[
    {
        "id": 204294,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1961",
        "page_number": 62,
        "title": "RAS-1961",
        "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n58\n\nAmong the eighteenth century travel books must be mentioned two first editions of interest although not relating to the Far East. The earlier is James Cook's A Voyage towards the South Pole, and Round the World of 1777, unfortunately the second volume only. And the second is Travels in the Interior Districts of Africa by Mungo Park, published in 1799.\n\nThere is a 1771 edition of A voyage to China and the East Indies, by Peter Osbeck which includes An Account of the Chinese Husbandry, by Captain Charles Gustavus Eckeberg and A Faunula and Flora Sinensis. The first volume contains ten engraved plates of plants found in China. In the second volume is printed a letter from Charles Linné [Linnaeus] to Peter Osbeck which says:-\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\nI have read your excellent books with pleasure and surprize. You, Sir, have every where travelled with the light of science: you have named every thing so precisely, that it may be comprehended by the learned world; and have discovered and settled both the genera and species. For this reason, I seem myself to have travelled with you, and to have examined every object you saw with my own eyes.\n\nOne other eighteenth century account of travels and exploration in the Far East should be noticed: A Philosophical and Political History of the Settlements and Trade of the Europeans in the East and West Indies by the Abbé Raynal, 1784. It may be salutary to notice the bitter attacks which the Abbé makes on English administration in India and elsewhere. Books like Ellis' Embassy and Timkowski's Travels have been too often described to warrant inclusion here.\n\nThe Hundred Wonders of the World, and of the Three Kingdoms of Nature of 1824 published under the pseudonym of the Rev. C. C. Clarke, has a picture of the Porcelain Tower at Nankin, China, as a frontispiece. It is sad to think that this wonder no longer stands; it was destroyed during the T'ai-p'ing Rebellion. Processes of time, not war, have destroyed two of London's institutions listed as 'wonders', the Linwood Gallery of Leicester Square and Bullock's Museum, Piccadilly. It is strange to think that in their day they were compared with the British Museum and the Louvre of Paris.\n\nElements of political economy by James Mill appears in a first edition of 1821. James was the father of John Stuart Mill for whom he obtained a clerkship in the East India Company after he himself had been given a high position following the publication in 1818 of his History of British India.\n\nAmong the illustrated books in the collection there is an 1828 edition of Flora Javae by Carolo Ludovico Blume with remarkable colour plates.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207404,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 172,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "164\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nted and after a few weeks we depended upon the Japanese for the supplies of these basic necessities.\n\nThough the Japanese had not signed the Geneva Convention 1929 they apparently notified to governments concerned their intention to abide by its provisions, and in 1942 recognised the position of the International Red Cross in Hong Kong. The first Red Cross inspection of Bowen Road took place in June 1942 before I began to keep my diaries and I have now no note of this.\n\nWe did not know it at the time but the Japanese obviously decided as an article of policy to leave our hospital with its own staff to look after allied sick and wounded prisoners of war. They decided the size of the staff, the number of patients who were to be admitted and sometimes who were to be discharged. They did not interfere with the treatment of our patients nor did they remove anything other than minor quantities of drugs and equipment from our stores.\n\nI have no means of judging accurately but my feeling is that the Japanese supplied us with food, fuel and small quantities of material for repairing clothes and boots, essentials such as soap etc., on what were probably the scales they used for their own troops. Perhaps the scales were those for their garrison troops rather than for fighting troops; I can recall that our Formosan guards were poorly dressed and I know shared our anxieties when rations were late arriving. Japanese fighting troops of course drew largely upon local resources for food etc., during their campaigns.\n\nIn the hospital we had Japanese-supplied electricity and water for nearly three years, and when these finally failed we had recourse to our own alternative sources of power and improvised water supplies. We had no periods of relief from our surroundings and were increasingly closely confined as the years passed. I draw attention now to these points since, and before I close this account, I shall try to assess how far the outcome of our story, happier than it might have been, depended upon the Japanese and how far it depended on the efforts of our own staff and patients, the Red Cross and our friends in Hong Kong.\n\nI had made few records of the food situation before August 1942 but we fared none too well for rations. Of course we had some stocks of our own and Lt. F.J. Campbell, the quartermaster and his staff made forays without Japanese leave on the ration dumps accumulated by us in the Colony before hostilities began. These",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207443,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 211,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n203\n\nThe Japanese appetite for reports continued to be insatiable and they sought to learn details about our hospital pre-war, particularly as regards staffing, equipment, numbers in wards and so on. All of this information was in official publications which were already in Japanese hands. I suppose it allowed Saito to compare our standards with those of his own army. In July 1944 he took a photograph of the medical staff in Bowen Road and at another time he asked for certain text books on obstetrics and gynaecology which we lent him though we never got them back.\n\nOn 9 June 1945, in a long search of the hospital, he took away all our case sheets, operation books and admission and discharge books which had been carefully preserved and which served as the basis for the statistical and factual accounts of our experiences to be found in the Official History. Thereby he got rid of a mass of material which would have made sorry reading in the originals. I had of course already extracted all the information I wanted, and so the loss was not disastrous. I found it remarkable when on 28 August after the Japanese capitulation I demanded a written acknowledgement that these had been, as he said, burned that he signed this at once. I even took the trouble to get witnesses to his signature, one being our Major James Anderson and the other being Hasegawa who was Saito's interpreter at the time. On the same occasion he affirmed to me, also in writing, that all the civilian clothing he had taken from us in Bowen Road had been stored in Japanese headquarters and later stolen by the Chinese. At this time the British naval relieving force had not arrived, we had no arms and I was quite astonished at Saito's complaisance. I had expected a haughty refusal to acknowledge any responsibility.\n\nSaito like Tokunaga was condemned to death by a War Crimes Court in Hong Kong in 1946. This sentence was later commuted to 20 years imprisonment and later still this was again reduced to fifteen years. When I try to form a judgement on Saito I do so solely upon our experiences with him in the hospital. I do not know if he was a career officer in the Japanese army, what we would call a regular officer. He was apparently deeply imbued with the mores of his army, he was usually short-tempered and irritable, and as I have said earlier I never established any relationship with him even professionally. He gave us that to which he or his commander considered we were entitled under the Geneva Convention so far as lay within his power, though he showed no tendency to do more",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207466,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 234,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "226\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nwas found and confiscated, and I was told that searches would continue if forbidden articles of this kind were found. We repacked the boxes as best we could but we could only rope them and not lock them. I passed to the Japanese lists of possessions known to have been taken by them which I claimed belonged to people protected by the Geneva Convention. Nobody ever saw these goods again.\n\nOn 26 September the transmitting room used to broadcast music to the wards was dismantled and the bunk used for this purpose reverted to use as a nurse's bunk. Many in the hospital I think were relieved to know that our radio receiver was no longer active. I have referred elsewhere in this account to the rumour that the receiver was still being operated elsewhere in the hospital.\n\nIn September 1943 there arrived as our hospital interpreter Mr. Watanabe, Uncle John to many. This remarkable man was the minister of a Christian Church in Japan but I had few dealings with him outside official business at this time. He hated war, but while he did much work carrying messages of comfort between prisoners and between them and their relatives in the Colony and forwarding the good work being done by Selwyn-Clarke and his helpers he never betrayed his country and sought only to temper the harshness to human beings which resulted from her policies. After the war he was the subject of one of the \"This is your life\" programmes presented on television from London, to the preparation of which Selwyn-Clarke contributed greatly. I have had the pleasure of entertaining this truly Christian man myself in London. His whole family was killed in an air raid in Japan.\n\nWhen hostilities began in 1941 a number of private cars had been parked in the hospital grounds and most of these were damaged, my own very severely by masonry falling from the building which was damaged by bombing and shell fire. One car had been stripped and used by us for study purposes but all cars along with a lorry and an ambulance car had to be pushed by us up the steep hill to the Japanese officers' living quarters and were thus lost to us.\n\nMy diary records that on 9 November we sent a couple of glass eyes to Sham Shui Po for use by our men there so that they obviously continued to pay attention to their appearance. There was a very cold spell of ten days in November during which we needed all our blankets and all our blue hospital uniforms to keep patients warm. A full course of inoculations against typhoid, cho-",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207486,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 254,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "246\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nAll of Mr. Campbell's records of receipts of Japanese rations were removed by Saito on 17 February in order, he said, that they could be examined by Japanese checkers. We never got them back.\n\nOn 19 March 24 lorry loads of beds (100) and mattresses and medical equipment left the hospital. On 21 March 109 patients with four doctors and 5 nursing orderlies were transferred to huts in Sham Shui Po leaving four officers and 56 staff with 15 so-called strong patients. I left with these on 23 March for Sham Shui Po. This was the only time I had been in a P.O.W. camp and by then the prisoners, like ourselves in the hospital, had become adjusted to the conditions. The hospital equipment had gone to the Central British School in Kowloon. We had stripped Bowen Road of every single article and structure we thought might be useful to us on our new site. In this, the Japanese seemed to encourage us.\n\nTHE REASONS FOR THE RETENTION OF\n\nTHE HOSPITAL IN 1942 AND ITS REMOVAL IN 1945\n\nIn the conditions following our surrender, it is not hard to understand the Japanese decision to leave a British Military hospital, which they found as a going concern, to care for Allied sick and wounded. Such a decision enabled them to conform with the provisions of the Geneva Convention, a political decision, while at the same time using an immediately practical alternative to involving their own medical services. Our hospital must have been a showpiece to their own inspecting officers and to the Red Cross representatives, both International and Japanese, and illustrated how they were conforming with the provisions of the Convention. They clearly succeeded in creating a good impression, as shown by the spontaneous remark to me of Mr. Engelbacher (I am not certain of the name) of the International Red Cross at the inspection on 21 December 1942 by Mr. Zindel and himself. He declared that we were better off than patients in a Japanese military hospital. This might have been true, but at that time, I was oppressed by the deaths of the last few months and the condition of large numbers of our patients, and I received the information with some coldness.\n\nThe arrangement under which we continued to occupy our own hospital must have provided quite serious administrative inconveniences for the Japanese. So far as I know, we provided the only concentration of British P.O.W. on the Island, though the Stanley Internment Camp, some miles away, held civilian internees and was",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 207487,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 255,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n247\n\nrun by as entirely separate institution. After the Canadians moved from North Point we drew our patients only from Kowloon and I suppose that the prestige of adhering to the Geneva Convention outweighed in Japanese minds the administrative drawbacks of our site in Bowen Road.\n\nAs time went on the need to supply and guard a unit widely separated from the main body of prisoners must have become more onerous. Increasing shortages and difficulty in supplying electricity and water to Bowen Road were probably instrumental in finally bringing about our transfer to Kowloon.\n\n24 MARCH -- 9 SEPTEMBER 1945\n\nWe now moved into the last few months of our captivity. At first, staff and patients were accommodated in Sham Shui Po camp and from there working parties of our staff went out daily to prepare the hospital. It was on that day that I got my only view of the Heep Yunn School and I did not like what I saw, but the same day I learned that we were to have the Central British School for use. This looked and proved to be a suitable building and we began to move our gear there. A little later Saito told me that the staff would be reduced to 40 all ranks though previously he had said that there would be 40 other ranks. On 9 April 6 officers and 34 other ranks moved in to the Central British School. Besides myself there were Major G.F. Harrison, Major J.W. Anderson, Captain A. Coombs, Lieutenant (Q.M.) F.J. Campbell and the Rev. James Squires our padre. There were five Royal Engineers, M.S.M. Sims, Q.M.S. Tyas, and sappers Samways, Carvell and Climo, and there were 29 other ranks R.A.M.C. and R.A.D.C. headed by Sergeant-majors Muxlow and Bartley. On 10 April 62 patients of whom 58 had been in Bowen Road and four were newly arrived in the hospital. There were at first no non-medical workers though these had been promised. On 12 April a further 62 patients arrived, 31 of these being crippled but in fair general condition and a further 31 being what we then called old men (i.e., unfit for service by reason of age). Two army officers and some American and British merchant navy officers were included, but we had no special accommodation for officers. The Japanese ordered that all patients were to have white beds, another example of window dressing. The hospital provided for 34 beds for patients on the ground floor and 81 on the first floor which also housed the operating theatre, X-ray room and laboratory.\n\nPage 255\n\nPage 256",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
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    },
    {
        "id": 207516,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1975",
        "page_number": 284,
        "title": "RAS-1975",
        "content_text": "276\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nordered to do so, unwounded. However this may be, there we were, available to relieve them of the responsibility of caring for our casualties.\n\nThe next point of importance is the Japanese decision to behave like other belligerents and abide by the terms of the Geneva Convention though they had not been signatories. As a result, they recognised and accepted representation in Hong Kong and some, at least of the activities of the International Red Cross Society.\n\nAs a possible third consequence they allowed the hospital to remain in its buildings and concentrated there all allied wounded from other hospitals in the Colony. They used it also to receive some, but not all sick from the P.O.W. camps.\n\nAll of these actions conferred clear benefits on the Japanese, as well as upon us.\n\nAny drugs or dressings removed by them from the hospital were in such small quantities as to be unimportant to us. Even when an electricity generator was taken, we still had another left. Except when some unacceptable decisions to admit too late, or discharge too early, sick prisoners were made by the Japanese the clinical freedom of our doctors was not challenged.\n\nThe hospital was given staple food and fuel rations and clothing and boot repair materials on a scale which may have been based on a standard used for Japanese troops who of course were known to live in part off the country in which they were operating. International agreements of course required only this scale to be observed. I think that our guards fared rather better than we did on their basic rations, especially in fish, but I have recorded earlier the anxiety shown by guards when their rations, like ours were late in arriving. I recall here the public statement to us in 1944 by a supplies officer that there were shortages on the Japanese side but that they would try to keep the hospital properly supplied. This was an appeal to us to understand their position, an appeal which fitted ill with much of the Japanese bearing towards prisoners. Their plight then, in Japan itself as well as in Hong Kong and no doubt elsewhere was extremely grave and their desperate resistance for another year is surprising. It was however hard, even impossible for prisoners to take then the detached view that we can today.\n\nWhile the Japanese haul of booty in the form of drugs and medical supplies in Hong Kong must have been enormous the quantities that reached the hospital were negligible and we were",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210242,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 213,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "192\n\nY.H. CHEUNG, K.Y. TAI, S.W. TSAO AND L.B. THROWER\n\nAs measured by chlorophyll content of the water, the population of phytoplankton was highest between early July and September, and representatives of 12 genera of diatoms were recorded, namely Achnanthes sp., Amphora sp., Biddulphia pulchella, Cocconeis sp., Diploneis fusca, Eucampia sp., Grammatiphora sp., Melosira sp., Navicula sp., Nitzschia sp., Pleurosigma sp., Thalassionema sp. The population of periphyton was also high between July and September; the rapid growth of periphyton in mid-summer emphasized the importance of fringing vegetation (mangrove roots and stems, Phragmites and grasses growing out into the water) as a substrate for periphyton and thus as a contributor to primary production.\n\n  \n    Date\n    Air temperature °C\n    Water temp. °C\n    pH\n    Diss. oxygen p.p.m.\n    Salinity p.p.L.\n    Chlorophyll ug/l\n    Periphyton chlorophyll ug/slide\n  \n  \n    27/03/78\n    \n    \n    8.6\n    9.0\n    5.6\n    15.5\n    \n  \n  \n    21/04\n    38\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    06/05\n    34.0 20.0\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    03/06\n    36.0 20.0\n    30.0\n    31.4\n    8.8\n    13.7\n    7.9\n    \n  \n  \n    01/07\n    35.5 23.0\n    31.5\n    31.8\n    8.8\n    8.9\n    5.5\n    \n  \n  \n    31/07\n    36.0 23.0\n    28.0\n    25.6\n    6.4\n    5.9\n    2.5\n    \n  \n  \n    26/08\n    33.5 24.0\n    29.0\n    30.5\n    6.2\n    6.0\n    7.3\n    \n  \n  \n    30/09\n    28.5 23.5\n    24.0\n    26.0\n    6.4\n    9.7\n    8.3\n    \n  \n  \n    21/10\n    39.5 18.0\n    25.5\n    26.5\n    8.4\n    8.2\n    8.5\n    \n  \n  \n    24/11\n    36.0\n    9.0\n    23.5\n    22.5\n    6.8\n    10.0\n    16.5\n  \n  \n    23/12\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    20/01/79\n    29.6\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    17/02\n    22.0\n    7.0\n    20.0\n    5.5\n    28.0\n    7.0\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    18.5\n    \n    \n    8.4\n    7.0\n    28.1\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    17.0\n    \n    \n    \n    14.6\n    8.2\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    8.4\n    \n    \n    15.3\n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    2188\n    8588\n    178\n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    1.4\n    30.8\n    0.5\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    14.2\n    \n    3.4\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    4.3\n    \n    2.2\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    38.3\n    \n    5.7\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    16.9\n    \n    7.9\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    32.1\n    \n    0.4\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    0.6\n    \n    2.1\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    2.3\n    \n    1.4\n    \n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    25.5\n    \n    17.2\n    7.2\n  \n  \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    8.2\n    \n    \n    21.2\n  \n\nb) Production and Decomposition of Plant Litter\n\nA cross-section of a bund to show the distribution of higher plants is given as Fig. 1. The annual growth phases of Kandelia are shown in Fig. 2 and the estimated litter-fall in Table 2.\n\n  \n    \n    1978\n    1979\n  \n  \n    \n    A\n    M\n    J\n    J\n    A\n    S\n    O\n    N\n    D\n    F\n    M\n  \n  \n    Leaves\n    \n    45.1\n    49.2\n    66.7\n    152.0\n    182.6\n    129.5\n    113.8\n    76.4\n    49.6\n    \n  \n  \n    Droppers\n    151.3\n    133.9\n    12.9\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Total\n    \n    71.0\n    440\n    60.7\n    31.3\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    \n    1040.6\n    \n    24.0\n    166.7\n    \n    \n    520.1",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 210244,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1984",
        "page_number": 215,
        "title": "RAS-1984",
        "content_text": "194 Y.H. CHEUNG, K.Y. TAI, S.W. TSAO AND L.B. THROWER\n\nkei wai, there would be an input of 146.5 kg. per year or 39.6 kg. per hectare of open water.\n\nThus, the total annual input of organic litter from these two species alone can be estimated as about 3,100 kg. dry weight per hectare or 850 per hectare of open water.\n\nc) Colonization of Litter by Microorganisms\n\nThe occurrence of fungi in leaf litter after various periods of immersion is shown in Table 3; these fungi had been isolated from surface-sterilized tissue and therefore were present within the leaf itself. They may have infected the leaves while still on the parent bush or invaded them during immersion. Venturia sp. and Phyllosticta sp. probably represented the former group. Pythium spp. became an important component of the mycoflora after 3 days immersion and remained so until day 64. Chaetomium sp. and Trichoderma viride were also important by day 64. Representatives of an additional 9 genera of fungi were isolated from leaves after immersion but before surface sterilization, but these were considered as contaminants.\n\nTable 3. Frequency (%) of fungal species isolated from leaves of Kandelia candel after various periods of immersion in kei wei\n\n  \n    Period of immersion (days)\n    \n    0\n    3-8\n    21-32\n    64\n  \n  \n    Isolates*\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Venturia sp. (conidial form)\n    \n    31\n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Colletotrichum sp.\n    \n    8\n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Phyllosticta sp.\n    \n    11\n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Nigrospora sp.\n    \n    4\n    \n    \n    \n  \n  \n    Pythium spp.\n    \n    \n    90\n    33\n    33\n  \n  \n    Fusarium spp.\n    \n    \n    \n    2\n    \n  \n  \n    Chaetomium globosum\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    33\n  \n  \n    Trichoderma viride\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    44\n  \n  \n    Hormiscium sp.\n    \n    \n    \n    11\n    \n  \n  \n    O. Melanconiales\n    \n    \n    \n    \n    11\n  \n  \n    * from surface-sterilized leaf tissue.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211789,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 204,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "179\n\nAs was common, it was occasionally furbished up, not always to the taste of the critic who at one time in 1857 feared the decorations \"threatened to overwhelm me with a fall of flowers and garlands from the roof\". This was not at all what a member of the amateur company wanted to hear and he acidly reacted that \"as your 'witty (?) contributor' complained of being so uncomfortable amongst the roses which surrounded him, it has been proposed and seconded by one of the ladies he admires so much |Mrs. Nesbit, cf. Calendar, 26.3.1857 — JHJ to put in a few thistles for his especial benefit, should he ever honour our private theatricals with his presence”. \n\nThe theatre was also used for a number of recitals, the acoustics reportedly being good.\n\nD.\n\nFor some reason or other (had the Commercial House temporarily closed down? cf note 94) the godown theatre could not be put at the disposal of the amateurs during the 1855-1856 season so they had to look elsewhere. They were saved by the firm of Cramptons, Hanbury & Co who agreed to lease one of their godowns to the A.D.C. It was very probably situated on Church Street (Kiangsi Road) and for the opening night on January 23 1856 a drop scene of the Lake of Geneva had been painted which aroused \"a general murmur of admiration and applause\".\n\nWith the sale by public auction of the Commercial Hotel (cf note 94) in November 1858 the fate of the Theatre Royal was also sealed, and not only of the theatre itself but of the scenery and properties too, for a reporter of the Herald saw a few days after the sale \"the mangled remains of Palaces and Cottages, of Bombastes' Wood [from Bombastes Furioso — JHJ] and Captain Copp's tavern [from Charles II — JHJ] lying in sad ruins in the open air\".\n\nE.\n\nSic transit gloria mundi, but, not deterred, the Thespian society managed to obtain a new building which was proudly called The New Theatre Royal. Once again we are at a loss where to find it, no information whatsoever appearing in the Herald. It was larger than the previous house, which was deemed all right for theatricals but much less so for solo",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 211807,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1989",
        "page_number": 222,
        "title": "RAS-1989",
        "content_text": "197\n\nfrom Shanghai on the 20th. Despite that, the \"soirée\" was \"kept up to a late hour with great spirit\". The programme consisted of tunes by Dabney, de Costa and Tripp: one of them was called \"Japanese make yourselves ready\" (NCH 26.5.1855).\n\n23.1.1856 (Wedn)\n\nE. MAYHEW: \"Make your Wills” (1836)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nW. BROUGH: \"No 1 Round the Corner\" (1854)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Whitebait at Greenwich\" (1853)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nC: Amateurs\n\nF: Music\n\nTh: D\n\nN: Once more politics crept into the theatre since, due to the Anglo-French campaigns in the Crimean War, \"the proscenium was very tastefully emblazoned with the arms and ciphers of the Allies”. The drop scene now represented the \"Lake of Geneva with the far famed Castle of Chillon” (far famed because of Lord Byron's poem \"The Prisoner of Chillon\"). For a change the Herald allowed itself some criticism of the amateurs, but about the costumes only: \"We are perfectly aware of the great difficulties which beset the wardrobe department of the Theatre here, but still we think that two or three alterations might be made with advantage. It must be remembered that the assumption of a part on the stage requires the submergence of the individual into his assumed character. Proteus must not be more unlike his last shape than the actor must be unlike his mere self and the difficulty of effecting this is enormously increased by an appearance in every-day costume. In melodramatic pieces some decided change is absolutely necessary because success depends on the power of exciting the sympathies of the audience for the various situations of the actors and it is quite impossible that the desponding accents of one young gentleman or the grasping villainy of another (both of whom we know to be very good fellows and far from desponding or hypocritical characters) in the garb of 1856 can excite these sympathies. In Farce it is less important because the effect depends upon a successful appeal to our sense of the ludicrous and this may be done by situations which are quite within the range of every-day life. (...) It also struck us that a little more attention to the chronology of dress would be attended with increased effect; there were two or three anachronisms: for instance the mob cap of Mrs. Foreright (a most admirable 'make-up' by the way) hardly accorded with the modern elegance of Clara; or the venerable beard of the implacable Mr. Ireton with the modern costume of his disinherited son. It is astonishing how greatly unity in these matters adds to the effect of such performances and in spite of the difficulties of such performances and in spite of the difficulties of securing dresses we think a consultation between the Manager and the performers might produce a harmony which would be attended with the best effect”. The music too was thought to be \"ineffective\", but for the remainder it was, as usual, amusing, with Whitebait at Greenwich as the hit of the evening. The character of Buzzard — by no means a graceful one — was played with great effect and we heartily congratulate Mr. SLOWCOME upon the power he displayed\". In Make your Wills the reviewer could not \"forbear mentioning the excellent impersonation of Joseph Bragg by Mr CLAY\" (NCH 26.1.1856).\n\n21.2.1856 (Thur)\n\n—\n\nJ.S. COYNE: \"The Infanticidal Farce\" (1846)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nMrs. C.G.F. GORE: \"A Good Night's Rest\" (1839)\n\nT: Farce (1 act)\n\nJ.M. MORTON: \"Slasher and Crasher\" (1848)",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 212214,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1990",
        "page_number": 156,
        "title": "RAS-1990",
        "content_text": "133\n\n1935, and probably exceeds 30,000 today\n\nthe Japanese secured a\n\nsecond seat in 1927 and since that date, with one or two exceptions, the proportion of Foreign Councillors has been five Britons, two Americans, and two Japanese,''\n\nIt was from amongst the managers of the large firms that the foreign Municipal Councillors were selected, by a process of back-stage negotiation. There was, it is true, a form of straw vote through which nominations could be contested, but as the large firms could swing the votes that process was not democratic in operation. In point of fact the suggestion that the Council was a democratic body had long been discarded. The Council represented the interests of the large firms and, while it had to explain its actions to the foreign land-renters of the Settlement, it preferred, as such committees will, to avoid having to make explanations, by doing its work away from the limelight. That was, indeed, a necessary precaution, in so far as the delicate political negotiations in which it was frequently involved with the Chinese, and Japanese, authorities were concerned.\n\nThe Council was an international body, a diminutive League of Nations, incomparably more effective, though on a small scale, than that larger body at Geneva. The comparison lends it international significance and underlines the importance that men, who are appointed to such positions of responsibility, should be carefully selected.\n\nOn the expiration of my home leave I was appointed to Shanghai, where I arrived in July 1939. The betrayal of Czechoslovakia that Spring had increased international tension, and a series of incidents was bringing it home to the optimists, who had so cheerfully accepted the Japanese influx, that their early anticipations were so much smoke. Apart from a number of local outrages, including the bayonetting of a Briton, named Tinkler, inside the grounds of his own mill, there was the case of the British Military Attaché, who had been arrested in May in Kalgan, and was still held incommunicado, the mob attacks on the British consulate at Tsingtao, the heavy bombing of British property and shipping at Ichang, and the degrading treatment to which British nationals were being exposed at the barriers, erected by the Japanese to the exits of the British Concession in Tientsin.\n\nI was sitting on the verandah of the Country Club one day in September, after a game of tennis, when the boy called me to the",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213246,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 68,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "47\n\nthat of the New World Hotel. A soap factory was built on Shaukiwan Marine Lot which the company purchased at a Crown Land Sale in 1890 (DP 29 June, 6 August 1890) In a series of articles on Hong Kong Industries published in the Hong Kong Telegraph the writer chides British reluctance to invest capital in Hong Kong and cites the soap factory as another case in which German enterprise had outstripped that of the British (HKT 10 September 1895)\n\nAt the time of the forced liquidation of German firms in 1914 the partners of Blackhead & Co were F H Hohnke, then of Hamburg, E H Thiel and J E Danielsen. Hohnke had been a partner since about 1888. At about the same time a son of the founder joined the firm. After Germany acquired the concession at Tsingtao, Mr Hohnke went there to open a branch of the firm (DP 7 March 1905).\n\nGerman Watchmakers\n\nCharles Weiss, Gaupp and Co\n\nThe first shopkeeper in Hong Kong with a German-sounding name was Charles Weiss. Aberdeen Street second in the list of foreigners on the China coast published in the Chinese Repository in 1845 gives his nationality as German. In May of the previous year he advertises himself as \"Charles Weiss, Chronometer and watchmaker from London and Geneva, Oswald's Hill opposite Gibb, Livingston and Co.\" This would be in the vicinity of the present Aberdeen Street (FC 24 May 1844) Two months later he moved a bit down hill to the corner of Graham and Wellington Streets (FC 24 July 1844) His brother Alexander A took charge of the business in 1853 during a temporary absence of Charles (FC 6 July 1853). Charles left Hong Kong permanently in 1856 and transferred his business to Henni Vaucher, formerly of Canton (FC 2 June 1856) Henni Vaucher was either French or Swiss; he had been a clerk in the watchmaking firm of Bovet Brothers and Co at Canton from 1851 to the time he took over Charles Weiss's business. He died of chronic diarrhea a year after moving to Hong Kong (FC 6 Nov 1857).\n\nLouis Heermann was an assistant in the shop of Charles Weiss from the year 1854. After the shop was closed upon the death of Henni Vaucher, Mr Heermann opened his own store on Queen's Road in February 1858 (FC 1 Feb 1858). While in his shop notice Mr Heermann calls himself",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213398,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1994",
        "page_number": 220,
        "title": "RAS-1994",
        "content_text": "208\n\nMichie, Alexander, The Englishman in China During the Victorian Era, As Illustrated in the Career of Sir Rutherford Alcock, Edinburgh, 1900 (Taipei Reprint Ch'eng-wen Publishing)\n\nMoges, Marquis de, Recollections of Baron Gros's Embassy to China and Japan in 1857-58, London: R Griffin, 1860\n\nMorrison, G E, An Australian in China, London: Horace Cox, 1895 (Hong Kong Reprint Oxford University Press)\n\nMorse, Edward Sylvester, Glimpses of China and Chinese Homes, Boston: Little Brown, 1902\n\nMorse, H B, The Chronicles of the East India Company Trading to China, London: Oxford University Press, 1925 (Taipei Reprint Ch'eng-wen Publishing)\n\n—, The International Relations of the Chinese Empire, 1910 (Taipei reprint: Ch'eng-wen Publishing, 1978)\n\nMossman, Samuel (editor of North China Herald), General Gordon's Private Diary of His Exploits in China Amplified, London: Sampson et al., 1885\n\nMote, Frederick Wade, China in the Age of Columbus, in Art in the Age of Exploration edited by Jay A Levenson, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1991, 337-350\n\nMoule, A C, Christians in China Before 1550, London and New York, 1930\n\n+\n\nMoule, Arthur Evans, City, Hill and Plain, Stories of Missionary Work in Mid-China 1861-1916, Guilford: printed privately, 1917\n\nMullins, James of St Columban's Missionary Society, Cheerful China, 1925\n\nMurphey, Rhoads, Shanghai, Key to Modern China, Cambridge (Mass): Harvard University Press, 1953\n\nThe Outsiders: the Western Experience in India and China, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1976\n\nMyrdal, Jan, Report from a Chinese Village, London: Heinemann, 1965\n\nNagel's Encyclopedia-Guide to China, Geneva: Nagel, Third Edition, 1973\n\nNeedham, Joseph, Chinese Astronomy and the Jesuit Mission: An Encounter of Cultures, London: The China Society, 1958\n\n-, Science and Civilization in China, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960+\n\nNeil, Desmond, Elegant Flowers, First Steps in China, London: J Murray, 1956\n\n4",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 213637,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1995",
        "page_number": 233,
        "title": "RAS-1995",
        "content_text": "208\n\nAn attempt by the prisoners to break out of No.3 Hold was repulsed by rifle fire from a guard party on the Bridge. Later, all the Japanese troops and crew members were taken off by several Japanese naval vessels, including a destroyer. No attempt was made to take off the P.O.W.s who were left to their fate. The vessel was under tow until the crew abandoned ship. Eventually, the vessel's stern touched bottom off the Chinese coast. The vessel took a violent lurch, and a renewed attempt enabled many P.O.W.s to break free and scramble over the side to swim ashore. Even then, they came under fire from nearby vessels. Most of those who made it to the shore were later rounded up by the Japanese, although one did manage to make his way to freedom via Chung King.\n\nLt. Wada had not survived the war, so the accused stood to face the music alone. A number of P.O.W.s gave evidence, but perhaps the most significant testimony came from the Second Mate Araki Kaname who elected to give evidence for the prosecution. He branded the order from Lt. Wada to batten down the prisoners in the holds as plainly illegal. The consequences were obvious if the order was carried out, and it was contrary to an Imperial Rescript which directed that prisoners should be treated no worse than their own troops, except so far as was necessary to keep guard over them. The witness was asked what would have happened if the Master had refused to comply with the order. “Lt. Wada would have been court-martialled if he had used force to oblige the Master to obey. The Master was responsible for the lives and safety of all on board\".\n\n846 prisoners died in the events that followed the battening down - either through suffocation, drowning or shooting.\n\nThe accused was defended by a very competent Japanese lawyer, probably chosen by his professional association, and he was permitted to call a number of witnesses from Japan, including a Lieutenant-General from the Army Marine Transport Bureau, who stated that a civilian master of a troop-carrying vessel was bound to obey orders given to him by the senior military officer on board. Japan had not ratified the Geneva Convention on treatment of prisoners of war, although he was aware of an Imperial Rescript to the effect that the convention should be observed so far as practicable. The main defence was that the accused had to obey orders even though the officer",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 214523,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-1998",
        "page_number": 381,
        "title": "RAS-1998",
        "content_text": "350\n\nShanghai, 1917\n\n1933\n\nHandbook for China, Carl Crow, pub. Kelly & Walsh, Shanghai,\n\nThe Philatelic and Postal History of Hong Kong and the Treaty Ports, FW Webb, pub. Royal Philatelic Society, London, 1961\n\nStrangers at the Gate, Frederic Wakeman Jr, pub. University of California Press, Berkeley Cal., 1966\n\nChina's Struggle for Naval Development, 1839-1895, John L Rawlinson, pub. Harvard University Press, Cambridge Mass., 1967\n\n\"The Invasion of China by the Western World”, ER Hughes, pub. Adam & Charles Black, London, 1968\n\nThe British in the Far East, George Woodcock, pub. Atheneum, New York, 1969\n\nTrade and Diplomacy on the China Coast, John King Fairbank, pub. Stanford University Press, Stanford Cal., 1969\n\nWestern Enterprise in Late Ch'ing China, Edward LeFevour, pub. Harvard University Press, Cambridge Mass., 1970\n\nImperialism and Chinese Nationalism - Germany in Shantung, John E Schrecker, pub. Harvard University Press, Cambridge Mass., 1971\n\nNagel's Encyclopedia Guide to China, pub. Nagel, Geneva, 1980\n\nBritish Mandarins and Chinese Reformers, Pamela Atwell, pub. Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1985\n\nLion and Dragon in Northern China, Reginald F Johnston, pub. Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1986",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216380,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 139,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "JUSTICE, LAW, AND THE PROPOSED TRIBUNAL FOR THE KHMER ROUGE\n\nRODERICK O'BRIEN\n\n89\n\n1. Background: the Khmer Rouge in context 2. Background: the Proposed Tribunal\n\n3. The Structure and Processes of the Tribunal\n\n4. Retributive Justice\n\n4.1 Retributive Justice and Closure by Legal Statement 4.2 Retributive Justice and a Culture of Impunity\n\n4.3 Retributive Justice and Revenge\n\n4.4 Retributive Justice and Individuals\n\n5. Restorative Justice\n\n5.1 Restorative Justice and the Individual Criminals 5.2 Restorative Justice and the Individual Victims\n\n6. Distributive Justice\n\n6.1 Distributive Justice and a Fair Trial\n\n6.2 Distributive Justice and Fair Trials\n\n6.3 Distributive Justice and the Justice system\n\n6.4 Distributive Justice and Legal Aid\n\n7. Law, Justice, and Other Values\n\n7.1 Discovering the Truth\n\n7.2 From Truth to Reconciliation\n\n7.3 Ending Hostilities\n\n7.4 Building a post-Conflict Society\n\n8. Conclusion\n\n1. Background: The Khmer Rouge in context\n\nTo situate the proposed tribunal in its historical context, a brief survey of Cambodia's history since independence may be useful:\n\n1954-1970 The Kingdom of Cambodia\n\nCambodia had been under French colonial rule in various forms since the nineteenth century (apart from a short period of Japanese rule late in the Second World War). Independence was declared by King Sihanouk in 1953, and recognised at the Geneva Conference of May",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216384,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 143,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "93\n\nThe crimes within the jurisdiction of the Extraordinary Chambers are crimes under Cambodian Penal law, crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, crimes against the Geneva Conventions, and crimes under other international agreements applicable to Cambodia.\n\nThe word \"tribunal\" is convenient to briefly describe these Extraordinary Chambers.\n\n4. Retributive Justice\n\nJustice is a complex concept. It will be dealt with under three headings: Retributive Justice, Restorative Justice, and Distributive Justice.\n\nRetributive Justice is concerned with both the rewarding of good and the punishment of evil. Commonly, we think of retribution largely in terms of punishment and revenge. It underlies many of the criminal law systems of the world, and the simplest expression is that the perpetrator of a crime deserves to be punished for her or his offences. So, those who have suffered under the Khmer Rouge seek retribution for their suffering by the punishment of those responsible for the suffering.\n\n4.1 Retributive Justice and Closure by Legal Statement:\n\nA legal process can bring closure to injury by coming to an official conclusion that one party was right, and another was wrong. The punishment involved represents a legal quantification of the degree of injury. For many victims, a legal process can bring a clear reversal of the verdicts of the Khmer Rouge, and re-establish their sense of rightness both individually and before the community. Such a closure enables people to leave an injury behind, and move on in their lives.\n\n4.2 Retributive Justice and a Culture of Impunity:\n\nThe fact that such grave crimes remained unpunished contributes to a culture of impunity which continues in Cambodia. In the aftermath of the UN's withdrawal from the negotiating process in 2002, a number of states expressed concern about the UN position. While recognising that the Cambodian legislation of 2001 was flawed, these states were",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
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    },
    {
        "id": 216389,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
        "series_use_hku_proxy": false,
        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 148,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "98\n\nfor Cambodia, and it seems that there will be few, if any, trials other than those planned for the tribunal.\n\n6.4 Distributive Justice and Legal Aid\n\nIn theory, legal aid should be available to all participants in a legal process, to ensure that a fair trial results. In practice, lack of resources means that legal aid is rationed to certain pre-selected cases. The criteria for rationing may mean that legal aid is only available for criminal cases, or only available for criminal cases where the penalties are severe. Also, legal aid may be rationed to the most needy applicants. Sometimes this can mean that the poorest litigants have access to legal aid, the richest litigants have access to paid lawyers, while the bulk of people in the middle effectively have no access to the courts.\n\nArticle 13 of the March 2003 Agreement between the United Nations and the Royal Government provides the right of defendants to have legal counsel if they wish. Then Article 17 of the Agreement makes financial provision for defence counsel the responsibility of the United Nations, which will act as a form of legal aid.\n\n7. Law, Justice, and other Values\n\nThe limitations of legal systems have meant that societies have sought other methods besides Courts and Tribunals to achieve desired objectives.\n\n7.1 Discovering the Truth:\n\nOne objective, going beyond what a court can do, is to provide for a system which “tells the truth\" about an era, and enables reconciliation. Sometimes, the pattern of injury and counter-injury is such that punishment is not appropriate, and simply telling the truth opens the possibility for healing and reconciliation. One of the earliest international examples is the provision under the Geneva Conventions and Protocols for an International Fact Finding Commission.18 Not surprisingly, there are those in communities who would prefer the truth to remain hidden, and these structures have rarely been used. So we should not be surprised to discover that the International Fact Finding Commission has never been used.",
        "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt",
        "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390",
        "rank": 0
    },
    {
        "id": 216395,
        "series_id": 26,
        "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine",
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        "document_key": "RAS-2003",
        "page_number": 154,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "104\n\n18 Article 90, Protocol I of 1977 to the 1949 Geneva Conventions.\n\n19\n\nRobyn Dixon: \"In South Africa Truth is Easy, Reconciliation Hard\", Cambodia Daily, 23 June 2004, p9.\n\n20 Ea Meng-Try: Justice and reconciliation, op cit p49-50, and 57-58. Anon: Using Buddhist Values and Human Rights to Promote Free, Fair and Secure elections in Cambodia, Cambodian Institute of Human Rights, Phnom Penh, November 1997, p36 and p40.\n\n21 Komai Hiroshi; The Role of Buddhism in the Reconstruction of the Cambodian Rural Villages, paper presented at the National Socio-Cultural Research Congress on Cambodia, Royal University of Phnom Penh, 19 December 1997, p.25\n\n22 Thomas Michel: \"The Ethics of Pardon and Peace\" Sedos Bulletin vol 36, no3/4, March-April 2004, pp89-94.\n\n23 See Carla Bongiorno: \"The Cambodian Backpacker Murders and Khmer Rouge Immunity\", Australian Journal of Asian Law, 2001, no 3, pp261-279.\n\n25\n\nQuoted in Yun Samean: \"Prosecutor Defends KR Leader Arrest Order\", Cambodia Daily, 8 June 2004, p1.\n\n26 Chhay Yiheang: \"The dialectic of a Khmer Rouge trial\", Phnom Penh Post, 29 September - 12 October 2004.",
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        "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊",
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        "page_number": 181,
        "title": "RAS-2003",
        "content_text": "131\n\nan alliance. The Chinese Government prevaricated; as it turned out, this was fortunate as Japan took up the cudgel and confronted the Russians.\n\nDespite the Qing dynasty's innate sense of superiority, China was impotent on the world stage. She lacked the capacity to prevent the war from taking place on her territory and when she declared her neutrality she appealed to the belligerents not to usurp Chinese sovereignty in Manchuria. Japan agreed and disclaimed any post-war territorial ambitions. Russia on the other hand refused to regard Manchuria as neutral territory, leading to Chinese public opinion becoming resentful of Russian arrogance, as well as being critical of the timid Qing attitude.\n\nTo the Japanese the war was a matter of life or death; whereas to the Russians it was a matter of face. At official level the pluck of Japan in facing Russia electrified China from the start. However, during the first months of the war the Chinese were not at all sure that the Japanese, with their smaller forces, would be able to hold out to finish the war with a clear victory. As the months passed the Chinese were still divided; some were certain the Russians must win eventually and trimmed accordingly - others were believers in Japan and among them there developed an ominous feature as they began to express the opinion that the next step would be for Japan to rid China of every foreigner.\n\nChinese foreign relations\n\nChina, still suffering from the imperial myopic views of her own ascendancy, despite fighting going on in her territory, now realised the need to secure the advantages of civilised treatment and sought to attend the Geneva Convention. Questions also arose over a number of matters involving China's relations with foreign powers. These included China's foreign debts, neutrality, contraband, etc.\n\nChina declared its neutrality and quietly got on with aiding the Japanese in whatever way they could without incurring any Russian reaction. The Chinese peasants had their local loyalties and therefore most were not particularly interested in the whys and wherefores of neither the war nor who might win, so long as they and their families remained unscathed. Educated Chinese, however, watched the progress",
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