[
    {
        "id": 205542,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1968",
        "page_number": 84,
        "title": "RAS-1968",
        "content_text": "ON FENGSHUI IN SOUTHEASTERN CHINA\n\n79\n\ntion was limited as the population pressure increased in the two other land-owning communities as well. Generally, new land was not available. As time passed people of Plum Grove Village reached the optimum point where they had to look for new alternatives to traditional local production. The men started to emigrate, mostly to Southeast Asia. But the prospects of these areas were very different from those in America. Around 1910 some ten men left for Nanyang. People have never heard from them since. It is supposed that they were killed by the effects of the damp climate. But the movement had to continue. Later emigrants set out for Singapore but they returned as poor as they went, and there was no accumulation of capital at all. Today it is very apparent that Plum Grove Village is a much poorer place than Big Stream Village.\n\nWhat has been exchanged between the two lineages Zhang and Wu is not their respective localization, but the image of their relative prosperity. What is communicated in the myth is that the economic situation of one settlement has improved while that of another has declined. The shift of the respective conditions is referred to as emanating from natural influences.\n\nFengshui is not just a way to communicate, but is a believed-in-order. In Big Stream Village one can still find traces of earlier attempts to minimize negative influences; large stones inscribed with the conventional trigram — yinyang patterns and series of characters have been erected outside some of the houses in order to avert negative forces in the natural surroundings. The four character series are completely meaningless to villagers, who nowadays know nothing about the stones, except that they realize that they have been erected there for fengshui purposes. It is apparent that special knowledge is required to make sense out of a combination of words meaning 'purple', 'minimal', 'first month', and 'illuminate'. These stones, however, are evidence that people in Big Stream Village were really concerned about their bad fengshui position at one time. But this aspect cannot be separated from the aspect of communication. The stones carried a message telling about misfortune. They made the poverty of the locality explicit and understood by others. Nothing comparable to these stones is to be found in Plum Grove Village. In the latter place they now explain their decline, in a less explicit way, by referring to the bad",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206500,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 48,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "42 \n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG \n\nHaving signed treaties with these countries the best policy is for China to keep the barbarians very strictly to the clauses of these treaties so that outwardly Chinese officials show \"sincerity and friendship\" while covertly carrying out a \"loose rein\" (chi-mi) policy. Six regulations are attached for deliberation. These are: 1) Regulations for establishing the Tsungli Yamen. It is envisaged as a temporary body. \"As soon as military operations come to an end and affairs concerning the various countries become more simple it will be abolished, and its functions will revert to the Grand Council as before so as to tally with the old system.\" 2) Separate posts for superintendents of trade for the southern and northern ports be established. 3) Regulations for the collection of revenue at all the newly opened treaty ports. 4) Instructions to be sent to the great officials in each province where foreign affairs are dealt with that they should keep each other informed of what they are doing, so as to produce uniformity of action. 5) The authorities at Canton and Shanghai respectively are to send two persons who understand written and spoken foreign languages to the capital for translation purposes. 6) Monthly reports are to be sent to the Tsungli Yamen on Chinese and foreign trade as well as copies of foreign newspapers, so that the Yamen shall be kept properly informed on matters of trade, and China's situation vis-a-vis the foreign countries. The memorial received the emperor's vermillion endorsement to the effect that Prince Hui and others were to deliberate on it and memorialize. Here follows the memorial and memorandum.\n\nWe venture to observe that the imperiousness of the barbarian nature burst forth during the reign of Chia-ch'ing. By the time the Treaty of Nanking was exchanged they were acting more arrogantly and in the present year they penetrated right into the capital and acted with outrageous and compelling force, and the barbarian scourge reached its violent climax. Critics citing barbarian calamities in former dynasties as a warning advocate the use of force alone. From of old there has certainly been no other plan than this for warding off the barbarians.\n\nHowever, your servants, in the light of all the circumstances, consider that of the various barbarians the English are tenacious and arrogant, the Russians are treacherous and the French and Americans secretly adhere to them. We observe that before the defeat at Taku we could either use force or resort to pacification,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 206517,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1972",
        "page_number": 65,
        "title": "RAS-1972",
        "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n59\n\nent Chinese he was largely instrumental in reorganizing the District Watchmen Force (a body of watchmen paid for by voluntary subscriptions from the Chinese community) and he obtained the appointment of twelve leading Chinese gentlemen as a supervising committee; he remodelled the Po Leung Kuk (a voluntary association concerned with the welfare of girls and young women); and he helped in the reformation of the Tung Wah Hospital and strengthened its committee of management.11 He was active, then, in setting up a number of official Chinese committees, linked to government through their special relationship with the Registrar General's Department, of which he was head. The Registrar General in all cases was ex officio chairman of the committees.\n\nLockhart's views on the importance of the Chinese element in the population are to be found in a trenchant report he submitted in 1894 to the Governor, Sir William Robinson, 'on the subject of a petition addressed to the House of Commons praying for an amendment of the Constitution of the Crown Colony of Hong Kong.' This petition from Hong Kong taxpayers to the House of Commons owed its origin principally to the imposition upon the taxpayers in 1891 of an additional military contribution of £20,000 a year, a decision that irritated and excited particularly the European business community. In 1894 T.H. Whitehead,13 Unofficial Member of the Legislative Council and leader of the business faction, was granted six months' leave of absence from the Council and he took with him to England a petition signed by 363 members of the community — (in Lockhart's words) ‘284 British, 10 Anglo-Chinese, 3 American, 4 Portuguese, and 47 British Indians.' The petitioners sought the election of representatives of British nationality in the Legislative Council; freedom of debate for the Official members with power to vote as they desired; complete control in the Council over local expenditure; the management of local affairs; and a consultative voice in questions of an Imperial character.\n\nWith great dialectical skill Lockhart took the petition to bits and exposed the vacuity of its arguments. In his memorandum to the Governor he averred: 'Most of the taxes fall almost entirely on the Chinese. The only tax to which the British and other residents as a whole are subject in the same manner as the Chinese is the tax of 13 per cent levied on the rateable value of house",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207859,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1976",
        "page_number": 247,
        "title": "RAS-1976",
        "content_text": "232\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nroad is being cut; it disturbs the Dragon; the evil to follow must be averted ritually. And so on.\n\n66. It is nothing new for the government to encounter fung shui difficulties. It has faced them from the very beginning when police posts had to be put up and roads made. In 1899 Lockhart received a petition from a group of elders:\n\nand all the inhabitants of the villages in those districts, praying that as the geomantic influence of their neighbourhood will be interfered with, another site may be selected for the construction of a carriage road, whereby the fung shui of the place may not be injuriously affected, and the houses and graves of your petitioners may be protected and the wishes of the people gratified. Your petitioners have dwelt in this land for more than a hundred years, and all their villagers have been law abiding, and have depended upon fung shui for their peace and prosperity....... the proposed route of the carriage road, situated behind the houses of the villages, traverses the geomantic line along the hill at the back of the petitioners' ancestral temple, and if this did not affect the fung shui of the place the construction of the road would not be objected to. But the matter is one of highest importance, involving life and death for if the geomantic influences are once interfered with great indeed will be the calamity which will befall your petitioners, and their houses and ancestral temple will be rendered uninhabitable. (1 May 1899)\n\nLockhart told the petitioners that, while the British Government was always prepared to respect the beliefs and customs of the people, it would not tolerate agitators making an improper use of popular beliefs in order to obstruct public works and welfare. And he went on to warn them that the agitators were working for their own private ends and would be severely dealt with if they persisted. The Governor suggested a different approach, proposing a ‘judicious arrangement' with the geomancers which might be made 'with a small expenditure'. Lockhart demurred. If the geomancers were paid, they would become more troublesome than they are already, as they would discover that the creating of trouble is a paying game.' (Correspondence of 7, 8 and 14 May 1899). Ever since, the Administration has been faced with the dilemma of yielding to fung shui objections (every act of tolerance being a pledge to further acts)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209290,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1981",
        "page_number": 193,
        "title": "RAS-1981",
        "content_text": "BRO TSUNG LAI SHUN IN MASSACHUSETTS\n\nIn Gratton and Ivy's History of Freemasonry in Shanghai and Northern China is an account of the formation of Union Lodge No 1951 EC of Tientsin. The first two paragraphs read:\n\nFreemasonry in Tientsin commenced its official life with the formation of this Lodge, and until the year 1902, it was the only Lodge working under the English Constitution. It is therefore the senior Lodge in Tientsin and its members have always taken a prominent and active part in the work of the Craft. In the early days it was no uncommon thing for the members residing in Taku, and Tongku to saddle their ponies and ride to Tientsin especially to attend the Lodge Meetings. In those days railways and Banks in this area were non-established, and the firm of Messrs. G. W. Collins and Co., were for years the Lodge bankers.\n\nThe first meeting of the Lodge was held on the 7th January 1881, in the hall of the English Methodist Mission in Taku Road. Bro. A. B. Menzies, P.M. Doric Lodge, No. 1433, E.C. being in the Chair, Bro. J. Innocent, Newall Lodge, No. 1434, E.C. Acting Senior Warden, Bro. J.M. Moore, Doric Lodge, No. 1433, E.C. Acting Junior Warden, Bro. C.A. Schultz, Tuscan Lodge, No. 1027, E.C. Acting Senior Deacon, Bro. James Stewart, Tuscan Lodge, No. 1027, E.C. Acting Junior Deacon, Bro. T.G. Downey, St. John's Lodge, No. 34, U.S.A. [probably of Baltimore, Maryland] Acting Inner Guard, and Bros. G. Von Mollendorff, Germania Lodge, G.C. G.W. Collins, St. John's Lodge, No. 175, S.C. J.J. Hatch, Ionic Lodge, No. 1781, E.C., J.D. Addicks Ancient Landmark, Mass. Const., W. Swain, Ancient Landmark, and Tsung Lai Shun of Hampden Lodge, Massachusetts Constitution,\n\nThis is the only reference in the book to Bro Tsung, and additional information has been sought. Bro Tsung is the first master mason of Chinese race known to have lived in China.\n\nReprinted with permission from Chater-Cosmo Transactions (1980 vol. 2). See also Carl Smith, \"Chan Lai-sun and his family: a 19th century China coast family\", JHKBRAS 14 (1974). - Hon. Ed.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 209901,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1983",
        "page_number": 160,
        "title": "RAS-1983",
        "content_text": "138\n\nphilistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of egotistical calculation.'\n\nIf the quintessence of the bourgeoisie's conduct is 'naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation', then it follows that its words and utterances do not deserve serious attention. But I think this quintessence should not be simply assumed. Whether businessmen are more liable to distort ‘reality' so as to camouflage their self-interests than politicians or intellectuals is an empirical question to be verified. Advances in the sociological study of ideologies, mainly in the political realm, have led to the realization that the relationship between attitude and behaviour is highly complex. Idea and action are seldom completely divorced; neither are they simply translated from one to the other. There is now general agreement that attitudes entail behavioural consequences, and that an ideology can serve diverse functions. 'It is at once a method of self-reassurance, an instrument of persuasion, and a legitimacy of authority'. (Fox 1966: 372) Therefore, on a macroscopic level, business ideology 'may be considered a symptom of changing class relations and hence as a clue to an understanding of industrial societies'. (Bendix 1959: 615) On a microscopic level, a close scrutiny of this kind of ideology may yield a fuller understanding of the social role of industrialists.\n\nIn 1978, fieldwork was carried out among the Chinese entrepreneurs in the cotton spinning industry of Hong Kong. The theoretical problem guiding the research was the connection between industrial behaviour and ethnicity, and the business ideology of these industrialists was one of the areas under investigation. Hong Kong's cotton spinning industry had several important characteristics. Firstly, it was virtually a Shanghainese enclave. Thirty-two mills were in operation at the time of the study, and twenty-five of them had over half of the stock held by one or more owners who originated from the Lower Yangtze region of China. Secondly, all of the cotton spinning mills were at the apex of Hong Kong's industrial structure in terms of size. The biggest mill employed over 2,000 workers with a capacity of about 94,000 spindles in 1978. On average each mill had approximately 500 workers and 25,000 spindles. For Hong Kong's industry as a whole, over 90% of the factories employed less than",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210675,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1986",
        "page_number": 26,
        "title": "RAS-1986",
        "content_text": "experience, came relatively easily. \"Life to them is one big gamble, just for the fun of it,” he commented on his co-workers, \"but there is no purpose behind what they are doing, not for themselves nor for their families.\" Those he felt uncomfortable with openly ridiculed him as \"country-boy” and “socialist scum,” and blamed him for lowering their pay. I asked whether he planned to do something with his mechanical skills. He could only give me a bitter smile: who would want a farm machinist in Hong Kong; his family was in the restaurant trade; his father was a cook in China, and his uncle was a master baker; he would feel obliged to learn the family trade; after all, the skill to make Cantonese luncheon delicacies was sought after in the West; his family expected him to migrate to the U.S. one day to start a restaurant of his own. At the time, he had one purpose in mind to learn the skill from his uncle and to get out of the miserable working environment. He relished our conversations about family and friends in the commune (whom we knew through fieldwork). My frequent trips to the commune served as a physical though somewhat invisible bridge between him and home. In a sense, I and my research assistants became part of his emotional network.\n\nAs months passed by, changes in him were noticeable. He permed his hair. He also got rid of the oversized leather jacket and bell-bottomed trousers. With his slightly pointed shoes and loose sweater, he had acquired the \"grease look\" so popular among Hong Kong's working youth at the time. He talked less about his friends at the commune but more about barbecue picnics at Repulse Bay with co-workers. He also wanted to move to another restaurant in order to gain a more comprehensive view of the trade. He seriously discussed the thought of opening a bakery with friends in a housing estate. He had finally enrolled in an evening English class. It seemed that within a short time, he had established his own networks and orientations in Hong Kong by affiliating with a more forward-looking group within the working class youth culture. He became less attached to the social network provided by his relatives. Instead, he enjoyed his economic independence with friends and asserted his own goals in life quite apart from family obligations.\" He felt he was finally sinking his roots in a society that was oblivious to its precarious existence.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211669,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 84,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "59\n\ndeities are not pestilence deities. The confusion has been compounded by the Fukienese themselves when over the years they unconsciously accepted all deities bearing the honorific Wang Yeh as protectors from epidemics.\n\nNOTES\n\nThe term Wang Yeh is best translated perhaps as 'The Excellencies'. It was a title given to imperial princes or lords, and interestingly it was also a term used by robbers for their brigand chief. See Plates 9-14 for illustrations to this article.\n\n2 There has long been controversy whether the Pestilence Wang Yeh are shen (Supernatural beings, spirits or deities) or kuei (shades of the human dead and pejoratively used for ghosts, spectres and demons). One god carver in Singapore explained that Pestilence Wang Yeh are \"half-deities\", (pan shen) that is half-shen and half-kuei. However, whilst a number of Pestilence Wang Yeh have ferocious faces, the great majority are portrayed as standard deities with no indication of demonic characteristics. An elderly and authoritative Fukienese god carver in Singapore explained in hushed tones that the Pestilence Wang Yeh are neither gods nor demons, are feared but not revered, and not only protect against plague but also cause it. They are, he repeated, semi-deities from the lower echelons of the bureaucracy of the Afterworld who do not like the human world and therefore cause trouble and bring calamity and misfortune. However, if prayed to they are quite prepared to care for devotees who seek protection. For this reason, more often than not the scale of devotion and offerings to the Pestilence Wang Yeh is greater than that provided to more powerful but orthodox gods.\n\nE\n\nDoolittle J. Social Life of the Chinese 2 Vols: New York: (1865).\n\nA god carver in Singapore suggested that Pestilence Wang Yeh have been given surnames so that no particular surname group is left without a specific deity to worship.\n\nThe only time that all images can be guaranteed to be on their altar in their temple is during the temple's annual festival.\n\nThe altar of Chu Wang Yeh in a temple in Lukang, Taiwan was destroyed by a flood some fifteen years ago. Of the three Wang Yeh images in the temple at that time (Chu, Ting and Nieh) only one image, that of Chu, was recovered. Although a new temple has been built for the three but only containing one image, the one of Chu recovered from the flood, devotees have largely stopped away. They seem to have lost confidence in deities who were unable to protect themselves against disaster.\n\n7\n\n**At Cheung Chau Island in Hong Kong in the afternoon of the third day (of the chiao festival of ritual purification held every ten years) a ('paper boat') ritual to chase away the Demon of Pestilence is performed. A Taoist issues orders to a Heavenly Envoy to carry off the boat and puts the Demon of Plague on a boat and leaves it in the outer seas. The Heavenly Envoy, like the King of Ghosts (Yenlo Wang), has a fierce-looking face. It is an image of about one metre high and the boat is a small one of about one and a half metres long. A Taoist lifts the Heavenly Envoy to a stage in the matshed theatre and chants a question-and-answer song which instructs the Heavenly Envoy. Having finished that, the villagers then put the Heavenly Envoy into the boat loaded with offerings. The boat is taken to the sea shore and left on the waters.\" Tanaka Issei: \"The Jiao festival in Hong Kong and the New Territories\", The Turning of the Tide Religion in China Today: Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, and Oxford University Press (Hong Kong); (1989), p. 287.\n\n8 There is a K'ang Yuanshuai, ie Marshal K'ang, on several Taiwanese altars where he",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211987,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 402,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "1878 7\n\n1883 2\n\n1884 2\n\n(#112 —\n\n13.\n\n1885 20\n\n(#126\n\n1876 7\n\n1877 34\n\n3 unnumbered, April.\n\n(#H3\n\nH29, 14 April 24 Dec)\n\n1 memo unnumbered, 16 Mar. (#H32 H69, 10 Jan 28 Dec)\n\nLILI\n\nH76, 1 Jan 16 Feb)\n\n115, 21 Sept 160, 4 Jan\n\n—\n\nJ\n\n―\n\nSept)\n\n(#H70 (#67 and 68, 14 and 21\n\n12 Oct)\n\n22 Dec)\n\n14.\n\n1886 25\n\n(#161\n\n190, 10 Jan\n\n―\n\n19 Dec)\n\n15.\n\n1887 22\n\n(#192\n\n-\n\n233, 2 Jan\n\n25 Dec)\n\n16.\n\n1888 13\n\n(#234 264, 8 Jan\n\n2 Sept)\n\n17.\n\n1889 20\n\n(#280 325, 6 Jan\n\n22 Dec)\n\n18.\n\n1890 2\n\n(#327 and 328, 12 Jan and 19 Jan)\n\n** There is also a bundle of empty envelopes\n\nBOX 2 (cont'd Hart to Lady Hart)\n\nBundle Year Number\n\nDate\n\nof letters\n\n19.\n\n1891 13\n\n(#367\n\n―\n\n401, 7 Jan\n\nL\n\n21 Dec)\n\n20.\n\n1893 20\n\n(#449\n\n473, 16 April\n\n13 Dec)\n\n21.\n\n1894 30\n\n(#474\n\n509, 8 Jan\n\n9 Dec)\n\n22.\n\n1895 19\n\n(#517\n\n-\n\n546, 3 Feb\n\n29 Dec)\n\n23.\n\n1896 30\n\n(#547\n\n-\n\n584, 5 Jan\n\n20 Dec)\n\n24.\n\n1897 26\n\n(#585\n\n25.\n\n1898 7\n\n(#629\n\n611, 3 Jan 636. 2 Oct\n\n17 Oct)\n\n—\n\n4 Dec)\n\n26.\n\n1899 14\n\n(#639\n\nT\n\n678, 6 Jan\n\n―\n\n19 Nov)\n\n27.\n\n1900 7\n\n(#696\n\n28.\n\n1901 5\n\n29.\n\n1902 7\n\n697, 3 and\n\n(Unnumbered, 4 April (Unnumbered, 5 Jan\n\n10\n\nJune)\n\n29 Dec) 13 June)\n\n30.\n\n1903 33\n\n31.\n\n1904 6\n\n32.\n\n1905 7\n\n33.\n\n1907 3\n\n(Unnumbered, 24 Jan (Unnumbered, 3 Jan (Unnumbered, | Jan — 22 Oct) (Unnumbered, 2 March\n\n- 27 Dec)\n\n6 Nov)\n\n24 March)\n\nLetters and notes of congratulation to Mr. & Mrs. Hart re birth of\n\ndaughter Jan. 1869\n\nHart to daughter Evy, (4) 1875\n\n1883 and misc. papers re Evy\n\n377",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211990,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 405,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "380\n\na. Hart to Geo. McAnliffe Esqre, 7 Aug 1880\n\nb. Hart to Association of Ulster-men-in-London, 22 Jan 1909 (draft)\n\nc. Hart to Nellie (?), 18 April 1897\n\nd. Hart to (?) [only postscript]\n\nReceipt of £146 3s. 9d. bequeathed to Hester Jane Bredon (Hart)\n\nDocuments to Bond and Stockholders, National Consolidated Wire and\n\nCable Co.\n\nLetters, Evy to Mabel (7)\n\nSheets of paper with Evy's German? School exercise\n\n1 photograph\n\nCongratulations on birth of child, 8 July 1873\n\nBOX 6\n\nBundles of telegrams to Hart and Lady Hart\n\nBundle of Lady Hart's papers re her investments, esp. National Steel\n\nand Wire\n\nLetters to Lady Hart from various institutions and persons, mainly\n\ncondolences for Hart's death\n\nLetters to Bruce Hart, condolences for his father's death\n\nBOX 7\n\nChinese despatch, Hart to Prince Ch'ing, Kuang-hsu 26.8.22 (15 Sept\n\n1900)\n\nChinese despatch from the Grand Councillor to Hart (received, 1 Sept\n\n1900)\n\nBundle of 24 Chinese documents (folded scrolls) marked \"Various proposals of mine 1900 1908, R. Hart\", on mint, currency, reforms, land tax, gold tariff and other subjects\n\nBundle of 11 Chinese documents, unmarked, but similar to above, 1904\n\n- 1906.\n\nBOX 8\n\nRobert's (Robin) letters, mostly to his mother. This is a very large\n\ncollection.\n\nPage 405\n\nPage 406",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212816,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1992",
        "page_number": 125,
        "title": "RAS-1992",
        "content_text": "Marie Watson, née Wan-er Mesny daughter of William Mesny by Madam Han, with her son and daughter, Reginald and Ivy Watson [undated]",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214057,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1997",
        "page_number": 125,
        "title": "RAS-1997",
        "content_text": "92\n\nfrom which tunnels were excavated to locations under the floors\n\nA lady, appalled by the primitive standards of hygiene in 1879, wrote \".....no sort of effective drains or sewers have been provided whatever; sewerage finds its way [into rain-water conduits] is simply deposited along the whole harbour front, thus poisoning what else might be a pleasant situation........the arrangements for the daily (or among the poorer classes only bi-weekly!) removal of nuisances from every house (for subsequent conveyance to the mainland as an article of agricultural commerce) form a very unpleasant page in the sanitary statistics........\". Environmental concern clearly was not created in the late 20th century.\n\nMatters were not improved by Governor Hennessy (1877-82)'s deep conviction that for the local inhabitants their traditional earth system of sanitation was preferable to western flushing toilets. Even at the eve of the Japanese invasion of Hong Kong in 1941, the primitive system of collection and disposal of sewage was common, collection being based on an estimate of six taels (227 grammes) per person per day. In view of the above it is not surprising that a report recommended in 1882, amongst other things, that the city should be completely re-drained and a cholera outbreak in the following year gave timely impetus for new main drains and sewers to be laid. Nevertheless it was not until soon after the first serious outbreak of plague in 1894 that the main drainage system in the principal urban area had been practically completed. Legislation was then passed in 1896 making drainage for houses compulsory. Records indicate that the main storm-water drains around the turn of the century were formed with mass gravity retaining walls and incorporated a half-round dry-weather flow channel; where appropriate these drains were covered with simply-supported concrete or granite slabs.\n\nSubsequently more open nullahs were constructed, often running along the centre-lines of road reserves, for instance in Kowloon along Nam Cheong Street (Sham Shui Po) which was completed in 1912 and Waterloo Road (both of these now having been decked, mainly to effect much needed road improvements). As a result of continuing enhancements to the drainage system, in particular those relating to nullah and stream training works, plague was virtually eliminated by 1924 whilst deaths from malaria, although still numerous at the outbreak of the Pacific war, gradually declined.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214333,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 191,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "155\n\nity of the released allied prisoners themselves in a note which states that \"those who were restored to liberty gave their share of the indemnity money to the families of the murdered captives.” 58.\n\nIn the later issues of The Illustrated London News during this period, there is also a continuing attempt to add to the readers' knowledge of China, as for instance, the brief explanation given on 4 May 1861: \"The capital of the Chinese empire contains a great number of palaces and temples decorated with numerous works in marble; but a considerable portion of the area of the city is occupied by squares, gardens, ponds, and even fields. Pekin consists... of two cities, one named the Tartar, and the other the Chinese, besides twelve populous suburbs. The Tartar or Northern City is divided into three distinct parts - a central block called the prohibited city, containing the Imperial palace and the grounds belonging to it; the Imperial city, surrounding it; and the General city. In this last division are situated the university buildings and those of the Russian mission.\" 59\n\nThe cover story of The Illustrated London News on 13 April 1861 carried in response to the return of Lord Elgin from China (his wife had travelled to Marseilles to meet him) is interesting for three things: its recapitulation of the causes of the recent hostilities; its discussion of the considerations that the writer represented as having been weighed during the recent hostilities; and its tribute to Lord Elgin's moral qualities: \"No disaster of modern times ever excited a more stinging feeling of chagrin in this country than that which occurred at the mouth of the Peiho to the allied squadron intended to give both dignity and protection to the British and French Embassies to Pekin. [The reference is to Elgin's earlier attempt to make his way up to Peking, in June 1859, and the defeat of the British navy at the Takoo Forts, referred to above.] It took the public wholly by surprise. It appeared to destroy at a blow all the fruits which we were preparing to gather from the Tien-tsin Treaty. It inflicted a lamentable loss of life. It seriously damaged the prestige of our arms throughout the East. It threw us once more into the midst of the difficulties and uncertainties necessarily attendant upon a war carried on at a distance of 15,000 miles, with an immensely populous, although an essentially unwarlike, empire. It conjured up before us a vague prospect, equally perplexing and inglorious - perplexing, for who could tell by what means and at what risk the Imperial Court could best be reached and reduced to reason? – inglorious,",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214569,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 427,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "396\n\nA week or so later I spent a second afternoon in Saint Michael's Roman Catholic Cemetery. With the help of the Cemetery Attendant, Mr Law, the register was referred to and I managed to trace one more grave. This is recorded as follows:\n\nKnox, Lucy Elizabeth, 18 September 1937, Section 9, Grave 6501\n\nIt has a granite headstone and the grave has been 'slabbed' over and rendered with Shanghai plaster. Although the grave has settled it is still in reasonable condition. The following words may be read on the headstone:\n\nFor all your patient care, For every anguished prayer, For tact with awkward ways, For love on wayward days, For all you ever thought, For all you ever wrought, We thank you Mother dear,\n\nFor every anguished prayer.\n\nHaving traced four graves, with three remaining, I sought the help of the Reverend Carl T. Smith, Honorary Vice-President RASHKB. He soon responded by saying he had found some details of one of the remaining three deceased in his card-index system. This was concerning Thomas Tolliday whose death had been given by his relatives, in England, as at some time between 1893 and 1899. From the details of the copy of the newspaper cutting filed by the Reverend Smith, it was possible to establish that Tolliday had died on 9 August, 1895, in Ning Po (Ningbo), China. There is no record of his body having been brought to Hong Kong. He had joined the China Maritime Customs in 1862 and, late in his career, he became their Chief Examiner.\n\nNow that, out of the seven names, four graves and brief details of Tolliday's death have been traced, two graves remain. Of these, both persons died after World War Two. They are:\n\nKnox, Ivy Muriel, 15 March 1976; and\n\nMoss, Lilly Beatrice, exact date unknown but, given by a relative",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 215487,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2001",
        "page_number": 264,
        "title": "RAS-2001",
        "content_text": "213\n\never be bacon for breakfast.\n\nTwenty miles or so up the valley, still passing people coming in the opposite direction, we came within sight of the Crown Prince Chorten, also known as the Khamsum Yulley Chorten. Built only in 1999, this chorten nevertheless has some importance through having been constructed under the patronage of Bhutan's four current queens. Very decent of the other three, as only one of them could have given birth to him for whom the temple is named. To get to this site we had to leave the buses, walk across a wobbling suspension bridge and stroll for half an hour up the side of the valley to a promontory, on which the chorten is built. Had we strolled further, after a few weeks I am sure that we would have reached the ridge of 20,000 feet peaks that stood like sentries at the head of the valley, guarding the way into (or maybe out of) Tibet.\n\nHaving tried (and, as I subsequently found out, failed) to do photographic justice to the view of the Mo, meandering down the valley into the misty distance, a gentle stroll down the way found us back at the waiting buses. These obligingly took us off to our lunchtime stop. This was to be the last that was courtesy of our terrific chef, Signor Fresco. Again, he did us proud, setting up the table and chairs next to the river on a shingle bank. As the sun was rather hot, most of us repaired to the shade of the nearby pine trees. A highlight was being able to watch a cormorant diving into the icy water for his lunch. On the whole, I think we did better than he.\n\nA rare treat after lunch - a comfort stop back at the hotel! The afternoon's destination was a temple with an unusual theme. The village of Chime is home to the Chime Lhakhang, also known as Drukpa Kinley's Lhakhang. The village was about half-an-hour's stroll away from the road, through the village of Egwakha. These villages are on a bit of a plateau on the valley-side, surrounded by rice paddies - and it was along the paddy walls that we had to thread our way. It is not unusual in mountainous areas for an anabatic wind to pick up in the afternoon as the air mass heats up and flows uphill - and today was no exception. By 3.30 the wind, although not strong enough to remove my much-admired Tilley hat from my head, was enough to wobble my camera when lining up for a shot.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216057,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 356,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "290\n\na chapel where they stationed an evangelist. By the turn of the century Zhenjiang had become an important Protestant missionary centre in its own right, with adequate missionary cover and the accessories for Mission work including a women's hospital, a girls' school and the large and well-organised men's college of the Methodist Episcopal Mission. China Inland Mission had by this time also opened a station in the city as well as their own hospital,\n\n4\n\nAspects of life which today sound strange were not uncommon, such as the missionary in Yangzhou, immediately across the wide Yangzi from Zhenjiang, having to cross the river with his bride for the civil ceremony at the nearest consulate, in Zhenjiang, before ferrying her back to their future home.\n\nDuring the 1860s and 1870s, the great famine in the Yellow River and Yangzi basins and the anti-missionary troubles across China, Hudson Taylor, who had founded the China Inland Mission in 1865, travelled widely encouraging his workers and authorising the expenditure of funds on orphanages and relief. In mid-March of 1877 he stopped over in Zhenjiang for a month, during which time a fire which had devoured houses all around the Mission premises had stopped short of the Mission, merely scorching one of its window frames.\n\nGunboat diplomacy was part of life on the 19th century Yangzi with recalcitrant mandarins being brought to heel when, for example, they ignored the cries for help of foreigners under attack from mobs or even encouraged such violence either openly or tacitly. In October 1868 a major confrontation in Yangzhou, the city immediately across the Yangzi from Zhenjiang, involved a large crowd of uncontrolled rioters bent on killing foreigners. They attacked the home of Hudson Taylor and his family, injuring several members of the China Inland Mission. HMS Rinaldo, a British gunboat, arrived and under its guns, the Viceroy in Nanjing agreed to terms demanded by the British Consul, Medhurst. However, the Rinaldo's captain fell ill and the gunboat had to be withdrawn. The Viceroy promptly repudiated the terms he had agreed and a further force of four Royal Navy vessels had to be sent to exert military pressure once more upon the Viceroy. Terms were again dictated and once more agreed. Meanwhile Hudson Taylor and his family had been accommodated in the home of the British Consul in Zhenjiang.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216229,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2002",
        "page_number": 528,
        "title": "RAS-2002",
        "content_text": "462-\n\nbut not by the use of electrical schemes\n\nwith cables and pylons which shatter our dreams.\n\nBut put in some plumbing, and finish the floors,\n\nand fix all the wiring and make sure the water's hot!\n\n(We'll all drink to that.)\n\nBrian C. flew in from London, just to join the Bhutan tour.\n\nIf you ask him 'Was it worth the effort?' He will answer ‘Sure.\n\nI have seen the Himalayas, I've enjoyed the clear blue sky.\n\nI have seen the zoars and takins and the yaks in pastures high.\n\nI have swum in icy rivers, I have drunk the Tiger beer.\n\nSo of course I think it's worth it to have come from there to here!'\n\nFor Italian chic in the matter of shoes,\n\ndon't look any further, I know who I'd choose.\n\nGigi and her mother Giovanna must know\n\nhow to find rugged footwear, for they don't walk slow!\n\nNow speaking of shoes, there's a tale I can tell\n\nabout a nice couple I've got to know well.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278",
        "rank": 0
    }
]