[
    {
        "id": 205646,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 188,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "DAWSON, Raymond, ed.\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nThe legacy of China. Oxford, Clarendon P., 1964.\n\nDEBNICKI, Aleksy.\n\n183\n\nThe Chu-shu-chi-nien (+) as a source to the social history of ancient China. Warszawa, Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1956.\n\nDEGROOT, J. J. M.\n\nThe religion of the Chinese. New York, Macmillan, 1912.\n\nDE MOUBRAY, G. A. de C.\n\nMatriarchy in the Malay Peninsula and neighbouring countries. London, Routledge, 1931.\n\nDER LING, Princess.\n\nTwo years in the forbidden city. New York, Dodd, Mead, 1929.\n\nDRAKE, F. S., ed.\n\nSymposium on historical, archaeological and linguistic studies on Southern China, South-East Asia and the Hong Kong region: papers presented at meetings held in September 1961 as part of the Golden Jubilee Congress of the University of Hong Kong. F. S. Drake, general editor; Wolfram Eberhard, chairman of the proceedings. Hong Kong, University Press, 1967.\n\nEASTHAM, Barry C.\n\nChinese art ivory. Tientsin, Paradissis, 1940.\n\nEBERHARD, Wolfram.\n\nSettlement and social change in Asia. Hong Kong, University Press, 1967.\n\nECKE, Gustav.\n\nAtlantes and Caryatides in Chinese architecture. [Peking, Catholic University, 1930]\n\nEDWARDS, Richard.\n\nPine, hibiscus and examination failures. [Ann Arbor] Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan [1966]\n\nExtract from Michigan. University. Museum of Art. Bulletin, v.1, 1965/66.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208416,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 140,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "C. MARTIN WILBUR\n\nelders rests very firmly upon this circumstance.\n\nThere is also a converse side to this aspect of filial piety. Not only does the concept dictate the proper attitude of an individual toward his relatives; it also determines the nature of the behavior of other individuals toward himself. During childhood and youth he will be almost exclusively aware of his obligations toward his seniors. But with his advance in age these duties slowly develop into rights. As his status in the group changes he finds his authority growing, and becomes himself the object of increasing respect. At last he achieves the supreme right of being worshipped as an ancestor when he dies. It is this aspect of filial piety which does much to give to the old members of a family or village group that self-assurance and poise which makes them effective leaders in a form of government based almost entirely upon social custom.\n\nThe logical conclusion of filial piety is ancestor worship. It is perfectly characteristic of Chinese thought to regard the worship of ancestors as a continuation after their death of the filial attitude towards parents or more remote progenitors. The difference between the two correlated aspects of the one general idea-complex is primarily a matter of emphasis. Filial piety is chiefly concerned with the living, ancestor worship with the dead, but each gives to the other a secondary emphasis and support.\n\nThis religion of ancestor worship is a vital function in rural life. Its chief concern is for the care and honor of the spirits of the departed ancestors of the family group, both direct and remote. Rituals and ceremonials are a part of its machinery, and in its sophisticated form there is certainly a philosophy connected with it. It includes, of course, a number of basic superstitions such as the theory of life after death, and the idea that spirits have the power of influencing the living for good and evil.\n\nWhat ancestor worship is cannot be discussed fully here,1 but its effects upon the life of the family and of the village should be considered. As practiced in China it is a form of religion which has definitely favored males. This has helped to make it possible for men to monopolize the government of the village. But there is another field in which this emphasis has an even more important\n\n1 For this see: DeGroot, J. J. M.; The Religious System of China, vols. 4-6; Addison, James T.; Chinese Ancestor Worship: A Study of its Meaning and its Relation to Christianity; and Martin, W. A. P.; \"The Worship of Ancestors - A Plea for Toleration.\"",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 208420,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1978",
        "page_number": 144,
        "title": "RAS-1978",
        "content_text": "128 \n\nC. MARTIN WILBUR \n\nthe father of the sex family will not always have the final word in matters regarding his own children, especially his sons. For sons are looked upon as wards of the sib, and therefore matters concerning sons may be decided by the heads of the larger groups — the economic or religious families.' \n\nIt is not always true that the esprit de corps of the clan is stronger than the factions between smaller groups. Indeed, factionalism may well be used as an index of the decay of the clan system. But in a clan which is still unified—the situation which is here being supposed—the discipline and systematic integration will be complete. The crux of this system is the ancestral temple. \n\nII \n\nPrimarily, the ancestral temple is a religious center. Here, at certain seasonal times elaborate ceremonials and rituals are carried out.2 These celebrations are usually accompanied by feasts, and often by theatricals which the whole clan or kin group attends. Two very important psychological results are produced by this collective worship. \n\nIn the first place, the gathering of the whole group in honor of a common ancestor reinforces clan solidarity. The clan nexus is more ephemeral than the tie which binds other groups in the village together, and were it not for these periodic ceremonies the clan tie would tend to disintegrate.3 Especially when individuals outside the clan group also inhabit the village is the \"we-group\" feeling strengthened. Secondly, the rituals strongly emphasize the particular status of the individuals participating or looking on. The exact relationship of every person in the clan to every other and to the ancestral line is minutely worked out, based upon the recorded clan genealogy kept in the temple. In the processions and rituals of worship these relationships are graphically shown. Now, one of the fundamentals of Chinese familist government is its dependence upon a well worked out system of status amongst the individuals \n\n1 Ibid., p. 126. \n\n2 For a description of these services in Anking and Amoy see respectively: Shryock, John; The Temples of Anking and their Cults, p. 39-43; DeGroot, J. J. M.; Les Fêtes Annuellement Célébrées a Emoui (Amoy), vol. 2, p. 549-553, 563-566. \n\n3 For example, Shryock, op. cit., p. 40, reports a clan which requires all its members within half a day's journey to attend the major ceremony once a year.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593",
        "rank": 0
    }
]