the well, a Chinese cook to prepare their meals, a boy to sweep out the quarters, and they would allow hawkers selling vegetables and such things to come in with their wares. These Chinese might be in the employ of the guerillas to a man. These Chinese, who as a nation are perhaps the best judges of character in the world, would soon learn all the weaknesses of the garrison and could make their plans accordingly; but the plan would have to take account of possible retaliation on the civilians involved, and might entail their entire removal from the district. On the other hand, in retaliating, there was a limit beyond which it did not pay the Japanese to go; in their own peculiar way they realised the advantage of attracting the population to their point of view. It resulted in a sort of balance being struck where the Chinese could judge just how far it was wise to go in carrying out any given policy of sabotage or more direct attack.\n\nI have heard criticism of the trade which was allowed to flow between free and occupied China. At Chin Ya we were on one of the main roads over which this commerce passed. Every day you could see strings of coolies, or rickshaws, going towards the Japanese lines laden with tea,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212991, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "38\n\nDefinitions of key terms follow:\n\nEnhancing\n\nemphasis on positive results of Chinese athletes/ team's large proportion of positive contents/ favourable location of positive contents/ bold characters/ front page; use of enhancing words.\n\nEntitling\n\nemphasis on responsibility of oneself against results; e.g. hard work by athletes/ team earn the results.\n\nBIRG (we)\n\nemphasis on responsibility of oneself in producing positive results of a larger aggregate or of others; e.g. responsibility of China in making Asian Games\n\nBIRG (flattery)\n\nemphasis on successful results produced by “friends” e.g. N. Korean performance being enhanced (when not rivalled against China).\n\nExcuse\n\nlack of intention, e.g. accident;\nlack of volition, e.g. injured athlete;\ndenial of agency, e.g. not being defeated.\n\nDisclaimer\n\nprospective excuses, e.g. injured athlete, not full team, thus anticipating hard battles/ poor results; review of past performance/ status of Chinese athlete/ team, thus unfavourableness in coming events.\n\nBlame\n\nputting unfavourable results in a long time frame when there have been many favourable results gained by the team, e.g. losses/ defeats placed amidst large proportion of positive results.\n\nApology\n\nadmission of poor performances, failures, inappropriate manners, e.g. the press would report defeats, losses in the games, impoliteness to the judges, but would at the same time promise to correct or revert them with an implication that such would be the responsibility of the athletes.\n\nJustification\n\njustifying negative results or unfavourable conditions, e.g.\ndepicting the negative results as being over-represented; comparing with other teams, e.g, rival did well, rival foul play.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213012, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "59\n\ndefeats and only terse explanations were given (women's diving, 8 August, 1984; men's high jump, 13 August, 1984, women's fencing, 9 July, 1987; men's gymnastics, 26 August, 1985). Lengthy discussions of losses were rare but not totally absent (table-tennis upset, 25 and 26 September, 1986) Losses that were attributed to misguidance by coaches were also of a rare species, and it was only once in the overall commentary on the 1985 Universiade (6 September).\n\nMore often, the reasons for the losses were the faults of the players, their disobedience to coaches' advice (16 July, 1987). Usually, only poor performance was admitted. An exceptional case was that women fencers demonstrated poor conduct towards judges' decisions. But this “case” was only contained in one single sentence and contradicted with previous reports which stressed the “appropriate” behaviour exhibited by fencers towards questionable calls from judges (15 July, 1987)\n\nDirect scolding of rivals could also be found. In a report on the shooting venue, almost one-third of the article was about the crowd noise (26 September, 1986). In athletics, the Japanese were said to have set a trap to the Chinese runner in 10,000m event (30 September, 1986) and another Japanese athlete was said to have exceeded her usual standard in her win (2 October, 1986), thereby casting doubts upon the fairness of Japanese victories. In the 1986 badminton competition, the linesmen and the service judge were named as \"secret weapons\" of the Korea team (30 September, 1986) defeating Chinese players.\n\nWhen the situation proved to be face-enhancing to athletes or people other than those of China, different strategies were seen to portray them, The more frequently used ones are evasion and negative portrayal. The former employed a more passive way while the latter was in a much more active mode.\n\nIn some types of sports, there could be draws. In these events, there were cases in which Chinese athletes drew with their rivals However, while the Chinese press seldom missed out the victorious Chinese, the co-victors were often neglected Illustrations of this type of strategy could be found in the case of gymnastics\n\nIn 1984, Ma Yanhong of China came first in women's uneven bars, tying with American Julianne McNamara. But the press did not even mention that this was a tie, let alone the co-victor's name, in a lengthy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213014, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "61\n\nBesides, these victories would be far from memorable ones. Korolev's set of floor exercise was devoid of any new moves (11 July, 1987). The introduction of a third party disproval was also evident in downplaying these foreign victories. The Korean success in badminton found little coverage in the Korean papers; the People's Daily said. The article suggested that the press might be too ashamed to report it due to the conspiracy of the linesmen and the service judges which promoted the Korean upset against Chinese.\n\nMoral behaviour of these foreign winners was often of a negative mode. The Korean archer was arrogant (20 September, 1986); the Korean soccer team \"blamed\" the weather for poor performance (24 September, 1986); Russian coaches tried to conceal their strength in women's basketball (17 July, 1987); and the Korean reporters were too confident that their country could come first in the final overall standing in the Asian Games.\n\nWhile crowd applause of Chinese and overseas Chinese cheers for Chinese were all positively reported, fans of other countries did not receive the same treatment in the Chinese press. Elsewhere, the American fans produced nothing but noise, affecting the performance of athletes, especially Chinese athletes. The Korean table-tennis spectators were so noisy that the stadium was shaken to the ground (26 September, 1986). Although the American and Korean crowds showed their support to their compatriots and boosted the performance of them, they were viewed as deteriorating the competition environment for fair play. This was in direct contrast to the press's reactions to Chinese fans.\n\nThere were three obvious cases in which the press kept a low key position towards unfavourable conditions presented to athletes of other countries. In the women's basketball tournament in 1985, China played N. Korea in one of the matches. Chinese players were continuously fouled by their opponents, but this was only mentioned indirectly in a few words (27 August, 1985). East Germany lost in a women's volleyball match to China. The press did not say that the team lost because of poor performance but just excused her for not being the first team and suggested that she might reserve strength for the final (17 July, 1987). In another article in 1987, it was reported that the PRC's women volleyball team defeated Taipei. The focus of the article, however, was not on the loss of Taipei nor the victory of the Communist side, but rather, on the friendship and skills exchanged between the two teams.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213467, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "30\n\nIf a widow marries again she must either marry another man from her deceased husband's family or she must get the consent of her deceased husband's elder brothers to bring an outsider into the family. Otherwise she cannot touch the property left by her deceased husband.\n\nTo conclude this attempt to state the Chinese customary law obtaining in Hong Kong's New Territories it would appear appropriate to refer to a passage in the address of the Chief Justice of Hong Kong, Sir Michael Hogan, which he delivered on the occasion of the opening of the new courthouse at Fanling on 2nd September last year [1961 - Editor] :-\n\n\"I understand... that some anxiety has arisen as to whether Chinese customs and customary rights will be affected, and whether judges sitting in the District Court will be as familiar as were the District Officers with those customs and customary rights\n\nThe answer to that anxiety may be found in the power, conferred by section 15 of the District Court Ordinance, on the judges of requesting the District Officers or anybody also to sit as assessors in any case in which that course would be desirable. Section 17 of the New Territories Ordinance which provides for the application of Chinese custom and customary rights in appropriate cases remains untouched and will continue to apply as before. Indeed, it may well be that our system of law reporting, whereby decisions are recorded, published and made available for perusal by all who are interested can contribute to the ascertainment and preservation of those customs and customary rights, about which it is frequently so difficult to obtain reliable information and evidence.\"\n\nNOTE\n\nNew Territories (Amendment) Ordinance, 1961 (No 13 of 1961) and New Territories (Amendment) (No 2) Ordinance, 1961 (No 15 of 1961)\n\n1\n\ns 16 (as amended) New Territories Ordinance (Cap. 97) Prior to these amending Ordinances, the Supreme Court had original jurisdiction in respect of land having a capital value exceeding $10,000 or an annual value exceeding $1,000 (vide s 2(1)(d), now repealed, and former s 16, now replaced, and the decision of REECE J in AU SUN YUE and CHUNG YAU 1958, HKLR 235)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213494, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "58\n\nMiss Elsa Bueanaventura, had never seen a Peking Opera before and was anxious to see one. She asked if I could go with her and explain some of the things to her. I agreed and chose Sunday, June 16 to go. Before we went there I wrote most of the parts of this essay and three synopses of the three plays that happened to be staged that day as a guide, namely:\n\n(1) The Reunion at Gucheng (#)\n\n(2) The Story of the Black Pot (??) \n\n(3) The Trial by Three Judges (###)\n\nAfterwards, I found this guide contained much valuable information for the initial theatre goers, too good to be thrown away. Consequently, I wrote several additional paragraphs to complete this essay. Thanks are due to Mr. and Mrs. Albert Neudeck, Mr. Yeh Yuen-chang and Rev. Kerry Schottelkorb for correcting and polishing my English to make it readable.\n\nNOTE\n\nIt happened that only these three plays were staged that day. They were good plays and the actors and actresses did an excellent job, but the plays lack the universal appeal of the general theme of this article so they are excluded from this rendering.\n\n!\n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213557, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "122\n\nFirst, the extracts in the Sing-Song are clearly artificial productions written as a literary joke. Given what we understand of the way Pidgin developed and how it was used, there is little chance that texts of the sort published by Leland would have circulated other than as an after-dinner entertainment among Western-educated people with a knowledge of Pidgin. We know from the writings of W.C. Hunter that this sort of entertainment did, in fact, take place.\n\nWe are not saying here that Pidgin-English Sing-Song is a hoax. Leland never claims that the texts are authentic, only that they have been judged plausible by western scholars of Chinese. The style and expressions used in the texts contain a variety of American slang and minstrelsy terms, and the overall internal evidence is, to my mind, that Leland wrote most of the texts himself.\n\nLeland was never a long-time resident of the Far East, I must therefore digress slightly to explain how he could perform the feat of writing a small book of prose and verse in a language which he could only have known slightly. It also gives me an excuse to introduce you to a colourful and talented character,\n\nCharles Godfrey Leland was born in Philadelphia on 15 August 1824. He was a voracious reader by the age of nine and studied at college in New Jersey from 1841 to 1845. Then he went to Germany via Italy and spent two years at the universities of Heidelberg and Munich.\n\nKnown as the \"Gentle Giant\", he had a gargantuan appetite for food, drink and tobacco. In 1848, he moved to the Sorbonne, and manned the barricades in the Paris Commune. Returning to Philadelphia, he studied law, then turned to journalism, authorship, politics and exploration of the Western US. He joined the Confederate cause and fought in the Civil War. He was an acknowledged master of literary journalism and in 1866, he became editor of the Philadelphia press.\n\nFrom 1869 to 1879, he stayed in London and became closely associated with the humanist thinker Walter Besant. Leland took a close interest in education in the industrial arts, as well as taking up research on Gypsies and the Romany language. He was a talented linguist and was particularly interested in slang and jargon", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "Canton He founded the Meditative School, Ch'an Men (9) which taught that the Buddha was to be sought within the mind and not learnt from books. His image is to be seen alone on a number of altars, revered in his own right.\n\nThe second Patriarch is Shen Kuang (4) the Spiritual Light, who lived some 107 years, dying in AD 593, some sixty years after the death of Bodhidharma. When he was forty he went to the Shao-lin Monastery near Loyang in Honan province following a vision and there received from Bodhidharma the robe and the sacred alms bowl. Bodhidharma also changed Shen Kuang's name to Hui K'o (7) Intelligent Ability. Many years later the emperor T'ang Te Tung bestowed upon him the title of T'ai-tsu Ch'an-shih ().\n\nThe Third Patriarch, Seng-ts'an (), is said to have introduced himself to Hui K'o and as a result of the conversation the Patriarch realized that he had met his successor. He explained and taught Seng-ts'an all he knew and when dying appointed him as his successor. Seng-ts'an died in 606.\n\nThe Fourth Patriarch, Tao-hsin (), was a precocious youth who became a disciple of Seng-ts'an and eventually his successor. He lived during the period when the first two emperors of the T'ang ruled China, with the reign of the second, Tai Tsung, regarded as one of unrivalled brilliance and glory, and died in 651. He appointed Hung-jen as his successor. Legend describes how Tao-hsin saw a beggar woman and her child at the side of the road and learnt that she had been driven from her home by her parents having become conceived her child miraculously, it being a reincarnation of an aged wood gatherer who had sought instruction from Tao-hsin. Tao-hsin immediately recognised the child as his successor and having sought his mother's consent to the boy entering a monastery. Tao-hsin instructed him and changed his name to Hung-jen, Vast Endurance.\n\nHung-jen (L), the Fifth Patriarch, died some 24 years after his appointment. Hung-jen, and to a greater extent his successor, Hui-neng, founded the Ch'i-su Chiao, the Buddhist Vegetarian sect. To select this successor he held a verse competition, more a hymn with a moral purpose, and Lu Hui-neng being judged the winner became the Sixth and final Patriarch of Chinese Buddhism.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213909, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 261, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "236\n\nThe rituals performed by both the 'red hat' and the 'black hat' professional religious specialists, often connected in one way or another with mortuary rites, continue as before. The difference being that before redecoration the ritual performances in the half light, by 'red hats' in particular, accompanied by the boom of their ox horns blown at intervals during the rituals, provided an even more exotic and eerie scene.\n\nThe former layout of the temple consisted, as you entered the temple from the street, of the main hall dedicated to the Lord of T'ai Shan. This led through to the rear hall dedicated to the Saviour of the Underworld, the Buddhist deity, Ti-tsang Wang, with a long and comparatively narrow annexe running down the sides of the whole length of the two halls. On the other side of the halls were large rooms dedicated to the ritual services.\n\nThe usual images one would expect in the halls of both the Lord of T'ai Shan and Ti-tsang Wang stand either before or beside the altars, and lining the walls. Many are tamed demons such as Horse Face and Buffalo Head, and the Short Black and Tall White Demons who seize the souls of humans on their due date of death, dragging them before the City God for their primary interrogation. Others include the City God himself and the Goddess of Maternity, Chu-sheng Niang-niang, both of whom occupied their own secondary altars flanking that of Ti-tsang Wang; the Judges of the Ten Courts of the Underworld; and the Civil and Military Secretaries to the Lord of T'ai Shan.\n\nand they have been\n\nHowever, since the refurbishment of the temple, which took some two and a half years, the images down the side annexe which used to stand each in its own shrine have been relocated. The comparatively large image of the local tutelary deity, the Earth God, now has a shrine of his own in the Ti-tsang hall and the other two major images, of the Lord Protector of the Realm, Hu-kuo Tsun-wang Immortal Celestial Physician, Tien-i Chen-jen moved to the Ti-tsang Wang hall where they now sit on the main altar but in front, one on either side of the altar, both newly repainted. These two deities have borne these titles for at least thirty years and during that time the temple staff who appeared to be quite knowledgeable explained that the images down the side wall of the annexe had been brought in from other temples when the latter had been demolished for one reason or another, and their identities had been lost over the years.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213968, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "2\n\nCouncillors (of whom 20 would be elected from both Chinese and expatriate jurors, or property-holders of a certain value with residential qualifications), and potentially extendible functions. However Young's successor, Sir Alexander Grantham, soon had second thoughts which were warmly shared by his Executive Council (Exco) advisers, and the plans were put into cold storage, to be quietly forgotten. They had seemed to reduce the wholly centralised powers of the Governor-in-Council, besides being of apparently little interest to a mobile and volatile Cantonese population, passing by customary right freely to and fro across the international border, and more concerned with rebuilding their lives after the war's privations. Besides, the Communist victory over the Chiang Kai-shek Nationalists, and the declaration of the People's Republic in 1949, created a new set of problems. It became common parlance that Hong Kong was \"different.\" Unlike African, Caribbean, Asian and Pacific colonies, it could not be built into a Nation.\n\nIn facing such a novel threat there were cultural divisions within Hong Kong's administration in the 1950s and 60s that commentators have often overlooked. The most obvious was that between those prisoners-of-war or internees during the Japanese occupation who had been judged physically fit to return to post-war duties, and their colleagues who either had fought throughout (in China or in other theatres) or had been recruited subsequently but had served in no other territory. They might differ in their views of what threatened stability, but were in agreement that nothing should, in the cant phrase of the time, \"rock the boat.\" All tended to accept what is now dubbed the economic 'trickle-down' theory, that what was good for the businessmen who dominated the Colony's appointed Councils was good for their employees - and equally for a large proportion of the population that had voted with its feet by flooding into Hong Kong to escape Communism, and also to find employment until it might seem safe to exercise their right to cross the border again and go home. But it seemed to some observers that those who claimed to understand and to love the Colony best had least faith in its unsinkability.\n\nA smaller but growing subset consisted of those colonial servants who had been transferred to Hong Kong within Her Majesty's Overseas Civil Service (HMOCS) from other territories, usually upon the grant of independence, or who had accepted fixed renewable contracts as mature entrants (\"retreads\"). Such officers might well have learnt in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214263, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "84\n\nShan is one of the five sacred mountains of China and is located in Shantung. It is believed to be inhabited by many divinities both male and female with T'ai-shan Yeh the primary deity for most pilgrims to the mountain even though the main deity in the temple on the peak is the Jade Emperor. Temples dedicated to the Lord of T'ai-shan were to be found in all parts of China, where he was regarded as the guardian of life and death.\n\nAs the Supreme Lord of the Underworld he has a very large bureaucratic organisation responsible to him for the maintenance of the Book of Life, the register of the due date on which the soul of every living soul must be summoned to appear before the Judges of the Underworld. Popular belief claimed that the entrance to the Underworld was to be found in one of the temples at the base of the mountain. The arrest and escort of souls is carried out by lictors and runners from the yamen of the local City Gods who drag each soul before the local City God, together with the biography and report on the soul prepared by the local Earth God [T'u-ti] who has carried out the first, very preliminary interview to ensure that the right soul has been arrested and is ready for onward despatch. Again, after verification of the identity of the soul the City God endorses the Earth God's report and if available adds any further information on the soul he might possess, and sends the soul under escort to the First Court of the Underworld where the process of purging the soul of all sin commences. After the soul has passed through all Ten Courts and been fully purged of its sins, it is then despatched either to the Western Heaven [Celestial Paradise] or for rebirth in an incarnation to be decided upon depending upon the weight of sins incurred during the previous incarnation.\n\nIn parts of China and in Taiwan, the alter ego is Tung-yüeh Ta-ti with Yen-lo Wang being the senior and chief of the Ten Judges who are under his charge. This dual role played by both Tung-yüeh Ta-ti and Yen-lo Wang is a further complication and a confusion which appears to be insoluble. The former is not only the Supreme deity of the Underworld but also the Judge of the Seventh Court whilst Yen-lo Wang is not only the senior Judge in charge of all Courts but also the Judge of the Fifth Court. The latter has been explained as Yen-lo Wang having ten different forms, as Judges in each of the Ten Courts. This, however, would mean that T'ai-shan Yeh of the Seventh Court would also be a form of Yen-lo Wang.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214490, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 348, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "317\n\nland-owners and tax collectors, to the magistrates and to the other Spaniards in these islands, such that it does not appear but that all of them down to a man conspire to hinder the good works that we could do among these Indians if we were not hindered. Furthermore, they avert their eyes from what they are obliged to do as men of faith, the examples being too numerous. Others, in pursuit of their own interests and unbridled greed, prevent us from doing anything because more damage can be done with these weak people with one bad example that is given to them than all the good that we can achieve by preaching to them. And many of the land-owners and magistrates, who have more responsibility than anyone else to favour us, by exploiting their estates and people cause these poor people such offence and vexation that we are given no opportunity to be able to tell them of the good that God has sent them through the offices of Your Majesty.\n\nAll the disputes and quarrels arise out of this because since they can see that we stand up to them against their interests and that we bring to light their bad examples, they turn against us and persecute us and slander us, seeking any possible means to pursue their ends, and there is nothing we can do to prevent them.\n\nWith the arrival of the Court we believed that all these evils would be remedied and indeed a large part of them have been because the magistrates are less audacious and the land owners are less dissolute, and although not everything has been remedied, the president and judges have acted in a correct manner, and as a result we believed that the situation had been much improved.\n\nBut from what we had thought would bring the remedy to all our troubles now has come our ruin, and we speak in this way because what has occurred is truly of enormous proportions because since the magistrates and land owners have no obstacles but us to prevent them from getting their way, they have informed the Court that we are interfering in the Royal Jurisdiction and in this way they have found a manner of discrediting us so that we are not in a position to stand up to them and thus they have informed the president and judges that we had stocks and prisons, that we seized and punished the Indians and, because of an order provided by Your Majesty on this matter, they pronounced [an infraction against?] a Royal decree that is attached to this letter for Your Majesty to read.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214491, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 349, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "318\n\nWe do not deny having the stocks which are mentioned in the notice, neither do we deny that we have occasionally punished the Indians, but this was done before the bishop arrived with the Pope's authority and after his arrival with his approval and consent, and merely in ecclesiastical cases and always with the moderation appropriate to our mission and which the weakness and novelty of these natives requires, and if in this any of our subordinates have exceeded their duties in any way, they have been punished by their superiors and instructed how to behave, since we are not so entirely lacking in reason that we do not know up to what point we can and must extend, nor do we desire other than the well-being of these natives, that we do not consider thoroughly how we should treat them, whether to scold them and punish them for their weaknesses, whether to forgive them, or whether to be lenient and tolerate them, and if there is no confidence in us to do this and if we are obliged to go before Courts and hearings for each mere bagatelle as has begun to occur recently and if the slightest complaint made by the Indians about their ministers has to be heard before the Court and the priest or cleric summoned under a Royal decree, as has also recently occurred, then it would be better to abandon this mission, Your Majesty granting us permission to do so, than to suffer so many vexations and anxieties when only concern is to satisfy Your Majesty's conscience and our own which, not without tribulation, makes us see our obligation and seek any remedy we may have to fulfil this.\n\nWe are well aware that it is ordered by a royal decree that priests should not use stocks nor punish nor seize Indians and as this decree was issued in respect of New Spain, it was never executed since it was not deemed appropriate, and although it was appropriate in New Spain, it is not appropriate in any way whatsoever in these lands as these natives have different characters and customs to the Indians over there and if the person responsible for them were not able to force and compel them, they would not wish to do anything concerning the faith. And Your Majesty must not think that we are stating this because in this land we wish to have so much power to go among the Indians as investigating judges, preparing trials, bringing charges against them and hearing rebuttals from them, but rather we treat them as schoolmasters or, more appropriately, as parents with their children, sometimes praising them and sometimes scolding them, sometimes punishing them in an appropriate fashion so that they refrain from the vices to which they", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214493, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 351, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "320\n\nWe indeed believe that the President and judges are acting in this fashion since they are new and have no experience in these lands. In view of the damage arising out of this, they have amended their actions because we requested them to do so and gave reasons for doing so, and although they do their duty by us with fine words, their deeds do not correspond to their words because they rule in favour of anyone citing this decree, which they call resolved, and those citing it go away so content that they no longer have regard for any friar or priest. And as the Indians do not understand this language and neither do many Spaniards, so much of the credit and authority of the faith has been lost among them that it is better for us to abandon our preaching than to continue with so little effect. And if the judges continue with what they have begun it is to see us get up to be knocked down again until Your Majesty definitively decrees that we have authority in this mission and to do what is necessary, and if for reasons which perhaps are apparent in Spain but which we are not aware of here what we ask is not possible, we request Your Majesty to graciously instruct us how we can live, since the life we are now leading cannot be tolerated nor can our souls tolerate the manner in which we live.\n\nIf we wished to supply copious evidence for our statements herein, we could indeed do so since the walls and stones call out and confirm much more than we state here, but let us not do so since our intention is not to bring a lawsuit and we believe we do not need to bring witnesses before Your Majesty as we are certain that you will believe our statements as one can only state the pure truth when addressing Your Majesty.\n\nYour Majesty is well aware that not all laws can be the same everywhere since they must be adapted to the temperament of the people and the quality of the land. It would be difficult to understand the temperament of these Indians and the anguish and difficulty involved in bringing knowledge of the truth to these Indians and how easily they stray from it after having received it if we did not live among them. And for this reason, decrees cannot be issued in Spain in respect of difficulties encountered here; rather, those of us here who put God and what His law and reason require first, must make use of such methods as are necessary and appropriate to achieve this end, and if such confidence is not placed in us our mission will be diminished because, out of all the people here in these lands, no-one can know as much about this matter as us, because they are in this city and in their houses with...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214494, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 352, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "321\n\nonly second-hand knowledge of what takes place among the Indians and we see it with our own eyes and touch it with our hands because, out of all the people here in these lands, no-one can know as much about this matter as us, because they are in this city and in their houses with only second-hand knowledge of what takes place among the Indians and we see it with our own eyes and touch it with our hands because we live among them and know and understand up to what point their capacity extends and we try to adapt ourselves to what they need and if the Court and Your Majesty's other judges wish to conduct this business by means of lawsuits with proceedings and rebuttals, they will place obstacles in our path so that we will not be able to do anything and there will be so many upsets and obstacles among the Indians that they will be of no use to anyone.\n\nThe business of conversion and evangelical preaching is very different to the conventions of the Court and there will never come a time for these natives to understand that the business of conversion must be carried out by lawyers and clerks, and since the laws of the Kingdoms permit that during wartime it is not necessary to maintain the ordinary style in punishing crimes, placing trust in the captains that, although they do not maintain the conventions of legal proceedings, they will maintain the law of God. There is much more reason that, in this special campaign that we currently have, which is much more labourious, difficult and dangerous than any other in the world, confidence should be placed in those who are involved in it that we do what is appropriate in order to be ultimately victorious and we do not wish now to have subjected to pen and paper and lawsuits and rebuttals what God so plainly wishes to be done and should be done:\n\nWe also inform Your Majesty that the public prosecutor in this court presented a petition against all of us and we were all very affected, and especially the Bishop, who was most seriously affected by its contents. Evidence of this petition has been requested which we have not received until the present date. If we are given authorized evidence we will send it to Your Majesty and if not with this and [we enclose?] a simple copy of the claim so that Your Majesty can see how we are treated in these lands and what credit should be given to our faith.\n\nWhen such words are mentioned about the bishop and prelates of the orders in a public court and for the satisfaction of what is here", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214717, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "96\n\neldest son. In a similar way, in ancestral halls in the New Territories, leading clan members have soul tablets and wives and concubines (with the latter being protected within the social system) are usually included on their husbands' tablets. Women play a secondary role although they often exert power - sometimes considerable -- behind the scenes, even if men do take pride of place. It has to be remembered too, that at periods during the month women are judged 'unclean' and thus, because of pollution, have to be excluded from religious ceremonies.\n\nHow do women feel about not being allowed actually to take part in tun fu ceremonies? The old women sitting near the tun fu pot not far from the river at Kam Tin, written about earlier in this paper, said:\n\n\"We are not interested in taking part. We can watch.\"\n\n15\n\nThey had previously told the Author that they believed in tun fu because it had proved effective. Among many women of varying ages that the Author has spoken to there seems to be a consensus. The average Chinese female will tell you that they are conformist and conservative. That is, even though some say 'it is not right', one should accept tradition. After all, we are Chinese!' But one can make changes within the community gradually. One westernised, Kam Tin woman in her thirties, who had lived for a time in Scotland said, she was quite content to let men get on with the kowtowing to soul tablets and taking part ceremonies, and similar rituals. But she thought women in tun fu should be allowed to sit on committees and take an active part in running village affairs. Indeed today a few do. Nevertheless the number is still limited. Other women who expressed their views regarding more active participation are sometimes more militant. Some younger women in Hong Kong have more recently come out strongly in favour of change in the New Territories. Some of the more conservative women, nevertheless, admit they respect the more militant greatly.\n\n**Christine Loh Kung-wai, the politician (who was threatened with rape by villagers in the New Territories), has guts,' one middle age woman told me. Points at issue with such women as Loh were customary succession and female inheritance (Chan, Eliza, 1997, 174) (Chan, Selina; 1997,151). The New Territories are changing there is no doubt. Nevertheless, no woman of the many that the Author spoke to felt that women should be too persistent in trying to take part", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214832, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "214\n\nForce conceded that there were reasons for beginning hostilities against China, whilst others were openly critical of a war opened on behalf of opium traders, badly treated or not.\n\nAn anonymous military writer in Colburn's United Service Magazine observed bitterly at the time that \"the poor Chinese - with their painted paste-board boats - must submit to be poisoned, or must be massacred by the thousand, for supporting their own laws in their own land.\" Another military officer, Lieutenant John Ouchterlony of the Madras Engineers in his history of the War, conceded: \"That the quarrel was an unhappy one and for many reasons to be deeply deplored, does not admit of a doubt.\"\n\nAt the same time, Ouchterlony introduced a wider consideration for his readers. However plausible the view taken in England by those opposed to a war which, as they thought, was being undertaken to enforce the opium traffic, it was, he said, “on our part just and unavoidable\" due to the \"vindictiveness and insufferable arrogance of the Chinese government\" during the past half-century. \"The opium question,\" to his mind, was to be \"regarded merely as a spark blown into a mine, and no more to be considered the primary cause of the war than the match which ignites the train...\" This was a view shared by another young officer, Lieut. Wyndham Charles Baker of the Madras Engineers, as we see from one of his published home letters.\n\nNot all their brother officers were convinced. The naval surgeon Edward Cree, was more concerned with the results of the War. Noting in his journal for Monday 29th [August] 1842 that \"the articles of the treaty [were] signed this day,\" he commented:\n\n“So ends the Chinese War. About the justice and policy of it I leave to more competent judges, but one thing I dislike in connection with it is the opium question. It has cost the lives of many thousands of human beings, and great destruction of property and misery and sorrow to many.\n\nWaging War in European Style\n\n11\n\nIn official circles in Britain, China's Court and Government were blamed for bringing on the War. Perhaps because of this, the British", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214950, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 46, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "ARTICLES\n\nTEA AND OPIUM\n\nSOLOMON BARD\n\n“Thank God for tea! What would the world do without tea?\n\nHow did it exist? I am glad I was not born before tea.”\n\nPreamble\n\nSidney Smith, clergyman and author (18th cent.)\n\n2\n\nThe tragic events and the underlying causes of the Anglo-Chinese Conflict of 1839-1860, known as the Opium Wars, have been analysed in many scholarly publications and debates from various, sometimes opposing viewpoints. To the Chinese, the opium question seemed its principal cause. For the British, opium was only an immediate pretext; the issues were much deeper, such as opening the gates more fully to all manner of foreign trade and forcing China to engage in commercial and diplomatic intercourse according to Western rules. The West sought after Chinese goods; in particular, the demand for tea and silk was immense, and China was for the present the sole source of tea. In return, the Chinese demand for British goods was insignificant. The resulting imbalance in trade was an unsound practice then as it would be today. The strength of this argument can be judged by the fact that Britain was prepared to go to war with China to force bilateral trade relations. India offered Britain a solution in the way of opium and, to a lesser extent, raw cotton, both accepted by the Chinese. Even when consideration is given to different knowledge existing at the time regarding the harmful effects of opium, it is clear that the opium trade, backed as it was by force, was evil and unjustified. By the end of the 18th century, the consumption of tea in Britain had become phenomenal. It has been pointed out on occasions that the value of tea exported from and of opium imported into China appeared to be linked. The critical role played by opium in the Anglo-Chinese conflict has never been in doubt. The role of tea, however, has been less obvious. It is intended in\n\n1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215412, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "138 \n\nbuildings. The Arch of Triumph motif is also found in Renaissance Spain, where the architect Alonso de Vandelvira seems to have been one of its main exponents.10 \n\nThe number of Arches of Triumph appearing at this time on the portals of both Spanish and Portuguese buildings at home and in the colonies is very large. It was particularly favoured in the decoration of church façades. We must remember that this is the period of the Counter-Reformation, or what some prefer to call the Catholic Reformation. Although architects could be flexible in their use of it, its more symbolic connotations for Spaniards and Portuguese in their newly conquered territories were, broadly speaking, mainly twofold: to celebrate their secular victories in battle and to celebrate the triumph of the Church over paganism. \n\nIn Spanish colonial architecture of the sixteenth century it appeared at a time when building decoration had not yet acquired the richer, more elaborate styles of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Many of the buildings in question were often technically solid but with little exterior ornamentation and this particular motif often formed the most striking decorative element of the elevation. \n\nIn respect of Spanish Colonial architecture in South America, Dr. Valerie Fraser of the University of Essex, in the U.K., has brought the motif into disrepute. Dr. Fraser carried out a comparative study of contemporary sources and colonial church façades in South America. She came to the conclusion that in these colonial façades the symbolic meanings previously given to the motif by Italian Renaissance architects, such as triumph over death, etc., was gradually mutated into a symbol of Spanish cultural superiority.\" \n\nThe civilizations the Spanish encountered in the New World had no knowledge of the arch prior to the arrival of Europeans. After the Spanish Conquest their degree of cultural development came to be judged according to Spanish cultural values. Consequently, the employment of the Arch of Triumph in colonial South America served ideological as well as artistic purposes, expressing the perception the conquistadors had of the conquered. \n\nAlthough I cannot discuss the pros and cons of Iberian colonialism", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215825, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "57\n\nbut it was harder to replace soldiers with combat experience.\n\nBecause the weather changes from day to day, so must the extent to which it could influence the approval or rejection of a certain operation in war. Hong Kong's weather, as formidable as it was, could not by itself determine if it merited recapture or not. Nor could any objective's weather be the lone factor. If it was, then many of the war's campaigns would not have taken place. If the control of a specific territory was judged crucial, then the powers concerned would do anything within their capacity to seize or retain it.\n\nNo place in the world has perfect weather at any time of the year. In Hong Kong's case, its worst weather occurs during the middle of the year. Had a Hong Kong operation taken place, Allied planners would have naturally preferred that it take place towards the end of the year. That would give the Allies up to six months of relatively trouble-free weather with which to work.\" A Hong Kong operation was bound to include amphibious landings, and these were very susceptible to bad weather. It was important for the Allies to gain at least a foothold on land, as it would give a political and psychological boost to the Allied war effort, as well as put them in a better position militarily vis-à-vis Japan. The China Coast was a perimeter within Japan's empire, and any breach made here would accelerate Japan's demise. So that first foothold was vital, just as it was equally vital for the Japanese to prevent it. In Japan's history, foul weather had worked in her favour when she had to defend against an amphibious invasion, so it wasn't unprecedented for the weather to play a decisive role in war. For the Allies, the last thing they would want was to see a Hong Kong operation in progress be thwarted by a non-human entity like the weather. Such a contest would be a no-win situation for the Allies.\n\nIn the end, the Allies never carried out any landings on any port on the China Coast. Their destruction of the IJN and blockade of Japan by sea and air was so complete that they didn't have to worry about the Japanese in China, which remained a secondary theatre at the end of the war. Hong Kong's weather was never specifically mentioned as a factor, but was probably on the minds of some Allied planners after the poundings their navies had taken in the last months of the war. Hong Kong returned to British, and eventually Chinese, rule, and was fortunate to have not undergone a destructive campaign for it to change hands again.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216383, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "92\n\nthe United Nations withdrew from the negotiating process, citing concerns that trials under the proposed law would not be effective within Cambodia's judicial system.\n\nNegotiations resumed late in 2002, and in early 2003 a further memorandum of understanding was initialled between the UN Representative, and the Royal Government.3 That agreement was approved by the Third Committee of the General Assembly, and then by the General Assembly. The agreement, and the necessary implementing legislation, was put before the Cambodian parliament in mid-2003. However, the Cambodian parliament went into recess for an election held in July 2003. The election did not produce a clear result, and negotiations between the political parties have continued for almost a year. At the time of writing (July 2004) the negotiations appear to have been resolved, and a new cabinet has been formed.\" There is quite a backlog of legislative work, including the legislation for the proposed tribunal. The Prime Minister, Hun Sen, had earlier stated that the legislation will be a high priority for the new legislature.\n\nIn anticipation of the establishment of the tribunal, both the United Nations and the Cambodian Government have formed Task Forces to work towards implementation. At the same time, a number of governments have made financial commitments to the project. The next stage will be the distribution to Cambodians of booklets explaining the tribunal.\n\n3. The Structure and Processes of the Tribunal\n\nThe most recent proposals for the tribunal are contained in the March 2003 agreement initialled by UN representative Hans Correll and Royal Government representative Sok Ann on 17 March 2003. The tribunal will be constituted as Extraordinary Chambers, a Trial Chamber and a Supreme Court Chamber. This is not an international tribunal: these Chambers are established within the existing Cambodian legal system. But the chambers will include a minority of international judges, and at least one international judge must concur with the decision of the Chamber. The Chambers will be served by national and international investigating judges, and national and international prosecutors.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216387, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "96\n\non Civil and Political Rights, and the International Covenant on Social, Cultural and Economic Rights, in claiming that rights inhere in individuals and in communities to a fair allocation of the earth's resources and opportunities. This includes access to the legal system.\n\n6.1 Distributive Justice and a Fair Trial\n\nMany international conventions and other instruments emphasise the right to a fair trial, although they may differ in practice as to what such a trial might involve. Article 13 of the Agreement of March 2003 refers to the right to a fair and public hearing, to be presumed innocent until proved guilty, to engage a counsel of his or her choice, to have adequate time and facilities for preparation of defence, to have counsel provided if lacking means to pay for one, and to examine the witness against him or her.\n\nThe issue which caused the United Nations to withdraw from negotiations with the Royal Government was the question of a fair trial. The Khmer Rouge had particularly targeted intellectuals of various kinds, including lawyers. The courts formed in the aftermath of the Khmer Rouge regime were created using judges with few if any legal qualifications. Prosecutors had even less legal formation.1 Besides the lack of trained personnel, participants and commentators have drawn attention to the lack of independence of judges and prosecutors, who are subjected to government interference.1 The recent history of Cambodian governments suggests that the concept of judicial independence is an alien concept: courts are expected to respond to government directives.1 Even in the absence of interference, the prosecutors may claim that they lack the funds to carry out investigations.\n\n6.2 Distributive Justice and Fair Trials\n\nDistributive justice requires that like cases should be treated alike. But the proposed tribunal for the Khmer Rouge is limited in jurisdiction to one period in Cambodia's history, the period of Democratic Kampuchea. Yet commentators have pointed out that there may have been breaches of law committed by other participants in the long-running wars which have affected Cambodia.12 If these are excluded from scrutiny, then the legal process becomes a kind of \"victor's justice\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216482, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "191\n\nalso want someone to translate his words to those government officials and village chiefs with whom he would have to negotiate his way up and down the river. He engaged a local small boat skipper as Nocador (coxswain); a Chaldean by the name of Judges who had served some time on board a line of Turkish steamers plying on the Tigris as bo'sun; and a steward who also doubled as interpreter. A further eleven hands were taken on to complete the crew and Plant was ready to set off on his journey of exploration up the Karun river. It was truly a journey of discovery as he had no maps or books on the river and had to rely on local knowledge provided by the Nocador. After a number of excitements along the narrow winding waterway, they stopped at the small village of Shalaliah that acted as a port to Shushter. Plant covered the last seven miles to Shuster on horseback to report the safe arrival of the Shushan to the Company's agent, one of several young Englishmen in the area serving the interests of the shipping company. As both foreigners and Christians, the company's agents lived a life of some difficulty and danger. Plant felt that his life aboard the Shushan was far more congenial.\n\nThus started the regular passenger and freight service that Plant was to run for some time. His relations with the many local officials with whom he came in contact were conducted with tact and skill - his private thoughts about them and his comments on their ways of life and business, he confined to his personal log book. The difficulties of piloting his craft up and down an uncharted river were considerable and required great resource and powers of improvisation. He found that his triple rudder could not cope with the narrow winding part of the river unless he went at full speed, which proved particularly exciting when navigating a series of blind bends. On another part of the river an unexpected eddy took him into some rocks at speed which sprung a line of rivets and opened up a section of the hull. Fortunately, the Shushan's watertight construction in sections kept it afloat but left him with the problem of making a repair - they were far from any dockyard facility. He provided the answer by lowering a weighted line through each empty rivet hole; fishing for the weight from the bank; attaching a bolt; hauling the bolt up through the rivet hole; and anchoring it with a nut which he tightened up to re-secure the sprung plate. This turned out to be a tedious, time-consuming but entirely successful means of making good a damaged hull that he later introduced to the shipmasters of the Yangtse. There were many more occasions when he was up the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216496, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 255, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "206\n\nwas electric. About thirty men ran out of the ranks and crowded round him, some grasped his hand and kissed it, others drew out little satchels which they had hanging round their necks which contained their certificates of baptism into the Catholic church.\n\nThe Chaplain asked the officer, who he now discovered to be a Protestant missionary from China who had come to Europe with the Labour Corps, to explain that he would say Mass for them in the neighbouring village on the morrow, that they could have general absolution and Holy Communion. He found it difficult to explain through his Protestant interpreter what was meant by general absolution. Eventually, the Protestant missionary had explained to him that the phrase the Chaplain required was 'Are you sorry for your sins?' which the Chaplain recorded phonetically in his notebook.\n\nNext morning the Chaplain was at the church half an hour before the appointed time for Mass. The Chinese were already there, grouped around the confessional and it was only then that he realised what he had let himself in for and the difficulty of his task. A few words in English were received with a blank stare; the same in French got a similar reception. He pulled out his notebook and repeated the words he had written down the previous evening. The reply was a general chatter and a vigorous nodding of heads. Yet, when the Chaplain tried to explain by dumb-show that they would receive general absolution, he knew that he had failed ignominiously. They looked at him plaintively, almost reprovingly, and pointed repeatedly at the confessional. There was nothing else for it; he had to admit them individually. The men heard the Mass with every mark of attention.\n\nWhen the Chaplain had removed his vestments he came to them in the church again. One of the Chinese whom the Chaplain judged to have been a Catechist at some time or other and had led the prayers offered the Chaplain, evidently in the name of himself and his companions, a ten-franc note. The Chaplain explained by dumb-show that he could not possibly accept it and this seemed to disappoint them so much that he had to do something to satisfy them. The Curé from the sacristy, having been told of the situation, provided a few altar candles and the ten-franc note was dropped into the collection box. Finally, as the Chaplain left the church the men crowded round him, and chattered and smiled their gratitude.\n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216504, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 263, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "215\n\nbasis of the 'School for Language in Education' (p. 229) that she mentions as the first of the Schools formed in the Institute of Education.\n\nIt is not true that the British Hong Kong Administration considered that knowledge and use of the Chinese language were not necessary to their work in Hong Kong (p. 244). From the beginning, there was considerable consciousness of the need for Chinese Language skills, and considerable effort was made to provide for appointees who would study the language and also, whenever pragmatically possible, to appoint persons who had studied Chinese already. At the time of the return of Hong Kong to Mainland China, westerners in the Administrative Service and the Police Force were still required to have or to acquire these skills.\n\n——\n\nIt is not true that 'the policy of mother tongue instruction' (i.e. the policy of using the mother tongue as the medium of instruction) in Hong Kong was ‘introduced only in 1997' (p. 244). The policy had been in place for decades, but in the face of parents' and teachers' objections, the British Administration had judged it inappropriate to do more than highly recommend compliance.\n\nIntroducing her earlier book, the highly-commended China's Universities, 1895-1995, Hayhoe explains (new edition of 1999, p. xiv) that her objective is to tell a story, not a history, and she admits that, while she had conducted hundreds of interviews with well-informed, relevant witnesses, she had not burrowed in the archives as a historian needs to do. To some extent her Autobiography seems to have followed a similar method and to be based on the same assumptions. For this, however, she did have the inestimable treasure of all her letters home to her Mother, written twice-weekly in her early years away, and handed over to Hayhoe not quite six years after her Mother's death. -- Her own diary, unfortunately, Hayhoe lost during a move. -- But she also had her early, unpublished creative writing, written in 1970s Hong Kong and the 'torrent' of her published academic writing.\n\nWhether writing history or story, however, a mind trained by a Classical education to operate like a steel trap (Full Circle, p.196) can lead to discomfort for its owner as well as for others if the facts it bases its operation on are not scrupulously correct. An exclusive or very heavy reliance on oral history (China's Universities, op. cit., p.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]