[
    {
        "id": 204613,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1963",
        "page_number": 94,
        "title": "RAS-1963",
        "content_text": "BRITISH LEGATION AT PEKING\n\n81\n\nthe death of Sir Robert Hart during the siege, and on July 21st it carried a long letter from the President of Queen's College, Belfast, which served as a somewhat premature obituary notice for Hart, who, in fact, lived until 1911.**\n\nThe relieving troops finally entered the British Legation on August 14th, when a Company of mounted Sikhs rode in at about 3 p.m. accompanying General Gaselee and his staff. So ended the siege which had lasted from June 20th until August 14th, a total of 55 days. Fortunately no overwhelming damage had been done to the British Legation, though many of the roofs were badly smashed about and bullets and shells had gone through most of the buildings. One last ironic touch; immediately after the raising of the siege the commissariat functioned so inefficiently that the besieged had to forage for themselves and for some days got less to eat than during the fighting. Meanwhile those who had 'enjoyed' the hospitality of the British Legation during the siege departed and the work of clearing up and repairing the damage began.\n\nThe actual damage suffered by the British Legation buildings was slight in comparison with the damage done to the other foreign Legations. The outer walls were badly damaged and had to be rebuilt, but one small section on the north-east corner facing the Imperial Canal was sufficiently unharmed to be left intact, and on its surface someone painted in black nine-inch letters the words \"LEST WE FORGET”. Most of the buildings in the compound were soon repaired and the Legation again looked substantially the same as before the siege. However, as part of the settlement after the Boxer troubles and the siege of the Legation Quarter Britain acquired considerable ground on the northern and western sides of the old Legation. This consisted of land formerly occupied by the Mongol market, by the Imperial Carriage Park and by the Hanlin Academy, which was burnt out during the fighting. This newly acquired land was later used for\n\n28 Born in 1835 Hart came out to China in the Consular Service in 1854 and spent his first three months as an interpreter at Hong Kong. After various consular appointments he was permitted by the British Government to resign from the consular service in 1859 and to join the newly formed Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs service as Deputy-Commissioner of Customs at Canton. In 1863, at the age of twenty-eight, he was appointed Inspector-General of the Maritime Customs, a post which he held until his resignation in 1908.",
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    {
        "id": 205049,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 5,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nPAGE\n\n1\n\nPresident's Report for 1965\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1965\n\nTRANSACTIONS OF THE BRANCH, 1965-66:\n\nA Plea for a Regional Approach to Chinese History:\n\nThe Case of the South China Coast\n\nThe Five Great Clans of the New Territories\n\nARTICLES CONTRIBUTED:\n\n- Sino-Western Contacts Under the Mongol Empire\n\n- The Foreign Relations of Buddhism in Modern China\n\n* The Hanlin Academy in the Early Ch'ing Period (1644-1795)\n\nOld British Kowloon\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nJ. NOLDE\n\nH. BAKER\n\n6\n\n9\n\n25\n\nH. FRANKE\n\n49\n\nH. WELCH\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\n-\n\n73\n\n100\n\n120\n\n-\n\n138\n\n159\n\nLIST OF Members\n\n-\n\n172",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205149,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 105,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "100\n\nTHE HANLIN ACADEMY IN THE\n\nEARLY CH'ING PERIOD\n\n(1644-1795)\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nThe Hanlin Academy of the Ch'ing Dynasty was one of the key departments of government at the capital of China. Its main functions emphasized the literary pursuits of the government, and its members enjoyed higher prestige than officials of the same rank in other administrative units. The brightest scholar-officials of the Empire were required to serve in the Academy for a certain time before they were given higher appointments in other departments. Consequently, the Academy served two purposes. It executed literary and educational work and served as a reservoir of potential officials for senior positions in other departments.\n\nThe origin of the Hanlin Academy dates to the Tang Dynasty when a specific institution was established by the government to be used for further study by officials. This institution initially was nothing more than a government educational centre, which it remained until the Ming Dynasty (A.D. 1368-1644). During the Ming, it assumed the responsibility of conducting almost all aspects of the country's literary work, from correcting examination papers and compiling books to writing praises of the emperor. Gradually, all important officials became associated one way or another with the Academy, which now occupied a much more important position in the Chinese bureaucracy.\n\nIn the Ch'ing Dynasty, the Academy functioned as it did in the Ming. In the early part of the dynasty, the Academy reached its fullest development, incorporating most of the practices of its predecessor. The period 1644-1795, that is, from the first emperor, Shun-chih, to the fourth emperor, Ch'ien-lung, was the zenith of Manchu rule. The government was efficient and the Empire was, by and large, at peace. The Hanlin Academy was effectively run. It is for this reason that this account of the Academy concentrates on the 1644-1795 time-period.\n\nMr. Chung received his M.A. degree from the University of Hong Kong and currently teaches history in the Colony.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205150,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 106,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n101\n\nThe number of members of the Academy was not great, although most of the high-ranking officials who had left the Academy and were appointed elsewhere still held their former titles at the Academy. The list of officials at the Academy was as follows:\n\nOfficials\n\n  \n    Rank\n    Number\n  \n  \n    Chancellors (Chang-yüan hsüeh-shih)\n    2B\n    2\n  \n  \n    Readers (Shih-tu hsüeh-shih)\n    4B\n    6\n  \n  \n    Expositors (Shih-chiang hsüeh-shih)\n    4B\n    6\n  \n  \n    Sub-Readers (Shih-tu)\n    5B\n    6\n  \n  \n    Sub-Expositors (Shih-chiang)\n    5B\n    6\n  \n  \n    First-Class Compilers (Hsiu-chuan)\n    6B\n    Not fixed\n  \n  \n    Second-Class Compilers (Pien-hsiu)\n    7A\n    Not fixed\n  \n  \n    Correctors (Chien-t'ao)\n    7B\n    Not fixed\n  \n  \n    Probationers (Shu-chi-shih)\n    \n    \n  \n\nNotice that the senior officials of the Academy totalled twenty-six at any one time. As to the junior members, the number was not fixed and varied from time to time. In order to have an approximate calculation of the total number of Hanlin officials, a table is attempted below:\n\n  \n    Years\n    No. of Compilers directly from Metropolitan Exam\n    No. of Compilers & Correctors promoted from Probationers\n    No. of Probationers\n    No. of senior officials\n    Total\n  \n  \n    1658-1661\n    3\n    27\n    35\n    26\n    91\n  \n  \n    1685-1688\n    3\n    32\n    40\n    26\n    101\n  \n  \n    1727-1730\n    3\n    36\n    58\n    26\n    123\n  \n  \n    1745-1747\n    3\n    42\n    54\n    26\n    125\n  \n\nThe number of officials listed above ranges from 91 to 125. It is therefore reasonable to assume that the average total of Hanlin officials in the period 1644-1795 was about 100. With such a relatively small number of scholar-officials as active members, the Academy however played a vital role in the Imperial Government. In order to understand the Academy, it is necessary to describe the multifarious functions performed by its members.",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205151,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 107,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "102\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nFurther research inside the Academy\n\nOne of the functions of the Academy was to give a group of high intellectuals a further chance to conduct research in the most favourable literary surroundings of the empire, where they were helped by good libraries, sufficient subsidies and experienced advisers. The establishment of the Shu-ch'ang kuan as a sub-department of the Academy had this object in view.\n\nThe lecturers in charge of the Shu-ch'ang kuan were all men of high rank. In the early years of the dynasty, they came exclusively from chancellors of the Three Inner Courts (Nei-san yüan). From 1670 onwards, the chancellors of the Hanlin Academy and senior officials of the Grand Secretariat joined the teaching staff and from 1722 onwards, presidents and vice-presidents of the Six Boards were sometimes called to serve as lecturers.3\n\nAs time went on, the need for more lecturers was felt, as their number was at no time more than four. Besides, the lecturers, mostly high dignitaries of the Empire, were occupied with their various government functions and were therefore unable to pay full attention to the teaching in the Shu-ch'ang kuan. In 1694 a number of assistant lecturers were appointed from junior members of the Hanlin hierarchy and from among the better students themselves. These assistant lecturers had more free time and were thus in a better position to help the students. They gave tests to the students twice a month.4\n\nThe students of the research institute, titled Probationers, were recruited from among the top scholars of the Civil Service Examination who, in addition, had to pass an Imperial interview before being admitted into the Shu-ch'ang kuan.\n\nOnce becoming probationers, the scholars were treated as a favoured group. They were not given any definite or permanent work to do. This means that they were free to study and observe government procedure and official behaviour at the capital. The government supplied them with books and stationery for their literary pursuits, while providing them with monthly subsidies to enable them to study without financial worry.\n\nIn the early years, all probationers were given lessons on the study of the Manchu language as well as the Chinese Classics.?",
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    {
        "id": 205152,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 108,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n103\n\nFrom 1647 onwards, probationers were required to study either the Manchu language or the Chinese Classics. The number of probationers taking the Manchu course, however, declined as time went on. In the reign of Yung-cheng, only about fifteen scholars were ordered to read the Manchu course, the rest, about forty, took the Chinese course.9 In the next reign (Ch'ien-lung), the aggregate number of probationers studying the Manchu course was about ten each year, and even this small number would sometimes be reduced, as those who took long sick leaves would change to study the Chinese course after their return.10\n\nThe qualification for taking up the Manchu course was physical rather than literary. Only the young and the good-looking with a pleasant voice were selected. Presumably, the reason for such a choice is that probationers studying the Manchu course would have more contacts with the Emperor and senior officials than the others. They were the persons likely to be selected as masters of ceremony in official ceremonies. In the pursuit of the course, the probationers would be called upon to study the \"History of the Liao dynasty, the Chin dynasty, and the Yüan dynasty\" (Liao Chin Yüan shih), \"the Sacred Edicts of the Emperor Hung-wu, the first Emperor of the Ming dynasty\" (Hung-wu pao-hsün), the \"Daily Exposition of the Meaning of the Book of Great Learning\" (Ta-hsüeh yen-i jih-chiang) and the \"Commentaries of the Four Books\" (Szu-shu chieh-i).11\n\n12\n\nProbationers doing research work on the Chinese texts took lessons in Chinese Classics, history and poetry. Together with those reading the Manchu language, they had to sit for a final examination after three years of study. Probationers studying the Manchu course were tested on their ability to translate from Chinese to Manchu and vice versa, whereas those reading the Chinese Classics were each ordered to compose a poem of set form or a piece of irregular verse and to write an argumentative discussion or an eight-legged essay.13\n\nNotice that the final examination of the probationers laid emphasis on the literary skill of writing essays and poems rather than on administrative knowledge. This was because of the need to distinguish \"real\" from \"false\" talent among the candidates. Themes on administrative problems, useful though they might be in testing the practical knowledge of candidates when they were original,",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205153,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 109,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "104 \n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG \n\nhad been repeatedly set in more or less stereotyped form ever since the Han Dynasty. The examiners found it difficult to set questions, which had not been asked before. In contrast to the eight-legged essays which could be set on any line from the Four Books and the Five Classics, there was a limit to subjects which could be asked on administration. Since general statements about the subjects and reference to precedents of the past rather than specialised knowledge were required of the candidates, they tended to recite a number of model-answers about various aspects of government in general. For example, an answer on the prevention of floods did not necessarily go into the technical details of the problem in question. The candidates were expected to give rather general answers, quoting copiously from the Classics and citing precedent cases to support themselves. They might even conclude by saying that if social harmony could be maintained, there would be no more floods. This kind of humanistic approach to a technical question could be applied to nearly every aspect of administration. Thus, the limited number of theme-titles and the conventional way of answering them invited simple memory work in the examinations. This was the reason why the Ch'ing government tested probationers of the Academy with themes on poetry and verse. The authorities regarded the writing of a good poem or an exquisite eight-legged essay as a means of revealing candidates who were men of thought and good taste. As to the administrative knowledge necessary for the running of the government, the authorities maintained that this could be obtained after the scholars held permanent administrative positions.\n\nProbationers who took the final examination and passed it were given different assignments according to the results of the examination. The first class scholars were to remain in the Shu-ch'ang kuan as assistant lecturers. The second and third class graduates were called upon to serve in the Hanlin Academy itself as compilers and correctors respectively.14 The scholars securing a lower position than these three grades had to leave the Shu-ch'ang kuan and take up posts in government departments as secretaries or magistrates.15 The students who failed badly were compelled to repeat the course for another three years, or were forced to retire.16 \n\nIn the case of students taking the Manchu language course, their emphasis on translation fulfilled an administrative necessity.",
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    {
        "id": 205154,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 110,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n105\n\nThe Manchus as alien conquerors were quick to master the Chinese language, but for official purposes, the need of translating Chinese documents into the Manchu language and vice versa was great in the early days. Many Manchu nobles and officials in the provinces knew but little of the Chinese classical language. Many Chinese local officials too had not read the Manchu language and therefore could not understand documents written in Manchu. Both groups certainly required the help of translators. The probationers versed in the two languages therefore filled the administrative gap, so to speak. As time went on, however, the Manchus became more familiar with the Chinese Classics and there was a gradual decline in the number of Hanlin probationers reading the Manchu language.\n\nOne of the best ways for Hanlin probationers to attain administrative knowledge came in an indirect manner. It was the favourable politico-literary atmosphere of the capital that gave opportunities for their acquisition of practical knowledge. In the first place, high dignitaries and prominent men of ability clustered in Peking, so that advisors and teachers were not wanting. Secondly, access to research materials was facilitated by the fine collection of books in government libraries at the capital. Moreover, scholars could purchase books fairly easily in Liu-li street, a place specially designed for selling books which might not be available elsewhere.18\n\nThe very prestige and honour bestowed upon the probationers and even more upon the active Hanlin officials had the effect of strengthening their confidence in the existing government. They were, as it were, the chosen few. They believed with justification that given time and opportunity they would rise high in the bureaucracy. With this assurance of future advancement, it may reasonably be conjectured that the majority of them would be quite eager to learn more about administrative affairs. In this respect, they were greatly assisted by the fact that they could spare the time to do so. After all, they had been holders of the Third Degree before entering the Academy and their literary research certainly left them time to care for other business during the three years.19\n\nThe Hanlins and the Emperor\n\nBesides setting up the Shu-ch'ang kuan and providing a training",
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    {
        "id": 205155,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 111,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "106 \n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG \n\nground for scholars, the Hanlin Academy, through the various Imperial discussions, achieved a close relationship with the emperor, resulting in mutual influences. The first kind of these Imperial discussions was known as Imperial Discussion Banquets (Chiang-yen) and they took place in mid-spring and mid-autumn.30 On these occasions, two Chinese and two Manchu Hanlins were appointed to prepare lecture materials in conjunction with the Chancellor of the Academy.21 These lecture notes were rendered in the Manchu and Chinese languages for royal perusal and consent.22 \n\nThe other kind of Imperial discussions was the Daily Discussions (Jih-chiang). It was stipulated that each year after the mid-spring Discussion Banquet, the Daily Discussions were to be held on alternate days until the summer solstice (June 21st). It was then temporarily stopped due to the hot weather of summer. The process of discussions would be resumed after the mid-autumn Discussion Banquet until the winter solstice (December 22nd). Discussions were then suspended until the next spring.23 \n\nThe original copy of notes of the Daily Discussion was presented to the emperor in the early morning after officials of the Government Boards and Courts had presented their daily reports and memorials. If the discussion notes were approved, then the Chancellor of the Academy would take two or three Hanlins to the palace to serve as talkers. The discussion notes of each meeting were filed together for further references. \n\nThe Daily Discussion system founded in the early years of the dynasty was greatly elaborated by the second Emperor, K'ang-hsi. In 1673 the emperor ordered the Daily Discussion practice actually to take place daily, rather than on alternate days24 and during his reign, the meetings continued to take place without stop. Even the repairs to the palace premises in 1673 did not prevent the emperor from holding them.25 Later in the same year, the discussion procedure was ordered to last through the \"winter cold and summer heat\",26 In other words, they then took place nearly every day of the year. \n\nSide by side with the Imperial Banquet Discussions and the Daily Discussions was the requirement that high officials, including the Hanlins, in rotation should present to the emperor com-",
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    {
        "id": 205156,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 112,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n107\n\nmentaries compiled by themselves on classical and historical work. After the emperor had perused the presented material, they were preserved by the government library.27 Sometimes, the emperor chose to give special audience to his officials, on which occasions the latter had to expound the presented work orally to him.28\n\nThe primary aim of these discussions and the presentation of literary work was for the sake of indoctrinating capital officials, particularly the Hanlins, with the right kind of political outlook. This was highly important for the government in an ideological sense, since these officials, being the elite of the scholar-official class, were the moral leaders of a society which laid so much stress on letters. They had gained the highest laurels of literature by winning the Third Degree with distinction and by being admitted into the Hanlin Academy. Scholars aspiring to the higher degrees looked to their literary work as the standard style of expression. In other words, they were in a position to give direction to the literary standard of the Empire. The government was quick to grasp the point that if this comparatively small number of influential scholar-officials were well indoctrinated with the state ideology, the scholars of all provinces would strive to follow suit and extol what the government upheld as good.\n\nHowever, we should also notice that a thirst for learning the Chinese classics and history also motivated the early emperors in bringing about such literary debates. The discussions and presentation of literary essays also served as a means to help the emperors to master Confucian ideology, used in running government. In this respect, we can easily see the intimacy attained between the emperor and his Hanlin officials. The Hanlins and the emperor, meeting every day, in the long run, influenced each other. The officials were virtually the tools and the mouthpiece of the emperor. Nonetheless, they in turn also exerted an influence, in an often unconscious manner perhaps, over their master, who, hoping to control his people with Confucian ideas, had also to play the role of a Confucian monarch.\n\nThe Imperial discussions mentioned above were one aspect of the contact between Hanlins and the emperor. In the capacity of Recorders of the Emperor's Deeds (Chi-chu kuan), Royal Attendants in the Inner Palace (Ju-chih shih-pan kuan), and Personal Followers of the Emperor (Hu-tsung), the Hanlins were inevitably linked with the \"Son of Heaven\".",
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    {
        "id": 205158,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 114,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "THE HANLIN ACADEMY\n\n109\n\nsatisfy the emperor completely and at last in 1718 the Record Office was abolished.33\n\nIn the Emperor Yung-cheng's time, the Record Office was re-established and its work of recording the affairs of the state seemed to go on without much interruption from the emperor. Moreover, we see the extension of its functions from recording the Emperor's deeds to include all important government affairs.\n\nIn the second year of the Emperor Yung-cheng's reign (1724), the government allowed the Record Office to record all important memorials from the government boards and courts, and edicts relating to them. The procedure was that on the last day of every month, each government department should send to the Record Office all papers containing memorials and important administrative affairs, giving the exact dates of their issue.34\n\nDuring the reign of the Emperor Ch'ien-lung, the Record Office functioned smoothly as in the times of the Emperor Yung-cheng. The only innovation made by Ch'ien-lung was that in 1740, owing to the multifarious functions of the record officials, who concurrently held posts as editors at various editing-centres and examiners at the Civil Service Examinations, four assistant record officials were enlisted from among junior members of the Academy to help in the work of recording.35\n\nThe reason for the change of attitude of the Emperor Yung-cheng and the Emperor Ch'ien-lung from that of their predecessor in regard to the Record Office may be explained by the growing confidence the two emperors had in the recording agency. The Emperor K'ang-hsi, though he himself had brought about the system, was suspicious of the record officials. Yung-cheng and Ch'ien-lung, however, found that, given the authority to record all events of the Empire, the recorders were still docile and loyal to the Imperial cause in their writings and would note down events in an Imperial tone. Moreover, even if they dared to put down undesirable comments, the Grand Secretariat, authorized to check the work of the Record Office (since the emperor as noted above was not given access to the records), would order their deletion.\n\nThere were in addition to the recorders a number of officials serving in an advisorial capacity to the emperor in the Inner Court. They were the Royal Attendants in the Inner Palace. In 1660",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 115,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "110\n\nA. L. Y. CHUNG\n\nthe Emperor Shun-chih decreed that Hanlin officials should attend the emperor as advisers inside the Palace precincts. A compartment in the Inner Court was reserved for them, where those on duty resided for the night. Several Hanlins at a time were to serve as Royal Attendants and they were to be on duty in rotation,36\n\nFrom 1677 onwards, the procedure was changed. Instead of coming by turns, two officials were selected to serve as permanent advisers. These advisers were appointed from among capital officials, including the Hanlins, by the emperor himself. Frequently, however, the two permanent attendants were not adequate and other Hanlin officials were called in to assist. In 1714 the Emperor K'ang-hsi indicated that he was not sufficiently familiar with the Hanlins. He ordered that they should do duty four at a time in the Inner Court when he resided at the Ch'ang-ch'un yüan, one of his estates near Peking, in conjunction with the officials serving as permanent advisers.37\n\nIn the Emperor Yung-cheng's reign, Hanlins attending the Inner Court were sent to the Imperial Court in shifts of four each during the time when the emperor performed state affairs, so that they might gain administrative experience. The Emperor Ch'ien-lung also made use of the practice for getting to know better the members of the Academy. He decreed in 1740 that they should attend the Inner Court for duty in rotation of twenty at a time. Later in the year, the number in each group was decreased to ten.28\n\nThe Hanlins could get in touch with the emperor in yet another manner. Serving as personal followers of the emperor, they were to accompany him in his various activities both within and outside of the capital. The outdoor activities of a Chinese emperor included visiting Imperial tombs, attending state ceremonies, hunting, etc.39 In 1711 it was decreed that in each royal expedition, Hanlins recommended by the Board of Civil Service would follow the emperor in order to gain experience.40\n\nFrom the above description of the functions of the Hanlins relating directly to the emperor himself, we see that at all times and in all places, the emperor was followed by a galaxy of scholar-officials of high literary attainments. This was purposely designed to enhance the majesty of the emperor.",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205160,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 116,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\nThe Hanlins and the Literary Pursuits of the Chinese Scholarly Class\n\n111\n\nThe Hanlins played an important role in the compilation and composition of the majority of the Empire's publications. In this respect, they were rightly credited as the preservers of the venerable civilization of the Chinese Empire.\n\nIn the compilations of the Shih-lu (Veritable Record of the Present Dynasty) and the Sheng-yü (the Sacred Maxims), the Chancellor of the Academy would act as the assistant editor-general; while readers, expositors, compilers, and correctors would serve as editors.41\n\nIn compiling the Yu-tieh (Imperial Genealogy), Manchu, Mongol, or Chinese Bannermen, being members of the Academy, were to become editors. In editing other official compilations, the Chancellor would serve as the editor-general or assistant editor-general, while other members of the Academy were selected to serve as editors. Not one of the Ch'ing Government compilations could be produced without assistance from some of the Hanlins.42\n\nWe have just mentioned the compilation of major literary works by the Hanlins, but they were called upon to perform other literary functions as well, which required less time to complete. In fact, their assigned jobs included those of laureates and secretaries of the emperor. They were the authors of prayers and sacrificial addresses in various ceremonial acts of worship. They composed honorary and posthumous titles and patents of dignity for the emperors' chief concubines, princes, generals, etc. They laid down forms of new investiture and promotion. They performed inscriptions on the State seals and for the temples of various divinities. They wrote acknowledgments for official services and scrolls or tablets containing Imperial decrees for schools, charitable institutions, and temples throughout the Empire.43 They were also responsible for the translation of important official documents of the government from Chinese to Manchu and vice versa.44\n\nHowever, the most significant influences the Hanlins exerted over Chinese scholarship was their control over the Civil Service Examination. As the Hanlins were regarded as the most educated scholars of the Empire, it was natural that the majority of the posts concerning the public examinations were staffed by them.",
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    {
        "id": 205162,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 118,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "THE HANLIN ACADEMY\n\n113\n\nfunctions of a temporary nature. In executing such functions, they gained administrative experience of which they could make full use when they were later transferred to posts in other government departments.\n\nFrom 1726 onwards, two Hanlins with good translation ability together with two officials from the Grand Secretariat were despatched to the Colonial Office (Li-fan yuan) to assist the President of the Office with Chinese official documents concerning Mongolian affairs. Their term of service was two years, after which they were replaced by two other members from the Academy.\n\nAnother special function of the Hanlins was to serve as acting secretaries at the Grand Secretariat. The main function of the secretaries (Hsüeh-shih) in the Grand Secretariat was to handle edicts and memorials. They were, however, sometimes sent on special missions to the provinces. To take their place, members of the Academy in addition to Central Government officials of third or fourth rank, who had once been admitted to the Academy, were eligible to be selected to hold the vacant posts concurrently until the return of the absent officials.49\n\nIn the event of the conferral of honours or titles to princes and princesses, the chancellors of the Academy were enlisted as deputy representatives of the delegations. When missions were sent to Korea, the Manchu Chancellor of the Academy headed the expedition, while both Manchu and Chinese Hanlins could be called on to lead missions to Vietnam and the Liu-chiu Islands.50 It may be conjectured that for cultural and geographical reasons these were the tributary states maintaining the closest relationship with Peking and were therefore specially honoured by the visits of these distinguished officials.\n\nOther functions of a temporary nature of the Hanlins were the supervision of repairs of city public works, the inspection of food distribution and ideological indoctrination in the provinces.\n\nIn 1725, for example, the Emperor Yung-cheng ordered high dignitaries to select four junior members of the Academy for supervising repairs in cities of Chihli province.51 In 1726 the same emperor ordered several Hanlins to help provincial officials of the same province check the distribution of food.52 Five years",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205164,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 120,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "THE HANLIN ACADEMY\n\n115\n\non the other. The Manchu Government was mainly concerned with the vital issue of preserving the Empire. As there was a general decline in the efficiency of administration, the Hanlin Academy also became lax in some of its practices. The probationers, for example, were not given as much attention as before. Nonetheless, although there was general corruption and sale of offices in the late Ch'ing period, this did not affect the Academy, which continued to enlist the best scholars of the Empire, if we are to judge from the public examination results. Unfortunately, owing to the growing rigidity of the Civil Service Examinations and the narrowing of the syllabus for these examinations, the scholars who were successful were not necessarily the most promising potential officials. Whereas in the early Ch'ing, scholars sitting for the public examinations needed to answer discussion topics of an administrative nature, the scholars in nineteenth century China had only to write eight-legged essays which grew more rigid as time went on.56 Thus, the scholars, including the best of the candidates sitting for the examinations were quite narrow-minded, their knowledge confined to the Classics and their writing rather meaningless and of a uniform pattern. They formed the conservative elements of the Empire and were die-hards against government reform. The anti-foreign feelings of the late Ch'ing were to a certain extent fanned by some of these Hanlin scholars who, as a result of their prestige and ability to command respect, were able to muster scholars of the Empire against progressive moves of the government.57\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205166,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 122,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "THE HANLIN ACADEMY\n\n117\n\n24 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, Tung-hua lu (509 chüan in 30 ts'e, Taipei, 1963), K'ang-hsi, 3:26. 王先謙:東華錄康熙朝,\n\n25 Ibid., 3:3a.\n\n26 Ibid., 3:13b.\n\n27 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:11a-b.\n\n28 Ibid.\n\n29 Ibid., 21:206.\n\n30 Ch'ing-shih, vol. 2, 1375.\n\n31 S. Van Der Sprenkel, Legal Institutions in Manchu China - A Sociological Analysis (London: Athlone Press, 1962), pp. 30-32. Also see J. K. Fairbank, The United States and China (New ed., completely rev. and enl.; Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1958), pp. 94-5,\n\n32 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, K'ang-hsi, 4:9a.\n\n33 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 21:22a-24a.\n\n34 Ibid., 24a-b.\n\n35 Ibid., 24b-25a.\n\n36 Ibid., 22:1b-2a.\n\n37 Ibid., 22:4a-4b.\n\n38 Wang Hsien-ch'ien, Ch'ien-lung, 3:34a.\n\n39 Ch'ing-shih, vol. 2, 1375.\n\n40 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:4a-b.\n\n41 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:3b.\n\n42 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 22:12b.\n\n43 W. A. P. Martin, The Hanlin Papers: Essays on the Intellectual Life of the Chinese (London: Trübner & Co., New York: Harper Brothers, 1880), pp. 24-26.\n\n44 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 23:20b.\n\n45 Consult Fa Shih-shan ... (16 chüan in 6 ts'e, preface dated 1799), Ch'ing-pi shu-wen ...\n\n46 Shang Yen-liu, p. 92; Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:19b-20a.\n\n47 Ta-Ch'ing hui-tien, 84:4b.\n\n48 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:20b.\n\n49 Ibid., 24:28b-29a, 10a-10b.\n\n50 Ibid., 24:21a-21b.\n\n51 Ibid., 24:22a.\n\n52 Ta-Ch'ing li-ch'ao shih-lu ... (compiled by Man-chou ti-kuo kuo-wu-yüan, 4664 chüan, Tokyo, 1937-38), Shih-tsung, 44:9a-b.\n\n53 Huang-ch'ao tz'u-lin tien-ku, 24:22b-23a.\n\n54 Ibid.\n\n55 Ibid., 24:24a-25a.\n\n56 Ta-Ch'ing li-ch'ao shih-lu, Shih-tsung, 15:15a-b; also see The Chinese, Their History and Culture, 531-533.\n\n57 See The Hanlin Papers and Ho Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953,",
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    {
        "id": 205168,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1966",
        "page_number": 124,
        "title": "RAS-1966",
        "content_text": "The Hanlin Academy\n\n119\n\nAppendix II\n\nGlossary\n\nChang-yüan hsüeh-shih #4±\n\nChang-ch'un yüan ††E\n\nChi-chu kuan $\n\nChiang-yen E\n\nChien-t'ao at\n\nHsiu-chuan 174\n\nHsüeh-shih #+\n\nHu-tsung\n\nHung-Wu pao-hsün RAHM\n\nJih-chiang 14\n\nJu-chih shih-pan kuan 1fHT\n\nK'ang-hai R\n\nKuo-shih hsiu-shu ch'u XOTË\n\nLi-fan yüan JEAM\n\nLiao Chin Yüan-shih žƒ\n\nLiu-Li\n\nNan-shu fang 4*\n\nPan-shih kuan T\n\nPien-hsiu I\n\nSheng yü\n\nShih-chiang M\n\nShih-chiang hsüeh-shih 1444±\n\nShih-lu k\n\nShih-tu it\n\nShih-tu hsüeh-shih ***±\n\nShu-ch'ang kuan &*❀\n\nShu-chi-shih t\n\nSzu-k'u ch'üan-shu\n\nSzu-shu chi-chu #*#\n\nTa-hsüeh yen-i jih-chiang ★HA¤#\n\nYu-tieh #\n\nYung-cheng E",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 205945,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1970",
        "page_number": 25,
        "title": "RAS-1970",
        "content_text": "20\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nthe number as 9,881 pên). In addition, the Wu-ying-tien press in the palace printed with movable type 286 works known only in manuscript in the YLTT. From this point on the story of the YLTT makes generally sad reading. The librarians of the Hanlin Academy during the next one hundred years must have been pretty careless in their custodial duties, for, by 1894, according to an entry in the diary of the statesman Wêng T'ung-ho (1830-1904), hardly more than 800 pên were left. During the siege of the legation quarter six years later, the Chinese made an attempt to storm the British legation by setting fire to the Hanlin, immediately to the north of the legation compound. Thousands of books in the library were consumed in the blaze, but many too were picked up by Europeans, Americans, and Japanese in the legation quarter, and either taken to their homelands, or, in the case of the British minister, returned to the authorities in Peking. In the troubles incident to the overturn of the Manchus (1911), others were dispersed; so that by 1912, when Aurousseau made his report, he recorded only sixty pên in the Metropolitan Library and four in the library of the Ministry of Education.\n\nToday the situation is much better, as there has been an effort to reproduce and make generally available copies of the volumes which have found their way to major collections, mostly public, such as the Library of Congress, the British Museum, the Bodley, the Toyo Bunko, the National Library of Peking, and the National Central Library. These include the volumes returned to the mainland by the authorities in the USSR in the flush of post World War II friendship: eleven volumes delivered in 1951 and fifty-three in 1954. The learned world now has available for study two facsimile editions of extant works, one brought out in Peking in 1960 in 730 chüan under the sponsorship of Kuo Mo-jo (1892-), and a second issued in Taipei in 1962 in 742 chüan, edited by Yang Chia-lo (1913-). Several lists of surviving volumes of the YLTT have been published, the latest being that of the venerable Japanese scholar, Iwai Hirosato, in a festschrift published in his honor: Tenseki ronshū (Tokyo 1964), 1-70. His census lists 799 chüan. A few others have come to light which he did not include. In September 1963 The British Museum Quarterly announced the acquisition of one volume containing chüan 6933 and 6934, a gift from the estate of Captain Francis Garden Poole, who",
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    },
    {
        "id": 212525,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 79,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "Appendix 1\n\n59\n\nChronology of Ruan Yuan's Government Appointments 1789-1838\n\n  \n    Appointment\n    Location\n    Rank\n    Dates\n  \n  \n    Hanlin Bachelor\n    Beijing\n    \n    1789/5\n  \n  \n    Proof Reader (Wu Ying Dian)\n    Beijing\n    \n    1789/5\n  \n  \n    Compiler Second Class\n    Beijing\n    7A\n    1790/3\n  \n  \n    Imperial Diarist\n    Beijing\n    \n    1790/2\n  \n  \n    Supervisor of Instruction\n    Beijing\n    4A\n    1791/3\n  \n  \n    Chief Supervisor of Instruction\n    Beijing\n    3A\n    1791/11\n  \n  \n    Director of Studies (Shandong)\n    Jinan\n    2B\n    1793/6\n  \n  \n    Director of Studies (Zhejiang)\n    Hangzhou\n    2B\n    1795-1798\n  \n  \n    Vice President (Board of Rites)\n    Beijing\n    2A\n    1798-1799\n  \n  \n    Acting Vice President (Board of War)\n    Beijing\n    2A\n    1799/2\n  \n  \n    Vice President (Board of Revenue)\n    Beijing\n    2A\n    1799/4\n  \n  \n    Assistant Examiner of Metropolitan Examination\n    Beijing\n    \n    1799\n  \n  \n    Acting Vice President (Board of Rites)\n    Beijing\n    2A\n    1799/7\n  \n  \n    Governor of Zhejiang\n    Hangzhou\n    2B\n    1799-1805\n  \n  \n    Vice President (Board of Revenue)\n    Beijing\n    2A\n    1807\n  \n  \n    Vice President (Board of War)\n    Beijing\n    2A\n    1807\n  \n  \n    Governor of Zhejiang\n    Hangzhou\n    2B\n    1807-1809\n  \n  \n    Compiler Second Class (Hanlin Academy)\n    Beijing\n    7A\n    1809/10\n  \n  \n    Sub-expositor (Hanlin Academy)\n    Beijing\n    4B\n    1810/5\n  \n  \n    Imperial Diarist\n    Beijing\n    \n    1810/10\n  \n  \n    Revisor (State Historiographer's Office)\n    Beijing\n    \n    1810/11\n  \n  \n    Supervisor of Instruction\n    Beijing\n    4A\n    1811/9\n  \n  \n    Sub-Chancellor of Grand Secretariat\n    Beijing\n    2B\n    1812/1\n  \n  \n    Vice President (Board of Rites)\n    Beijing\n    2A\n    1812/1\n  \n  \n    Vice President (Board of Works)\n    Beijing\n    2A\n    1812/5\n  \n  \n    Director-General of Grain Transport\n    Huaian\n    \n    1812-1814\n  \n  \n    Governor of Jiangxi\n    Nanchang\n    2B\n    1814-1816\n  \n  \n    Governor of Henan\n    Kaifeng\n    2B\n    1816/8\n  \n  \n    Governor-General of Hu Guang\n    Wuchang\n    2A\n    1817/10\n  \n  \n    Governor-General of Guangdong & Guangxi\n    Canton\n    2A\n    1817-1826\n  \n\n38 3 3\n\n \n3833",
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    {
        "id": 212526,
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        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "document_key": "RAS-1991",
        "page_number": 80,
        "title": "RAS-1991",
        "content_text": "60\n\nGovernor-General of Yunnan & Guizhou\n\nKunming 2A\n\n1816-1835\n\nAssistant Examiner of Metropolitan Exam\n\nBeijing\n\n1833\n\nAssistant Grand Secretary\n\nKunming\n\n1B\n\n& Peking\n\nGrand Secretary in charge of Board of War\n\nBeijing\n\n1A\n\n1835/3\n\nActing President of the Censurate\n\nBeijing\n\n1835/10\n\nReader, Palace Examination\n\nBeijing\n\n1836\n\nSenior Professor (Hanlin Academy)\n\nBeijing\n\n1836\n\nAppendix 2\n\nRuan Yuan's Major Works and Compilations\n\nKao gong ji ju zhi tu jie 考工記車制圖解\n\nShi qu sui bi 石渠隨筆\n\nYi li shi jing kan ji 儀禮石經校勘記\n\nShandong xue zheng Ruan Yuntai shi tong sheng shu mu 山东学政阮芸台示童生书目\n\nShan zuo shi ke 山左石刻\n\nJingyin dao ren zhuan 淨因道人傳\n\nYunfeng zhi bei tu 云峰志碑图\n\nZhejiang shi ke 浙江詩課\n\nChong xiu piao zhong guan ji 重修剽中观记\n\nXiao cang lang bi tan 小滄浪筆談\n\nShan zuo jin shi zhi 山左金石志\n\nHuai hai ying ling ji 淮海英靈集\n\nLiangzhe yu xuan lu 兩浙輶軒錄\n\nCeng zi shi pian zhu shu 曾子十篇註疏\n\nWei yu shu shi sui bi zhu 魏餘蔬食隨筆注\n\nZhu cha xiao zhi 竹姹小志\n\nJing ji zuan gu bu yi 經籍纂詁補遺\n\nDi jiu tu shuo 地球圖說\n\nGuang ling shi shi 廣陵詩事\n\nChong xiu Hui ji Da yu ling miao bei ji 重修惠济大禹陵庙碑记\n\nDing xiang ting bi tan 定香亭筆談\n\nChong jian Yangzhou hui guan bei ming 重建扬州会馆碑铭",
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