[ { "id": 204361, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n125\n\nIt is not in my power at present to offer to the Society an exact Catalogue of the Collection, but the enclosed Memorandum will convey a general idea of its nature and extent.\n\nI have the honour to be,\n\nSir,\n\nYour most obedient humble Servant,\n\nGEO. THO. STAUNTON,\n\nPortland Place, March 20, 1823.\n\nThe Memorandum which accompanied this letter gives a very rough idea of the scope of the collection which he offered to the Society. It comprised a total of 186 separate works which Staunton divided under ten headings viz:\n\n \n Class\n Works\n \n \n 1 Chinese Classics\n 15\n \n \n 2 Dictionaries\n 22\n \n \n 3 -\n -\n \n \n 4 Native Superstitions\n 17\n \n \n 5 Arts and Sciences\n 23\n \n \n 6 Travels and Geography\n 9\n \n \n 7 Poetry, Plays and Novels\n 30\n \n \n 8 History and Biography\n 14\n \n \n 9 Laws and Government\n 7\n \n \n 10 Books on Christianity\n 24\n \n \n - Miscellaneous\n 186\n \n\nThe Collection was actually deposited with the Asiatic Society in January 1824.\n\nFrom the card index of the present library of the Royal Asiatic Society at 56 Queen Anne Street it is possible to discover the titles of most of these works, though unfortunately the cards of the Chinese works are not arranged in any significant order. I list below the titles of just a few of these works which I jotted down at random during a recent visit to the library of the Royal Asiatic Society in London.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204366, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n130\n\nLACEY, J. A.\n\nLAI, T. C.\n\n-\n\nLANYON-ORGILL,\n\nDr. P. A.\n\nLAW Chung Kam ·\n\nLAWRY, R. E.\n\nLEE, Harold\n\nLEE, J. S.-\n\nLEE, The Hon. R. C.\n\nLIDDELL, Mrs. M. LINDSAY, Mrs. B. E. LINDSAY, T. J. -\n\nLIU, D. H.-\n\n-\n\nLIU, James J. Y. LIU. Dr. Tsun-Yan\n\nLLEWELLYN, J. LOBATO, Dr. P. G. LOTHROP, F. B. LUM, Miss Ada -\n\nMA Meng\n\nMcBAIN, E. B. McCOY, W. J. MCCRARY, M.\n\nU.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n+\n\nDept. of Extra-Mural Studies, H.K.U.\n\n-\n\n-\n\n-\n\n·\n\n-\n\n·\n\n+\n\n·\n\n·\n\n-\n\nL\n\n1701 Beach Drive, Victoria, B.C., Canada.\n\nVictoria Heights, 43-A, Stubbs Rd. Flat\n\n1-A, H.K.\n\nThe British Council, 133 Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n604 Edinburgh House, H.K.\n\n74 Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co. Ltd., 604 Edinburgh\n\nHouse, H.K.\n\n10-F Headland Road, H.K.\n\n364 The Peak, Severn Road, H.K.\n\nButterfield & Swire, H.K.\n\n1 Mercury Street, 1st fl., Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\nFlat 14, 16-18 Conduit Road, H.K.\n\n83 Sincere Terrace, Grd, fl., Tai Hang Rd.\n\nH.K.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U.\n\nP.O. Box 144, Macau,\n\nPeabody Museum, Salem, Mass., U.S.A.\n\n142 Boundary Street, Kln.\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, H.K.U.\n\nGeo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\n·\n\nU.S. Consulate-General, H.K,\n\n-\n\n25-A Robinson Road, Top fl., H.K.\n\nMcDOUALL, The Hon. J. C. S.C.A., Connaught Road C., H.K.\n\nMcGRATH, D. B.\n\nMACK, A. M. -\n\nMcKERNESS, Miss J.\n\nMANEELY, R. B.\n\n+\n\nT\n\nL\n\n+\n\nMARQUAND, R. A. -\n\nMARTIN,\n\nRev. Canon E. W. L.\n\nMELLOR, B.\n\nMILLER, P. M. -\n\nMOK Shu Wah\n\nMORGAN, L. G. MOU Jun Sun\n\nMOYLE, G. C. -\n\nNETHERCUT, R. D. - NEWBIGGING, D. K. NIXON, F. A. NG, Peter Y, L. ·\n\n-\n\n-\n\nU.S. Consulate-General, H.K,\n\n-\n\n-\n\nH.K. & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\n5 Magazine Gap Road, H.K.\n\nDept. of Anatomy, H.K.U.\n\n104 Paramount Apt., 2 Shan Kwong Rd.\n\nHappy Valley, H.K.\n\nSt. John's College, H.K.U.\n\nRegistrar, H.K.U.\n\nW\n\nU.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\n\n+\n\n-\n\n-\n\n-\n\n21 Cochrane Street, 1st fl., H.K.\n\nColonial Secretariat H.K.\n\nDept. of History, New Asia College, 6 Farm\n\nRd., Kln,\n\nJardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K.\n\nU.S. Consulate-General, H.K.\n\nJardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd., H.K.\n\nRoom 42, Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\n+\n\nDept. of History, H.K.U.\n\nNOBLE, H.\n\n-\n\nYing Wah College, Bute Street, Kln.\n\nO'CONNELL, Miss S. -\n\n-\n\nU.S. Consulate-General, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204514, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "131\n\nLAMBIE, Dr. J.\n\nLANYON-ORGILL, Dr. P. A. LAU, Wai-mai LAW, Chung-kam\n\nLAWRY, R. E.\n\nLEE, J. S.\n\nLEE, Harold W.\n\nLEE, Hon. R. C., O.B.E.\n\nLeFEVOUR, Dr. Edward\n\nLE MARE, J. R.\n\nLI, Dr. Tsoo-yiu\n\nLIDDELL, Mrs. Marion LINDSAY, T. J.\n\nLINDSAY, Mrs. T. J. LIU, D. H.\n\nLIU, Dr. Tsun-yan\n\nLLEWELLYN, John\n\nLO, Chin-tang LO, T. S.\n\nLOTHROP, Francis B.\n\nLUM, Miss Ada\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M. MA, Meng McBAIN, E. B.\n\n2\n\nMACKENZIE, Lt. Col. B. D. McKERNESS, Miss Joan.\n\nMcCRARY, Michael\n\nMcDOUALL, Hon. J. C. McGRATH, David B.\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\nMCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J.\n\nMANEELY, R. B.\n\nMARTIN, Rev. Canon E. W. L.\n\nc/o Director of Medical & Health Services, H.K.\n\n1701 Beach Drive. Victoria, B.C., Canada,\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, H.K.U.\n\nVictoria Heights, 43-A Stubbs Road,\n\nFlat I-A, H.K.\n\nBritish Council, 1/F., Gloucester Bldg., H.K.\n\n74, Kennedy Road, Hong Kong.\n\n604, Edinburgh House, Hong Kong.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd. 604 Edinburgh House, H.K.\n\nDept. of History, H.K.U.\n\nc/o Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\n1-C-3-C, Broom Rd., Hong Kong.\n\n10-F, Headland Road, Hong Kong,\n\nc/o Butterfield & Swire, H.K.\n\n1, Mercury Street, 1/F., Causeway Bay, H.K.\n\n83 Sincere Terrace, Ground floor, Tai Hang Road, H.K.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U.\n\nDept. of Chinese, H.K. University.\n\nc/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., H.K.\n\nc/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass. U.S.A.\n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon.\n\nThe District Officer, Taipo, New Territories,\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, H.K.U.\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nCRE, Victoria Barracks, Hong Kong.\n\n5, Magazine Gap Road, Hong Kong.\n\n25-A, Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K.\n\nSCA., Connaught Road, Central, H.K.\n\nMINETT, Major F. R. D.\n\nMORGAN, L. G.\n\nMOYLE, G. C.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate-General, Hong Kong.\n\nHong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn., H.K.\n\nMaryknoll Fathers, Stanley.\n\nAnatomy Department, H.K. University, H.K.\n\nSt. John's College, 82 Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nGarrison Clinic, Whitfield Barracks, Kln.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong.\n\nc/o Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd, H.K.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204676, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n141\n\nNumber 2 contains nineteen papers presented at the Tenth Pacific Science Congress held in Hawaii from August to September 1961. Most of these articles are of interest to the specialist rather than the general reader, such as the section headed \"Geo-chronology: Methods and Results\" which is concerned with methods of dating. The article by Roger Green on \"The Application of Matrix Index Systems to Archaeological Materials\" is, I imagine, of special significance to archaeologists.\n\nFor the general reader the section entitled \"Trade Porcelain and Stoneware in Southeast Asia” is of considerable interest, in particular the article by Kamer Aga-Oglu on \"Ming Porcelain from sites in the Philippines\" with five plates in black and white. This should appeal to those interested in Chinese porcelain in general.\n\nThese two numbers are finely produced, and include illustrations, maps and charts,\n\nJ. L. C-B.\n\nTHE INTERNATIONAL RIVER BASIN. Edited by J. D. Chapman. Hong Kong University Press, 1963. Paper Covers. 53 pages. HK$2.00.\n\nThis booklet contains an account of the proceedings of a Seminar on the development and administration of the International River Basin held under the auspices of the Regional Training Centre for United Nations Fellows at the University of British Columbia in Vancouver in September 1961. The main question posed by the organizers of the Seminar was \"What are the specific difficulties of international river basin development?” This report contains the consensus of the seminar on a number of questions. The short sections on the Indus and on the Mekong will be of special interest to inhabitants of East Asia. The book contains a useful selected bibliography.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204682, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n147\n\ncome right out in favour of a Portuguese source. It is indeed very likely that this is a spelling etymology which might never have arisen if the modern Portuguese orthography lingua (with u = English w) had been used in Johnson's day. It is fairly certain that the o in the earlier spelling, lingoa, had the value of English w in eighteenth century Portuguese.\n\nOn the other hand, it may be that we should still look to a Portuguese etymology for lingo, but not an etymology drawn from the written standard language of the seventeenth or eighteenth centuries but rather to the oversea Portuguese creole (and pidgin) dialects as recorded over the centuries. I have consulted the studies on the Indo-Portuguese dialects by Dalgado available in Hong Kong, including his valuable Glossário Luso-Asiático and find lingo as the form given for tongue, language, in the parts of India and Ceylon where varieties of Portuguese were and still are spoken. Elsewhere I find the form linga reported from the Cape Verde Islands.\n\nIn most cases this lingo should probably be pronounced lingu, more or less as in educated metropolitan Portuguese where the final may be voiced, unvoiced or even silent. The form used in Macao in the nineteenth century has been recorded as lingu and the pronunciation of this word by some of the older Portuguese people in Hong Kong at the present time could be so represented. Parallel development may be seen in the Cochinese, Javan, Malaccan, Cape Verdean and Macanese forms agoļagu vis à vis standard written água, and lego and tabu for légua and tábua respectively registered in several Luso-Asiatic dialects.\n\nThe earliest reference to lingo recorded in the OED is for 1660 in New Haven Col. Rec. (1858) II, 337: \"To wch the plant [= plaintiff] answered that he was not acquainted with the Dutch lingo.\" Various dictionaries note later references in Congreve and Sheridan: “Well, well, I shall understand your lingo one of these days, cousin; in the mean time I must answer in plain English.\" (Congreve, Way of the World, A. IV, sc. I); \"I have thoughts to learn something of your lingo before I cross the seas.\" (Congreve); \"He is a gentleman of words; he understands your foreign lingo.\" (Sheridan, St. Patrick's Day, I).\n\nWIRI", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "156\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nMA, Meng\n\nMCBAIN, E. B.\n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J\n\nMCCRARY, M. *\n\nMcDOUALL, Hon. J. C.\n\nMCGRATH, D. B.\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\nThe District Officer, Taipo, N.T.\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nNew Tregunter Mansion, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\n25-A Robinson Road, Top Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, Central, H.K.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate-General, 26 Garden Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corpn, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3, U.K.\n\nMCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J. Maryknoll Fathers, Stanley, H.K.\n\nMALLORY-BROWNE, W.\n\nMANEELY, R. B.\n\nMARTIN, Rev. Canon E. W. L.\n\nMAYNARD, Prof. D. M.\n\nMIDDLEBROOK, R. W.\n\n2, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nAnatomy Department, The University, H.K.\n\nSt. John's College, 82, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nc/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n\nc/o Pfizer Corporation, 1524/36 Union House, H.K.\n\nMINETT, Lt. Col. F. R. D. British Military Hospital, Rinteln, Weser, B.F.P.O. 29, West Germany.\n\nMORGAN, L. G.\n\nMOSCROP, Miss M. E.\n\nc/o Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank, 9 Gracechurch Street, London, E.C.3, England.\n\nMOYLE, G. C.\n\nNEWBIGGING, D. K.\n\nNIXON, F. A.\n\nNG, Y. L.\n\nNOBLE, H.\n\nOKA, T.\n\n47 Eastern Street, 2nd Floor, H.K.\n\nc/o Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. Jardine, Matheson & Co., Ltd. (Shipping A/C's Department), Jardine House, H.K.\n\nRoom 63, Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nDepartment of History, The University, H.K.\n\nYing Wah College, Bute Street, Kowloon, H.K.\n\n124, Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204770, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "62\n K. M. A. BARNETT\n \n \n 51\n Frann-buai, also Wrang-buui,2 near where the Sung emperor Ti-cheng or Ti-shih (**) may have been buried.\n \n \n \n I am keeping out of the controversy on how his title should be pronounced.\n \n \n \n Frungwrong-shaann, EL see 37.\n \n \n 52\n Frung, .\n \n \n G\n \n \n \n 53\n Locally written: Hakka gaann, Cantonese gaarn,\n \n \n 54\n gao, A. There are so many examples of this word in the place of this and other districts of South China, obviously meaning \"behind” or “lesser”, that it is surprising that anyone should still translate Kowloon as \"Nine Dragons\".\n \n \n 55\n Gaolrung-xhaang, ★★-\n \n \n 56\n Garm-trinn, $w.\n \n \n 57\n Ghatqou-zhaw, ###.\n \n \n 58\n Ghongshay-saarng, ***.\n \n \n 59\n Ghowtrong, $.\n \n \n Gw\n \n \n \n 60\n Gwhaysrin, # today Hulyang,145\n \n \n 61\n Gwhuunn-fun-creong, later called Kowloon.\n \n \n *\n The name probably derives from fu or wu, the local word for salt, and gwhuunn standing, as so often in local place names, for ✯, dry.\n \n \n 62\n Gwhuunn-jhamm-xroh, #IN.\n \n \n 63\n Gworngdhung-saarng, ★★★.\n \n \n }\n \n \n \n 64\n Jhaw Tae-krinn, ###, himself a Hakka149 of Linchuan75 in Kiangs(58,\n \n \n 65\n Irawmraah-drev,\n \n \n \n .\n \n \n 66\n jreoną in Cantonese, jrong in Hakka,149 usually appearing as but occasionally as\n \n \n \n Jri-braak,\n \n \n \n see 35,\n \n \n 67\n Jrih Drek Jrung Mraann, A.\n \n \n 68\n Jriw-jrann,\n \n \n \n .\n \n \n 69\n frynn, ♫·\n \n \n \n A.\n \n \n 70\n Jrynncriw, # 1280–1367.\n \n \n 71\n Jrynn-Iromng, AM, pronounced jrynq-Ireorng.\n \n \n 72\n Jrytghong Irawwrek jrannmrannsir, *^^£.\n \n \n L\n \n \n \n 73\n leak, .\n \n \n 74\n Lramm-chynn, ##.\n \n \n 75\n Lramm-chynn, #}}} -\n \n\n62\n\nK. M. A. BARNETT\n\n51 Frann-buai, also Wrang-buui,2 near where the Sung emperor Ti-cheng or Ti-shih (**) may have been buried.\n\nI am keeping out of the controversy on how his title should be pronounced.\n\nFrungwrong-shaann, EL see 37.\n\n52 Frung, .\n\nG\n\n53 Locally written: Hakka gaann, Cantonese gaarn,\n\n54 gao, A. There are so many examples of this word in the place of this and other districts of South China, obviously meaning \"behind” or “lesser”, that it is surprising that anyone should still translate Kowloon as \"Nine Dragons\".\n\n55 Gaolrung-xhaang, ★★-\n\n56 Garm-trinn, $w.\n\n57 Ghatqou-zhaw, ###.\n\n58 Ghongshay-saarng, ***.\n\n59 Ghowtrong, $.\n\nGw\n\n60 Gwhaysrin, # today Hulyang,145\n\n61 Gwhuunn-fun-creong, later called Kowloon.\n\n* The name probably derives from fu or wu, the local word for salt, and gwhuunn standing, as so often in local place names, for ✯, dry.\n\n62 Gwhuunn-jhamm-xroh, #IN.\n\n63 Gworngdhung-saarng, ★★★.\n\n64 Jhaw Tae-krinn, ###, himself a Hakka149 of Linchuan75 in Kiangs(58,\n\n65 Irawmraah-drev, .\n\n66 jreoną in Cantonese, jrong in Hakka,149 usually appearing as but occasionally as\n\nJri-braak, see 35,\n\n67 Jrih Drek Jrung Mraann, A.\n\n68 Jriw-jrann, .\n\n69 frynn, ♫· A.\n\n70 Jrynncriw, # 1280–1367.\n\n71 Jrynn-Iromng, AM, pronounced jrynq-Ireorng.\n\n72 Jrytghong Irawwrek jrannmrannsir, *^^£.\n\nL\n\n73 leak, .\n\n74 Lramm-chynn, ##.\n\n75 Lramm-chynn, #}}} -", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204853, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n131\n\nartists. It is disturbing indeed to find that two of these previously published elsewhere as \"attributed\" — are promoted here to \"full\" Chinnery status without a word of explanation!\n\n12\n\nHow does one reconcile the title \"The Hong Merchant, Gou Qua\" with the picture showing a man in the costume of a North China scholar?\n\nAnyone familiar with Chinese ship portraits and Chinese port scenes will question the two handsome Chinese Junk oils.13 The clue is the small British and American vessels in the lower corners of the \"War Junk\" — alluring to a prospective nautical purchaser, typical of many ship portraits, but so different in style and subject from other Chinnery marines.\n\nThe time has come to bury forever that misused, euphonic term \"School of Chinnery\". Take port scenes. Mariners and merchants arrived in Canton centuries before Chinnery. Even my two great grandfathers14 had won their battle with the pirates off Macao nearly a generation before Chinnery's arrival. What is more natural than to take home a port scene oil to show one's family. These men were not art experts and Chinese representations were good enough for them. It is possible today to date port scenes definitely prior to Chinnery, proving that Chinnery had no influence on those Chinese artists. It is also possible to date similar port scenes after Chinnery's death that show no style change from the earlier representations. Why not be honest and call them \"China Trade Port Scenes\",15 which they are, instead of \"School of Chinnery\", which they are not? To all other port scenes such as St. Helena and the Cape of Good Hope16 “School of Chinnery”, verges on fantasy, particularly so when the text denies the existence of any Chinnery pictures made on his voyage to India.17\n\n12 Plate 42 top.\n\n13 Plate 73.\n\n14 William Sturgis and Daniel C. Bacon. See R. B. Forbes — Personal Reminiscences.\n\n15 It has taken many years to substitute the correct \"China Trade Porcelain\" for \"Oriental Lowestoft\".\n\n16 Plate 55 bottom, Plate 56 top.\n\n17 Page 59.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204885, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "163\n\nLECKIE, J, B. H.\n\nLEE, Harold W.\n\nLEE, J. S.\n\nLEE, Hon. R. C.*\n\nLEUNG, Kai-cheong\n\n+\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nLI, T. K.\n\nLI, Dr. Tsoo-yiu*\n\nLINDSAY, T. J.\n\nLINDSAY, Mrs. B. E.\n\nLIU, D. H.\n\nLIU, Dr. Tsun-yan\n\nLLEWELLYN, J.\n\nLO, Chin-tang\n\nLO, Hsiang-lin\n\nLO, T. S.*\n\nLOSEBY, Miss P.\n\nLOTHROP, F. B.*\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. S.\n\nLUM, Miss Ada*\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nLYM, Miss R. M.\n\n-\n\nMA, Meng\n\nMCBAIN, E. B.\n\nMACCABE, Miss E.\n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n-\n\n+\n\nP. O. Box 94, H.K.\n\n604 Edinburgh House, H.K.\n\n74, Kennedy Road, H.K.\n\nLee Hysan Estate Co., Ltd., 604 Edinburgh House, H.K.\n\nc/o Registration Section, Education Dept., Battery Path, H.K.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon.\n\n49, Village Road, Ground floor, H.K.\n\n1C-3C Broom Road, H.K.\n\nMessrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\n26 Severn Road, H.K.\n\nc/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Faculty of Oriental Studies, Australian National University, Box 197, Post Office, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, H.K.U.\n\nDept. of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K.\n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass, USA.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon.\n\nThe District Officer, Taipo, N.T.\n\nPark Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st floor, Kowloon.\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nKing's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\nNew Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\n*Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204941, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "42\n\nSIR JOHN BOWRING\n\nTo GEO: GRAHAM, Esq.,\n\nRegistrar General, &c., &c.,\n\nLondon.\n\n(Table No. 1)\n\nReign of Monarch\n\n1 Hungwu, 26th Year,\n\n2 Hungchi, 3 Wanleih,\n\n4 Shunchi, 5 Kanghi,\n\n6\n\n7\n\n+\n\nA. D. Population\n\n1393, 60,545,811) Mirror of History,\n\nChi-\n\nnese Repository, vol. x.\n\n1662, 21,068,600) General Statistics of the\n\nwww\n\nEmpire, Medhurst's\n\n++\n\n4th\n\n**\n\n1492, 53,281,158\n\n6th\n\n*\n\n1579, 60,692,856\n\npage 156.\n\n++\n\n18th\n\n6th\n\n++\n\n49th\n\n**\n\n-\n\n1668, 1710,\n\n25,386,209 23,312,200)\n\nChina, page 53.\n\n49th\n\n**\n\nJ\n\n8\n\n**\n\n9 Kienlung,\n\n50th\n\n1st\n\n10\n\n8th\n\n**\n\n11\n\n8th\n\n12\n\n*\n\n***\n\n1710, 27,241,129\n\n1711, 28,605,716\n\n1736, 125,046,245 1743, 157,343,975 1743, 149,332,730\n\n8th\n\n1743, 150,265,475\n\n13\n\n18th\n\n**\n\n\"J\n\n1753, 103,050,060\n\n14\n\n1760, 143,125,225\n\n25th\n\n**\n\n15\n\n16\n\n25th 26th\n\nH\n\n17\n\n27th\n\n1762, 198,214,553\n\n4,552\n\n1760, 203,916,477 1761, 205,293,053\n\n18\n\n55th\n\n23\n\n1790, 155,249,897\n\n19\n\n57th\n\n++\n\n1792, 307,467,200\n\n*\n\n20\n\n57th\n\n**\n\n1792, 333,000,000\n\n21 Kiaking\n\n17th\n\n>>\n\n1812, 362,467,183\n\nYih-tung Chi, a Statistical work,\n\nMorrison's\n\nView of China. General Statistics, — Chi-\n\nnese Repository, vol, i. page 359.\n\nMemoires sur les Chinois,\n\ntom. vi.,\n\nGrosier, and by De\n\nGuignes:\n\nquoted by\n\nVoyages à\n\nPeking, tom. iii. page 72.\n\n\"Les Missionnaires\" De Guignes: tom. iii. page 67.\n\nGeneral Statistics, — Chi- nese Repository, vol. i. page 359.\n\nYihtungchi, a Statistical work,\n\nMorrison's\n\nView of China. Memoires sur les Chinois, tom, vi.,- De Guignes, tom. iii, page 72. Allerstain; Groster: De Guignes: tom. iii. page\n\n57.\n\nZ. of Berlin, in Chinese Repository, vol. i. page 361.\n\nGeneral Statistics,\n\n―\n\nDr.\n\nMorrison, Anglo-Chin: Coll: Report 1829.\n\nStatement made to Lord\n\nMacartney\n\n-\n\nStatistics,\n\nChinese Repository,\n\nvol. i. page 359.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205037, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "136\n\nLI, Dr. Tsoo-yiu*\n\nLINDSAY, T. J.\n\nLINDSAY, Mrs. B. E.\n\nLIU, D. H.\n\nLIU, Sydney C.\n\nLIU, Dr. Tsun-yan\n\nLLEWELLYN, J.\n\nLO, Chin-tang\n\nLO, Hsiang-lin\n\nLO, T. S.*\n\nLOCKS, Miss A. M.\n\nLOSEBY, Miss P.\n\nLOTHROP, F. B.*\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S.*\n\nLUM, Miss Ada*\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nLYM, Miss Renee M.\n\nMA, Meng\n\nMCBAIN, E. B.\n\nMCBAIN, G.\n\n1C-3C Broom Road, H.K.\n\nMessrs. Butterfield & Swire, Union House, H.K.\n\n26 Severn Road, H.K.\n\nc/o American Consulate-General, Garden Road, H.K.\n\n31 Kin Wah Street, 2nd Floor, North Point, H.K.\n\nc/o Faculty of Oriental Studies, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T., Australia.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K.\n\n38D, 8th Floor, Bonham Road, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K.\n\nKing's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Peabody Museum, Salem, Mass, U.S.A.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nPark Mansions, 4 Mile Taipo Road, 1st floor, Kowloon.\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K.\n\nMACCABE, Miss E. M. A. King's Park House, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J. New Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nMCCRARY, M.* 25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K.\n\nMCDOUALL, The Hon. J. C. Secretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K.\n\nMCCOY, J. Universities Service Centre, 155 Argyle St., Kowloon.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205232, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "182\n\nMCBAIN, E. B.\n\nMCBAIN, G.\n\nMCCABE, Donald C.\n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J.\n\nMCCOY, John\n\nMCCRARY, M.*\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., Union Building, H.K.\n\nS.C.M.P.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K.\n\nNew Asia College-Chinese University of Hong Kong, 6 Farm Road, Kowloon.\n\nFlat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K.\n\nDivision of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A.\n\n25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K.\n\nMCDOUALL, The Hon. J. C.\n\nSecretariat for Chinese Affairs, Connaught Road, C., H.K.\n\nMCELNEY, B. S.\n\nMCFADZEAN, A. J. S.\n\nMCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. M. J.\n\nMCLEVIE, J. G.\n\nMANEELY, Miss M. S.\n\nMANEELY, R. B.\n\nJohnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K.\n\nThe University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nSt. Peter-in-Chains Catholic Church, Kowloontsai, Kowloon,\n\nDept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nDiocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nAnatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B.\n\nc/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nMARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M.\n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J.\n\nMAYNARD, Prof. D. M.\n\nMEFFAN, Mrs. N. I.\n\nMEIJER, Dr. M. J.\n\nMICHAELIONES, Miss E. O.\n\nMIDDLEBROOK, R. W.*\n\nMILBURN, K.\n\nMILLER, A. C.\n\nMILLER, C. F. O.*\n\nZoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau,\n\nc/o Chung Chi College, Ma Liu Shui, N.T.\n\n201 Tregunter Mansions, Old Peak Road, H.K.\n\nConsulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K.\n\nThe British Council, 1st Floor, Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A.\n\nMarine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C., H.K.\n\nUnion Research Institute, 9 College Road, Kowloon,\n\nc/o Royal Asiatic Society, Korea Branch, C.P.O. Box 255, Seoul, Korea.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205443, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "198\n\nLI, Dr. Choh-ming\n\nLI, Shi-yi\n\nLINDSAY, T. J.*\n\nLIU, D. H.\n\nLIU, Sydney C. -\n\n+\n\nLIU, Prof. Ts'un-yan\n\nLLEWELLYN, J.\n\nLO, Hsiang-lin\n\nLO, T. S.*\n\nLOCKING, J. R.\n\n-\n\nLOCKS, Miss A. M. -\n\nLOSEBY, Miss P.\n\nLOTHROP, Francis B.*\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. S.-\n\nLUM, Miss Ada*\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nMA, Meng\n\nMACCABE, Miss Eileen\n\nMACGREGOR, Miss M.\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\n-\n\nMACKEITH, J. S.\n\nMACKENZIE, J.\n\n.\n\n-\n\n-\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Vice-Chancellor's Office, 677 Nathan Road, 12th Floor, Kowloon.\n\n72, La Salle Road, 2nd floor, Kowloon,\n\n3. Bareena Avenue, Wahroonga, N.S.W.\n\nc/o U.S. Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K.\n\n22 Tai Hang Road, 3rd fl., H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, Australian National University, Canberra, A.C.T. 2600, Australia.\n\nDept. of Geography & Geology, The University, H.K.\n\nDept. of Chinese, The University, H.K.\n\nc/o Lo and Lo, Jardine House, 7/F., Pedder St., H.K.\n\nc/o The Colonial Secretariat, H.K,\n\nFlat 20, 6 Mansfield Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. 142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, c/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, The University, H.K.\n\nG\n\nJ\n\nKing's Park\n\nKowloon.\n\n+\n\n-\n\n-\n\nMACKENZIE, Miss Susan\n\nMAGEE, M. W. P.\n\nMCBAIN, E. B.\n\nMCBAIN, G.\n\nG House, Gascoigne Road,\n\n69, Bisney Road, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.I., England.\n\n80 Robinson Road, H.K.\n\nDavie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nPhysiotherapy Dept., Queen Mary Hospital, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nOperations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205674, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "211\n\nMANEELY, R. B.\n\nAnatomy Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B. - c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon.\n\nMAO, Dr. Philip Wen-chee + 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nMARSHALL, Dr. Patricia M.\n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J.-\n\nMAXWELL, D. P. F. · Zoology Dept., The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau, Jardine Matheson & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nMAYNARD, Prof. David M. Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A.\n\nMCBAIN, E. B.\n\nMCBAIN, G. T\n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J.\n\nMCCOY, John\n\nMCCRARY, M.*\n\nMCDOUALL, J. C.*\n\nMCELNEY, B. S.\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K.\n\nFlat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. Division of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A.\n\n25-A Robinson Road, Top floor, H.K.\n\n13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England.\n\nJohnson Stokes & Master, Hong Kong Bank Building, H.K.\n\nMCFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nMCKEIRNAN, V. Rev. Michael J.\n\nMCKENNA, Sister M. P. - St. Peter in Chains Catholic Church. Kowloon Tsai, Kowloon.\n\nMaryknoll Sisters, Waterloo Road, Kowloon\n\nMcKEIRNAN, Sister Agnes - As above.\n\nMCLEVIE, J. G.\n\nMEFFAN, Mrs. E. I. -\n\nMEIJER, Dr. M. J.\n\nMICHAELIONES, Miss E. O. - ►\n\nMIDDLEBROOK, R. W.* -\n\nMILBURN, K. T\n\nDept. of Education, The University, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\n92 Kitano-cho, 2-chome, Ikuta-ku, Kobe, Japan.\n\nConsulate General of the Netherlands, Room 1505, Central Building, H.K.\n\nc/o The British Council, 1, St. Mark's Avenue, Leeds 2, England.\n\n165, East 66th Street, New York 21, N.Y., U.S.A.\n\nMarine Dept., 102 Connaught Road, C, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205893, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 199, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "193\n\nLOFTS, Prof. B. - \n\nLOSEBY, Miss P. \n\nLOTHROP, F. B.* \n\n+ \n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. S. - \n\nLUM Miss Ada - \n\nLUPTON, G. C. M. \n\nLUTZ, Hans F. - \n\nMA, Prof. Meng - \n\nMACK, A. M. \n\nMACKEITH, J. S. \n\nMACKENZIE, J. \n\nMACLEAN, Mrs. M. - \n\nMAGEE, M. W. P. \n\nMAHLKE, W. J. \n\n- \n\n. \n\n· \n\nDept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K. \n\n176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A. \n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K. \n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon, \n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K. \n\nTak Wai Mansion, Flat B, 3rd Floor, Man Fuk Road, Kowloon. \n\nInstitute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\nNo. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England. \n\n80 Robinson Road, H.K. \n\nDavie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K. \n\n5, Peak Pavilions, The Peak, H.K. \n\nOperations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon. \n\n19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K. \n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon. \n\nMAO, Dr. Wen-Chee, Philip 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon. \n\nMARSHALL, Dr. P. M. \n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J. \n\nMAYNARD, Prof. D. M. \n\nMcBAIN, E. B. \n\nMcBAIN, G. \n\nMCCABE, Mrs. S. J. \n\nMcCOY, Dr. John \n\nMcDOUALL, J. C.* \n\nc/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, H.K. \n\n+ \n\n+ \n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau, \n\n+ \n\nFoothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, U.S.A. \n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K. \n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (China) Ltd., 16th Floor, Union House, H.K. \n\nFlat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K. \n\nDivision of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A. \n\n13, The Green, St. Leonards-on-Sea, Sussex, England. \n\nLife Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206153, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "226\n\nLOTHROP, F, B.*\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. S.\n\nLUM Miss Ada\n\nG\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nLUTZ, Hans F.\n\nMA, Prof. Meng\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\nMACKEITH, J. S.\n\nMACKENZIE, J.\n\nMAGEE, M. W. P.\n\nMAHLKE, W. J.\n\n+\n\n-\n\n-\n\n176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat, H.K.\n\nTak Wai Mansion, Flat B, 3rd Floor, Man Fuk Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nNo. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England.\n\n80 Robinson Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nc/o Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon.\n\n19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K.\n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B. c/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nT\n\nMAO, Dr. Wen-chee, Philip 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J.\n\n-\n\nMAYNARD, Prof. D. M.\n\nMcBAIN, E. B.\n\nMcBAIN, G.\n\n+\n\nMcCABE, Mrs. S. J.\n\nMcCOY, Dr. J.\n\nMcDOUALL, J. C.*\n\nMcCRARY, M.\n\nMcELNEY, B. S.\n\n-\n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau,\n\nc/o Foothill College, Los Altos Hills, California, USA.\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan.\n\nFlat 1, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K.\n\nDivision of Modern Languages, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A.\n\nThe Old School, Souldern, Bicester, Oxfordshire, England.\n\nFlat 6A, United Mansion, 7 Shiu Fai Terrace, H.K.\n\nc/o Johnson Stokes & Master, H.K. Bank Building, H.K.\n\nMcFADZEAN, Prof. A. J. S. c/o University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nMcGEE, Mrs. Joan S.\n\n-\n\nFlat A, 134 Pokfulum Road, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206425, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "216\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ncusp of the crescent\" (of the Praya Grande), deserves the derision of every collector.\n\nTheir description of \"the ambroidered (sic) phoenix plastron” conclusively proves the authors know nothing of the eight privileged classes in China. With this lack of knowledge they are in no position to comment on any portrait of a mandarin or hong merchant. To suggest that Gou Qua, a hong merchant, would take to the street as a fortune teller is quite impossible as he would lose face by such an act and never would paint himself in this situation.\n\nThe authors really know very little about Chinnery. They state \"Chinnery's forte was for portraits and these comprise the greater part of his oeuvre\". Pages later they quote him \"I have about 6,000 sketches of Eastern Scenery already - an invaluable collection, I assure you; but you see I am constantly accumulating”. They produce the completely unproven slur that one of the portraits he painted was of “a man of great wealth, an important qualification in the artist's philosophy as he was at his best when a generous fee had been agreed\". They also attempt, again with no proof, to attribute to him “occasional bouts of opium smoking”.\n\nIt is an error to say \"Russell & Co..... in turn came under control of Low Brothers of Salem\". W. H. Low, Senior was a partner 1830-1833. His nephew, A. A. Low, was a clerk 1833-1837, partner 1837-1840. W. H. Low 2nd worked as a clerk but never was a partner. The famous firm of A. A. Low and Bros. of New York, please, not Salem - was founded in 1841 by A. A. Low after he had retired from Russell & Co. It is a solecism to call the firm \"Russells\". It makes a good story only to the authors that \"W. C. Hunter\", later a partner in Russell & Co., “grasped sufficient of the local dialect to act as interpreter\". It is common knowledge that he specifically was sent to Singapore and Malacca to study Chinese.\n\nIt is inaccurate to state that Harriet Low, in her Diary, mentions seeing the double portrait of Dr. & Mrs. Colledge, plate 79, in London at Daniells' on 19 July 1834. She \"saw pictures of Mr. & Mrs. Colledge, not a single picture. Let us read further in the Diary: \"Ayok\" (the Low Chinese servant) \"burst into quite an hysterical laugh when he saw his father's face in Mr. Colledge's picture\". This is an obvious reference to the Chinnery portrait", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206445, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "236\n\nLOBO, Mrs. R. H. -\n\nLOCKING, J. R.\n\nLOFTS, Prof. B. -\n\nLOSEBY, Miss P.\n\nLOTHROP, F. B.*\n\nLUCAS, Col. E. S. S.\n\nLUK, George Ping-Chuen*\n\nLUM Miss Ada*\n\nLUPTON, G. C. M.\n\nLUTZ, Hans F.\n\n-\n\nLYNCH, Rev. P. Francis\n\nMA, Prof. Meng -\n\nMACK, A. M.\n\nMACKEITH, J. S. -\n\nMACKENZIE, J.\n\nMACLEAN, Roderick\n\nMAGEE, M. W. P.\n\nMAHLKE, W. J.\n\nMANSFIELD, Miss M. B. -\n\nRace View Mansions, Apt. 72, 46 Stubbs Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Trade Development Council, Ocean Terminal, Deck 2, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Dept. of Zoology, University of Hong Kong, HK.\n\nc/o Russ & Co., Rooms 523/5 Gloucester Building, H.K.\n\n176 Milk Street, Boston, Massachusetts, 02109, U.S.A.\n\n94, Main Street, Stanley, H.K.\n\nB-38, Po Shan Mansions, 10 Po Shan Road, H.K.\n\n142, Boundary Street, Kowloon,\n\nc/o 54 Ravenscourt Gardens, London, W6, England.\n\nTai Yuen Lau, Flat A, 3rd Floor, Tai Pak Street, Tsuen Wan, N.T.\n\nMaryknoll Center House, 120 San Min Road, 1st Section, Taichung City 400, Taiwan.\n\nc/o Institute of Oriental Studies, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nNo. 34 Wilton Crescent, London, S.W.1., England.\n\n7 Bodga Wood Walk, York Y01 5 HN., England.\n\nc/o Davie, Boag & Co., Ltd., Jardine House, H.K.\n\nc/o The Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Operations, Cathay Pacific Airways, Kai Tak Airport, Kowloon.\n\n19, South Bay Close, Repulse Bay, H.K.\n\nc/o Diocesan Girls' School, Jordan Road, Kowloon,\n\nMAO, Dr. Wen-chee, Philip - 326-8 Tung Ying Building, 100 Nathan Road, Kowloon.\n\nMARTINHO-MARQUES, E. J...\n\nMcBAIN, E. B.\n\nMcBAIN, G.\n\nP. O. Box 104, Macau,\n\nc/o Geo. McBain & Co., S.C.M.P. Building, H.K.\n\nc/o Imperial Chemical Industries (Japan) Ltd., Central P.O. Box 411, Tokyo, Japan.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206799, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "70\n\nCHIU LING-YEONG\n\n7 Hsiang Ta, p. 35; Schafer, p. 20.\n\n8 See Ssu-Ma Kuang *, Tzu-chih t'ung-chien | (TCTC; Peking, 1956), chuan 225, pp. 7228-7237.\n\n9 Chang-Sun Wu-chi £**& and others eds., T’ang-lu shu-i |*| chuan 6; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 56-58.\n\n10 E. Renaudot, Ancient Accounts of India and China by Two Moham-medan Travellers (London, 1733), p. 13.\n\n11 Paul Wheatley, 'Geographical Notes on some Commodities involved in Sung maritime Trade', Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 32, part II, 186:28-29 (Singapore, 1961).\n\n12 Chiu Ling-yeong, pp. 504-508; Tao Hsi-sheng, 'Tang-tai ch'u-li fan-shang chi fan-k'o i-ch'an ti fa-ling' ^££# # X ¶¤£***÷. Shih-huo * 4:9:14-15 (Shanghai, 1936).\n\n13 Ou-Yang Hsiu « and others, eds., Hsin T'ang-shu *M† (HTS; 1060 edited), chuan 163; Chiu Ling-yeong, p. 507.\n\n14 N. I. Konrad, 'The Source of Chinese Humanism' (GALEKH Ht), Journal of the Soviet Oriental Studies 3:72-94 (Moscow, 1957).\n\n15 Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 74-77.\n\n1\n\n16 Ibn Khordadbeh, 'le livre des routes et des provinces', et annote par M. Barbier de Meynard, Journal Asiatique, serie VI, tome V. In this geo-graphical treatise, Ibn Khordadbeh gave a very vivid description of these trading ports: Khanfou, Kantou, Lonkin and Djanfon. Kuwabara was of the opinion that these four place-names are present Kuang-chou ★ ★. Yang-chou ##, Chiao-chou ★ and Ch'üan-chou ##. Cf. Kuwabara J.. 'T'ang-Sung mao-i-ching yen-chiu' ♫ ET &A”, Chinese translation by Yang Lien ## (Shanghai, 1935), pp. 64-154. Of these four place-names, Khanfou in the Khordadbeh's book was identified as Kuang-chou by Paul Pelliot and many other schools. Cf. M. Paul Pelliot, \"Deux itineraires de Chine en Inde, a la fin du VIII siecle', Bulletin de l'ecole francaise d'extreme Orient (Hanoi, 1904), p. 205, Place-names in T'ang period and with 'fu' is very common. Kuang-chou was called Kuang-fu . There were also Yang-fu, I-fu # and Chiao-fu X Cf. Li Fang # and others, eds., T'ai-p'ing kuang-chi ★★ (edited A.D. 978) chuan 437; Ts'en Chung-min |, Chung-wai shih-ti kao-cheng *** (Hong Kong, 1966), I, 295-296; Ch'en Yü-ching, pp. 13-18.\n\n17 HTS, chuan 144.\n\n18 Liu Hsü $ and others, eds, Chiu T'ang-shu (CTS, A.D. 945 edited), chuan 198.\n\n19 Chang Hsing-lang, Chung-hsi chiao-t'ung shih-liao hui-pien **££Ħ (Peking, 1933), 3, 132; Ch'en Yü-ching, p. 15; Maejima, S., 'Evaluation des sources arabes concernant la revolte de Huang Chao *‡, a la fin des Tang', International Symposium on History of Eastern and Western Cultural Contacts, Tokyo-Kyoto (1957), pp. 85-90. According to HTS, chuan 43, part I, it says the whole population in Canton at that time was not more than two hundred twenty-one thousand and five hundred. Huang Chao, in this case, could not have killed one hundred twenty thousand to two hundred thousand as the Arabs reported. To this point, see Ts'en Chung-min *, Sui-T’ang shih t★ ★ (Peking, 1957), pp. 503-504, n. 46.\n\n20 Ho ch'iao-yüan †, Man-shu ⚡, chapter 7.\n\n21 Hsiang Da, pp. 48-50.\n\nTCTC, chuan 218, p. 6972.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206996, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "DOGS AND HORSES IN ANCIENT CHINA \n\n61 \n\nof horses\" in Summer, sacrifice to the ma she (1) or earth god of horses in Autumn and the ma bu (✈) in Winter.19 (According to K'ang Ch'eng, a commentator of the Chou Li, the ma she was a spirit who sat in judgement on horses.) \n\nThe Chou Li also tells us that other officials were entrusted with the care of horses. It was, for instance, the duty of the mu shih (**) or Herdsman to supervise the imperial horse pastures and see to it that they were annually improved by burning off the top grass.20 The Herdsman was also required to perform a curious task which consisted of clamping bamboo pins on the ears of any restless two-year-old fillies, a treatment guaranteed to soothe the most restive animal.21 \n\nTo treat sick horses there was not only a veterinarian but also a horse sorcerer or wu ma (4) to assist him. It was the sorcerer's task to diagnose a sick animal's ailment by studying its gait, after which the veterinarian bathed the horse in a herbal decoction (which may have had mildly analgesic properties) before undertaking any other course of treatment.22 The sorcerer also had to be conversant with the sick horse's pedigree in order to sacrifice to its ancestors. If, despite these ministrations, the animal died, one of the two merchants attached to the sorcerer's office had to sell the carcass and return the money to the officer in charge of the corral.23 \n\nThat horses were used both as sacrificial victims and as cult objects may be due to the fact that traces of two completely different cultures survived into Chou times. According to Schindler horses were used as chthonic sacrifices because the Earth Goddess had originally been horse-shaped.24 The author bases his argument on a passage from the I Ching (Hexagram 1 and 2) which states that \"Earth is a mare.\" (This passage may have been responsible for a taboo, current in Han times, against riding mares.25) But in the Shuo Gua section of the I Ching we find a statement to the effect that \"Heaven is a horse and Earth is an ox.\" Obviously this is a relic from a different culture which identified horses with the virile qualities of heaven,26 \n\nDogs and Horses as Sources of Food \n\nIn ancient China it was customary to use as sacrificial victims only animals whose flesh was habitually eaten. Thus, the custom of eating both dogs and horses goes back to very ancient times.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206997, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "62\n\nCAROLE MORGAN\n\nAlthough, as we have seen, horses were hunted as early as the third millennium, there is still some controversy among experts as to whether horses were eaten by the Shangs. Certainly by Chou times the practice of eating horse meat had become prevalent enough to warrant an injunction in the Chou Li against eating bad horse flesh27 and a warning in the Li Chi that the taste of a horse with black hair growing along its spine is no better than that of a burrowing animal.28\n\nIn a book from the latter part of the third century B.C. called the \"Travels of King Mu\" we are told that King Mu, while on a journey through Western China, was offered 300 edible horses by the Chu Tse (✯✯) tribe, 900 by Tsao Nu (✯ ✯) and 700 by the Chih ( ),29\n\nAs for dogs they, along with pigs, constituted the major source of animal protein in ancient China. The Shuo Wen even gives a special character for dog's meat (1) written with the radicals for dog and flesh, while the Chou Li divides dogs into three categories: the tien chuan (□) or watch dog, the fei chuan (ok†) or barking dog and the chih chuan (✯✯) or edible dog.30 With the exception of the liver every part of the animal was considered edible.31\n\nAt the banquets of feudal lords a dish of dog's broth and glutinous rice was considered a great delicacy;32 for Summer dried fish fried in pungent dog's fat was thought to be cooling33 and when dog's meat was prepared as sacrificial meat it had first to be marinated in a mixture of vinegar and pepper.34 (Animals whose meat was used for sacrificial purposes were never referred to by name. Thus an ox was known as i yuan da wu (~✰✰✰) a head一元大武) on large feet; cocks as han yin (4) birds whose cry reaches heaven and dogs as gao hsien ( ‡**) animals used to make ancestor soup.35\n\nThe Emperor was required to eat dog's meat during the first three Autumn months36 and much later dog's meat was credited with the power of reducing fatigue and was recommended for scholars sitting for their examinations.37\n\nBoth edible dogs and horses were considered fit presents for the Emperor and feudal lords, although a pure white horse was deemed unsuitable, possibly because white was the colour of mourning.38 (The writer is more inclined to believe that since white horses were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207078, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "HONG KONG PLACE NAMES\n\nO.S. S.S. Meaning or Remarks\n\n143 15 kau 九 gao4 Occurs very often in place-names when the meaning cannot be 'nine', and even where (e.g. 'Kowloon') there is a legend to explain the use of 'nine', other circumstances lead us to suspect aetiological myth.\n\n16 kei 基 ghey The Man147 glossary gives this word as meaning in the language of the southern tribes, 'behind, lesser, second'; which fits the context wherever it occurs in local place-names.\n\n17 kei-wai 基圍 gheywray A bund between paddy fields. An earth dyke.\n\n18 kek 塈 kreak A large earth dyke used to reclaim salt-marsh from the sea.\n\n19 keng 逕 geang Ruins, especially the foundation left after a building has been removed. (The word seems to have originated in Hakka137 pronounced khak—and to have been adopted by local Punti160 speakers). See (3).\n\n 逕座 geang 烴 A pass with a path over it; also the path leading to the pass. See au (2).\n\nOn maps often found mis-spelt kang (which is the Namtau156 dialect pronunciation). The book pronunciation geng is...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208291, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "CONTENTS\n\nEDITORIAL -\n\nPRESIDENT'S REPORT -\n\nHON. TREASURER'S REPORT -\n\nTHE LIBRARY -\n\nPage\n\n1\n\n3\n\n9\n\n12\n\nArticles :\n\nThe Reform of Military Education in Late Ch'ing China, 1842-1895 -- RICHARD J. SMITH\n\n15\n\n41\n\nAltar Images from Hunan and Kiangsi KEITH STEVENS Is Face the Same as Li? — A critical note on Agassi and Jarvie, 'A Study in Westernization' MARGARET N. NG\n\n49\n\n0 Ancestors in the Spring -- The Qingming Festival in Central China GÖRAN AJMER\n\n-\n\n59\n\n(83\n\nThe Politicization of Chinese Craft Organization in Post World War II Hong Kong - EUGENE COOPER Shiwan Pottery Explored-FREDRIKKe Skinsnes ScollaRD\n\n101\n\nVillage Government in China [1933]—C. MARTIN WILBUR\n\n113\n\nWoodblock Printing, an Essential Medium of Culture Inheritance in Chinese History — DAVID H. S. CHAU\n\n175\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\n=\n\n国\n\n-\n\nMissing Maps: Sowerby's \"Sport & Science on the Sino-Mongolian Frontier\" - H. A. RYDINGS Brook's Gecko Found in Macau - J. D. ROMER Mud Skis or Scooter, Deep Bay, Hong Kong The Saintly Guo- KEITH STEVENS - The Immortal Fan - KEITH STEVENS\n\nAncestral Images - KEITH STEVENS StevENS Marble Hall Peter Wesley-Smith Distribution of Forts and Guard Stations on Lantau Island during the late Ch'ing period -\n\nThe Cannons on the Wall of the Tung Chung Fort, Lantau Island, Hong Kong\n\n-\n\nThe Fat Tong Mun Fort (or the Tung Lung Fort)\n\n-\n\n- 190\n\n191\n\n·\n\n-\n\n· 192\n\n-\n\n- 193\n\n-\n\nANTHONY K. K. SIU\n\nFirst Record of the Pelobatid Frog-J. D. ROMER Two Bibliographical Notices JAMES HAYES\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n-\n\n-\n\n- 198\n\n200\n\n- 202\n\n205\n\n607 (09\n\n- 211\n\n- 213\n\n214\n\nV\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208356, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "64\n\nGÖRAN AIJMER\n\nA chronicler of Yuanjiang2 states that people used cut paper 'to hang money on the mountain'. This was called 'to drink wine on the grave and hang up.' The chronicler goes on to say:\n\nIf it is graves of newly buried, then there is affection. On Earth God Day and earlier, one suspends and sweeps. The proverb says: For the new graves one does not pass she. For old graves one suspends when thirty nights have passed.14 A record of local customs in Yiyang tells us that at Qingming to sweep the graves were repaired. This was called sao mu 'the graves'. Paper money was suspended on the graves. This was called gua shan 'to hang up on the mountain'.15 From Baling we learn that, in the Qingming solar period, women hung up cut paper strips on the graves. It was called gua fen 'to hang on the grave'. Paper money was burnt and wine poured out. It is said that this practice gave rise to much mournful thought 哀思.16\n\nIn Anxiang it was the practice that 'scholars' and 'commoners' swept their grave mounds: Officials arrange money, prepare cattle, and arrange in order wine. Thereby are made ji sacrifices.17\n\nIn Hanzhou the graves were swept and there was much offering.18 In Jingshan the graves were visited, there were ji offerings, sweeping, and suspension of paper money on them.19 Similarly, in Wuchang, the old graves were swept and paper money hung up on them. Here people encircled the grave wailing loudly.20\n\nIn Chongyang everyone made ji offerings at the graves. People used 'top branches' with paper money on top of the graves.21 In Yingshan it was the practice to construct offering tables in front of the graves. This was called 'to welcome (the ancestors?) to return'. This celebration was continued up to the end of the moon.22\n\nI said above that Qingming is a period of about fifteen days. When our sources mention visits to the graves we may assume that these were spread out over this duration. It may well be that the visits were initiated on the Qingming day, the first day of the solar period: I will soon provide some evidence for the importance of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "106\n\nFREDRIKKE S. SCOLLARD\n\nnone of the human warmth characteristic of Shiwan sculpture. (Plate 18).\n\nWith familiarity, this very human art then becomes so charismatic that it is often referred to as loveable. The sentiment was well expressed by one of the potters of the Republican period who styled himself “Liang Zui Shi” (#45) (literally Liang drunken rock). Literally translated, Shiwan means \"rock bay\". As Liang's son explained, the style actually referred to the fact that his father was \"drunk\" with “Shi” wan.\n\nIn addition to its handicraft art, in the Qing period Fushan was also the pivot centre for Cantonese opera. Every year between autumn and summer, opera companies from all over the province would come to Fushan to hold auditions. This activity involved the whole community and especially the Shiwan potters who drew material from it for their iconography and figure sculpture, and who in their long rooftop friezes preserved and immortalized this evanescent drama which was so much a part of their lives. (Plate 15).\n\nAccording to Fushan archaeologist Mr. Chen Zhiliang (陈志亮), these ceramic rooftop friezes had two meanings. On the one hand the gala opera scenes such as Jiang Tai Gong deifying the gods (姜太公封神), and Guo Ze Yi celebrating his birthday (郭子仪庆寿), unfolding on the rooftops were auspicious symbols. On the other hand they disguised the anti-Manchu sentiments of \"overthrowing the Qing and restoring the Ming\" (†). In his short history of Guangdong opera, one of Mai Xiaoxia's major thrusts is to reconstruct scattered evidence in emphasizing the opera's role, and especially that of the Guangdong branch, as a disseminator of revolutionary thought. With the fall of the Ming and the advent of the Qing dynasty, heads were shaved, dress and language changed, and the civil service examination system was proclaimed open. But actors and actresses were despised as people of the lower nine grades of society and were prohibited from taking the examinations. Mai describes the opera as being the one loophole in one hundred prohibitions in which everywhere was hidden significance of national revolution. Ming costumes were preserved, except for non-Manchu enemy barbarians who were dressed in Manchu clothing; themes of Song loyalists such as the Yang Family Generals were common. One thousand pieces, Mai says, shared", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208403, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "SHIWAN POTTERY EXPLORED\n\n111\n\nsuch as Lu Xun (§i§) and Yang Kaihui, (#5 B♬*) and many types of workers and peasants. In 1962 the art theory of well-known potter Liu Quan was published in Mei Shu (), which greatly enhances the understanding of a designer's creation process.\n\nI regret that time does not permit more than the introduction of a few topics related to Shiwan pottery, but it is hoped that they are sufficient to stimulate the interest of the audience, whom I have no doubt will have further opportunity in the future to hear more about this fascinating artistic expression.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Nigel Cameron, \"Second Thoughts on Shekwan”, South China Morning Post, Tuesday, October 18, (1977).\n\n2 These discoveries were subsequently published in: Chen Zhiliang (***), “Guangdong Shiwan Gu Yao Zhi Diao Cha\" (ARGZSEALJO✨), Kuo Gu (**), (1978) No. 3, pp. 195–199.\n\n3 Li Jingkang (*), “Shiwan Tao Ye Kao” (*****), Guangdong Wen Wu {}£x#), (1941) Vol. 10: 39-47.\n\n4 Xu Zhiheng (#2&), “Yin Liu Zhai Shuo Ci\" (ABÜZ), Mei Shu Công Shu (*#*#), Shen Zhou Guo Guang She (®Æ*), (1947), Vol. 3, No. 6, pp. 159-160.\n\n5 See Guangdong Wen Wu Zhan Lan Hui Chu Pin Mu Lu (ARXMAL**), Zhong Guo Wen Hua Xie Jin Hui, Xi Nan Tu Shu Yin Shua Gong Si (@ztbet, gå!***AJ), (1940); and photographs in Guangdong Wen Wu (A*X4b), (1941) Vol. 2, pp. 163-165.\n\n6 \"Guangdong Yangjiang Shiwan Cun Fa Xian Gu Dai Yao Zhi” (ARBELZHURLRED), Wen Wu Can Kao Ze Liao (24b4”**) (1955), No. 3, pp. 161-162.\n\n7 Op. cit. Ref. 2.\n\n8 \"Gong Yi Ming Cheng Fushan\" (ILM−84), Xin Fu (**), (February 1959), No. 39, pp. 34-37.\n\n9 Yu Chengxian, editor, (**), Zhong Hua Tong Su Wen Zhang: Fushan Qin Si, (+$**$4ké), Xianggang Zhong Hua Shu Ju (✯#+4#5), (March, 1961).\n\n10 Zhuang Jia (ƒ), “Yi Qi Bu Yi Zhi, Yi Cang Bu Yi Lou-Liu Quan Tao Su Jing Yen Jian Jie”(宜起不宜止,宜藏不宜露,一則傳陶塑經驗簡4) Mei Shu, (★#ƒ), (1962), No. 3, pp. 41 f.\n\nThis theory is discussed more fully in: Fredrikke Skinsnes Scollard, \"Destruction and Creation: The Impact of Revolution on Shekwan Pottery\", Leverhulme Conference, University of Hong Kong, 1977, (In press).\n\n11 Manuel da Silva Mendes, \"Barros de Kuang Tung\", Boletim do Instituto Luis de Camoes, (Outubro de 1967), Vol. 2,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208485, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n193 \n\nBut in recent months the mud-skis have been used by illegal immigrants, first to help them float across the bay and then to negotiate the mud flats and swamps of the Mai Po marshes. \n\nYesterday Sgt-Major Wilson demonstrated how they were used. \"They can move faster over the mud than a man can run over firm ground,\" said Sergeant Major Chris Wilson yesterday. \n\n\"If it's thick mud the illegals stand on the skis and push with their feet and they can shoot across mud and water at a tremendous speed,\" he said. \n\n\"If they cross thin mud or water they lay down and put out one leg and make a swimming motion and they can travel very fast.” \n\nThe Army Air Corps has adapted one of its Scout helicopters to play a very special role in rescuing refugees from the deep mud and treacherous swamps in the marshes. \n\nThe small helicopters are now equipped with nets and the crews hover over the swamps and drop out the nets to pluck illegal immigrants trapped in the mud to safety.” \n\nReprinted, in part only, from the South China Morning Post, 18 June, 1979 \n\nThis item was brought to my notice by our printer and Honorary Life Member Mr. Y. F. Lam (Hon. Ed.) \n\nTHE SAINTLY GUO (Sheng Gong) \n\nProfessor G. E. Guldin doubtless will be delighted to learn that the cult of Sheng Gong is alive and well and thriving in SE Asia. In his interesting article on Little Fujian in the 1977 Journal (JHKBRAS17(1977); 112-129) he surmised that Hong Kong may have the only Sheng Gong temple left functioning in the world. He will be surprised to hear that although there is only the one temple dedicated to Sheng Gong in Hong Kong, there were at least twelve in Singapore, six in Malaysia (1970) and twenty-seven in Taiwan (1969), all dedicated to this deity. This, of course, does not include the hundreds of images of the Saintly Guo seen in secondary positions in temples throughout SE Asia and Taiwan. More than half of the temples dedicated to Sheng Gong in Taiwan (16 out of 27) are within a thirty-mile radius which includes Tainan, and Kaohsiung South-West Taiwan. Only four are in towns and the remainder", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208486, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "194 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nare in rural areas. The major Sheng Gong cult temple in Taiwan is in Taiwan City, from which place his portable image is taken by sedan chair to other cult temples in the vicinity to renew the efficacy of the images there. Evidence of the presence of his cult has been seen, too, by the writer in Sarawak, Brunei and Indonesia, in Thailand, Vietnam and Cambodia.\n\nSheng Gong is a comparatively little used short form for the local Fujian cult of Guang Ze Zun Wang (廣澤尊王) whose full personal name was Guo Zhong-fu (郭忠福) and who is equally well known as Guo Sheng Wang Gong (郭聖王公); hence the \"Sheng Gong.\" He has some half a dozen other titles but all with a very limited local use, apart from Bao An Zun Wang (保安尊王). This is occasionally included in the title of his temple (*\n\nas compared with the more popular title of the Phoenix Mountain Temple (鳳山寺). He should not be confused with another and entirely different Fujian local cult deity, Hui Ze Zun Wang(惠澤尊王)\n\nThe Saintly Guo's image is not difficult to recognise as it has certain characteristics which, whilst not individually unique, together identify him at a glance. He has a youthful, clean-shaven face; is seated dressed in robes over armour with his right foot raised parallel to the ground, pointing towards his left leg at knee height. His face is a dark red and he has protruding round eyes.\n\nThere are two images of the Saintly Guo in the one temple in North Point, Hong Kong. One is the main, large image swathed in embroidered robes donated by devotees, and the other is a small wooden carving on the main altar before and between Guo and his consort. Neither were easy to photograph, and therefore I have gone through some old photographs, the best of which is to be seen at illustration at the back of this volume.* In this photograph Guo is the main deity on the altar of a temple in Seremban, West Malaysia, flanked by two other images of another Fujian local cult, Fa Zhu Gong (法主公). Guo is prayed to for the usual blessings though in certain temples he is specifically looked upon as a healer of the sick, a protector of children and as a wealth god for businessmen. He is also the patron of those who bear the same surname as himself.\n\n* Plate 22.\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208487, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n195 \n\nGuo's cult centre was at Phoenix Mountain Monastery (4 +) near Nan An, a county capital some 15 miles inland from Chuan Zhou, the prefectural capital on the coast of Fujian province opposite Taiwan. Though Chuan Zhou lies only forty miles up the coast as the crow flies from Amoy, before the advent of buses travel between those two cities took several days. Immigrants to South-east Asia took the Saintly Guo with them, and wherever his temple is to be found you can be certain that the local populace includes a fair percentage of Nan An, Chuan Zhou and Amoy settlers. \n\nHe is usually seen on altars, as he is on the Hong Kong altar, sitting beside his consort and with his parents behind him and two unnamed male servants before him. \n\nHis festivals are celebrated on his birthday the 22nd of the second lunar month, and on the 22nd of the eighth lunar month, the day he was whisked away to Heaven and achieved Tao. \n\nGuo has two or three legends describing his origins and life. Some readers will have heard all or parts of these differing legends connected with various deities. The main one relates how Guo was born in Nan An district during the Sung Dynasty where he grew up with his poverty-stricken widowed mother. She worked as a maid for a rich but unpopular man who, as did all very rich heads of families, also employed his own feng shui specialist (a form of fortune adviser) who provided advice and plans for each day. The feng shui specialist foretold that the child Guo who worked as a goatherd, would have a great future, and would inherit everything from the rich man, as Guo's family had been pious, honest and good for three generations. The question posed by the rich man after he had heard this prognostication from the feng shui specialist was \"would Guo prefer to be a great man for one generation\", or \"ashes and incense forever?\" (In another version it was Emperor for one generation and Duke or King for many generations). The feng shui specialist secretly explained to Guo which was the best plot in the rich man's acres, the plot with the most auspicious characteristics. Here he was to bury the remains of his dead father. To obtain the plot Guo indentured himself to the rich man for a fixed period without the rich man realizing the auspicious nature of the site. After years of hard work Guo was able to bury his father in the plot, earning the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208488, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 212, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "196\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nundying admiration of all around for his filial piety. In one version Guo was told by the feng shui expert to mix his father's ashes into a mulch and pour it into a crack which would appear in the dry earth in the plot. If the rich man should ask him what he was doing, he had to be told that Guo was taking washing water to the feng shui specialist. Exactly as foretold, a crack in the ground appeared and straightaway Guo poured the mulch into it.\n\nThe feng shui specialist, after warning Guo that his life would be comparatively short, then instructed Guo and his mother to keep walking out of the district until they saw a man with a brass head, a cow standing on a man and a fish living on top of a tree. At that spot he would eventually die, said the feng shui expert. As they walked, a rainstorm flooded their path and they were confronted by a priest with a bronze incense burner on his head to protect him from the rain, a cowherd crouching under one of his cows for the same reason and a fisherman who in his excitement had landed a fish over his head whereupon it was caught, alive still, in a tree. Guo realized that this was the place where he would die and where he must build his temple as advised by the feng shui specialist.\n\nGuo and his mother built a home. She worked for a family nearby whilst Guo went daily to collect firewood. In one version it was claimed that as he was still but a boy, amongst the games he played with the other boys was one in which one of their number acted as Emperor and ordered the others about. They took turns daily to be Emperor, and the Emperor of the day stood or sat on a stump and ordered the others to collect his firewood. On one occasion whilst Guo was \"Emperor\" he felt himself stiffen and realized he was about to be taken off to Heaven. The boy playing before him at that moment fell over in a trance and Guo called out for the others to fetch his mother quickly. Tardily she appeared, not having realized what was happening and having finished watering the cows. By the time she arrived Guo too had fallen into a trance but was still seated cross-legged on the tree stump. His bewildered and excited mother pulled down his left leg to wake him up but she was just too late, his spirit was leaving his body. Her last words to him were, \"If you really are a saint then you must look far away as saints are always ignored by their own people\". Thus it is that he is always depicted with his left", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208489, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n197 \n\nleg down and right leg bent, and with round protruding eyes fixed on the horizon. \n\nNews of his sainthood quickly spread throughout Chuan Zhou, as did the word that he now had great spiritual powers. A small temple was built for him and his fame slowly spread far and wide. He helped and advised people, in their dreams, and his popularity was such that the title of King was awarded him. He did not always answer people's prayers himself as he had a small staff of spirits as assistants. One day a very elderly couple were promised a child by a spirit assistant in his absence. When Guo returned and heard of the rash promise he realized there was only one way to fulfil it and had himself reincarnated as their child. His temple fell into disuse, and for 21 years it lay empty. A fortune teller told the old couple that their only child would pass the Imperial examinations with very high marks. Whilst a student, “Guo” (though not now of the Guo family) cured the Emperor's mother who was very ill and for this he was given the title of Guang Ze Zun Wang.* He was warned, however, never to touch anything black as this would result in his death. The award of a 1st Class Civil Examination result required him to attend the Imperial Palace at the Capital in scholar's clothes, and as he had been created a magistrate his uniform was black! He donned it, returned to Nan An in triumph but because he had touched black, dropped dead on his return. \n\nA beggar asked \"Guo's” mother for money. When she replied that she had none and was in mourning for her recently dead son, the beggar said that he had just seen “Guo” riding a white horse, and moreover \"Guo\" had promised him a stated amount of money which he had told the beggar was under his pillow. When \"Guo's” mother looked there was the exact money! \"Guo's\" mother then knew he had not died but had returned to his temple. She followed, instituted prayers and incense burning before the deity who now bore the title of Guang Ze given to him by the Emperor. \n\nA Taoist priest's daughter fell in love with the image of Guang Ze in the temple and said she wanted to marry him. The image heard her and from then on, each day whilst the daughter was washing the family's clothes in the stream, she saw a jade bangle lying on red linen in a bowl floating near her. On her mother's \n\n*This literally means the Saintly King of the Wide Marsh.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208490, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 214, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "198\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nadvice she picked it up, and it immediately jumped onto her wrist and stuck fast. This was the sign that she was to marry Guang Ze and the next and every night Guang Ze visited her and talked to her all through the night. Her mother became angry and forbade her to see him and the Taoist priest refused to allow his daughter to be married to Guo. He even planned to marry her quickly to someone else but as the sedan chair passed Guo's temple, Guo took her from the sedan and replaced her with a rock without the chair bearers seeing. The furious father suspected Guo, went to the temple and found his daughter, but as a statue beside Guo's.\n\nAnother version was that as her daughter had become obviously pregnant the mother asked her daughter to cut a piece of the robe off her nightly visitor. This the daughter did and it only took the mother a few days to discover the pieces were from the robe of the image of Guang Ze in a nearby temple. The father, a powerful Taoist magician, realizing his power was far less than Guo's and that he was dying, as a last wish asked for four pieces of burning charcoal to be put one at each corner of his coffin when it was placed in the temple after his death. However, reading the father's mind, Guo transformed himself into an old lady and persuaded the temple keeper's wife to remove the burning charcoals. She was almost too late, managing to remove only three pieces. The last one caused the corner of the temple to catch fire, whereupon one wall fell in. But for Guo's warning all four walls would have fallen and Guo's image would have been destroyed.\n\nTHE IMMORTAL FAN (樊仙)\n\n(Cantonese: Fan Sin)\n\nA unique folk religion cult is centred around the village of Wun Yiu,* a mile or so above Taipo, in the New Territories of Hong Kong, where his gilded image is to be seen alone on a temple altar. There he is depicted as a seated Mandarin with a black beard and white eyebrows and, according to the temple keeper, without any special recognition characteristics. FAN has not been seen in any other temple within the two territories of Hong Kong & Macau.\n\n* See A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories (Hong Kong, Government Printer n.d. but 1960) p. 176 under Sheung and Ha Wun Yiu. Plates 23(a) and 23(b) illustrate this Note.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208523, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "Plate 22.\n\nThe main altar in a Seremban temple with the Saintly Guo the main cult deity.\n\nflanked by two images of Fa Zhu Gong, 1969", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209428, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "63\n\nNationality\n\nMembers\n\n1855 (March)—1856 (January)\n\n(23.3.1855)\n\nWilliam Shephard Wetmore\n\nWilliam Thorburn\n\nWilliam Herbert Vacher\n\nHenry Alexander Ince\n\nClement D. Nye\n\n1856 (January)—1857 (January)\n\n(14.1.1856)\n\nGeorge Griswold Gray\n\n \n Firm\n Nationality\n \n \n Wetmore & Co.\n American\n \n \n Hargreaves & Co.\n British\n \n \n Gilman, Bowman, Dent, Beale & Co.\n American\n \n \n Bull, Nye & Co.\n British\n \n \n (Treasurer)\n \n \n \n James Lawrence Man\n \n \n \n Andrew Arch. Ranken\n \n \n\n1857 (January) — 1858 (February)\n\n(31.1.1857)\n\nGeorge Watson Coutts\n\nHugh Bold Gibb\n\nCharles W. Orne\n\n \n Russell & Co.\n American\n \n \n Geo. Barnet & Co.\n ?\n \n \n Smith, Kennedy & Co.\n British\n \n \n Watson & Co.\n British\n \n \n Gibb, Livingston & Co.\n British\n \n \n Russell & Co.\n American\n \n\nNote: In February 1858 G. W. Coutts is no longer mentioned as member.\n\n1858 (February) — 1859 (February)\n\n(4.2.1858)\n\nWilliam Wetmore Cryder\n\nHugh Bold Gibb\n\nJohn Thorne\n\nNote: In February 1859 only J. Thorne is mentioned as member.\n\n1859 (February) — 1860 (February)\n\n(31.1.1859)\n\nRobert Reid (Chairman)\n\nWilliam Wetmore Cryder\n\n \n Wetmore, Williams & Co.\n American\n \n \n Gibb, Livingston & Co.\n British\n \n \n ?\n ?\n \n \n Birley, Worthington & Co.\n British\n \n \n (Treasurer)\n \n \n \n Hubert Marshall Murray Gray\n \n \n \n Wetmore, Williams & Co.\n American\n \n \n Smith, Kennedy & Co.\n British\n \n\n1860 (February) — 1861 (February)\n\n(15.2.1860)\n\nRowland Hamilton (Chairman)\n\n \n Smith, Kennedy & Co.\n British\n \n\nJames Whitlow (Treasurer)\n\nRichard R. Tyers\n\n \n Holliday, Wise & Co.\n British\n \n\n2\n\n \n British\n 2\n \n\n1861 (February) — 1862 (April)\n\n(2.2.1861)\n\nWilliam Howard (Chairman)\n\nJ. Priestley Tate (Treasurer)\n\nChartered Bank\n\nBlain, Tate & Co.\n\n \n William Shephard Wetmore\n British\n \n \n ?\n ?\n \n \n Wetmore, Williams & Co.\n American\n \n\nNote: In April 1862 only J. P. Tate is mentioned as member.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "Links with other Overseas Branches of the RAS\n\nFrom time to time we have established short-lived links with one or other of our sister branches of the Society, including the Korean Branch (established in 1900) and the Asiatic Society of Bengal (established in 1784); and since Mr. K. M. A. Barnett left Hong Kong I have been the Corresponding Member in Hong Kong for the main Society in London. At the last AGM a member asked if ties could be renewed with branches in the region. This has been discussed by the Council recently, and I have written to the Korean and Malaysian Branches asking for information on their activities and expressing an interest in maintaining contact. I was also invited to attend the bicentenary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal in January 1984, but unfortunately the notice came late and no direct reply was given to my letter expressing willingness to go. (In this connection Members may have seen the rather distressing account of this venerable body in the Far Eastern Economic Review for 15/3/84). We will continue the effort to keep in touch.\n\nMembership\n\nOur total membership as at 29th February 1984 was 478, comprising 7 honorary members, 105 local life members, and 2 institutional members, with 75 overseas life members and 37 ordinary overseas members. Changes since last year at this time included 36 resignations, 2 deaths, 19 persons not sending subscriptions and 20 renewal notices returned by the GPO because the members were no longer at their notified addresses. Against this there were 29 new members. There was, as you will perceive, a marked reduction in total membership, mostly in local ordinary membership and mainly attributable to the doubling of the annual subscription from $50 to $100 in 1982. There had been an earlier loss of this kind when the subscription was raised from $30 to $50 in 1975. This is seemingly unavoidable in a busy place like Hong Kong with its many competing interests and claims on people's time, leading some members to say, in their letters of resignation, that they felt they did not take sufficient advantage of the Society's activities to warrant the increased cost. All the more reason, then, for us all to make a special effort to provide interesting programmes if we are to find new members.\n\nxiii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209945, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 204, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "182\n\nNOTES\n\n1 For historical developments of Taoism, see Ch'en, 1963; Stein, 1979: 53-82; and for a fuller discussion of Jiao-shi, see Saso, 1972: 32-83, Liu, 1974, and Keuper, 1977: 79-94.\n\n\"They hold Jiao-shi in either Cantonese or Fukien dialects and in general, Cantonese-speaking dao-shi provide Jiao-shi to Cantonese-speaking communities and Fukienese-speaking dao-shi to Fukienese-speaking communities.\n\n* The two dao-shi groups who conducted Jiao-shi at these two locations are among the few practicing Taoist groups in Hong Kong. Dao-shi who performed Jiao-shi in Fanling were Cantonese-speaking and in Cheung-chau, Fukienese-speaking.\n\n4\n\nExact instrumentation varies according to the practice of different regions; for example, Fukienese-speaking Taoist team performing at the Cheung-chau Bun Festival employs an er-hu in addition to the melodic instrument suo-na. Ch'en Guo-fu, 1963, mentions that the instrumentation of Jiao-shi music in the Jiang-nan area is quite similar to that of the Shi-fan-luo-go of that area which consists of the melodic instruments of di, xiao, sheng, er-hu, xian-zi, yun-luo, pi-pa and percussion instruments.\n\n6\n\nIt goes without saying that changes of the pitches in the original pattern will result in rhythmic changes as well; they are viewed nevertheless as pitch-variants. In rhythm-variant, the pitches remain relatively stable while rhythmic details change.\n\n• Based on the examples which I have analysed, it seems that the rhythm-variants are rarely used and even if they are used, they are often accompanied by some kind of pitch-variant (e.g.,).\n\n+\n\nOnly the vocal part is included in the transcription. The er-hu part plays the same melody an octave higher. The percussion instruments of luo and po, played by the Taoist priest himself in this case, repeat the following pattern throughout:\n\nluo ро\n\n33 XX- -X333\n\n*This structure makes it possible for the suo-na players to prolong their playing whenever necessary by repeating the middle part several more times before going on to motif k.\n\n• The similar use of instrumentation and seating arrangement, and melodic and rhythmic motives in Jiao-shi music and regional opera of the same locality are two ready examples. Chen, 1963, describes Taoists performing Kun-ju excerpts during Jiao-shi. See also Note 4.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209946, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "References Cited\n\n183\n\nCh'en Kuo-fu\n\n1963 Tao-tsang yüan-lin k'ao. Peking: Chung hua Press.\n\nKeupers, John\n\n1977 \"A Description of the Fa-ch'ang Ritual as Practiced by the Lü Shan Taoists of Northern Taiwan,\" in Michael Saso and David W. Chappel, eds., Buddhist and Taoist Studies (Hawaii: The University Press of Hawaii).\n\nLiu Chih-wan\n\n1974 Chung-kuo min-chien hsin-yang lun-chi. Academia Sinica Special Monograph no. 22. Taipei: Academia Sinica.\n\nSaso, R. Michael\n\n1972 Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal. Pullman: Washington State University Press.\n\nStein, Rolf A.\n\n1979 “Religious Taoism and Popular Religion from the Second to Seventh Centuries\", in Holmes Welch and Anna Seidel, eds., Facets of Taoism: Essays in Chinese Religion (New Haven: Yale University Press).\n\nAPPENDIX\n\n1983 Cheung Chan Bun Festival\n\n長洲一九八三年(癸亥年)建太平清醮\n\nDate: May 16-20, 1983.\n\nPlace: Playground in front of the Bai-di temple\n\nA.\n\nTaoist Team: five Fukienese-speaking dao-shi, with Wei Guo-xin as the head dao-shi; five musicians, also Fukienese-speaking.\n\nMay 16\n\n13:00 Greeting the Gods\n\n20:00 First operatic performance begins on temporary stage adjacent to the Taoist altar.\n\nMay 17\n\n1:00 Beginning of Jiao-shi\n\nResidents of Cheung-chau begin the three-day fast\n\nOperatic performances continue, afternoon and evening shows.\n\nMay 18\n\nOperatic performance continues, two shows per day.\n\n12:00 Offering to the Gods\n\n15:00 Dotting of eye\n\nMay 19\n\n12:00 Vegetarian diet ends.\n\nMay 20\n\n10:00 Divide the Buns\n\n14:00 First day of Procession 第一天會景巡遊\n\nOperatic performance continues, two shows per day.\n\n14:00 Second day of Procession\n\nOperatic performance continues, two shows per day.\n\nFast ends.\n\nMay 21-22 Operatic performance.\n\nBeginning on May 17 and ending on May 22, Jiao-shi were conducted in three sessions each day, generally in the morning, afternoon, and evening.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210187, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "137\n\nRevd Justus Doolittle, Social Life of the Chinese, (New York, Harper and Brothers, 1865), Vol. II, p. 55; Robert K. Douglas, China (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 2nd Edition, 1887) pp. 280-1; Juliet Bredon and Igor Metrophanow, The Moon Year, A Record of Chinese Customs and Festivals (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh Ltd, 1927) pp. 314-5.\n\n26\n\nJ. W. Hayes, The Hong Kong Region op. cit., p. 210 note 87. A full account of the stakenet fishing is given in my forthcoming article on the coastal and inshore fisheries of Hong Kong Island and adjacent places in the 19th century and earlier, to appear in Proceedings of the Eighth International Symposium on Asian Studies, 1986, Vol. I, China, Asian Research Service, GPO Box 2232 Hong Kong.\n\n27\n\nChina Mail No. 212, 8 March 1849, Witness No. 23 at the recorded Coroner's Inquest. Possibly also nos. 19 and 22.\n\n20\n\nA large scale map of Little Hong Kong at 80' to 1, in five sheets, showing the Old and New Villages and their fields (1892) is in the PRO of Hong Kong. In 1844 it was stated that the Wong Nai Chung fields measured 75.1 acres (CSO129/9807, p. 277).\n\n1\n\nIllustrated London News, 16 January 1858.\n\n10\n\nHong Kong Government Gazette, Government Notification 41 of 1860, dated 24 March 1860.\n\nRobert Fortune, Three Years Wanderings in the Northern Provinces of China (London, John Murray, 2nd edition 1847) p.17. He qualifies his remarks slightly, but the substance is as stated. See also his general very favourable verdict on the Chinese people at p. xv.\n\n32\n\nK.S. McKenzie, Narrative of the Second Campaign in China (London, R. Bentley, 1842) p. 160.\n\n33\n\nCaptain G.G. Loch, Closing Events of the Campaign in China (London, John Murray, 1843) p. 21.\n\n14\n\n35\n\nMcKenzie, op. cit., p. 163.\n\nDalrymple's Observations on the Southern Coasts of China and the Island of Hainan (London, 1806). After p. 20 in the text. This willingness to trade with strangers continued into the period of hostilities between Britain and China when the local people appear to have been very ready to supply the British forces and the civilian population with food and other necessities. Indeed this extended to such a degree that led Captain Elliott to state in one of his despatches to Lord Ellenborough, Governor-General of India, that the retention of Hong Kong would be \"an act of justice and protection to the Native population upon which we have been so long dependent for assistance and supply. Indescribably dreadful instances of the hostility between these people and the Government are within our certain knowledge; and they cannot be abandoned without the most fatal consequences.” Hosea Ballou Morse, The International Relations of the Chinese Empire, 3 vols, reprinted by Book World Company, Taipei, Appendix I to Vol. 1, pp. 650-1. See also pp. 241-2 for local provisioning.\n\n34\n\nJohn Francis Davis. Sketches of China, Partly during an Inland Journey of Four Months between Peking, Nanking and Canton, bound in with Volume III of his A General Description of China and its Inhabitants (London, Charles Knight, New Edition, 1845), p. 12. See also Wright and Allom, op. cit., \"The Harbour of Hong Kong\" which speaks of the \"innate gentleness, and disinterested hospitality, of the farmers and the fishermen of Hong Kong\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210554, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "142\n\nJOHN KARL EVANS\n\ninherit more than a portion of his estate would not harbour strong feelings of guilt about his death, and would thus be less inclined to view his spirit as potentially malevolent. Although more work needs to be done in this area, there is some evidence that suggests that the punitive capacity of the manes did wane during the Empire. In Ravenna, for example, an impressive number of gravestones are extant which clearly show that, late in the second century A.D. and thereafter, it was no longer the ability of a spirit to avenge itself that protected the tomb from desecration, but the threat of a municipal fine. There are many variations on the warning to be read on the tombstone of L. Baebius Silvanus: siquis post obitum eorum qui supra scripti sunt has plancas aperuerit dare debebit rei publicae Ravennatium sestertium duo milia nummum \"if anyone opens this tomb after the interment of those who have been named above, let him pay 2,000 sesterces to the municipal treasury of Ravenna” (CIL 11.43 = ILS 2863).81 This takes up too much of the stone to be practical, but then everyone seems to have understood what the abbreviation S.P.OBIT.E.Q.S.S.S.H.PLANC.A.D.D.R.P.R. HS...Ñ stood for. We end, as we began, with the stock epigraphic phrase.\n\nConclusions\n\nThe cult of the dead in Rome and China, two societies far distant from one another both in space and time, have now passed in review, and several striking similarities have been observed. In each, there is an afterlife conceived in material terms, and a ritual centred on sacrificial offerings considered essential for the well-being of the deceased. The spirits of the deceased are commonly thought to be capable of punishing individuals who neglect these rites, but in so doing they infringe upon the larger sphere of the hostile and aggressive ghosts. In both societies, it can be argued that men and women cease to receive offerings as individuals when there is no one left who knew them at first hand, and that property can play as decisive a role in fixing responsibility for the maintenance of the dead as kinship. Finally, in both Rome and China the capacity of ancestral spirits for punitive action may be due at least in part to the postponement of the ritual and economic emancipation of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210764, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "98\n\nCHAN WING HỘI\n\nto see it face to face. Some of the others replied that there was nothing to fear, as it had been the practice for several hundreds of years for women to take part. Later when the procession was returning to Shek O I noticed a little boy with his ball and a young couple with their children in a pram. The comment was heard: “gou-hing, tai-ye” (Have a nice time and look at interesting things). The women were chatting all the way, and there were many young girls too.\n\nWhen the procession had gone down Tai Long Wan Road, I heard three or four women talk among themselves about Seung Wai, where their homes had been. A young one recalled that they used to have banana trees there, which produced good bananas and some rice-like stuff, which, her grandmother had told her, was good as chicken feed. The place being more spacious, they had been able to raise chicken too. Her grandmother had pointed out to her where the daai-wong-ye's place was — near where the paddy fields were.\n\nAt one point the bus from Shek O approached, and the young man with the loudspeaker called out to the driver by name “Come on, it is all right if you want to switch on the headlights.\" I noticed many cars were hindered from proceeding before the bus, but this did not seem to have bothered the young man at all. The procession made way for the bus to pass, neglecting the other vehicles.\n\nWhen the procession reached the edge of Tai Long Wan village, the daai-si-wong was put down on the ground facing the village. Many individuals, mainly middle-aged and young women, came to make offerings of incense. A table had been set up for the purpose. Some older women and men looked on. Children were led to walk around the legs of the paper image for good luck. Someone said, “Walk around the legs and you will win the Mark Six lottery\".\n\nThe procession was back at the main ritual area at about 8:30. The daai-si-wong was left facing an altar used by the priests, where an extra table had been set up for the concluding rite. Many came to make offerings at all the altars, but they paid more attention now to the daai-si-wong. Many more, not only small children, but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210767, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "faan-gon \n\ngan-jy \n\n跟佳 \n\ngou-hing \n\ngung-so \n\n公所 \n\nGwong-seui \n\n光緒 \n\nhaang-chiu \n\n行朝 \n\nhaang-heung \n\n行否 \n\nHakka \n\n我家 \n\nhin-bei \n\n纈妣 \n\nhin-hau \n\nHoi Luk Fung \n\n海陸豐 \n\nFuk-Wai-Chiu 高惠潮 \n\nmou-fan pei-chi \n\n冇分彼此 \n\nNaam Tau \n\n南頭 \n\nNaam Bin Chyn \n\n南便村 \n\nping-on \n\n平安 \n\nPiu-sik \n\n飄色 \n\npo-yat \n\n破日 \n\nPunti \n\n本地 \n\nQing \n\n淸 \n\nse-su \n\n教書 \n\nseun-si \n\n信: \n\nSeung Wai \n\n上圍 \n\nseung-yuk \n\n上肉 \n\n101 \n\nHok Tsui \n\n健咀 \n\nShaukiwan \n\n筲箕灣 \n\nHoklo \n\n仙佬 \n\nShek O Saan Jai \n\n石澳山仔 \n\nhou-wan \n\n好運 \n\nShek O \n\n石澳 \n\njam-mong \n\n浸润 \n\njang-paang \n\n繪櫥 \n\nJeng Gwok Man \n\n會國民 \n\nTai O \n\n大澳 \n\njing-chyn \n\n正村 \n\nJiu \n\n邱 \n\nM \n\n媽 \n\njung-lei \n\n總理 \n\nKam Tin \n\n錦田 \n\nlaam-bong \n\n攬榜 \n\nlaam-yuk \n\n腩肉 \n\nLaan Lai Wan \n\n斕坭滟 \n\nLam \n\n林 \n\nLau \n\n劉 \n\nLau Sing Jai \n\n對勝任 \n\nlei-si \n\n理事 \n\nLeung \n\n梁 \n\nLeung Yi Hoi \n\n梁值海 \n\nLeung Nung \n\n梁龍(?) \n\nMa-leung \n\n馬料 \n\nMan \n\n文 \n\nSiu-yau \n\n小幽 \n\nTai Tam Tuk \n\n大潭篤 \n\nTai Long Wan \n\n大浪灣 \n\ntai-ye \n\n睇嘢 \n\nTanka \n\n蛋家 \n\nTin Hau \n\n天后 \n\nWai Chau \n\n惠州 \n\nWong Man Gwong \n\n黃文光 \n\nWong \n\n黃 \n\nWong Chuk Hang \n\n黃竹坑 \n\nYat Gin Fa Choi \n\n一見發財 \n\nYau Ho Sam \n\n邱河深 \n\nYing-shing \n\n迎聖 \n\nyn-sau \n\n縁首 \n\nYu Laan \n\n盂蘭 \n\nYuk Wong \n\n玉皇 \n\nYu Laan \n\n媽娘 \n\nZheng Cheng \n\n增城 \n\n: \n\n:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "127\n\ncontinued the guerilla war from bases in the nearby Nanlin Hills (Paul, 1982). As a revolutionary base was established, workers' and peasants' democratic governments were formed at the county level throughout Hainan, the first being set up in Lingshui County amongst the Li community (Gao, 1981).\n\nThreatened by the possible emergence of a unified China, Japan, which already had a firm foothold in northern China, landed troops in Shanghai in 1928 in order to weaken Chiang Kai-shek's power and prolong the onset of the inevitable Sino-Japanese war. Taking advantage of the rift between the KMT and Communists, Japan strengthened her influence, first by invading Manchuria in 1931, and finally, by means of a number of orchestrated landings in 1937, secured the whole of the coast of China, effectively severing all major supply arteries to the country: China was no longer a dangerous adversary (Eberhard, 1969). As part of this offensive, Hainan was first attacked in August, 1937 (Clark, 1938), and Japanese forces quickly occupied the coastal fringe. By February, 1939, Hainan, like the mainland, was subdued (Wigmore, 1957).\n\nRemnants of the old Red Guard units, hardened by 12 years of battle with the KMT, took up positions around the island immediately behind the Japanese and used their guerilla tactics to harass the intruders, while the KMT held defensive positions in the central mountains (Fairtex-Cholmeley, 1963). It appears that a non-interference agreement was quickly ratified between the Japanese and the KMT, leaving the Communist guerillas to pose the chief threat to the invading Japanese (Paul, 1982). Although Mao Tse-tung committed the Communist Party to collaborate with the KMT, conflict continued between the two factions even in Hainan where in 1943, the Li leaders, Wang Guo-xing* and Wang Yu-jin, led 20,000 tribesmen in an armed foray against KMT troops entrenched in the Five Finger Mountains (Gao, 1981). In spite of these \"domestic\" conflicts, the combined Chinese forces tied up two Japanese divisions in Hainan (MacCrae, personal communication).\n\nDue to its strategic location, Hainan became a training and staging area for the Japanese southward thrust, with components of the XXV Japanese Army being exercised on the island during", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210805, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "139\n\nNOTES\n\n'The son of a minor official of K'iungshan, Hai Jui left Hainan at an early age and after passing the superior examination in Beijing, rose rapidly to high office. Although severed at an early age from immediate connection with his native Hainan, Hai Jui continued to bear its interests actively at Court. He died in 1587 (Mayers, 1872).\n\n2\n\nDisappointed by his failure to receive promotion to the Board of Rites in Peking, Wang Hung-hui resigned his office as emissary in 1599 and returned with his family to Hainan. Before leaving, however, he gave the Jesuit, Father Matteo Ricci, letters of introduction to his Peking colleagues (Dunn, 1962).\n\nKnown as Lingnan Agricultural College, the College of Agriculture at Canton Christian College was an indigenous undertaking, and unlike contemporary colleges in Nanking and Peking, it was fostered and developed by the Cantonese and was not directly under western control. Today, Lingnan Agricultural College survives as part of South China Agricultural University in Guangzhou.\n\nWang Guo-xing became the first governor of the Li-Miao Autonomous region which was formed in 1952 (Lee, 1964).\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAnon., (1982a) “Hainan Island Mining and Mineral Survey Mission\", Australian Government Printing Service, Canberra.\n\nAnon., (1982b) \"Hainan Region National Economic Statistical Material — 1981\" Hainan Region Bureau of Statistics, August, 1982, p322.\n\nThe Bulletin (1983) “China's Island Economic Zone\", May 10, 1983 p124.\n\nChin, Mien-min (1962) “Hainan Island under the Chinese Communist Rule,\" Communist China, 2: 231-251.\n\nChina Daily (1981) “Ownership of land will not be altered\", November 4, 1981, published by Xinhua news agency.\n\nChina Daily (1981) “Hainan Island: a place worth investment”, December 4, 1981, published by Xinhua News Agency.\n\nChina Daily (1983) “Special measures for Hainan Island”, June 6, 1983, published by Xinhua News Agency.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210806, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "140\n\nD.L. MICHALK\n\nChina Daily (1983) “Hainan Island draws more foreign interest”, November 25, 1983, published by Xinhua News Agency.\n\nClark, L. (1938) \"Among the Big Knot Lois of Hainan\", National Geographic Magazine, September issue, pp. 391-418.\n\nDehergne, J. (1940) “Les Origines du Christianisme dans l'ile de Hainan”, Monumenta Serica, 5: 329–348.\n\nDunne, G.H. (1962) “Generation of Giants: The Story of the Jesuits in China in the Last Decade of the Ming Dynasty”, University of Notre Dame Press, Notre Dame, Indiana, U.S.A.\n\nEberhard, W. (1969) A History of China.\n\nFairfax-Cholmeley, E. (1963) \"Hainan: Awakening Paradise”, Eastern Horizons, 2: 35-42.\n\nFenzel, G. (1933) \"Die Insel Hainan: Eine landeskundliche Skizze, dargestellt auf Grund eigner Reisebeobachtungen und des vorhandenen Schrifttums\", Mitteilungen der geographischen Gesellschaft Munchen, 26: 73-221.\n\nFusson, C.G. (1929) \"The Peoples of Kwang-tung: Their Origin, Migrations and Present Distribution”, Lingnan Science Journal, 7: 5-21.\n\nGao, Da-Xian (1981) “The Li People of Hainan Island”, China Reconstructs, 10: 59-65.\n\nHenry, B.C. (1886) Lingnam: Travels in the Interior of China, S.W. Partridge & Co, London.\n\nHollingworth, C. (1982) “Letter from Hainan”, Far Eastern Economic Review, April issue, p 78.\n\nIskoldsky, V. (1958) \"The Development of Agriculture on the Island of Hainan”, Sovetskoe kitaevedenie, 2: 117-123.\n\nKirk, D. (1965) \"Unknown Hainan\", Far Eastern Economic Review...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211462, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "154\n\nAh Wun, Ah Hoy, and Ah Seu, the latter two being our daily playmates. A cluster of Chinese homes bordered a large empty area behind our duplex and there Mother became acquainted with the Leong Chew's, the Chun Loy's and the Goo Dow's. For Mother, preparation to go to a friend's or to a party or to a Chinese opera meant getting gifts ready for the friend, dressing herself and us children in fine clothes, and hiring a hack to drive us there. An air of anticipation and excitement would prevail. Although we did not live far from the Red Light District in Iwilei, we had to commute by hack to visit a friend there.\n\nMother knew instinctively how to take care of us when we became ill. I was not a robust child. I do not recall ever being seen by a doctor when I was growing up. Father would describe our symptoms to a herbalist, who would then select certain herbs to be brewed as a drink for our ailments. I always resisted these concoctions, a conglomerate of twigs, leaves, seeds and, at times, even earthworms and cockroaches. In spite of much coaxing and scolding, I would continue to resist until someone would finally hold my nose while another would pour the brew into my mouth, thus forcing me to swallow. This often resulted in some vomiting, much to the annoyance of Mother, who, nevertheless, would reward me with one or two black dates that accompanied each dose of medicine. Before her conversion to Christianity, she also had superstitious practices as part of the cure. She would start a charcoal fire in a brazier, sprinkle some alum over it, and then swing me back and forth over the smoldering heat, pulling my ears one at a time and chanting over and over, \"Me Big not afraid! Little Pig afraid\"\n\nShe believed that this chant would send the evil spirit causing my illness to a pig. It worked!\n\nWhen I was about four, I became very ill with diarrhea, discharging so much blood that I was unable to walk from weakness. Mother asked Father to consult a doctor whose only advice was to let nature take its course. In desperation, Father went to an herbalist who prescribed a powder for diarrhea and a diet of rice and dried persimmons. This proved effective. It must have been near the Chinese New Year for I still recall the taste of preserved duck and salted duck eggs imported from China at that time of the year, which Mother served me with rice. When next I was hurting with a swollen gland in my right groin, Mother summoned a Chinese \"doctor\", who poured kerosene over it as it broke and drained.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211825, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 240, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "215\n\nProgramme:\n\nC.M. Von WEBER: \"Der Freischütz\", overture; by Messrs Essex and Ewing, piano. Sir Henry BISHOP: \"Foresters sound the cheerful horn“ (glee). Heinrich PROCH (1809-1878): \"Within the grove's deep shadow\", a song by Mr. J.P. Tate, W.A. MOZART: String quartet No 7 by Messrs Tate and Howell (violin). Ewing (viola) and Essex (cello). William HORSLEY (1774-1858); \"By Celia's Arbour\" (glee), F. MENDELSSOHN-BARTHOLDY: \"Andante, presto and allegro vivace\" (from?) by Messrs Essex and Howell. Ibidem: “Andante and finale\" (from?), by Messrs Essex and Howell, Sir Henry BISHOP: \"Sleep gentle lady\" (glee), William Vincent WALLACE (1813-1865); **The Bellringer\", a song by Mr. Essex, F. von FLOTOW: “Allessandro Stradella\", fantasia, by Messrs Essex and Howell, William HORSLEY: \"See the chariot at hand\", song, L. van BEETHOVEN: \"Egmont\", overture, played on two pianos by Messrs Essex and Ewing.\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (G)\n\nR: This was the first occasion on which the names of the amateur musicians who entertained the public were mentioned. Some can be traced in the **Shanghai Almanac for 1862”. others belonged to the military forces. Thus the names have come to us of the following gentlemen: H. Cope and E.C. Essex (both of Geo. Barnett & Co). D.A.C.G. Ewing. F.R. Gantwell (Silk broker), A.A. Hayes Jr (of Olyphant & Co), Howell, Inglis, J.M. Nixon (of Blain, Tate & Co). J. Priestley Tate (of Blain, Tate & Co; Municipal Council member 1861-1862) and J. Wheatly (of Reiss & Co). In general the Herald was very satisfied: \"It was pleasing to see the gentlemen who volunteered to throw aside for the nonce the cares of business and entertain con amore their less gifted fellow residents with a charming chamber concert. Everything was conducted in a quiet gentlemanly manner so that we imagined ourselves in a drawing room more than a theatre. There was no attempt at grandeur of display or extraordinary performance on special instruments which characterize too much the quasi-musical taste of the day where the composition of the author is sacrificed frequently to the execution of the performer and the audience is led to think more of the latter than the former\". These were rather stringent remarks for someone living in an area where very few opportunities arose to compare musical qualities of instrumentalists. Yet the argument of faithfulness to the author's or composer's intentions crops up from time to time and that was obviously regarded as important by the Herald. Unfortunately the acoustics of the theatre were not of the very best so that \"Mr. TATE's delicate tenor voice (in the song by Proch) could not fill the house sufficiently for all to hear the diminuendo passages of his beautiful voice\". (NCH 18.4.1863). The Lancashire Relief Fund had been established in order to help those in Britain who had become a victim of the stoppage of cotton imports from the Southern states of America (due to the Civil War), with the result that numerous labourers in the mills were laid off.\n\n29.4.1863 (Wedn)\n\nPerformances by the amateurs of the Royal Artillery.\n\nNo titles of plays were recorded.\n\nTh: Theatre Royal (G)\n\nR: In consequence of the \"great success\" a \"Second Fashionable Night” would be given on May 4th (NCH 2.5.1863).\n\n4.5.1863 (Thur)\n\nAs on 29.4.1863.\n\n1.8.1863 (Sat)\n\nThe last of a series of performances by Mr. Smythe's company. Soloists: Miss Amelia Bailey (singing) and Martin Simonsen (violin) Th. N.N. (H)\n\nPage 240\n\nPage 241", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211833, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 248, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "223\n\nharmonium by D.H. ENGEL\n\n17. \"Eupeidee\" (German student song and chorus) Th: Olympic Theatre (H)\n\nR: An advertisement only was published in the Herald of 29.10.1864. From it we learn that tickets could be obtained at the premises of Hiram Fogg & Co (ship chandlers, general store and auctioneers; one of the oldest foreign firms in Shanghai, located at the southern end of the Bund); Hall & Holtz (see 29.6.1864); A.A. Hayes Jr (Olyphant & Co, Nanking Road, ex Park Lane); and Herbert Cope (Geo Barnet & Co, Kiangsi Road (ex Church Street) and Hankow Road (ex Custom House Road)). It also becomes clear that there were at that moment at least two theatres in the Settlement: the Lyceum and the Olympic. The programme is interesting for the number of composers which have now been forgotten (Silcher, Kücken, Becker, Werner, etc.) and the piano arrangements of well-known opera arias.\n\n12.11-18.11.1864\n\nW. BROUGH: “Conrad and Medora” (1856)\n\nT: Burlesque pantomime (1 act)\n\nJ.B. BUCKSTONE: “Married Life\" (1834)\n\nT: Comedy (3 acts)\n\nJ.W. MARSTON: \"A Hard Struggle\" (1858)\n\nT: Domestic drama (1 act)\n\nW. SHAKESPEARE: “King John”, prison scene (Act IV, scene III)\n\nFurthermore:\n\n“Cinderella”, possibly by H.J. BYRON (1860) or T. TAYLOR (1845).\n\n\"Wonder\"; no contemporary pieces are listed in HED; only: Mrs. S. CENTLIVRE: “The Wonder. A woman keeps a secret” (1714) and H. CAREY: \"A Wonder or an honest Yorkshireman\" (1735).\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTh: N.N. (E)\n\nR: The Lewis company continued to draw large houses and ventured even to put a Shakespeare scene on the programme, from King John. It proved to be \"the hit of the week\". In it starred Miss Julia EDouin and Mr. Henry BIRCH: \"The acting was perfect. Miss Julia EDouin doing the fullest justice to the character of Prince Arthur and indeed taking the house by storm!\" (NCH 19.11.1864).\n\n19.11.1864 Sat\n\nH.J. BYRON: “Aladdin or the Wonderful Scamp” (1861)\n\nT: Burlesque extravaganza (1 act)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTH: N.N. (U)\n\nN: Benefit of Miss Tilly Earl who played the role of Aladdin\n\nR: NCH 26.11.1864\n\n23.11.1864 (Wedn)\n\nR.B. SHERIDAN: \"The Rivals\" (1775)\n\nT: Comedy (5 acts)\n\nC: Lewis A.D.C.\n\nTH: N.N. (P)\n\nN: Benefit of Mrs. Gill who played the role of Mrs. Malaprop.\n\nR: NCH 26.11.1864\n\n26.11.1864 (Sat)\n\nH.J. BYRON: \"Aladdin or the Wonderful Scamp” (1861)\n\nT: Burlesque extravaganza (1 act)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211990, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 405, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "380\n\na. Hart to Geo. McAnliffe Esqre, 7 Aug 1880\n\nb. Hart to Association of Ulster-men-in-London, 22 Jan 1909 (draft)\n\nc. Hart to Nellie (?), 18 April 1897\n\nd. Hart to (?) [only postscript]\n\nReceipt of £146 3s. 9d. bequeathed to Hester Jane Bredon (Hart)\n\nDocuments to Bond and Stockholders, National Consolidated Wire and\n\nCable Co.\n\nLetters, Evy to Mabel (7)\n\nSheets of paper with Evy's German? School exercise\n\n1 photograph\n\nCongratulations on birth of child, 8 July 1873\n\nBOX 6\n\nBundles of telegrams to Hart and Lady Hart\n\nBundle of Lady Hart's papers re her investments, esp. National Steel\n\nand Wire\n\nLetters to Lady Hart from various institutions and persons, mainly\n\ncondolences for Hart's death\n\nLetters to Bruce Hart, condolences for his father's death\n\nBOX 7\n\nChinese despatch, Hart to Prince Ch'ing, Kuang-hsu 26.8.22 (15 Sept\n\n1900)\n\nChinese despatch from the Grand Councillor to Hart (received, 1 Sept\n\n1900)\n\nBundle of 24 Chinese documents (folded scrolls) marked \"Various proposals of mine 1900 1908, R. Hart\", on mint, currency, reforms, land tax, gold tariff and other subjects\n\nBundle of 11 Chinese documents, unmarked, but similar to above, 1904\n\n- 1906.\n\nBOX 8\n\nRobert's (Robin) letters, mostly to his mother. This is a very large\n\ncollection.\n\nPage 405\n\nPage 406", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212017, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 432, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "407\n\nHistorian E.H. Carr once succinctly remarked, '[Historical facts] are like fish swimming about in a vast and sometimes inaccessible ocean; and what the historian catches will depend, partly on chance, but mainly on what part of the ocean he chooses to fish in and what tackle he chooses to use; these two factors being, of course, determined by the kind of fish he wants to catch. By and large, the historian will get the kind of facts he wants. History means interpretation.' What really matters is not whether a historian's interpretation can lay claim to being definitive, but rather the logic of the argument he constructs.\n\nFaure attempts to show that there was 'continuous' rural prosperity right down to the 1920s because of the peasants' involvement in international trade. The basic issue, therefore, is not whether the peasants had ever benefited from trade at some point in time, but whether those benefits had been enjoyed on a sustained basis or whether the peasants had procured enough profits from trade booms to help them tide over periodic depressions. Let us examine the records of the export of three commodities under survey, namely, tea, sugar, and silk. For tea, Faure admits that export had declined rapidly after the 1880s, but he is quick to point out that 'tea growing was only marginal to the farm economy [of Guangdong] and its loss caused little stir [whereas] Jiangsu was not a major tea producer, and was not seriously affected by changes in the tea trade', (p. 109). This is quite true. For the sugar trade, there was a boom in the 1870s and early 1880s, and there is little doubt that these were auspicious years for Guangdong (particularly the Chao(zhou)-Shan(tou) district) since it was the most important sugar-producing province in China. However, as Faure admits, Chinese sugar lost to foreign competition from the 1890s and, apart from a brief recovery during the First World War, the sugar trade had gone on an irretrievably downhill course. How did this affect the multitude of cane-cultivators? Faure contends, 'with rice as a crop to fall back on, the loss of the cane market did not lead to any sharp loss in farm income, even though it formed a noticeable loss in the export trade', (p. 111). Such a contention is, in my opinion, problematic. It is too often assumed, as in the case of Faure, that the peasants could readily change their production plan in order to get the best market. The measure of the disadvantage of a falling market for one particular crop, according to such a line of reasoning, is simply the difference between the income from that crop and the income from alternatives. The crucial question is: did the traditional peasants respond to market changes quickly enough to offset the losses from a falling market? It is true that many cane-cultivators", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212393, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 335, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "312\n\nof degree holders, indicating social rank, there is also a wealth of swept ridges and stylised, 'teapot-handle', gables among the roofs of the common folk.\n\nLike Hong Kong, granite was readily available, and a good, dense, red face brick, some of which is quite narrow, is manufactured locally. The brickwork has an attractive, diaper pattern, with dark kiln marks on the face. Unlike Hong Kong, arches with keystones and pediments are in evidence. Much of the architecture resembles that of Taiwan, and, not unusual in many parts of China, there is a marvellous variety of murals and stone carving, including stylised motifs. Small figurines ride lions or other mythical beasts on roof ridges, which, together with eight-diagram (ba gua) and knife and sword charms ward off evil spirits. Similarly, 'wind lions' have stood on guard at entrances since the days of Koxinga.\n\nAnother scenic spot for architectural gems is the 1.71 square kilometer Gulangyu Island, where at least one member of every family is said to play a musical instrument. This Island has two beautiful white egrets as its emblem and is situated a five-minute ferry ride from Xiamen proper. Part of the beauty is, however, marred by large, ugly, cigarette signs which generate high rents. No vehicular traffic is permitted in this hilly haven. It was a cold day, and RAS Party Members kept themselves warm by exploring. This included climbing to the Lotus Flower Monastery and beyond up the 90-metre high, crowded, precipitous 'Sunlight Rock'. Koxinga chose this as his bastion because it reminded him of Japan.\n\nGulangyu Island is full of architectural 'relics' from the old International Settlement, with patchworks of yellow, terracotta and pink walls blending with oranges and greens. The forlorn, dilapidated building which once served as the British Consulate, is still there. Before World War II, 13 other governments also had consulates on the Island. They, together with tea merchants and financers, could afford to pay for, and insisted on, the best quality building materials.\n\nMuch of the architecture of this 'garden island' is European, but there are examples of eclectic styles with Chinese columns and western capitals, and Chinese friezes and western brickwork. All these contrast with rows of old, Chinese type, shops with colonnades in Xiamen, with upper floors projecting over pavements; or with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212485, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "19\n\ndominance of Cantonese by the 1860s when a Ningbo native, Chen Xuyuan, replaced the Cantonese as the chief comprador in Russell & Co. By the turn of the century, the Zhejiang compradors had outnumbered their Cantonese counterparts in Shanghai. Wu Jianzhang acted as the Shanghai tantai less than two years and was not succeeded by a Cantonese until 1864 when Ding Richang was called to the office by Li Hongzhang. However Ding had not been wholly pro-Cantonese. In response to the challenge of the Ningbo people, Cantonese such as Xu Run, Tang Tingshu and Zheng Guanying attempted, with success, to secure patronage from Li Hongzhang by taking part in his guandu shangban project. The Ningbo clique, however, competed with every effort to seek equal political support from another bureaucrat Zuo Zongtang in the 1870s.24 Entering into the Republican period, Cantonese gradually realised they were a minor group when compared with Ningbo men. They not only competed with one another but also collaborated together. Famous Cantonese capitalists such as Guo Piao, Huang Huan'dan, and Jian Dongpu were active in the Shanghai business community.\n\nNetwork of Hong Kong and the Pacific Rim\n\nThe story of the Chinese in Hong Kong as settlers can be classified in the following way. First, the Chinese merchants or traders. They knew the region, they traded successfully and they made their homes wherever their trade led them. They remained the dominant group of settlers in nineteenth century and perhaps even into the twentieth century. Second, the labourers or coolies who arrived during the second half of the nineteenth century. Their main significance was that they came in large numbers, although for the main part they came for short periods and many failed, became destitute and were sent home. The more successful ones, however, returned with their savings to help their families back in China. Nevertheless, amongst them were a number who remained, having married locally or having lifted themselves above their labouring status and turned successfully to trade. Again, for most of them it was their ability to establish a trade, and therefore own property, which was the first step towards settling down. Included amongst them were many artisans who were able to use their skills to establish businesses. Amongst them also were partly literate or semi-literate people who used their writing skills either to work for Chinese businesses or to go into business for themselves. Sooner or later, the two main reasons for settling were success in business and the acquisition of a family. Third, the import-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212500, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 54, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "34\n\nChan Kin Tong 陳健堂 Cheang Hoong WA Chen Xuyuan 陳照元 Ding Richang TRS Guo Piao 郭標\n\nHo Kai 何啟\n\nHo Tung 何東\n\nHuang Huan'nan #\n\nJian Dongfu 簡東甫\n\nGlossary\n\nWu Jianzhang f Xu Rongcun 徐榮村 Xu Run 徐潤 Xu Yuting 徐鈺亭 Yuan Shikai 袁世凱 Zheng Guanying\n\nZheng Tingjiang\n\nBaoyuanxiang 寶源祥\n\nZuo Zongtang E\n\nLaw Pak Sheung\n\nA\n\nBendi 本地\n\nLaw Sai Nam 劉世南\n\nLee Chak 李澤\n\nguandu-shangban\n\nLeung Xiu 梁喬 Li Hing 李慶\n\nLi Hongzhang 李鴻章 Lo Hok Pang #09 Ng A Cheong AS\n\nO Kee Cheung 柯其祥 Sheng Xuanhuai 盛宣懷 Soong Xe 宋琪\n\nSung Chin Tseung\n\nTong Mow Chee #\n\nTong Ying Shu (Xing Sing)\n\n唐廷樞(景星)\n\nWei Kwong #*\n\nWei Yuk 韋玉\n\nDanjia 晉家 #\n\nGuang Yang Xing 廣陽興\n\nGuang Zhao Gongsuo 廣肇公所 Heshengxiang #\n\nhuashang fugu huodong HÆ!\n\nKejia 客家\n\nlianhao 聯號\n\nO Chin Sin Tong\n\nQing Xu Yuzhi Xiansheng Run\n\nZixu Nianpu\n\n清徐雨之先生潤自序年譜\n\nSanyi 三邑\n\nShiyi 四邑\n\ntongxiang hui 同鄉會\n\nZongban 總辦\n\nWong Kong 黄亞廣\n\nReferences\n\nCheng, T C. 1969 Chinese Unofficial Members of the Legislative and Executive Councils\n\nin Hong Kong In Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 9: 1-30\n\nChoi, Chi-cheung 1991 Cong difangzhi kan Xiangshan xian difang shili de zhuanbian (The influence of migration in Xiangshan county as viewed from local gazetteers) In Zhongguo Shehui Jingjishi Yanjiu 1991/1: 60-8\n\n1993. Competition among Brothers: the Kun Tye Lung Company and its Associate Companies, Unpublished paper presented at the Workshop on Chinese Business Houses in Southeast Asia since 1870 School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "44\n\n19\n\nRuan Yuan as a \"bridge for classical learning\" between the Han Learning scholars of Jiang Fan's Guo chao Han xue shi cheng ji (Han Learning scholars of the Qing dynasty) and the later work of Chen Li (1810-1882), Dong xu du shu ji (Chen Li's notes on the classics in which he argued against the viewpoint of the earlier classicists that Han period scholars had ignored metaphysical study.) Qian pointed out that \"recent scholarship has neglected the significance of this transitional period, thereby underestimating the significance of Ruan Yuan's contributions to the development of classical learning of the mid-Qing era.\"10 This finding was echoed by He You Shen# of the University of Hong Kong, who observed that Chen Li's thinking had been influenced by Ruan Yuan.\n\nAfter becoming a fellow of Xue Hai Tang, Chen Li went to visit Ruan Yuan in Yangzhou in 1841, and again three years later. These two visits influenced the direction of Chen's later thoughts tremendously.\"\n\nOther scholars have stressed the importance of Ruan Yuan's patronage activities. Liang Chi Chao wrote that \"Ruan Yuan of Yi-zheng served in the provinces for several decades. Everywhere he promoted learning. He exerted tremendous influence on other scholars of the era in Zhejiang, Guangdong, and Yunnan.”12 Xiao Yi Shan- stated that \"Ruan Yuan's contributions to learning were not confined to his own writing. He established institutions to give other scholars an opportunity to research and to publish. He was extremely influential on other scholars of the era. His scholarly achievements far surpassed those of his contemporaries, such as Wang Chang, Bi Yuan and Zhu Jun.\"'13 Hu Shi went further by analyzing the secret of Ruan Yuan's success.\n\nRuan Yuan's special talents rested in his ability to collect the leading scholars of the day, and have them work together to compile such major works as Jing ji zhuan gu, Shi san jing jiao kan ji, Chou ren zhuan, and others. He also published works of other scholars, among them Ling Ting kan, Jiao Xun, Wang Zhong, Liu Tai gong. His Huang Qing jing jie, 1,400 juan, represented the first conclusive study of classics by scholars of the Qing dynasty.14", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212512, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "46\n\nshi lue, 16 juan.\n\n17\n\nHistory and Statecraft: Chou ren zhuan, 46 juan, started between 1797 and 1799 but not completed and printed until 1810, was the first effort of any Chinese scholar to put in chronological order summaries of the lives and works of 242 Chinese and 38 non-Chinese astronomers and mathematicians, thus providing materials that made possible a systematic history of mathematics and its related field, astronomy, as well. Ruan Yuan also wrote biographies of scholars, including those who were not officials and therefore would not have been included in official compilations, in Guo shi ru lin zhuan and Guo shi wen yuan zhuan, 1810. Discourse on contemporary administrative issues included Liang Guang yen fa zhi (Salt administration in Guangdong and Guangxi), Hai yun kao, 2 juan (sea transport), 1805, Hai tang zhi, 30 juan (Coastal Gazetteer of Haining), and an essay putting forth his suggestions on the most efficient way to transport tribute grain, Liang chuan liang mi jie fa shuo, composed while he was director of grain transport.\n\nHistorical Geography: In addition to encouraging other scholars to compile provincial and local gazetteers, Ruan Yuan himself compiled two provincial gazetteers, Guang dong tong zhi, 334 juan in 1818-1822, and Yun nan tong zhi gao, 216 juan, in 1835, when he was governor-general in the respective provinces.\n\nBibliography: As a scholar, Ruan Yuan relished in collecting books. He made sure that cataloguing of well-known collections, such as that of the Fang Family in Ningbo, was brought up to date, in Tian yi ge shu cang shu mu, 4 juan, 1804. He established libraries that included Classical as well as contemporary works in the Lingyin Monastery (Hangzhou) and the Jiaoshan Monastery off Zhenjiang, and compiled catalogues for the collections. As director of studies in Shandong, he drew up a list of books for young students to peruse, Shan dong xue zheng Ruan Yuntai shi tong sheng shu mu, 1 juan.\n\n20\n\nLiterature and Other Collectanea: Ruan Yuan collected and published works of literally thousands of poets, including women and other social minorities, whose work would not have otherwise survived. Liang Zhe you xuan lu, for instance, contained 9,241 poems by 3,133 poets from Zhejiang, including 381 poems by 183 women poets, and 314 poems by 117 monks and priests, together with biographical notes of the poets. His own essays and poems are also published in Yan jing shi ji, 54 juan,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212527, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "Liang Zhe fang hu (ling qin ci mu) lu (REHE)* Zhejiang kao\n\nKu jing jing she wen ji 詁經精社文集\n\n(Wang fu zhai) zhung ding kuan shi (E) H**\n\nXue shi zhong ding kuan shi 薛氏鐘鼎款識\n\nJiao shan ding-kao 焦山定陶鼎考\n\nHuang Qing bei ban lu\n\nHai tang zhi 海塘志\n\nJi gu zhai zhung ding yi qi kuan shi ****\n\n海連考\n\nHai yun kao I\n\nLiang Zhe jin shi zhi 兩浙金石志\n\nShi san jing zhu shu fu jiao kan ji +¶EAH\n\nYang zhou Ruan shi jia miao bei 揚州阮氏家廟碑\n\nYen jing shi wen ji 擘經室文集\n\nSui Wen xuan lou ming\n\nYing zhou shu ji 瀛舟書記\n\nQu jiang ting ji 曲江亭記\n\n**\n\nSi ku wei shou shu mu ti yao 四庫未收書目提要\n\nTian yi ge shu mu 大一閣書目\n\nLing yin shi shu zang mu\n\nChou ren zhuan AM\n\nShi san jing jing fu +*\n\n****!\n\nYi li shang fu da gong zhang zhuan zhu chuan wu Kao x\n\n功章傳注舛考\n\nHan Yen xi xi yue Hua shan bei kao ✶✶U**\n\nRu lin zhuan kao ####N\n\nGuo shi wen yuan zhuan 國史文苑傳\n\nJiao shan shu cang shu mu 焦山書藏書目\n\n(Song ben) shi san jing zhu shu (**)+***\n\nJiang su shi zheng #\n\nJiang xi gai jian gong yuan hao she bei ji 江西改建貢院號舍碑記\n\nGuangdong tong zhi 廣東通志\n\nGai jian Guangdong xiang shi wei she zhuo bei ji *****\n\n碑記\n\nShi shu gu shun 詩書古訓\n\nYen jing shi ji 擘經室集\n\nChong xiu Ruan shi zu-pu CEE**\n\nHuang Qing jing jie 皇清經解\n\nXue hai tang zhi 學海堂集 Yen jing shi shi lu 擘經室詩錄 Shi hua ji 石畫記\n\n61", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212528, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "62\n\nYun nan tong zhi gao\n雲南通志稿\n\n選平樂府重建聖廟碑記\nXuan Ping lo fu chong jian sheng miao bei ji\n\nTa xin shuo 塔性說\n\nSan jia shi bu yi 三家詩補遺\n\nWen xuan lou shu cang shu ji\n文選樓書藏書記\n\nBa zhuan yin guan ke zhu ji 八轉吟館刻記\n\nBu bi tu shi 布幣圖識\n\nA4\n\nRuan shi Chi gu zhai Han tong yin te\n阮氏積古齋漢銅印得\n\nWen xuan lou cang bei\n文選樓藏碑\n\nRuan wen da gong zhi shi hou jia shu\n阮文達公致仕後家書\n\nHan shi jing can zi 漢石經藏碑\n\nLang huan xian guan shi\n\nRuan wen da gong zhi shi hou jia shu\n阮文達公致仕後家書\n\nLun yu lun ren lun 論語論仁論\n\nMeng zi lun ren lun\n\nNOTES\n\nArthur F Wright, \"Values, Roles, and Personalities” in Confucian Personalities, edited by Arthur F Wright and Denis Twitchett (Stanford 1962), 11\n\nIbid., 4\n\nSee Appendix 1 chronology of Ruan Yuan's government appointments and Appendix 2. Ruan Yuan's major works and compilations\n\n4\n\nLyn Struve, \"The Hsu Brothers and Semi-official Patronage of Scholars in the K'ang-hsi Period\", Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 42-231-266 (1982). R Kent Guy, The Emperor's Four Treasuries. Scholars and the State in the Late Ch'ien-lung Era, Harvard, 1987 Guy has inscribed \"We await Ruan Yuan\" on the front piece of my copy of his work\n\nStruve, 231\n\nThe three Xu Brothers were Xu Qian xue (1631-1694), Xue Bing yi (1633-1711), and Xu Yuan wen (1634-1691) Other officials who were patrons of scholars included Ye Fang ai (1629-1682), Song De yi (1622-1687), and Yu Guo zhu (d ca 1688), Struve, 232-239\n\n7 Guy, 52 Guy had neglected to include the group Ruan Yuan had organized at the Gu Jing Jing she in Hangzhou earlier. A number of scholars from this group had followed Ruan throughout his official life from the late 1790s to the late 1830s for over 40 years I have opted to keep the Wade-Giles transliteration of the Guy original\n\n8 Wang Jun-yi, “Kang Qian sheng shi yu Qian Jia xue pai — jian lun Qian Jia xue pai di liu pai ji chi ping jia\" 清代乾嘉學派的流派及其評價 Qing shu yen jiu 4 342-366 (Beijing, 1986). Unless otherwise indicated, all translations into English in this paper are made by me\n\n9 Qian Mu, Zhong guo jin san bai nian xue shu shi [A history of Chinese learning during the past 300 years], (Taipei edition, 1976), 478", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212529, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "10\n\n[bid\n\n||\n\n63\n\n&£#* (The\n\nHe You sheng, \"Chen Lan Fu di xue shu ji chi yen yuan\" [learning of Chen Lan Fu and its origins], Gu Gong Wen xian 2.4 (Taipei, 1971), 1-19. He's study on Ruan Yuan can also be found in \"Ruan Yuan di jing xue ji chi zhi xue fang fa\" [Classical scholarship of Ruan Yuan and his education policy], Gu Gong Wen xian 2:1:19-34 (1970).\n\n12 Liang Chi chao, qing dai xue wen gai lun [A discourse on Qing learning], (1921, Taipei Commercial Press reprint, 1975), 22\n\n13 Xiao Yi shan, ging dar tung shi [History of the Qing dynasty], (1935, Taipei Commercial Press reprint, 1976), 11 717.\n\n14 Hu Shi, Dai Dong yuan di zhe xue [The philosophical studies of Dai Zheng], 138.\n\n15 This is the only work of Ruan Yuan's that I have not been able to find. It was never printed because Ruan Yuan was not satisfied with the draft. The manuscript had been kept with Ruan Yuan's papers in his lifetime and subsequently disappeared. There was no indication whether it perished in the fires that destroyed the Ruan residence in Yangzhou in 1843, or that which burned down his studio, Wen xuan lou, in 1935.\n\n16 Ruan Yuan himself, as well as contemporary and modern scholars, complain often of the many errors in this edition. Ruan Yuan gave the excuse of not having had time to proofread the manuscript himself. In fact, he had been receiving admonitions from the Jiaqing Emperor at that time that he was expending too much time and energy on scholarly activities instead of concentrating on the affairs of state. Gungzhong dang (Palace memorials) Jiaqing 017818 (1817/29).\n\n17\n\nThis work was not printed during Ruan Yuan's lifetime, but is in Qing shi kao (Draft history of the Qing dynasty).\n\n18 There are a large number of these biographies of individual scholars, not necessarily all Ruan Yuan, scattered throughout rare book collections in various libraries. Copies of the biographies are also among the Guo Shih Guan (Qing Historiography Office) documents in the National Palace Museum (Taipei).\n\n19 For example, the Provincial Gazetteer of Fujian by Chen Shouchi, the Gazetteer of Yicheng by Liu Wenchi, and a new edition of the Gazetteer of the Prefecture of Yangzhou by Jiao Xun.\n\n20\n\nA contemporary print is in the collection of the Harvard-Yenching Library.\n\n21 Struve, 233\n\n22 Ruan Yuan, Ding Xiang ting bi ji [Informal notes from the Ding Xiang studio] 4:1b-2a.\n\n23 [bid.\n\n24 Ruan Heng, Ying zhou pi tan [Notes from Yingzhou] 1.4b; also Ruan Yuan, Yen jing shi ji [Notes written in the Yen jing studio] 11:8:8a.\n\n24 Zhang Jian, et al, Let tang an zhu di zi ji [The life of Ruan Yuan as recorded by his sons and students] 1:19b.\n\n26 The preface was dated 1804, but the work was not printed until later, in 1807 when the manuscript was finally acceptable to Ruan Yuan.\n\n27 Preface of a work entitled Ji Gu Zhai Chong ding yi chi kuan shi, printed in 1853. A copy can be found in the Fu Ssu-nien Library of the Academia Sinica in Taipei.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212530, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "64\n\n28\n\n19\n\n3:0\n\nDavid Nivison, The Life and Thought of Chang Hsueh-ch'eng, (Stanford, 1866), 251\n\nIbid\n\nSee Si ku wei shou shu mu u yao, 5 juan, 1807 Ruan Yuan's bibliographical annotations on important books omitted from the Si Ku chuan shu. He had found these books in Zhejiang. The original memorials that accompanied these books and his annotations are in the Qing Archival Collection at the National Palace Museum (Taipei)\n\n31 Yi zheng Liu Meng zhan nian pu (Chronological account of the life of Liu Wen chi), 114-115.\n\n32 Arthur Hummel, Eminent Chinese of the Ch'ing Period, (Washington DC, 1943), 91\n\n33\n\n34 Yang Wensheng X, Si shi cao ji (1801), Preface\n\nLetter to Liu Taigong (1790-1855), dated 1802 Liu's daughter was married to Ruan Yuan's adopted son, Ruan Changsheng,\n\n34 Letter to Wang Niansun.\n\n36 Ruan Yuan blamed the errors on the fact that he had not had a chance to do the final proof reading before the book was printed.\n\n37 Ruan Yuan's letters written in old age, Ruan Wen da gong zhi shi hou jia shu, consisting of several dozen memos written to his family after 1838 when he retired from government service, serve to prove that Ruan Heng, always referred to as \"my younger brother\" but actually a distant cousin who had been adopted as heir to a half brother of Ruan Yuan's father, had taken care of Ruan Yuan's business and financial interests with the aid of a couple of clerks. These letters are in the Rare Book Collection of Beijing Library. I am grateful to Professor Wang Junyi and his staff of the Qing History Institute at the People's University who made it possible for me to have access to the collection in March 1991\n\n38\n\nI am not happy with the English translation \"tent friend\" or \"guest\"\n\nDing xian ting bi tan, 1:11a.\n\n40\n\n41 See, for instance, Ding xiang ting bi tan 3.52b-53a\n\nHai ning zhou zhi gao 4:3 shan, 11b-12b.\n\n42 Xie Guozheng, Jin dai shu yuan xue xiao zhi du bian quan kao (An inquiry into recent changes in the academies and schools of China), (Hong Kong, 1972), 2-18.\n\n43 Zhang Ying in Wen lan xue bao 2:1\n\nLin Bo tong, Xue hai tang zhi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 118, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "98\n\nherself to the outside world after a long and deep isolation and as one of the world's strongest military and economic powers, what the United States said and did about China was often taken too seriously by political leaders as well as average citizens. All these psychological and geo-political considerations have made the United States, whose interests could be incompatible with China's from time to time, an important factor in China's stability and development.\n\nIn culture, the American image among the Chinese people was to some degree disproportionately favourable. The assumption that American cultural products were the best has become a simple truth to many. This lopsided understanding of the United States and its culture had undermined the Chinese vision of other cultures in the world which could also contribute to China's modernization. As China is striving towards making itself an open society, it will need to be even more closely associated with international developments. Therefore, an objective and well-balanced understanding of the world is more than necessary. To meet that end, China's arts exchanges with foreign countries should be balanced, the treatment of other cultures should be objective and sufficient, and above all, arts exchanges should be less frequently requested to serve direct political objectives in external relations. In China's relations with the United States, we have seen that cultural exchanges were inextricably interwoven with political developments in China and in the bilateral relationship. When linked with the right political objectives, this inextricability generated positive effects. However, negative results can also derive from such a political affiliation. If relations between the two countries are solely determined by political developments, then an unstable relationship will be unavoidable, due to the periodic change of administration in the United States and the periodical policy reassessments in China. Furthermore, the separation of external arts exchanges from objectives other than the enrichment of culture will enhance China's open policy, which will in turn benefit China's cultural life. Specifically, the healthy results for China of Sino-American arts exchanges will depend largely on whether these requirements can be fulfilled.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212653, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "188\n\nwe would spend time in identifying and studying them. Then we usually brought them to the Museum. That is how I got acquainted with the Museum, its Directors and personnel.\n\nThe first persons I came to know were Octave Piel S.J. and P. Bourgeois S.J.. Piel was a distinguished entomologist as well as an archaeologist. He studied Hymenoptera and specialized in the research of Parthenogenesis of a group of ground wasps. His description of new species and experiments were published in a series of Notes entomologiques du Musee Heude and other worldwide scientific journals. His interests in Archaeology and Art were evident by show cases exhibiting Chinese artifacts, antique curios and vases, set out at the entrance of the museum.\n\nP. Bourgeois was not a scientist, as far as I know. He was some kind of general manager of the Museum, while at the same time he taught pre-university students. He was a friendly gentleman introducing students and other people to the Museum activities, collaborating with scientists and university students in their projects; translating, typing manuscripts, compiling lists and indices; in short, doing all the donkey work.\n\n—\n\nWhen Piel went into semi-retirement, a young clergyman replaced him progressively. This was P. Becquaert. I knew Becquaert well. He was very active and seemed to do a good job. His interests: the Staphylinidae family of insects or staphs. My colleague and I would have collected, among other insects, hundreds of staphs, picked up from special baits set up in the garden in order to satisfy Becquaert's insistent demand. Unfortunately, Becquaert had no scientific training; he was no match for the eminent scientists that had preceded him. It was wartime and the authorities were unable to obtain anyone of, say, Piel's calibre. Soon, Becquaert got involved in dubious connections. He not only lost his interest in entomology, but also his priestly state and his faith. He had published a book on staphs. But the introduction was so full of scientific errors, full of incorrect assumptions and spurious statements, that his successor had to withdraw the book from distribution. Before introducing his successor, however, I must mention a few other people.\n\nDr. Jacques Roi S.J. came to Shanghai in 1944. He had spent a few years in North China at the Geo-Biologic Institute of Beijing. In 1941, he published Phytogeograph of Central Asia, a highly scientific paper with graphs, plates, and maps. During his short stay in Shanghai, he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212791, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "The Ko-i Brigade' \n\n義全軍 \n\n[Knoron as Liu's Force] \n\nCommanding General: Liu Ho-ling NBG \n\nSecretariat and Commissary Staffs \n\n85 \n\nment [Hu-chin \n\n*ang-sheng Chin] \n\nStandard \n\nYü Te-k'u \n\n2 Regiment Left Regt \n\nBlue Standard \n\nComd Gen Sich Hung-chang \n\n3 Regiment Right Regt \n\nWhite Standard \n\nComd General Lung \n\n4 Regiment Vanguard Regi \n\nRed Standard \n\nComd xxx \n\n5 Regiment Rear Regt \n\nBlack Standard \n\nComd Gen Chou Wan-shun \n\nlion \n\n \n I Battalion\n Left\n 2 Battalion Supplementary\n \n \n 3 Battalion New\n Bacation Battalion\n \n \n \n Battalion\n t Battalion Forward Battalion\n | Baration Right Baualcon\n \n \n 2 Battalion Supplementary Battalion\n 3 Battalion New Battalion\n 2 Ballation Supplementary\n \n \n Battalion\n 2 Battalion Supplemenary\n Battalion\n \n \n 3 Battalion New Battalion\n 1 Battalion Rear Battalion\n 2 Battalion Suplementary Battalion\n \n \n 3 Battalion New\n \n \n \n\nForeign-armed \n\nUnit \n\nBattalion \n\nunds \n\n· Mesny -ying] \n\nl'u \n\n[Fu-chung Ying] Cond: Colonel Hsiang \n\n(Hain-chung Ying] \n\n[Yang-pao To \n\nComd \n\n洋炮釅 \n\nColonel Hsung \n\ncompanies \n\n1st Battalion - 'original', 2nd Battalion - 'Supplementary', and 3rd Battalion - 'New' \n\n>, usually pronounced \"Guo-i\" means \"Determined and Faithful\" \n\ndowel Hsiang appeared to have commanded both the 2nd Battalion and the Foreign-armed Unit as General Yü Te-k'ai commanded not only his Regiment but also the 1st Battalion \n\nMesny also referred to the following without identifying their subordination: The Chung-tzu Ying & consisting of Sha-jen; four unidentified battalions of auxiliaries - Mino and Chinese rebels, one commanded by Sha-yen Wang; four unidentified battalions commanded by Brevet Maj-Gen Lan, Colonel Wang, Yang Yich-ting and Li Yin-chiu", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213056, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "104\n\n\"LMS Box 15, 1903. No 277 Dr Gibson to Mr Thompson, 8 December 1903\n\n32 Paterson, op. cit.\n\n17 LMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 20 December, 1904 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 286 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 3 January, 1905\n\n14 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 286 Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins, 28 January, 1905\n\nLMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284. Dr Sibree to Mr Cousins, 20 December, 1904\n\n16 LMS Box 16, 1904-5 No 284 Dr Sibree to Mr. Cousins, 20 December, 1904\n\n17 The Hongkong Government Gazette, 5th May, 1900, p 639.\n\n38 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 286 Dr. Sibree to Mr Cousins, 3 January, 1905\n\n39 LMS Box 16, 1905, No 286 Mr Pearce to Mr Cousins, 28 January, 1905 Minutes of the Hongkong District Committee Annual Meeting 1904\n\n40 The letter of 13 March, 1903, from Mr. Cousins notifying the appointment of Dr Sibree was replied to by Mr Pearce on 16 April. On 15 May, Dr Gibson penned his request for a male medical locum See LMS Box 15, 1903, No 274, TW Pearce to Rev G Cousins, 16 April, 1903 and ibid, Dr Gibson to Mr Cousins, 15 May, 1903\n\nLMS Box 16, 1905 No 288 Dr Mitchell to Rev. Geo Cousins 20 April, 1906\n\n42 ibid\n\nIt is interesting that this situation obtained in Hong Kong, even though Chinese women doctors were being trained in China Without evidence, it is probable that their work was restricted to women and children, given the still strong cultural separation in matters of 'privacy' See G H. Choa, \"Heal the Sick\" was Then Motto The Protestant Medical Missionaries in China (Hong Kong Chinese University Press, 1990)\n\n44 LMS Box 16, 1905 No 288. Dr Mitchell to Rev. Geo Cousins, 20 April, 1906\n\n45 LMS Box 17, 1908 Memorandum to the Directors re communication, Chinese Gentlemen per Hon. A W Brewin, 26 March, 1908,\n\n40\n\nDorothy Broom, ‘Masculine Medicine, Feminine Illness Gender and Health', in Gillian M. Lupton and Jake M. Najman (eds). Sociology of Health and Illness Australian Readings (Melbourne Macmillan, 1989)\n\n47 LMS Box 16, 1906 No 295. Mr. Pearce to Rev. G. Cousins, 9 October, 1906\n\n48\n\nLMS Box 16, 1906-07 No 295, Mr Pearce to Rev. G. Cousins, 9 October, 1906.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213292, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "94\n\ntoys. These can include handheld windmills and objects like whirligigs. For good business, chi must be stimulated. Along Lockhart Road, for instance, there is both a yin and a yang side. This affects all establishments (Kahn, 1985: 4). On the sunny side, business is usually brisk, while on the opposite side, it is normally quiet. Yin and yang are really like two poles and two aspects of hei shai. It all amounts to balance and complementariness of opposites. This helps promote and bring about harmony within that abstract thing which mankind calls nature.\n\nEitel described yin and yang as two 'magnetic' currents; the latter male, positive, and favourable; the former female, negative, and unfavourable (Eitel, 1984: 17). All sorts of things, situations, and movements stir up energy or chi, even, for example, a garbage chute constructed in a block of flats. Hong Kong's Mass Transit (underground) Railway has been likened to a dragon which can move vast amounts of chi. On the busy side of a street, business activity makes more business. Some commercial premises have a vehicular flyover constructed outside. This is described as a kam tu tai (gold waist belt) (...). The fung shui master who visited the business premises in question likes to position 'capstan timepieces', or clocks with moving parts such as pendulums. He is fond of utilising octagonally shaped clocks because they represent ba gua.\n\nTHE\n\nSuch methods, the fung shui expert in question claims, are based on 'his own theories'. He tends not to use octagonally shaped mirrors to bounce bad influences back to source, as do many other masters. An experienced fung shui consultant can, so they claim, 'see' chi, just as it can be 'sensed' in high places at dawn where there is an absence of structures. On such occasions, when the air is fresh, you feel better.\n\nWind chimes and Buddhist bells, which have become more popular in the West of late, are also supposed to be able to summon, redirect, or temper 'dragon energy' (namely chi) into domestic or commercial premises.\n\nOf the two major schools of fung shui (Lung, 1980: 84), the Fukien School places emphasis on the use of instruments, such as the compass (although each school has its own variation of the compass). The Kiangsi School, on the other hand, sometimes known as the 'School of Form', is more concerned with the numbers theory, the trigrams, and the 64 hexagrams. With the latter School, expressions like 'stirring up dangerous forces' or 'reaching a bottleneck' are not infrequently made. Astrological elements,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213563, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "128\n\n你將\n\n你就\n\n知\n\n#\n\n来你\n\n支數上過一邊\n\n米皮上埋一邊\n\nFig. 3. The Accounting example in Chinese\n\nAs you can see, this is largely achieved in Pidgin with the verbs \"put\", \"get\", \"pay\" and \"take\". The technical terms \"gon-da\", an account, and \"ba-loen-sı\", balance are all that were needed. Indeed, in this context, the term ba-loen-sı is unusual, \"Di-fa-loen-sı\" is more commonly used.\n\nMuch of the syntactic structure of Pidgin follows that of Cantonese; however, a significant departure from Chinese syntax is the handling of time and place. In the Chinese sentence, the conventional order of words is: time, place, action. In Pidgin, however, English structure is adopted, so that you get sentences like.\n\nmai go si hi dou-ma-la (tomorrow) (I shall go and see him)\n\ntik-gi daat ka-gou but yin-sai gou-dang (take those goods into the godown)\n\nTong points out in a note that in standard English, there is a distinction between singular and plural noun forms, but that no such distinction exists in Pidgin. Nor was there any distinction in sentence structure between statements and questions. “hi hap go o-lit-dar” could be \"He has already gone.\" or \"Has he gone yet?\"\n\n此廣部打劑:\n\n培在一字一數\n\n分東媽\n\n十月1日厘亞音傳話\n\n别\n\n正士\n\n世話話如\n\nFig 4 Tong's explanation of the difference in singular & plural forms\n\nT", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213564, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "說\n\n番人亦有\n\n如此之分\n\n番如稔失\n\n印則\n\n但更俱\n\n有三等之介\n\nBitt m\n\nFE\n\nE***S\n\n129\n\nFig. 5. Tong explains the pidgin form of comparison of adjectives\n\nThat is as far as we want to go in discussing the structure of Pidgin.\n\nAs a last topic, however, we want to say something about the etymology of Pidgin. Over the years, a lot of effort has gone into tracing the history of certain Pidgin words, especially where the words have entered standard English. The mass of fresh material in Tong's book lets us throw a little new light, although we have to admit that, as with most attempts at etymology, a lot of guesswork is involved.\n\nTong cites very many words derived from English, in which all syllables are represented quite fully, given the limitations of the language. To say, then, that the word \"pidgin\" itself originated just because that was the nearest that Chinese could get to pronouncing \"business\" is hard to accept. The same people who could say “di-fa-loen-si\" could presumably have said “bi-si-nei-st\", had they been so inclined.\n\nOur examination of the vocabulary in Tong brings us to believe that at the earliest stage there was a core of words derived not directly from English but from a variety of Portuguese, Malay, and English. These were then added to with a gradually more extensive vocabulary.\n\nWe consider that the following should be included in the early layer:\n\nbi-jin, kam-sha, de-lam, se-lam, but-lam, si-bui-lum, gi-lam, go-lam, ma-si-gi, gou-dang, ka-gou, tik-gı, get-ji, dim, gat-ji, dim, waan-sam, jaau-jaau, chin-chin, jo-si, hu-man, mai, ma-sa, ma-jin, mat-sa, jap-jap, gu-lei, mun-ni, bai, sa-bi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213572, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "137\n\nRambles in Eastern Asia. B. L. Ball MD. Pb. James French & Co. Boston, 1855\n\n79 (1848) Capem, hab pilort? Capem, hab pilort?\n\n85 The Chinese servants are called \"boys\". It makes no difference if they are fifty years old; they are still called boys\n\n87 Boy, go catchee two piecey tea\n\n87 No can; that no my pigeon. My talkee that cooly man, he belong that pigeon... No can, no can I no sarvey that cooly man pigeon. I talkee he-he come chop-chop.\n\n91 I saw a Chinaman who spoke good English, and appeared so polite that I stopped a while, and entered into conversation with him. He told me his name was Ayou, and that he had lived two years in Boston; that formerly he was a comprador to Mr. Cushing at Canton, and afterwards lived with him in America. Preferring his own country, he returned, and now has a large alum establishment, in which, he says, he is doing good business; he added that a Chinaman who speaks both English and Chinese can make \"plenty money\" in China.\n\n95 Pay my money! Pay my money!\n\n100 Goo' morning, Sar! Kom in my shop? Have got plenty pooty things! Can sell um chipp! Kom make see, spose likee can do, spose no likee marsakec.\n\n107 Goo' morning, sair! How do, sair? Kum min' my shop now? Muchy curious thing, Ivery, motherer purl Kum make see litty!\n\n108 I no likey too muchy boberry my, I too muchy fear bad man have catchee you; hai ya, I too much glad you no makee spile 'um.\n\n118 Bum bye you kum my housy second teem. Two piecey man have got one teem. (there are two gentlemen together to see you.).\n\n127 I thinkee no makee boberry you, s'pose Cheenaman sarvey you. You `Mercky man; but no can sarvy true; alla same fashion, same facey, same closey, same lookey, no different fashion that Ingliss.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 144, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "115\n\nbetween three-compartment ancestral halls restricted to officials and ancestral worship within the domestic unit or bed chamber appropriate for commoners. Faure points out that the three-compartment ancestral hall is related to claims of official title. Faure sees some small ancestral halls found in the New Territories of Hong Kong as the “bed chamber” variety. Examples of villages in which ancestral halls of this style are found include Ping Long, Kau To, Man Uk Pin and Wo Hang, the last three of these four are Hakka villages. Faure thus writes of the New Territories in the 19th Century: \"with rising prosperity and acquisition of official degrees, some of their ancestral halls became more ornate even though none quite reproduce the official style.\" Although the bed-chamber type ancestral hall is found in both Hakka and Cantonese villages, a Hakka ancestral hall holds a single spirit tablet, dedicated to unnamed shi, gao, zheng ancestors. This is probably related to the practice of moving incense ashes from the domestic unit to the incense burner of the ancestral hall mentioned above. This contrasts with the “major surname” clan ancestral halls in the Hakka county town of Xingning described in ZHJLS, in which those who had made donations had a spirit tablet of their ancestor installed.\n\nThat ancestors are represented in individual ancestral tablets is a prerequisite of some ancestral hall ceremonies found in Cantonese lineages in Hong Kong, such as one found in the Qingle ancestral hall of Kam Tin, in which the group of ancestors to whom the ancestral hall is dedicated is escorted in the form of ancestral tablets for special treatment.\n\nDespite the possible difference in the form of ancestral halls, the Hakka probably followed the trend of development of lineages since the 16th century. Ancestral hall rites, Faure has pointed out, was an example of the incorporation of a literate tradition into a proto-literate culture, the literate tradition spread with the literati ideal, coming... in the Ming and the Qing dynasties as local government strengthened, as neo-Confucianism was taken for granted as an acceptable social code, and as examination awards were granted in large numbers for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213797, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "120\n\n24\n\nН\n\nTou To Wang, Changsha Wang and various Muowang \"demons\" I have not consulted Shuton Yoshio eds. Yao Documents (Tokyo Kodansha 1975)\n\nFor example the Buddhist concept of Liu Dao, and the Asura was summoned by the Devil King to fight the Buddha in the Dunhuang narrative literature Buo Muo Branwen, in Dunhuang Brannen, in Tarper Shipe Shuju reprint, 1980, p 347 But in a passage of the Hua Yan Jin quoted by Hong MA,, op cut P. 1680, the King of Asura was among those summoned by the Bodhisattva to come to the rescue of those in turmoil\n\nBut Muowang \"Demon Kings' also featured in canonical Daoism in which They have been conquered by the Daoist gods and can be summoned by Daoist for protection\n\nEven then the Jade Emperor's native place, according to the same document, was \"Puo Xi\" which could have been Persia too\n\nSee Jiang op eit for Qujiang, and Hu Qiwang et al Bancun Yang, Minzu Chubanshe, 1983, for Guangxi Province\n\n\"See Lagerwey for the present situation\n\n\"The SJYLSSDC as we see now, a Qing reprint of the Ming book, has a passage that says Chen went to Lu Shan to study magic. But the next four characters do not make sense The crucial characters will give the master's name as Jiu Lang and can be found in reprints in a more recent series A Ming version reprint of the same book, under the title of Sanpao Yuanliu Shengdi Faozu Shoushen Dachuan, in the series Zhongguo Mijian Xinvang Zijido Hunbuan, Taiwan, 1989, gets most of the characters right. Compare also Shi Shen, a Qing manuscript also reprinted in the same series that quotes a Zheng Shou Shen ji, the passage is otherwise identical with SJYLSSDC\n\n\"See for example Lagerwey, perhaps Liu Zhiwan also. Note the latter being account of practice of the Zhang Fazu sect, which seemed not to involve the Lu Shan Jiu Lang at all\n\nTh\n\nInteresting information is found in John Lagerwey was not mentioned, instead \"John Keupers\", \"A Description of the Fa-ch'ang Ritual as Practiced by the Lu Shan Taoists of Northern Taiwan\", in Saso and Chappell eds Buddhist and Taoist Studies 1. Hawaii University of Hawaii, 1977, p 83 This article on the Lu Shan San Nai sect shows, without saying so, that the confusion has multiplied as the priest has mistaken the pair Lu Shan Jiu Lang and Wang Tu Mu for Dong Wang Gong and Xi Wang Mu, two prominent gods in canonical Daoism, and by two steps of substitution (Xu Xun = Lu Shan Jiu Lang, Dong Wang Gong = Lu Shan Jiu Lang) identified Dong Wang Gong with Xu Xun\n\n-\n\nSee for example the San Jiao Shou Shen Da Chuan\n\nMin Du Wai Ji by den He Qiu, reprinted 1987 by Fujian Renmin Chubanshe\n\nYuan Hao-wen, Yi Jian Zhi, Reprint Beijing Zhonghua Shuju, 1988\n\n14\n\nALL\n\nOp eit pp 1181, 1429\n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213798, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "121\n\n4. Such as Muxía San Lang (p 695), Hagoo Wu Lang (p. 1802), Hupe Wu Lang (p 1802) and Mu Ping San Lang (p. 308)\n\n12 See for example, Yi Yuan of Southern Dynasties15 p. 1, Shoku edition. The passage reportedly appears also in Hua Yang Guo Zhi of earlier Jin dynasty, and the Hou Han Shu of the Southern Dynasties\n\n\"Kainan Xhuan Xin\" 4, Shoku edition pt\n\nHht No Gan p 5 in Shankar edition\n\n14 For Tarshan Shi(4) Lang see p. 297 21b Tarshan Sau Lang | 298 p 24b Huayue San Lung | 300 p 30 and ↑ 301 p 33, Huashan San Lang | 303 p 39. There is even a Ji (7) Lang son of Daryue San Lang in) 305-p-490). By in Xiaoshuo Daguan edition reprinted Yangzhou 1983\n\n** J 4 p 21 in Shrakat edition\n\n\"The Wudu HaYao\", quoted by Wang Jiayon Daojiao Tungan, hengdu Basu Shushe, 1987,\n\n$49\n\nIN\n\nNanbu Xusha, Simoku edition mp4\n\nHong op out p 508\n\n* Quoted by Rolf A. Stein \"Religious Laoism and Popular Religion from the Second to the Seventh Centuries”, in Holmes Welch and Seidel eds. Facets of Taoism. Yale University Press, 1979. He dates the collection as from Tang dynasty (p. 67). The text is in the Daoist Canon, vol 704\n\n4)\n\nGaryu Congkao | 37, p 677 in reprint by Hefei Rennin Chubanshe 1990.\n\n52 Hong mp of, pp. 916, 1692\n\n* The most curious example is abid, pp. 328-110, quoting an abridged document submitted to a temple as petition. The quoted passage gave an additional name of himself in the form Ediscuss here. The quoting passage seems to have overlooked the fact the author of the quoted passage was the husband of the female ghost who made trouble.\n\nDIYLp 41, p 25\n\n\"He may be related to Zhan Hou of Jin dynasty who appeared in a legend about a stone horse and stone rider, related in the Yi Yuan a work of the Southern Dynasties quoted by Taiping Guangji4 (top en ↑ 284 p 1969). Perhaps the same Zhao Hou is referred to by Zhao Hou Nan Fa (Southern Magic) and Zhao Hou Da (register) mentioned by the Ming Daoist manual [Tan Huang Daojiaoling Yu Ce, in the Daoist Canon vol. 1109-1110]. There are a few schools of magic, that calls themselves Nan Fa. One is mentioned in Du Guangting op cit 12 p 5, and another in Hong op cit pp. 1733 and 1736]\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213800, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "123\n\nbis being implication and subsequent death. One version says that as a result of 'pollution' by pregnancy of which his mother was unaware the bamboo horse on which he rode failed, causing a half-day delay in his arrival at court. As a result the Emperor was convinced of accusations that he had rebellious migntions. The other version, in a rather obscute passage, is that some method was devised by his enemies at court to show his magical power to the Emperor. The method worked and the Emperor was convinced by the accusation by his enemies. The Emperor ordered destruction of the fengshui of the lineage. Upon his return home he died suddenly. According to genealogy the Emperor wept upon hearing about bis death and ordered execution of the official responsible for the destruction of the Cheng's fengshui. The story bears striking similarity to stories in Faute op cup 229, about Huo Zhen and his sister Wu.\n\nL\n\n2. Those are Fa Xuan in the 10th generation, Wan Yi Lang, Wan Er Lang, Fa Xing, Xian Yi Lang, Ning Yi Lang to Ning Wu Lang, and a Nian San Lang in the 12th generation, Gao Yi(1) Lang to Gao San(3) Lang, Zheng Si(4) Lang, Qian Wu(5) Lang, and Zheng Shi(10) Lang in the 13th generation, Fa Tang, Tong San(3) Lang, Pin San Lang and Fa Wen in the 14th generation.\n\nAccording to the genealogy his father died soon after arrival in the county and his young age was the reason given for an important event in the history of the family.\n\n**Reproduced in Sin, op cit, plate 4**\n\n\"The same ancestors were traced to by the Chens of Lok Keng.\n\n76 In the same interview he also said: 1312 generations. I did not ask about the apparent discrepancy.\n\nJH\n\nIN\n\nIn a telephone conversation with the Hakka Buddhist funeral ritual expert Mr. Zhang on 5th March 1991, JH learned that Mr. Miao died years ago. His assistant Mr. Zheng Tangsheng moved to Hong Kong, lived in Tai Po, and died before Mr. Miao.\n\nTelephone conversation 5th March 1991\n\nZhang Zupu, Chonghua Juhu Lusuo 1993, reprinted from Zhongyuan Zazhi 1980.\n\n10. The document reproduced in ZEILS indicates that a new name given to a troubled child in the rite does not resemble the ordination names seen in genealogies.\n\n* The author does not explain the meaning of \"faona\", \"old house\". Some of them were probably a kind of ancestral hall as he mentioned that money was collected from different branches for the celebration and where there was a wealthy ancestral trust money can be drawn for that purpose. See also a reference later to Nelson's article about a kind of ancestral hall known as \"shengung\".\n\n*2 Voc, 3, under Ankong\n\n14\n\nUntitled volume by Guangdong Sheng Xiju Yanjiu She, prefaced 1980, pp. 132-138.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213974, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "8\n\nover on to Hong Kong's streets. It may be remembered that at this time the population was 3.85 millions, and was expected to reach 7 millions by 1986.\n\nThe report opened with an assurance that examination of local government varieties elsewhere had produced no models to which Hong Kong might be expected closely to conform, but expressed an awareness that there was a local ignorance of the principles and practice of local administration, in any form. This they defined as embracing those services and that responsibility which met the needs of individual localities, as opposed to the population as a whole. They also differentiated between the formulation of policy on the one hand, 'national' responsibilities and services best undertaken on a colony-wide basis, and control and execution, where localised interests had special importance, on the other. They particularly emphasised the need for willing delegation by the existing Colonial Secretariat and Departments, and the subsequent treatment of delegates as full partners in joint ideals and purposes. This could not, they all knew, be taken for granted.\n\nAfter a tour d'horizon of centralised and decentralised forms of government around the world, including the CPR's party pyramid, and an examination of Hong Kong's statutory and traditional institutions, the report pointed to the disparities the working party had found in the latter; but also to the irrelevance of many of these to the New Towns which were just beginning to raise their skylines. It also quoted with modified respect some colourful extracts from the records of Mencius, Confucius and Moh Tze on the poetically ideal Chinese view of the relationship between government and people, which had been submitted by a future Chief Secretary who was serving as a DO in the NT; but it recognised that the world had changed since the time of the Classics, that the dominance of the English language presented problems, and that corruption was fertilised by inefficiency and distrust. The report concluded that, if the support of local residents was assured ('it is men, not buildings, which make a city'—persons of goodwill, common-sense and public spirit), a new system must achieve:\n\n(a) the provision of the greatest possible amount of popular participation;", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214548, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 406, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "375\n\nBACKSTREETS OF BEIJING\n\nNOTES ON THE EASTER, 1998 VISIT TO BEIJING\n\nPENNY ROBBINS\n\nMEREDITH TONG-DRAPER GEOFFREY ROPER\n\nThe idea of a visit to Beijing, the Branch's first, came up during the Easter 1997 visit to Shanghai when Council member Dr Joseph Ting offered to lead a trip to aspects of the capital seldom seen by the tourist. Despite a busy work schedule, Dr Ting came true to his promise and on Good Friday, the 10th April led a party of 26 members and guests, including Branch President Dr Dan Waters, to Beijing.\n\nDriving in from the Airport we found that spring had already arrived with the highway lined with trees sprouting every shade of green that one could imagine, and blossom in white, pink and deep crimson. Everything, that morning, looked fresh and clean, and to those who had not been there for some years, more prosperous. \"Bamboo\", the tour guide supplied by the travel agent, soon let us know that Beijing was now sharing in the nation's wealth.\n\nDr Ting soon had us working hard and we went straight from the Airport to the Foreign Missionaries Cemetery in the western suburbs of Beijing, off Chegongzhuang Road, rather ironically tucked away in the grounds of the Beijing Municipal Party Committee Cadre Training School, where a billboard proclaimed Deng Hsiao-ping's pragmatic message “learn from experience\". At the Cemetery, for which the Ming Emperor Wanli had given land in 1611, we were met by Professor Liu Shuyong a research fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences and Hon. Secretary of the Hong Kong University Alumni Association in Beijing, who had helped make many of the arrangements for our visit, and Madam Gao Zhiyu, President of the China Association for Matteo Ricci Studies, which had been formed in 1995. Madam Gao gave us a very informative guided tour of the cemetery. [Illustration One].\n\nThere are two main sections, one, which has three graves and another with almost fifty more. The principal grave is that of Matteo", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214553, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 411, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "380\n\nMD\n\nIllustration One. The Beijing visit party by Matteo Ricci's tomb with Madam Gao Zhiyu in the centre. Photograph by Allan Painter.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "51\n\nLife was not, however, all hard work, sickness, and brawls. The farming year was full of slack periods when there was time for entertainment and pleasure. The ritual year gave the villagers a framework for their leisure activities: each major festival was marked with a feast - even the poorest of families would have fat pork and rich eels on feast days. Nga Tsin Wai was, according to the Sha Tin village elders, famous for making \"Cha Kwo\", the traditional sticky village cakes, and these would usually be in evidence at festivals. The New Year, Tin Hau's Birthday, and the Winter Solstice Festival were the main festivals celebrated in Nga Tsin Wai, together with the Spring (Ching Ming) and Autumn (Chun Yeung) Grave Festivals, where fat pork would be distributed by the Ancestral Trusts to those who attended the worship at the graves.\n\nDuring the summer, and particularly at the Dragon Boat Festival, the village had the habit of inviting strolling singers to come and stay in the village for a few days or a week, to sing through their repertoire of \"Dragon Boat Songs\". These were long sung novels, and the villagers would sit outside the village gate in the evening listening to the singer for hours.\n\nThe villagers of Nga Tsin Wai were famous for singing themselves (the Tai Wai villagers in Sha Tin were jealous of the Nga Tsin Wai skills). The villagers sang Shan Ko, “Mountain Songs\". These were sung man to woman, verse by verse, and often included innuendo and suggestive comment: they were often called \"Teasing Songs\" as a result. Nga Tsin Wai villagers would often hold impromptu contests with youngsters from Tai Wai when they met at the pass which separated the lands of the two villages (the villagers say that is why the songs are called \"Mountain Songs\"). The Sha Tin elders also remember that more formal contests were also held - an annual one at Ma Tau Wai drew contestants from all of East Kowloon and Sha Tin: it was held at the Mid Autumn Festival. Contestants would be drawn, man and woman, and they would sing to each other; the one that ran out of things to say being declared the loser. The audience was mostly youngsters, and a few interested elders - they would sit around the contest area on the ground, vocal in their comments. The village elders say these contests could last for a couple of weeks if enough contestants appeared. The last contest was held just after the War. This was a Punti practice. The elders of the Hakka village of Ngau Chi Wan rather...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214862, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 277, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "245\n\nour way and make some changes. I hasten to add, however, we will not make changes for the sake of change. We should bear in mind the old American adage, \"If it ain't broke don't fix it.\"\n\nIn this context, dear Member, we again seek your co-operation. If you have any ideas as to how you feel improvements can be effected would you please pass on your suggestions to any Council member. Also, if you wish to help us in any way please let us know.\n\nIt remains for me to congratulate you all for the achievements of your Branch over the past 40 years and to thank you for any assistance you yourself have rendered. I have confidence that the next 40 years will be just as successful.\n\nMay you find this conference a valuable learning experience as well as enjoyable.\n\nIf any member of the general public wishes to join the RAS we welcome you. Please contact any Council member. Alternatively, write to RAS GPO Box 3864 or telephone or fax our Assistant Secretary on 2813 7500. Our web site is www.royalasiaticsociety.org.hk.\n\nDr. Dan Waters ISO BBS, President", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214863, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 278, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "246\n\nThe Royal Asiatic Society Council\n\nDr Dan Waters President\n\nRev Carl Smith Hon Vice-President\n\nMr David Gilkes Immediate Past President\n\nDr Michael Lau Vice-President\n\nDr Elizabeth Sian Vice-President\n\nDr Peter Barker Hon Secretary\n\nMr Robert Nield Hon Treasurer\n\nDr Peter Halliday Hon Editor of the Journal\n\nMs Julia Chan Hon Librarian\n\nMrs Valerie Garrett Hon Activities Co-ordinator\n\nDr Patrick Hase\n\nMrs May Holdsworth\n\nMr Bob Horsnell\n\nMr Tim Ko Tim Keung\n\nProf Janet Lee Scott\n\nDr Joseph Ting\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society GPO Box 3864 Tel: 2813 7500 www.royalasiaticsociety.org.hk", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215065, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "118\n\nand the ten celestial trunks.\" These indicate the cardinal points and all other directions, as well as calculating various phenomena according to Chinese beliefs, by which the specialist can work out the geographical position of Taisui and the times and places threatened by his presence. To find where Taisui will be during the forthcoming year, and he is believed to move annually, the compass is used by a fengshui expert, a geomancer; or for every day general use prognostications are simply looked up in the Farmer's Almanac.\n\nNowadays, the birth hour and date of an individual are matched to the movements of Taisui given in the Almanac thereby obtaining the auspicious and inauspicious dates for most social functions such as weddings, travel, starting a business or journey, launching a ship or burying the dead. Individuals whose future has been identified as clashing with the particular cycle through which Taisui [or his planet Jupiter] is passing must avoid major events such as travel, moves, marriage or house construction. Although he is greatly feared as he can not only protect and provide happiness he can also invoke disease misfortune, calamity and must be placated especially before embarking on any new major project. Despite the importance of this deity he is worshipped on as few occasions as possible as he is so alarmingly unpredictable. He is, however, prayed to when a child is born for a long, comfortable and happy life. Taisui is also prayed to in Fukienese temples, especially in Malaysia, for good luck at the races.\n\nAs an agricultural deity, one of the most important rôles of Taisui, was to control rainfall, and to provide sufficient and no more for a good harvest. In Fujian and other eastern Chinese provinces Taisui was also known as Mang Shen or Gou Mang, \"the youth with the Spring Ox.\" A colourful and symbolic ritual, not observed in Hong Kong or Macau but still to be seen in Taiwan, was the beating of the Ox at the beginning of Spring. The ox, fashioned from mud or coloured papers, was based on the Farmer's Almanac, with its size and colouring determined by the portents for general well being and weather for the coming year. The ceremony consisted of a float bearing the mud images of the ox and Taisui, followed by city officials bringing up the rear. It ended with the ox being beaten by the local mandarin outside his yamen and broken up, followed by devotees scrambling for parts which they either fed to their pigs for fertility, buried them in the fields for abundant crops, or kept them in their homes for good fortune. The first illustration", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215075, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "128\n\nChinese lives have long been regulated by two separate calendars, the lunar and the solar. To agrarian peasants the accuracy of the combined calendars is of vital importance having long had a religious as well as a practical function. Chinese geomancers use their skills of prediction melding the religious and practical so that time and what in the west would be regarded as astrology are intermingled. Lunar calendars cannot predict the seasons any more than the solar calendar can predict the full and new moons.\n\nAll Chinese religious festivals follow the lunar calendar which changes from year to year, complicated by whether a particular lunar month has twenty-nine or thirty days. Festivals play a major rôle in people's lives breaking up the monotony of life. There were, and still are, three major annual festivals: San Jie, known colloquially as guo jie literally as 'passing the joint', consisting of guo nian, the festival of seeing the old year out and the new year in; guo duanwu, the Dragon Boat Festival on the Double Fifth; and guo zhongqiu, the Autumn Festival, on the 15th day of the eighth lunar month. The great majority of festivals in China have been and still are determined by the waxing and waning of the moon.\n\nUntil 1911 an annual Imperial Lunar or ‘Dynastic' Calendar, known as the Yellow Calendar, the determination of which was a royal prerogative, was precisely calculated following meticulous observations by Chinese astronomers in order that imperial ritual sacrifices could be carried out and confirmation obtained for political action. This legitimised the emperor's power to rule and his claim to the Mandate of Heaven. The one stationary star of the Heavens was the Pole Star around which all other stars seem to circulate. The Pole Star was recognised as the linchpin of the heavens. Chinese emperors were cosmic figures, the equivalent on Earth of the Pole Star, with their every move regulated in conjunction with astrology. The calendar divided the year into twelve months; the new moon fell predictably on the first of each lunar month and the full moon on the fifteenth. A similar popular Calendar, known as the Farmers' Almanac, costing coppers, was and still is widely circulated amongst the masses. This enabled, and still enables, the population, mainly the peasants and petty merchants, to be informed when specific actions or functions can be performed as well as taboos warning them against carrying out daily activities which would be counter to the feng shui, such as on a certain", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215084, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "Taiyue, is also known as \n\nTaisui Xingjun \n\nDangnian Taisui \n\nZhiping Taisui \n\nTaisui Ye \n\nTaisui Dijun \n\nAku A \n\nA \n\n值干大歲 \n\n大歲爺 \n\n大歲帝君 \n\nTaisui Yin Yuanshuai \n\nYin Jiao Jiangjun \n\nYin Tianjun \n\n人成殷元帥 \n\n殷天君 \n\nYin Gao \n\n殷過 \n\nZhimian Suiyun Taisui Shen Yin Jiao \n\n六十甲子本命神 \n\nTian Xian Liushi Yuanchen \n\nLiushi Jiazi Benming Shen \n\nDevotees often refer to the Taisui of their particular year as \n\nBenming Yuanchen \n\n本命元辰 \n\nDuring the Cultural Revolution in a Shanghai Temple of the City God, Red Guards were reported having forced a devotee, an elderly lady, to break up one of the sixty wooden images of Taisui with a hammer \n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215091, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "3\n\n144\n\nDoré, Le P. Henri : Recherches sur les Superstitions en Chine : Hème Partie : Tome X: Shanghai: 1915: pp 831-832\n\n* See below under Yang Ren for an alternative to Yin Jiao as Commander of the Twelve Branches.\n\n5 No Cantonese devotee appears to have heard of Yin Jiao whereas Fukienese and Chinese of the Yangzi basin knew him as Marshal Yin rather than as Taisui.\n\n6 \"Werner E. T. C. in his Dictionary of Chinese Mythology: Kelly and Walsh: Shanghai: 1932 claimed that the Ministry consisted not of 60 but of 120 spirits as he included the deities controlling the months and days\n\n7 The cycle of sixty years was the basis for the Chinese lunar calendar with its twelve branches and ten stems. The sixtieth year of a man's life signified a turning point, this being the normal life span of a human being, and anyone who is fortunate enough to be older than sixty begins the round again. Other deities are entreated for a prolongation of life beyond the normal span.\n\n* DuBose, Rev. Hampden C: The Dragon, Image and Demon or The Three Religions of China: Partridge and Co.: London : 1886\n\n\"The combination of branch and stem provides the date, with the branches and stems depicting and belonging to one of the five primordial essences [water, wood, fire, metal and earth]. The concentric rings within the compass contain information on planetary movements, the ba gua and yin and yang; the five elements; the twelve animals of the Chinese zodiac, etc.\n\n10 The reason for this is simple. The basic Farmer's Almanac is produced and printed in Taiwan, a predominantly Fukienese community, but with copies sent to Hong Kong and elsewhere for local binding and distribution.\n\n\"According to religious specialists each of the stellar deities of the Twenty-eight Constellations has a title and a specific role, the latter differing depending upon the individual ritual specialists or books. In early China the visible stars were divided into 28 zones or constellations, with seven in each of the four directions. Other similar groups are the Thirty-six Stars of the Plough (T'ien-kang Hsing XXI) and the Seventy-two Stars of Evil Omen [Ti-sha Hsing]\n\n1. Each of the Thirty-six was a legendary hero recorded in one of the numerous stories of the deification of and struggles between the deities. They", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "158\n\nof victorious battles he captured Kaifeng and Luoyang where he had himself proclaimed emperor of the new dynasty of Greater Yan. His further campaigns and those of his subordinates were at first victorious; however, they then began to suffer a series of defeats at the hands of Guo Ziyi, one of China's most renowned generals, whose successes led to increased loyalist resistance to the rebel forces.\n\nA major consequence of the rebellion of An Lushan, was the withdrawal by the emperor of his forces garrisoning the North-west thereby losing control over China's far dominions in Zungaria and the Tarim Basin [today's Xinjiang province] for the best part of the next thousand years.\n\nFor a while it seemed that the balance was turning in the emperor's favour. However, the Capital garrison at Chang'an [Xi'an] was incapable of resisting the attacks of the rebel forces and after the defeat of his main army on the banks of the Yellow River the emperor in great alarm was forced to flee Chang'an accompanied by some of his entourage. They fled west heading to Sichuan province ahead of the rebel advance. En route, at Ma Wei, his escort mutinied, killed Yang Guozhong and forced the emperor to order the Concubine Yang be strangled to pacify his discontented guards. Stories have varied but the most popular versions claim that the emperor had no choice but order her to be strangled by his chief eunuch or that she was forced to commit suicide. On reaching the safety of Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan, the heir apparent had been persuaded to usurp the throne. Weary and distressed the old emperor, now in Chengdu, gave his assent to the new reign and became the retired emperor. The new emperor bestowed the title of Taishang Huangdi\n\nupon his father but kept him under house-arrest.\n\nThe heir-apparent made his way to Lingzhou in Gansu where he was proclaimed emperor Su Zong and was soon joined by two armies, one under Guo Ziyi. By 757 Guo had recovered the main and subsidiary capitals of Chang'an and Luoyang from the rebels, whereupon the new emperor summoned the former emperor back to Chang'an to ensure that he would not be the focus of any further intrigue and threat, where he died in 761. The father was then canonised as Zongming Huangdi\n\nthough usually he is still referred to as Ming Huang.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215106, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 202, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "159\n\nMeanwhile, General An's army was facing the threat of yet more foreign forces coming to the aid of the new emperor and the armies of Guo Ziyi. These were mainly Uighur and during the summer of 757 after the two Chinese capitals had been captured by the Uighurs, one of the cities, Luoyang, suffered several days of carnage and plunder. An was assassinated, some say by his son, Qingxu, others by a fellow rebel early in 757, but all agree that he was succeeded by his son who was in his turn murdered by his general, Shi Siming. Shi Siming was also a native of Liuchak, of Turkic descent, who had co-operated with An Lushan in his campaign against the Kitans. After the death of An Qingxu, he proclaimed himself emperor Yingtian Huangdi of the Great Yan dynasty.\n\nIn the east, severe fighting had been going on; but, owing to the valour displayed by the garrisons at Pingyuan and Chang Shan, the progress of the rebels in the direction of Shandong was checked. Nor were they more successful in their attempts to invade the Yangzi region. In the direction of Anhui, they were confronted by the stronghold of Suiyang,\n\nof which we will learn more later; and in the direction of Hubei, their advance was blocked by the city of Nanyang, both of these cities held out stubbornly. Shi Siming was in his turn murdered by his own son, who proclaimed himself emperor and reigned for a matter of months before he too was overthrown and put to death, thereby ending the four-year-old rebel dynasty. The rebellion had lost its impetus and festered on with intermittent battles until 763. Even during the last years, the outcome was far from certain. It was ultimately quelled and the dynasty regained the throne, but not before the emperor and his son and heir had both disappeared from the scene in death. This epic story is well known to all Chinese, having been related down the centuries throughout China by village tea-house storytellers.\n\nNow that we have a picture of the Rebellion, let us focus on the emperor Tang Ming Huang and the eight generals who took part in the suppression of the An Lushan rebellion and have become local, regional, and even nation-wide popular religion cult deities with their images, euhemerized heroes revered on a number of altars. Although images of leaders of various rebellions down the centuries have become popular religion cult deities, no image has been seen on altars of An Lushan.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215111, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 207, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "164\n\nThe next of our euhemerized heroes is the loyal victor, Guo Ziyi, whose armies were to a great extent the power behind the throne during the rebellion. He is best known to many by his title, Fenyang Wang, the King of Fenyang, an erstwhile name for Anhui province. He is one of the most renowned of Chinese generals, greatly distinguished following service under four successive Tang emperors. He lived to the then great age of 84, dying in AD 781 having been blessed with innumerable progeny, the offspring of his eight sons and seven sons-in-law, all of whom occupied high official posts. Legend claims that he had one hundred sons and one thousand grandsons, hence another of his titles, the Ancestor of Five Generations [Wu Dai Tongtang]. He is also known as Father of the Realm [Shang Fu] and having such a wealth of sons and grandsons, is popularly regarded and worshipped China-wide as the God of Happiness, Lushen. The image of the God of Posterity and Happiness, stage left in the trio of elderly men, the San Xing, the Three stellar Gods of Wealth, Fortune and Posterity, is frequently identified as Guo Ziyi. Such groups of three are to be seen in many Chinese homes and in the UK in most Chinese take-away shops [Photographs 4 and 5]. The standard image portrays him as an elderly scholar-official, standing, dressed in blue robes leading or holding his eight year old son in his arms. The blessings he enjoyed, namely honours, riches, longevity and posterity, were attributed in popular legend to the stellar maiden Zhi Nü, who was said to have appeared to him once on the day consecrated as her annual festival, the double seventh, when she promised him these rewards.\n\nIn temple legend he was born of a peasant family whereas in fact he was the son of a wealthy official, born in the far north in Shaanxi province. In southern China, however, he is claimed by Hakkas to have been a Hakka. His youngest son married the daughter of the Gao Zong emperor, and among the many stories related about Guo and his relationship with the Tang Court, possibly the best known tells of the princess refusing to offer her greetings to Guo, her father-in-law, on his eightieth birthday, as he was a mere commoner. Her furious husband beat her causing her to return to the Palace to complain to her father, the emperor. Meanwhile, Guo had his son bound and sent to Court for punishment. The emperor, recognising Guo's years of service and that domestic affairs were nothing to do with the Court, set his son-in-law free whilst the empress advised her daughter reach an accord with her husband.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215112, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "165\n\nIn 755, during the revolt of An Lushan, Guo helped defend the capital, and in 760 he was despatched to recover territory from Central Asian barbarians and finally, three years after the Turfans [Uighurs] had captured the capital, Guo raised an army and drove them out, more by cunning than military force. The disasters which broke out during the declining years of the Tang Ming Huang emperor were suppressed chiefly by the vigour and determination with which Guo wrested province after province from the hands of the insurgents. He spent a considerable part of his life in warfare and was uniformly successful.\n\nHis images in temples in Northern and Central China usually portrayed him as an old mandarin, with a parted beard, both halves held separately in each of his hands, and with a tiered hat. Occasionally his image depicted him as an old man, sitting, with a long white beard and a white robe, carrying a ruyi sceptre engraved with the four characters for 'Everything shall be as You Desire'. According to one sect, the Jin Dan H., Guo is said to have founded the sect in collaboration with Lü Dongbin, the doctor of renown and one of the Eight Immortals. His image on altars in Sichuan was referred to as Cifu Tianguan14 where he was regarded as a God of Wealth.\n\nNo images of Guo have been noted on temple altars in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau or South-east Asia, though a temple in Haikang in Tainan county bears the hall title of Fenyang Dian and contains on its main altar not an image of him but one of a local provincial cult deity, Guangze Zunwang, the patron of the Guo clan.\n\nBoth Mesny and Timothy RichardR claim that Guo Ziyi was a follower of Nestorian Christianity, Mesny even claiming that Guo's name was carved on the famous Nestorian tablet at Xi'an.\n\nWe move on to images of the two major deified heroes of the era on temple altars who have had their historic figures embellished by tea-house story-tellers down the centuries include:\n\nZhang Xun✯ and Xu Yuan,F are heroes of renown and unique deities whose images have been seen on temple altars in Zhejiang, Taiwan, Hong Kong and South-east Asia [Photographs 6 and 7]. Both are protective deities worshipped particularly by the southern Fukienese, both within Fujian province and in southern Fukienese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215119, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "172\n\nof\n\n17\n\nGuo Ziyi, born in Wenzhou in Zhejiang province ca. AD 700 and only deified many years after he had fled from Guo's service [Illustration 8].\n\nGuo, after a dream, became suspicious of Wen's powers to perform miracles, and Wen, realizing the danger he was in, fled and became a butcher. When a heavenly messenger revealed to Wen the evil of taking life, he gave up slaughtering animals and entered a monastery. Later, he moved to a temple dedicated to Tai Shan, the Lord of the Underworld, where he became the senior medium and communicated with the souls of the dead. He was renowned for his ability to bring rain and help devotees stricken by drought.\n\nEpilogue\n\nThese nine individuals, an omnipotent Chinese emperor, and a hero, and general, believed to have been the emperor's personal physician; a powerful victorious general with immense progeny; a garrison commander and the city mandarin who died in defence of an imperial stronghold; and four minor soldiers, referred to as generals who also died for the emperor, have been deified with their images placed on popular religion temple altars within limited areas of south-east China and Taiwan, their legends being eagerly retold by temple custodians and devotees.\n\nThe Rebellion has held Chinese imaginations for centuries - mainly, it would appear, because of the story of the fall of the emperor's concubine bringing to its listeners a mixture of sadness and anger at the weakness of character shown by the emperor.\n\nA Chinese Biographical Dictionary published in 1898 in London by Bernard Quaritch\n\n2 In Hunan province and the Yangzi valley in general, Lao Lang, the patron of the theatre, of musicians and actors, has been identified in a number of places as a deified human named Zhuang Zong. He was said to be the patron of Peking opera but only of such groups touring central China. His image in Hunan portrayed him as a clean-shaven, white-faced young man without any special", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215126, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "हुण \n\n179 \n\nThis God is said to be deified General Guo Ziyi, the distinguished loyal Tang commander whose successes in battle led to the final victory over the rebels holding one of his grandsons. He is a popular member of a trio of deities. The other two are the God of Long Life with his domed head and the God of Wealth with his jade sceptre.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215129, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "182\n\nMarshal Wen Qiong was said to have been one of the subordinate generals serving Guo Ziyi during the campaigns to suppress An Lushan's rebellion. This modern portrait depicting him as a celestial general hangs in a Daoist temple in Pudong, a suburb of Shanghai.\n\nPage 225\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215275, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "Rius \n\nMao for beginners. Pantheon Books: New York, c1980. \n\nSchram, Stuart R. \n\nMao Tse-tung. Harmondsworth: Penguin, c1966. \n\nShirokogoroff. S. M. \n\nAnthropology of eastern China and Kwangtung Province. New York: AMS Press. c1973. \n\nSiu, Kwok-kin, Anthony \n\nHeritage trails in urban Hong Kong. Xiang-gang:Wan li ji gou, wan li shu dian. c2001. \n\nWard, Edward \n\nChinese crackers. (Xerox copy of; London, John Lane the Bodley Head, 1947). \n\nWe shall win! British imperialism in Hong Kong will be defeated! Hsiang-kang: Kai Pao, c1967. \n\nXiong, Victor Cunrui \n\nSui-Tang Chang'an: a study in the urban history of medieval China, Ann Arbor, Mich.: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, c2000. \n\nYao, Ming-le \n\nThe conspiracy and murder of Mao's heir. London: Collins, c1983. \n\nxlix", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216016, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 315, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "249\n\nChinese as a response to Hun incursions is attributed to King Wuling of Zhao (325-298BCE). The crossbow had become the weapon of choice in infantry tactics, as can be seen from the Qin terracotta formations at Xi'an. But except for a weak version, crossbows did not translate to horseback tactics because they were loaded using the feet.\n\nIt requires intensive training to become sufficiently proficient with a traditional Asian bow to be able to rely on it in a life-threatening situation. The aristocratic elite maintained their command of the bow and arrow through their practice of hunting with chariots and from the leisure time they could devote to perfecting their skills. The aristocracy were also the ones who had stocks of horses. Thus it was that the debate that is recorded (Yan Tie Lun, Zhan Guo Ce (Zhan Guo Ce: Wuling Wang Ping Chen Jian Ju. Selby p. 175 fn 17.) about adoption of mounted archery by the Chinese involved the question of putting the aristocrats on horseback: not the ordinary soldiery.)\n\nIn the Eastern Zhou, therefore, tactical and technological developments pushed the aristocracy with their bows and arrows onto horseback, and placed crossbows into the hands of the common people in the rank-and-file. (The very reverse of what happened among the English and French aristocracy in the Middle Ages.)\n\nThe Militarization of archery\n\nThe Confucians had, at some point, chosen to stress the non-military aspect of archery. That trend is summed up in Jun zi wu suo zheng; bi ye, she hu (Selby: 5A). I believe that in the Eastern Zhou, archery had been received from previous eras as a semi-religious, ritual experience with further expression in hunting (to gain sacrifices for the ancestors) and warfare. Even in warfare, if the account of the Battle of Yanling (Zuo: Cheng Gong 16. Selby: 71.) is to be believed, archery was fraught with taboos. Contrast Yanling with the crossbow tactics at Maling (Shiji: Sunzi Wuqi Liezhuan. Selby: 8E)\n\nDespite Wang Meng's belated attempt to revive the rituals prior to his interregnum (Hou Han Shu: Liu Kun Zhuan. Selby: 8H.), the ritual aspects of archery were almost forgotten in the Han period. Nevertheless, there is abundant archaeological evidence of archery in hunting, warfare and funeral imagery (where Yi shooting the Suns in\n\n+\n\nPage 315\n\nPage 316", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216019, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 318, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "252\n\nthe Tang Dynasty can be divided into two streams. There was a nomadic cultural stream that was the patrimony of the horse-based cultures of the North. This stream can be summed up by Sima Qian's description of how Hun children rode with their mothers before they could walk, learned archery riding on a goat and shooting rats as infants, and were well skilled for hunting and warfare by maturity. (Shiji: Xiongnu Liezhuan. Selby: 8G.)\n\nThe Han Chinese did not regard archery as an innate skill, although they were quick to claim outstanding archery skills for model founding emperors of new dynasties. (Han Shu: Chao Cuo Liezhuan. Selby: 84H.) Nevertheless, archery was an acquired skill for the Han Chinese, and the acquisition took place most likely in an aristocratic sporting or educational setting.\n\nTexts on archery from the Song and later periods treated archery on foot and mounted archery separately. They offered few insights beyond what was set out in Wang Ju's Tang text. Much was made of the aesthetic aspects of archery on foot, and layers of philosophical introspection were added. Mounted archery, on the other hand, was utilitarian and fast. Writing in around 1040 the compiler of a Song military encyclopaedia, Zeng Gongliang, roundly attacked Wang Ju's 'flowery' method (Zeng Gongliang: Wu Jing Zong Yao. Selby: 10L.) Judging from the continued preference for the 'flowery style' into the Ming Dynasty, however, his views did not have much influence.\n\nDespite acquiring skill in horseback archery through training, there is no sign that the Han Chinese troops were not good at it. It would be wrong to imagine that the defeat at the hands of the Mongols and the fall of the Southern Song was due to unfamiliarity or an inability to deal with mounted archery tactics. That was largely a European defect.\n\nMing archery was firmly rooted in the Confucian tradition. In the early part of the Hong Wu reign, Zhu Yuanzhang appears to have re-established the full archery ritual in parallel with the military examination, which had lapsed during the Yuan Dynasty. (Hong Wu 3: Edict on the Establishment of the Examination System. Selby: 11A.)\n\nIn both the Song and Ming military examinations, there was a controversy over whether to give preference to candidates who could", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216020, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 319, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "253\n\nshoot a heavy arrow from a strong bow, or those who were accurate. At one time or another in the Song Period, the pendulum swung either way, sometimes with complex factors applied to marry the two criteria. (Song Shi: Xuanju 3. Selby: 10R.)\n\nLater, a fashion grew up of including a further element in the examination system: apart from archery on foot and on horseback, candidates were required to pull a heavy bow from which no arrow was shot. This test seems to have started in the Ming Dynasty and became established in the Qing military examinations.\n\nExamination archery was not battlefield archery\n\nThere is further evidence of a discrepancy growing between the demands of the military examination system and the demands of the battlefield. In training armies to deal with the Japanese coastal incursions in the 16th century, Yu Dayou and Qi Jiguang, like Zeng Gongliang in the Song Dynasty, disdained the 'flowery' skills of the examination candidates, and developed alternative battle skills for archery on foot (see Selby. p. 277). We can speculate that Chinese military archery pre-supposed that the main action would be on horseback; but new tactical considerations with the anti-Japanese Wo Kou campaigns required archery in coastal areas and onboard ship, where horseback archery technique was of no use.\n\nFor a military examination system, you would have thought that skill in practical, battlefield techniques would have been what was required. But apart from horseback archery, that was not the case.\n\nAt the end of the Ming Dynasty, two works were published that concentrated on military technique, one by Li Chengfen and the other by Gao Ying. But neither became popular. The demand among candidates for the examinations was for books illustrating what is clearly a continuation of the elegance of the Confucian, ritual style.\n\n—\n\nThe inutility of such a style - and indeed the inutility of archery as a whole in the face of modern, Western battlefield technology ultimately consigned the antiquated archery syllabus in the military examination system to the scrap-heap in 1901. (Liu Jincao: \"Xu Wenxian Tongkao: xuanju 5\". Selby: 13G.)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216029, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 328, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "262\n\nWar in 218 AD between two of the Three Kingdoms [San Guo], between Sun Quan of Wu and Liu Bei of Shu, led amongst other things to the capture of the city of Qingzhou. One of Liu Bei's generals, Guan Yu, hurried south to defend the city but was ambushed, captured and decapitated by Sun Quan after he refused to change sides. Guan was later deified as is now the immensely popular deity, the Patron of Uniformed Bodies and is known as the God of Loyalty, Guan Di. Thus, the founder of Zhenjiang had the distinction of slaying the consequent Patron deity of Soldiers, Firemen and Detectives and the second most popular god on Chinese popular religion altars.\n\nIn the first years of the 6th century AD the first emperor of the Liang dynasty, Wu Di, who was renowned for his support of Buddhism and the Buddhist clergy, visited Zhenjiang. He had been visited by a divine monk in a dream who urged Wu Di to institute a great fast in order to rescue all sentient beings from the miseries of their existence. The Emperor ordered a new monastery to be built at Tse Hsin [Zexin], known today as Jin Shan to accommodate the Congress held in AD 507, and for centuries within the monastery there was a building known as the Hall of Liang Wang. This tradition is at odds with the date usually given for the founding of the monastery - AD 317.\n\nOur next story involves a deified hero who had nothing to do with Zhenjiang in life but, for some unknown reason, his cult would appear to have become centralised along the Grand Canal and especially at Zhenjiang. He is a canonised hero of the Tang dynasty, but one of a pair whose images elsewhere appear together on popular religion temple altars. These two euhemerised heroes, Zhang Xun and Xu Yuan, ***, have been seen on altars in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Beijing, Taiwan, Hong Kong and South-east Asia. These two protective deities are known individually as the Venerable King of Peaceful Pacification, Wen'an Zunwang ✰✰ E [Zhang Xun] and the Venerable King of Military Pacification, Wu'an Zunwang ✯✯ [Xu Yuan] though they will\n\n+\n\nbe referred to hereafter simply as Zhang and Xu.\n\nThe most common history of the two heroes as related by a great number of temple keepers describes how Zhang and Xu, loyalists during the reign of Tang Ming Huang, opposed the rebellion led by An Lushan. They died heroically in AD 757 during the civil war defending the provincial city of Suiyang in Henan province which fell to the enemy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "Hong Kong Museum of Coastal Defence\n\nArchery traditions of Asia. [Xianggang]: Xianggang hai fang bo wu guan, c2003.\n\nHong Kong Museum of History\n\nBoundless learning: foreign-educated students of modern China. [Xianggang]: Xianggang li shi bo wu guan, c2003.\n\nHong Kong Museum of History\n\nBrief guide to Hong Kong Museum of History. Xianggang: Shi zheng ju, c1991.\n\nHong Kong Museum of History\n\nNapoleon Bonaparte: emperor & man. Hong Kong: Leisure and Cultural Services Department, 2003.\n\nInternational Conference on Sinology (3rd: 2000 : Taipei, Taiwan) Guo jia, shi chang yu mai luo hua'de zu qun (State, market and ethnic groups contextualize). Taibei Shi: Zhong yang yan jiu yuan li shi yu yan yan jiu suo, Minguo 92 [2003].\n\nInternational Conference on Sinology (3rd: 2000 : Taipei, Taiwan) Xin yang, yi shi yu she hui (Belief, ritual and society). Taibei Shi: Zhong yang yan jiu yuan li shi yu yan yan jiu suo, Minguo 92 [2003].\n\nLitmaath, Joop B.M.\n\nFar East of Amsterdam. Hong Kong: Corporate Communications Ltd., 2003.\n\nMacGillivray, D.\n\nA century of Protestant missions in China (1807-1907) being the Centenary Conference historical volume. San Francisco: Chinese Materials Centre, c1979.\n\nMacau on the threshold of the third millennium: an international symposium, co-organized by the Macau Ricci Institute and the French Centre for Research on Contemporary China, Hong Kong. Macau: Macau Ricci Institute, c[2003].\n\nxliii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216285, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "Malatesta, Edward J. and Gao Zhiyu\n\nDeparted, yet present: Zhalan, the oldest Christian cemetery in Beijing. Macau: Instituto Cultural de Macau, c1995.\n\nMusavi Lari, Mujtabá\n\nGod and his attributes: lessons on Islamic doctrine. Potomac, Md.: Islamic Education Center, c1989.\n\nMusavi Lari, Mujtabá.\n\nResurrection judgement and the hereafter: lessons on Islamic Doctrine (book three). Qum, Iran: Foundation of Islamic Culture Propagation in the World, [1992].\n\nMusavi Lari, Mujtabá\n\nThe Seal of the Prophets and his message: lessons on Islamic doctrine. Potomac, MD: Islamic Education Center, [1989?].\n\nNahjul balagha: sermons, letters, and sayings of Imam Ali. Qom, I.R. Iran: Sayyed Mojtaba Musavi Lari Foundation of Islamic C.P.W. [n.d.]. (2 vols)\n\nPeacock, B.A.V.\n\nHong Kong archaeological survey: subsurface investigation reports. [Hong Kong: Antiquities & Monuments Office, Municipal Services Branch, c1988].\n\nThe Psalms of Islam. Imam Zayn al-'Abidin ‘Ali ibn al-Husayn ; translated with an introduction and annotation by William C. Chittick; with a foreword by S.H.M. Jafri. Qum, Iran: Foundation of Islamic Cultural Propagation in the World, 1980-1989?\n\nSecond International Conference of Institutes & Libraries for Chinese overseas studies. Conference handbook. Xianggang: c2003,\n\nSteinberg, David I.\n\nStone mirror: reflections on contemporary Korea. Norwalk, CT: EastBridge, 2002.\n\nxliv", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216307, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "15\n\nHOW OLD IS SHANGHAI'S LONGHUA TEMPLE?\n\nERIC N. DANIELSON ·\n\nShanghai's Longhua Temple (Longhua Si) is a functioning Buddhist temple with a large resident monk population belonging to the Chan sect (Chan zong) of Mahayana Buddhism. It is by far the largest one in Shanghai, and probably counts among the largest in China. Located southwest of the Xujiahui shopping district, the main temple complex sits on the north side of Longhua Lu, while its seven-story pagoda stands by itself across the street on the south side. Although it has often been said by many authors that this is supposedly the only pagoda in Shanghai, that is true only if one has a very narrow definition of what Shanghai is. Within the Shanghai Municipality (Shanghai Shi) there are a total of 16 historic pagodas, the other 15 being of equal age and historical authenticity but located out in the surrounding counties of Songjiang, Qingpu, and Jiading.\n\nThe temple's long history\n\nLonghua Si undoubtedly has a long history, but the question is how long? The answer is debatable. In all likelihood, it is about 900 years old, rather than the 1800 years sometimes claimed for it. Very little evidence exists to support the often heard claims that the temple and pagoda were supposedly first built in 242 A.D. and 247 A.D. by Sun Quan, the King of Wu, during the Three Kingdoms (San Guo). Furthermore, maps of Shanghai's geological history contained in Zhou Zhen He's 1999 Shanghai Lishi Ditu Ji show that most of this area was underwater until the Tang Dynasty (618-907). Some sources also make vague claims that the temple was built by the Tang Dynasty Empress Wu Ze Tian sometime during her reign (690-705 A.D.), but later destroyed at some unspecified date during the rebellion of Huang Zhao (879-884 A.D.) against the Tang Xi Zong Emperor (873-888). The first specific year to appear in most accounts is a supposed rebuilding of a new temple on the same site as the earlier San Guo and Tang temples by the Wu Yue regional kingdom in 977 A.D. If these earlier versions of Longhua Temple did in fact exist, they were ephemeral and have left no lasting traces.\n\nSubstantial documented evidence of the temple's origins begins to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216310, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "18\n\nRestoring the damage done by the three years of Taiping destruction required a massive reconstruction project which lasted for nearly 30 years from 1871 to 1899. In addition to rebuilding the previous structures, several new halls which had not existed before were added during this time, including the Guest House (Ke Tang) and the Dining Hall (Zhai Tang) in 1887; the Goddess of Mercy Hall (Guan Yin Dian), Ancestors Hall (Zu Shi Dian), and the Kshitigarbha Hall (Di Zang Dian) in 1890; and finally the 500 Arhats Hall (Wu Bai Luohan Tang) in 1896.\n\nThe Republican era, 1911-1949\n\nAt the beginning of the Min Guo Republic (1912), all the monks were forced to move out by armed soldiers who moved in and used the temple as a barracks. The soldiers looted the golden statues from the temple, and wooden parts of the temple such as window frames were used by the soldiers to make cooking fires. However, in 1920 the temple and the pagoda were both repaired, and after being closed for a whole decade the temple finally officially reopened in 1922 when all the monks came back. Holmes Welch's otherwise authoritative 1967 study of Buddhism in China mistakenly stated that Longhua Temple was occupied by the Chinese military for the entire Min Guo period. Photos from D. C. Burn's brief 1926 study of the temple show that the Qing Dynasty 500 Arhat Hall (Wu Bai Luohan Tang) was still intact then, although it no longer exists now.\n\nLonghua Temple enjoyed 15 years of peace and tranquility until September 11, 1937 when the temple was badly damaged during the Japanese attack on Shanghai. Nine Japanese airplanes dropped 30 bombs on the Longhua area. Most likely they were targeting the nearby Longhua Airport and the Guomindang's Longhua Garrison military camp next door, but they accidentally caused severe damage to the temple. Before the attack there had been 80 monks living in the temple, but afterward there were only 7 monks remaining.\n\nDuring the first five years of the Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1942, the internal affairs of the temple were confused and disorganized, with rival masters claiming the post of Abbot, and unqualified persons claiming to be Buddhist monks for the sake of seeking safe haven in the temple. On September 9, 1942 a reorganization committee was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "25\n\nYin. While Guanyin has compassionate mercy for those in need, it is Da Shi Zhi who possesses the power to actually carry out her acts of kindness. The San Sheng Dian houses by far the oldest of Longhua's three bronze bells, this one supposedly dating from 1132, which would also make it the oldest historic relic the temple possesses today. The hall itself dates from an 1884 reconstruction, when it was rebuilt to replace an earlier structure destroyed during the Taiping rebel attacks on Shanghai in 1860-1862. The hall was last restored in 1986.\n\nImmediately behind the San Sheng Dian is a walled garden with trees which unfortunately is closed to the public. Inside this walled garden is a fifth main hall, the Abbot's Quarters (Fang Zhang Shi), which is for the private use of the resident monks and their master, the Fang Zhang. It was the only hall which the monks maintained control of during the Cultural Revolution. Normally it is kept off limits to the public and cannot be visited. However, the author was able to steal a glimpse and found that the hall was furnished with rows of large armchairs, and lacked any large statues. Possibly it is a modern day form of the Meditation Hall (Chan Tang). At the far left end of the hall is a small office decorated with framed color photos of the temple's Buddhist leaders posing with Communist Party leaders such as Jiang Zemin.\n\nBehind the Abbot's Quarters is the sixth and final courtyard, and the sixth hall on the central axis, the newly built two-story Scripture Hall (Cang Jing Lou). This modern building holds most of the temple's few genuine relics, including a library of 7,000 Qing Dynasty volumes; a Ming Dynasty gold seal given to the temple in 1598 by the emperor Wanli (1573-1620); a Ming Dynasty gold-plated bronze Buddha statue; Tang Dynasty scriptures; and a copy of the Heart Sutra dating from the year 1098, the fifth year of the Zhe Zong reign (1085-1100) of Emperor Zhao Xu of the Northern Song Dynasty (960-1126). Exactly how these relics survived the destruction of the Taiping Rebellion, the lengthy military occupation of the Min Guo era, and the Cultural Revolution is unclear. Possibly they were donated to the temple sometime later. Unfortunately the public is not welcomed to visit this sixth hall, and the relics are kept hidden from view, although photographs of them appear in a recent pamphlet sold at the temple's bookstore.\n\nHidden in a seldom visited corner of the temple grounds on the east side of the Fang Zhang Shi's walled garden is a smaller garden", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]