[ { "id": 207976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S Report TREASURER's Report THE LIBRARY\n\nCONTENTS\n\nPage\n\n1\n\n6\n\n10\n\nTRANSACTIONS :\n\nBrunei: A Historical Relic - LEIGH WRIGHT\n\nBehind Japanese Barbed Wire: Stanley Internment Camp, Hong Kong 1942-1945 - G. C. EMERSON\n\nA Journey to Yenan 1946 - W. A. REYNOLDS\n\nARTICLES:\n\nTwo Essays on the Ch'ing Economy of Hsin-An, Kwangtung - J. T. KAMM\n\nUnder Altars - K. G. STEVENS\n\nSocial Organization and Ceremonial Life of Two Multi-Surname Villages in Hoi-p'ing County, South China, 1911-1949 - YUEN-FONG WOON\n\n\"Little Fujian (Fukien)” Sub-Neighbourhood and Community in North Point, Hong Kong - GREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nReprinted ARTICLES:\n\nCheung Chow - Long Island - W. J. HINTON\n\nMemories of the District Office South, Hong Kong - W. SCHOFIELD\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\nNotes for the Royal Asiatic Society Visit to Tai Mo Shan, 3rd April 1976 — (I) L. B. and S. L. THROWER (II) JAMES HAYES\n\nNotes for the Visit to the Tang Family Graves, 11 December 1976 - DAVID LIU and JAMES HAYES\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society Visit to Tsuen Wan, 10th December, 1977 - A Village War'. JAMES HAYES\n\nThe Rural History Project in Yuen Long and Field Notes on the Social History and Fung Shui of Kam Tin - J. T. KAMM\n\nBean Skim, A Product of Blood and Sweat\n\nFour Chinese Banks Fail, Partners Blame Head\n\nTwo Letters From Wartime China\n\nA Further Note on Feng Yun-Shan and Gützlaff - Jen Yu-wen\n\nReptiles New to Hong Kong - J. D. ROMER\n\nThe Public Botanic Garden of Hong Kong\n\nBirds of Tai Mo Shan - MICHAEL Webster\n\nOccurrence of the Birds - J. D. ROMER\n\n12\n\n30\n\n(55)\n\n85\n\n101\n\n112\n\n130\n\n144\n\n179\n\n(185)\n\n199\n\n216\n\n218\n\n220\n\n228\n\n232\n\n234\n\n236\n\n237\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208089, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "\"LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)\": SUB-NEIGHBORHOOD AND COMMUNITY IN NORTH POINT, HONG KONG\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN⭑\n\n\"Ethnic neighborhoods\" are found not only in city guidebooks but squat smugly astride the intersection of Urban Anthropology with Ethnicity Studies. Mention of such a neighborhood conjures up visions in both folk and anthropological minds of a distinctive and discrete portion of a city marked off by spatial as well as social boundaries from the rest of the urban area. Cultural peculiarities and perhaps even physical oddities predominate on the streets, in the homes, in the shops.\n\nSo much for popular and anthropological expectations. Field research in the British Crown Colony of Hong Kong has disclosed to me how misleading such a priori notions of ethnic neighborhood can be. In Hong Kong, certain neighborhoods are known as districts inhabited by certain groups of ethnically distinct Han Chinese,1 yet in every district in urban Hong Kong the majority Guangdongese (Cantonese) is indeed the majority group and not the purportedly dominant minority group.\n\nSince all these districts are peopled by a majority of Guangdongese, I submit it is rather imprecise to speak of a neighborhood such as North Point as \"Little Fujian\" when only 1/5 of the population there is Fujianese (Fukienese). To avoid the clumsiness of a terminology of \"universal,\" \"substantial,\" or \"bare\" majority predominance in a neighborhood, we should instead simply sharpen our tools and terms of urban analysis. We should realize that in the case of North Point and Hong Kong (and, I suspect, in many other cases) the concepts of \"neighborhood\" and \"community\" do not overlap, that the geographical/spatial boundaries of a neighborhood may not be coterminous with the sociocultural ones of a community. A city-wide ethnic community may encompass a number of neighborhoods or sections of neighborhoods. Conversely, a neighborhood may be composed of a number of spatially distinct sub-neighborhoods and/or a number of socio-culturally distinct communities.\n\n* Professor Guldin is on the faculty of the Department of Anthropology, Brooklyn College, City University of New York.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208090, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "\"LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)”\n\n113\n\nlocal communities. \"Ethnic neighborhood\" can potentially refer to either or both concepts. If this were not so, if we could not separate neighborhood from sub-neighborhood or neighborhood from community, how else could we explain the appellation of North Point, a neighborhood over 2/3 Guangdongese,2 not only as \"Little Fujian\" but as \"Little Shanghai\" as well?\n\nFrom \"Little Shanghai\"\n\nAlthough it is hard to imagine now, North Point 50 years ago was a semi-rural area. Extensive landfill projects, however, soon led to North Point's emergence by the end of the 1930s as a center of light industry and commerce as well as of entertainment. The population remained small, however, and prior to the Second World War North Point was the least crowded spot on the northern side of Hong Kong Island (Wai 1957: 2-5).\n\nMuch of the area was destroyed during the Japanese occupation of Hong Kong. Post-war reconstruction coincided with the late 1940s arrival of the first wave of Central Chinese to North Point: those who had the means to flee the Civil War raging in the north of China and had chosen to come to Hong Kong for a \"temporary\" stay while they waited for the fighting to cease. As a newly developing, uncrowded and semi-exclusive area, North Point appealed to these relatively affluent immigrants.\n\nWhen Shanghai and the surrounding provinces of Zhejiang (Chekiang) and Jiangsu (Kiangsu) were overrun by Chinese Communist forces in 1949, a new wave of \"Shanghaiese\" descended upon Hong Kong although even at this early date North Point was not the destination of all Shanghaiese; the wealthiest went to the most exclusive areas of the colony while the bulk of the predominantly middle-class Shanghaiese proceeded to North Point and lent a decidedly bourgeois flavor to the area.\n\nBy 1950 \"Little Shanghai\" was well established. Restaurants, tailor shops, beauty parlors and other businesses were all set up by Shanghaiese to serve the area's essentially Shanghaiese population. Even today on a walk around North Point one can spot many old and fading signboards of a \"Shanghai Tailor,\" a \"Shanghai Beautiful Woman\" Beauty Parlor, a \"Shanghai Peacock Laundry Service\" as well as a couple of well-known and well-frequented Shanghai restaurants. The Shanghai population clustered within a block or so of King's Road, North Point's main thoroughfare, both Fort Street", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208091, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "114\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nand Tsat Tsz Mui Road became the foci of middle-class Shanghaiese life in Hong Kong (see Fig. 1). If there was ever a time that North Point had a majority non-Guangdongese population, this was it.*\n\nBy the early 1960s, however, changes had occurred in North Point which were having a profound effect on the area's demographics. A high-rise apartment building boom, replacing many of the post-war three or six-storey structures with 20-storey buildings, had led to an oversupply of apartments and a consequent drop in rents. Middle-income Guangdongese, who had been moving into North Point slowly but surely throughout the 1950s, could now afford to live in the once exclusive neighborhood and they poured into the area. Soon they found themselves the overwhelming majority not only in the high-rise buildings but in all of North Point as well.\n\nThe Shanghaiese, certainly, could not fill all the empty spaces, for their immigrative tide had already begun to ebb. Since the late 1950s, there had been a net outflow of Shanghaiese from North Point as those who had found ways to replenish their wealth moved to richer areas and the many who had not adjusted so well, pauperized and forced into lower-status occupations, were no longer able to afford the high rents of Fort Street and North Point and also moved away. With a dearth of available Shanghaiese residents, the old system by which North Point's Shanghaiese had maintained their neighborhood's Shanghaiese identity by permitting only Shanghaiese (or approved others) entry into their three-storey buildings — rapidly collapsed under the sudden challenge of the seemingly cavernous 20-storey high-rises. As the Shanghaiese began to leave, another minority population, the Fujianese, began to arrive in North Point in greater and greater numbers until their total eventually surpassed their predecessors' and \"Little Shanghai\" was eclipsed by \"Little Fujian.\"\n\n+\n\nTo \"Little Fujian\"\n\nMost Fujianese who arrived in North Point in the late 1950s to form the basis of a future \"Little Fujian\" community had ironically already been living in a Fujianese community. Since the early 1950s, the few thousand Fujianese resident in Hong Kong had been living in Hong Kong Island's Sheung Wan and Sai Ying Poon districts, areas close to the city's commercial and trading centers. As the Fujianese (along with the Guangdongese) are one of Southern China's peoples who have adopted the strategy of seeking overseas", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 131, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "VICTORIA HARBOUR\n\nVDLVES\n\nPASSENGER\n\nFI\n\nTONG SHUI RE\n\nHORN FELT ÅD.\n\n園\n\n177\n\nremittances to supplement inadequate income sources at home, for these Southern Fujianese there were generations-old connections with the Nanyang (Southeast Asia) and it was near the shipping companies that both serviced and profited by these connections that the early Fujianese residents of Hong Kong made their home.\n\nThe overseas tie of the Southern Fujianese to the Nanyang, however, was badly disrupted after the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 and the subsequent Cold War\n\nVICTORIA\n\nPARK\n\nBRAEMAL\n\nRESERVOIR\n\n\"LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)\"\n\n2s#wife #€$ 1\n\nKEYA[]% Fujianese\n\nE 5-15% Shanghaics\n\nHifil 14-24% Shangherese |\n\nYA MI\n\nFig. 1 North Point Blocks by % of Fujianese and Shanghaiese3\n\n115", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208093, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "116\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nisolation of China. In the immediate post-1949 years little contact (aside from intermittent remittances channeled through Hong Kong) between Southern Fujianese and their mostly male kinsmen in the Philippines and elsewhere in Southeast Asia was possible, causing great human and economic hardship. When China relaxed her emigration policy following the Bandung Conference in Indonesia in 1955, however, thousands upon thousands of Fujianese women and children began arriving (illegally) in Hong Kong with the intent not of going to the Philippines or elsewhere to join their overseas husbands and fathers but merely to rendezvous with them in Hong Kong. Weeks and months, if not a year or two, though were often necessary to make the arrangements to bypass or overcome Filipino travel restrictions. For many Fujianese their \"temporary\" stay in Hong Kong turned first indefinite and then permanent as they both adjusted to Hong Kong life and sought ethnic comfort in the Fujianese community.\n\nSai Ying Poon, the early destination of nearly all these Fujianese, could not accommodate all these newcomers into its crumbling and dilapidated housing. As the immigrative stream swelled in the early 1960s, Sai Ying Poon rents soared and more and more Fujianese began to settle directly in North Point which, we may recall, was at that time experiencing a housing boom and a drop in rents. North Point's attractions to these Fujianese also included a population who could speak Mandarin, the Chinese lingua franca, as well as a middle-class ambience which accorded well with the orientations of many of the more bourgeois, wealthier and overseas-related Fujianese.\n\nAlthough Fujianese emigration to Hong Kong slowed to a trickle during the Cultural Revolution in China (1965-1969), North Point continued to attract residents from Sai Ying Poon and by the end of the decade had far surpassed it as the center of Southern Fujianese life in Hong Kong. The resumption of legal emigration from Fujian in 1972 has helped spur the growth of satellite Fujianese communities in nearby Quarry Bay and across the harbor in Hung Hom, To Kwa Wan and Kwun Tong but the hub of the Fujianese settlement in Hong Kong has remained in North Point.\n\nLittle Fujian as Sub-Neighborhood\n\nThe postwar expansion of North Point has thus been quite swift, with the peak population increase corresponding roughly to the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208094, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "\"LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)”\n\n117\n\ntimes of first Shanghaiese and then Fujianese in-migration (see Figure 2). Extrapolations of government census figures also provide us with an ethnic portrait of North Point that is quite distinct from that of Hong Kong in general (see Figure 3). The estimate of 35,000 Fujianese is a conservative one; probably it is safest to say that nearly three out of every ten Hong Kong Fujianese lives in North Point and that Fujianese in North Point make up about 1/5 of the area's population (Department 1971: Tables 7, 119, 121).\n\nNorth Point is also atypical in that it is a distinctively middle-class neighborhood in contrast to the working-class milieu of most Hong Kong neighborhoods. It depends, though, where in the district you live. Up on the hill overlooking the harbor and the rest of North Point, for instance, new high-rise buildings have been built that are definitely in the luxury class. Few Fujianese live there. Instead, Little Fujian is to be found in the crowded gaggle of three, six, and twenty-storey apartment buildings located within a few blocks of King's Road and Electric Road.\n\nThe first Fujianese neighborhood (sub-neighborhood) in North Point was in the Electric Road vicinity, along Shell, Jupiter, and Mercury Streets; even today's Mercury Street market is heavily patronized by Fujianese. These blocks were the sites of many of the six-storey buildings erected in the late 1950s, and they attracted a large proportion of the Fujianese newcomers. More affluent Fujianese migrated to the Little Shanghai area of Fort and Kin Wah Streets. As more Fujianese poured into the area, even the blocks between the two sections along Electric Road were utilized as they gradually absorbed more and more Fujianese. In 1966, the construction of high-rise apartment houses financed by Overseas Chinese was initiated.\n\nFig. 2 North Point Population 1921 - 1980\n\n(Combined North Point and Shau Kei Wan)\n\n \n 1921\n 3,108\n Little Shanghai established\n \n \n 1931\n 12,518\n \n \n \n 1955\n 98,000\n \n \n \n 1958\n 110,000\n \n \n \n 1959\n 114,000\n Little Fujian emerges\n \n \n 1961\n 132,994\n \n \n \n 1971\n 175,998\n \n \n \n 1975\n 193,000\n \n \n \n 1980\n 210,000\n (Government forecast)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208095, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "% of Total\n\nHK Population\n\n118\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nFig. 3-Hong Kong and North Point Population by Place of Origin—19758\n\n \n Place of Origin\n % of North Point Population\n % of Total HK Population\n \n \n Guang Zhou area\n 54%\n 46%\n \n \n Sae Yup\n 17%\n ...\n \n \n \n 82%\n 16%\n \n \n \n \n 69%\n \n \n Hong Kong, Macao area\n 5%\n ...\n \n \n Guangdongese9\n 1%\n ...\n \n \n Guangdongese9\n \n ...\n \n \n Elsewhere in Guangdong\n 6%\n 6%\n \n \n Chao Zhou\n 10%\n 5%\n \n \n Shanghaiese (including Jiangsu and Zhejiang prov.)\n 3%\n 6%\n \n \n Fujianese\n 3%\n 18%\n \n \n Northern and Central Chinese (excluding Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces and Shanghai)\n 1%\n 1%\n \n \n Others\n 2%\n 1%\n \n \n TOTAL\n 100%\n 100%\n \n\nChinese led to the further expansion of the Fujianese sub-neighborhood across Tong Shui Road for the first time. Since then Little Fujian's explosive growth has slackened a bit although the last decade or so has seen the Fujianese move a block or two further east across Quarry Bay.\n\nThis intra-North Point history makes today's ethnic settlement pattern understandable. Figure 1 maps out the spatial distribution of both Fujianese and Shanghaiese in North Point and indicates the location of today's Little Fujian sub-neighborhood as well as the boundaries of the 1950s Little Shanghai area. As suggested by the over-lapping boundaries, Little Fujian has supplanted Little Shanghai as North Point's major sub-neighborhood. Indeed, we can even go so far as to maintain that Little Shanghai no longer exists in North Point as a distinct sub-neighborhood, although a diminished and outwardly directed sense of Shanghaiese community does persist. There are more to these ethnic enclaves though than a few street blocks; equally important are the social ties that bind a community together. Since the Shanghaiese community no longer centers in North Point let us turn to the Fujianese community of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208096, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 135, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "“LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)”\n\n119\n\nNorth Point to explore that other aspect of the \"ethnic neighborhood\": the sense of community.\n\nLittle Fujian as Community: Organized Ethnicity\n\nFormal associations are not a major aspect of Fujianese ethnicity in Hong Kong; few Fujianese belong to traditional clan or district organizations in Hong Kong. Considering the extensive literature on the importance of such organizations on Chinese social life at home and abroad (Amyot 1973; McBeath 1973; Freedman 1958; Li 1970; Skinner 1958) this phenomenon is surprising. Yet a careful consideration of Little Fujian's demographic profile would cause us to be severely shocked if such organizations did exist in Hong Kong in full flower, for the bulk of Little Fujian's population has always consisted of women and their children. With the wealthiest, most prestigious and greatest numbers of adult-aged men residing not in Hong Kong but the Philippines and elsewhere where such organizations do indeed exist in the proper forms,* few Fujianese think it necessary to establish Hong Kong branches of these male-dominated structures in the essentially \"domestic\" community of Little Fujian.\n\nOther organizations, moreover, do meet the needs of Little Fujian, both as a local community and as the hub of Fujian-Nanyang connections. The two most important such organizations, the Fujian Province Association and the Fujian Commercial Association, cater to the two-tiered demands of Fujianese in Hong Kong and abroad and are by nature more universalist in appeal and function than clan and district associations. Politically aligned with the People's Republic, these \"patriotic\" associations also serve as a sort of semi-official \"Liaison Office” or “Consulate\" to link the Overseas Fujianese of Hong Kong and the Nanyang to the home province.\n\nThe most widely known Fujianese organization, the Fujian Province Association, was originally located in Hong Kong's first Fujianese sub-neighborhood, Sai Ying Poon. The Association, however, followed the Fujianese move to North Point in the early 1960s and has since become the public focus of Fujianese organized\n\n* For instance, the Hon. Editor of this Journal has informed me of a special publication commemorating the 60th anniversary (1901-1961) of the Fuchow association of Sibu, Sarawak (#**#£#*+0+K&#).\n\nPage 135\n\nPage 136", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208097, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "120\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nethnicity in North Point. Primarily concerned with community and social welfare projects, the Association sponsors performances of Fujianese provincial operas, folk dances and songs; organizes film showings and outings to the countryside, operates health clinics, a Guangdongese language program and a Fujianese discount grocery; and arranges for inexpensive trips back home to Fujian (Zheng Yi 1974:2-4).\n\nWith all these services and activities the Fujian Province Association is a genuinely popular and community-wide organization among North Point's Fujianese. All Fujianese are familiar with at least some of its services and activities whether or not they have ever personally visited its offices or benefited from its services. They know that the Association is there to help Fujianese, and especially Southern Fujianese, with the problems of housing, jobs, travel to Fujian and access to Fujianese products. With its 3000 active members (2.3% of the 1975 Fujianese Hong Kong population) the Association serves as the main organizational terminal through which many of little Fujian's ethnic and social currents are strengthened and channeled.\n\nAlthough not physically located in North Point, but in the old Sheung Wan district of Fujianese and other trading corporations, the Fujian Commercial Association has exerted a guiding force in the Fujianese community's development. In addition to facilitating PRC trade with the Overseas Fujianese of Southeast Asia and Hong Kong, the Association has acted as the unofficial coordinator of the other pro-PRC Fujianese organizations in Hong Kong.11 Composed of the wealthy, influential and active members of an already unusually depleted older male population, the Commercial Association is usually the prime mover in the few community activities that do occur.\n\nOne such activity, and one in which the Commercial Association's role is most conspicuous, is in the organization and direction of the annual \"All-Fujianese National Day Banquet.\" Although the Fujian Province Association, the Fujian Middle School and the Fujianese Physical Education Association all co-sponsor this \"patriotic\" affair, it is the Commercial Association that foots the bill for the evening and which handles all questions of etiquette and policy. If anything in Hong Kong comes close to being a \"center of Fujianese power,\" the Commercial Association does, diffuse and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208098, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 137, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "\"LITTLE FUJIAN (Fukien)\"\n\n121\n\nindirect though that power may be. In general, though, and especially when compared to other Chinese \"overseas\" communities, neither the Commercial nor the Province Association dominates the Fujianese community.\n\nLittle Fujian as Community: The Social Networks\n\nEthnicity and community are also expressed in less formally structured ways than associations and organizations. Informal patterns of economic, religious and social behavior have arisen and guide life in Little Fujian to a significant degree. Of these three areas perhaps it is the economic and business aspects of Little Fujian that are most visible to outsiders, more visible because they are public.\n\nIn the retail \"Fujianese markets\" of Chun Yeung and Mercury Streets, Little Fujian as a sub-neighborhood intersects with Little Fujian as social community. Each market street is located along an artery of the Fujianese sub-neighborhood and caters to Fujianese tastes in everything from food to jewellery to clothes. Non-Fujianese (Guangdongese, Chau Zhou and/or Shanghaiese) markets adjoin these Fujianese business areas but are socially as well as physically distinct; most Fujianese women prefer to shop on Chun Yeung or Mercury Street where they can be sure of finding people who sell Fujianese specialties prepared in the right manner and who will bargain with them in a familiar tongue. To younger Fujianese, though, language is not so great a barrier and they will often just as comfortably shop on the adjoining but “Fujianese-less” markets of Marble Road or elsewhere in search of a bargain. Yet even for these frugal shoppers the buying habits of childhood and the chance to meet Fujianese friends pulls them repeatedly back to Chun Yeung and Mercury Streets to buy things Fujianese style.\n\nAs with business, so too has religion developed along ethnic lines in North Point.12 Twenty years ago there were no specifically Fujianese Buddhist temples in North Point and early arrivals frequented the one convenient temple in the area: the predominantly Guangdongese Yuet Fei temple on Electric Road.* During the first decade of Fujianese settlement in North Point the percentage\n\n* The origins of this temple are given in a Hong Kong Government file (Secretariat for Chinese Affairs 1/631/1948) which contains a minute dated 3rd April 1948 by the then Secretary for Chinese Affairs, Mr. R. R. Todd:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208099, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "122\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nof Fujianese attending the Yueh Fei temple gradually rose until today perhaps 70-80% of the worshippers there are Fujianese. Even so, the temple is not a Fujianese temple; both the people who run the temple and the deity itself are Guangdongese.\n\nThis arrangement was less than satisfactory to the Fujianese. Since Fujianese and Guangdongese ritual practices and religious concepts are not always isomorphic, arguments over what food was properly offered to Guan Yin (Kuan Yin) or what was expected of a medium, etc., frequently erupted. Such disputes, complicated by the language barrier, made many Fujianese feel uncomfortable about worshipping in a \"barbarian\"-run temple.\n\nTen years ago this situation began to change as the Cultural Revolution in China increased attacks on the old religious organizations back in Fujian. Temple personnel such as Buddhist monks and nuns began to arrive legally and illegally in Hong Kong and served to staff a new type of temple, a form particularly suited to Hong Kong's crowded situation. Apartments were rented to serve as temples in many of the apartment buildings which contained a heavy Fujianese population. North Point branches of Sai Ying Poon temples were likewise also begun in this manner.\n\nEach apartment-temple is dedicated to a particular god; sometimes it is a pan-Chinese spirit such as Guan Yin but it can also be a specifically local one such as Sheng Gung of Fujian Province's Nan An county. Sheng Gung's original temple is now in disrepair back in Nan An but the god's statue and objects were brought to Hong Kong a few years back. Hong Kong may thus have the only Sheng Gung temple left functioning in the world.\n\n\"I have visited this little Temple, or joss-house, and have discussed its history with one of the local Kaifong, Mr. Lo Ho Ching, of 129 Electric Road, Ground Floor.\n\n\"The little Temple is dedicated to the God of Warriors, Ngok Fei, and has been in existence about 40 years. According to Mr. Lo it was built by the late Kwok Shut Ting, Compradore of the Asiatic Petroleum Company (A.P.C.), at the time when the A.P.C.'s installation at North Point was built. At present the little Temple is looked after by an old woman appointed by the Kaifong.\n\n\"The little Temple is a picturesque little structure, half embedded in a large boulder and covered by a tree. The Kaifong and I too would be reluctant to see it removed, but if it has to be removed I do not think the Kaifong will object provided that an alternative site for it can be found in the vicinity and if it is re-erected by Government at the time when the new Police Station at Bay View is built.\"\n\nThis information was provided by the Hon. Editor of this Journal.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208100, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 139, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "\"LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)\"\n\n123\n\nSunday is the most convenient time for a temple visit during a six-day work week although the temples, run by individuals as a profit-making business, are open every day. On Sundays, especially before noon, one can find the more popular temples jammed with Fujianese all providing offerings, burning incense and making supplications for help or blessings. The worshippers are overwhelmingly female and are all Southern Fujianese, and as more people arrive in Hong Kong from Fujian the numbers that go to temples are constantly rising. For the past ten to fifteen years, though, their average age has also been rising; most worshippers readily acknowledge the reluctance of younger people to go to the temples for formal worship.\n\nYet for middle-aged Fujianese women, especially those who came to Hong Kong in the mid-1950s, the temples serve as one of the few places available to women to get together and share their problems and thoughts with each other. Anxious over events they have little control over (such as business earnings abroad) and worried about the health and welfare of husbands and families hundreds of miles away in the Philippines and in Fujian, the women come to secure blessings and protection for their families. It is no wonder that middle-aged Fujianese women are the mainstay of the traditional religious tradition in Little Fujian. The comfort and support of the other women there, though, is often as important as that derived from the spirits.\n\nThis woman-to-woman bond is a key one in male-deficient Little Fujian and can also be seen in the common practice of a woman and her children sharing a flat with other such households. Such joint ventures are usually undertaken only with women from the same locality in Fujian. As such the pattern is also representative of the heavy reliance on \"tong-xiang” (lit. \"same district,\" but more broadly, one's fellow ethnics) to help one adjust to Hong Kong life and to make life a bit more pleasant. Close friends are almost invariably all “tong-xiang”, and even in places of work or recreation where groups are ethnically integrated in the spatial sense there exists informal friendship networks that are substantially ethnically enclosed. Lunch-hours and work schedules are often arranged around these groupings as workers \"re-segregate” to eat and work with their ethnic-mates. The Fujianese do not see this as discrimination or unusual; they consciously acknowledge their separateness and explain it by proclaiming:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208101, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "124\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nWe Fujianese are conservative and don't just start talking or making friends with strangers. Anyway, you'll only meet your best friends through already close friends or relatives or \"tong xiang\".\n\nThis ethnic feeling of separateness (as well as the reality of separation) has led to the emergence in Little Fujian of what Milton Gordon (1964:30) has called an \"ethnic sub-societal network\" that enables Fujianese to form nearly all of their solidary and stable relations—relatives, friends, and neighbors—with Southern Fujianese like themselves. Furthermore, even the characteristically unidimensional and fleeting nature of many urban roles (Southall 1973: 82) turns out to have a remarkable ethnic coloration in Little Fujian, as witness social interaction in the Chun Yeung Street market, for example, where shopkeepers, clerks and customers are all Fujianese. In North Point, because of patterns of ethnic selection and preference, these roles are at the same time both unidimensional and ethnic.\n\nLittle Fujian: Sub-Neighborhood and Community\n\nEthnically-significant patterns do then exist among the Fujianese of North Point. Does this in itself qualify North Point's Little Fujian as a community? Some sociologists suggest that residential segregation is crucial to the maintenance of ethnic community or solidarity (Joy 1972; Lieberson 1970) but Drieger and Church (1947:30) have rightly criticized this unidimensional insistence on residential segregation as too crude a diagnostic.\n\nUnfortunately, they too propose (1974:36) a crude diagnostic that of the ethnic percentage of a neighborhood's population. A better approach would be the realization that a sense of community is not automatically reached when the actual ethnic population counters reach a certain total but when the intensity of ethnic social interaction reaches a point that it gives an overall ethnic flavoring to the social interaction of a specific group. Enveloped in the substantially ethnically-enclosed networks of Little Fujian, the Fujianese of North Point without doubt live in such a social reality.\n\nA quick analytical divorce between the concepts of “neighborhood\" and \"community” is also imperative; “ethnic neighborhood” (or \"ethnic sub-neighborhood” if need be) should refer to a spatially segregated or clustered resident population while “ethnic community”...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208102, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "\"LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)\"\n\n125\n\nnity\" should be reserved for ethnic social interaction and organization. If this divorce were to be granted it would clear up much confusion in the writings on neighborhood and community. We would thus realize that the disagreement between Joy/Lieberson and Drieger/Church is due to their concern with neighborhood on the one hand and community on the other.\n\nApplication of such insights to Hong Kong's Fujianese helps us to evade the myopia that Fox (1977: 12) and others have recognized in all too many urban \"community\" studies. Viewing the city as a whole we are thus free to conceptualize the Fujianese community of Hong Kong as a somewhat dispersed entity - stretching from parts of North Point, to parts of other neighborhoods, and to the offices of the Fujian Commercial Association in Sheung Wan. Little Fujian as a local community is thus just one part of the larger Fujianese community of Hong Kong and cannot be understood without reference to it, just as village life cannot be fully grasped without a wider social perspective.\n\nSimilar insights into the Shanghaiese community yield quite a different reading of the Shanghaiese status quo. Their ethnic sub-neighborhood, Little Shanghai, is gone, with only pale reminders of its once thriving communality dotting North Point's urban landscape. Yet a Shanghaiese community definitely persists in Hong Kong as both formal organizations and informal sociocultural patterns help maintain a level of interactional intensity sufficient for a \"sense of ethnic community.\" Of course the study of such a community presents far greater methodological and analytical difficulties than are usually encountered in most urban studies. Communities based in clearly recognized and spatially distinct ethnic (sub-) neighborhoods are far easier to deal with; it is no wonder urban anthropologists have preferred to map out such discrete and concentrated domains.\n\nSuch urban studies have been likewise drawn to communities with well-organized and formal social structures. These studies (Charsely 1974; Drieger and Church 1974; McBeath 1973; Neville 1975) have stressed the importance of formally organized institutions in giving that \"sense of ethnic community\" to otherwise anomic and isolated ethnics. Drieger and Church even go so far as to suggest (1974:36) that whenever an ethnic group's proportion of the population approaches 25% there is a corresponding tendency", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "126\n\nGREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nfor community organizations, both formal and informal, to develop to promote and protect the community's interests. Although this may very well occur at times, or even perhaps is the usual occurrence, we should not therefore make the assumption that a shared sense of solidarity, of community, is always dependent on formal organization; indeed, what is striking about North Point's Little Fujian is the generally minor role that formal institutions and organizations play. Associations are not the major aspect of Fujianese community in Hong Kong: kin, quasi-kin (i.e. “tong-xiang” and fictive kin relations), and friendship ties also carry the burdens of ethnicity and community in Little Fujian.\n\nIn great contrast to North Point's majority Guangdongese who regard the area as \"nothing special — it's just a convenient place to live,\" Fujianese are quick to tell you they live in North Point \"because it's Little Fujian.\" Fujianese regard North Point as their \"capital\" in Hong Kong and it is through Little Fujian that most business and friendship networks meander. While most Fujianese admit that North Point is \"most likely\" predominantly Guangdongese, this does not stop Fujianese from all but ignoring that majority proportion; to those Fujianese living in North Point, it's in Little Fujian that much of their lives are spent and not “North Point” in general.\n\nLittle Fujian as a sub-neighborhood could be said to physically exist in the narrow band of streets, shops and buildings in North Point that are peopled and frequented by high percentages of Fujianese. Equally significant though, it exists as a community in those specifically Fujianese social relationships or patterns of activities that appear like currents in the ebb and flow of North Point life. Sub-neighborhood and community may overlap, but they don't have to. Little Fujian can thus be found in the offices of the Fujian Province Association, in the homes of Fujianese, in the Chun Yeung Market, between two Fujianese friends on King's Road, or in the many other public and semi-public Fujianese and non-Fujianese places of North Point,\n\nWhen sub-neighborhood and community do overlap, however, it is a powerful combination. To North Point's Fujianese it is often seemingly small things like walking down a “Fujianese” street with friends from the home county and hearing a Southern Fujianese folk song broadcast from a Fujianese shop that makes life in Hong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208104, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "# “LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)”\n\n127\n\nKong's North Point feel more familiar and therefore more comfortable. Overhearing a conversation between friends in the accents of the homeland while listening to a soft Fujianese melody wafting gently from a shop, one could close one's eyes and imagine being back in Fujian. With eyes open again, though, Little Fujian would have to suffice.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 E.g. Fujianese (Fukienese) and Shanghaiese in North Point; Shanghaiese in Tsim Tsa Tsui; Chau Zhou (Chiu Chau, Teochiu) in Chai Wan, Western District and Kwun Tong; Boat People in Aberdeen and Tai Po. See Guldin (1977) for a discussion of Han Chinese ethnicity and identity levels.\n\n2 See below, fig. 3.\n\n3 In the parlance of the times, and to a lesser extent even today, \"Shanghaiese\" often referred broadly to all Central (and sometimes even Northern) Chinese.\n\n4 Accurate figures are lacking; no detailed colony-wide or North Point censuses were conducted between 1930 and 1960.\n\n5 Based on analyses of Census Block Tally Sheets from 1971 Census made available to me through the kindness of the Commissioner.\n\n6 By \"Fujianese\" I refer specifically to \"Southern Fujianese,\" the Min-Nan speaking Fujianese of Xiamen (Amoy), Quan Zhou (Chuan Chow), Zhang Zhou (Chang Chow) and the surrounding counties. Other Fujianese are present in Hong Kong but Southern Fujianese are the overwhelming majority.\n\n7 Based on 1971 Census: table 4; Wai 1957:5; Lam 1967:35; 1975 Census Update.\n\n8 Based on 1971 Census, immigration statistics, and 1975 Census Update.\n\n9 A problem with these categories is the Hakka, a distinct ethnic group, whose places of origin often overlap with those of ethnic Guangdongese. One source though (Kuo 1964:65) has estimated the Hakka population of Hong Kong as 12% of the total. For urban North Point the percentage of the predominantly rural Hakka would be substantially lower than for Hong Kong as a whole.\n\n10 Although membership in these \"Fujian\" associations is theoretically open to all Hong Kong Fujianese and some non-Southern Fujianese do indeed belong, the Northern Fujianese of the Fuzhou (Foochow) area have set up their own associations.\n\n11 Fujianese organizations not aligned with the PRC do exist in Hong Kong but are mostly \"paper\" associations.\n\n12 Few Fujianese in Hong Kong are Christians (perhaps 4 or 5%), but those that are mostly arrived in Hong Kong earlier than the bulk of late 1950s and later immigrants and have been largely isolated (both physically and socially) from most aspects of life in Little Fujian.\n\n13 Aidan Southall (1973) makes a related point in using the concept of interaction intensity as key to a definition of \"urban.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208106, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 145, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "McBeath, Gerald A.\n\n“LITTLE FUJIAN (FUKIEN)”\n\n129\n\n1973 Political Integration of the Philippine Chinese. Center for South and Southeast Asian Studies. Research Monograph No. 8. Berkeley, Calif.\n\nNeville, W. H.\n\n1962 Treacherous River. Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press.\n\nSkinner, William G.\n\n1958 Leadership and Power in the Chinese Community of Thailand,\n\nNew York: Cornell University Press.\n\nSouthall, Aidan W.\n\n1973 \"Density of Role-Relationships as a Universal Index of Urbanization.” In A. Southall, (ed.), Urban Anthropology. Pp. 71-106. New York: Oxford University Press.\n\nWai Bik-Ho\n\n1957 The North Point District. Unpublished B.A. Thesis, Department\n\nof Geography, Hong Kong University: Hong Kong.\n\nZheng Yi Qing\n\n1974 Celebrate the 35th Anniversary of the Association. Fujian Province Association Special 35th Anniversary Journal. Hong Kong. (in Chinese)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208373, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "QINGMING FESTIVAL IN CENTRAL CHINA\n\n81\n\n39 See Maurice Freedman: Geomancy. Proceedings of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland for 1968. London\n\n1.15.\n\n40 Aijmer, A Structural Approach...p. 95,\n\n41 GJTSJC VI:1223 *** 126.\n\n42 Maurice Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society: Fukien and Kwangtung. London School of Economics Monographs on Social Anthropology No. 33. London: Athlone Press, 1966.\n\n1* For instance, Lewis Hodous provides an account in his Folkways in China, London: Arthur Probstain, 1929, p. 92. Hodous draws mainly on his long Fujian experience.\n\n44 Aijmer, A Structural Approach\n\np.96.\n\n45 Aijmer, The Dragon Boat Festival, p. 77f.\n\n46 GJTSJC VI:1193, &$ 26.\n\n47 GJTSJC II:51, 6a. A Similar arrangement occurred in Youxian, GJTSJC II:51, 19b.\n\n48 Aijmer, The Dragon Boat Festival, pp. 78f.\n\n49 There were probably several kinds of paper money in use. The yellow kind referred to above was in all likelihood the 'gold variety. As our sources do not carry information in detail on this subject we must leave such further implications aside.\n\n50 I have notes from Gongan (GJTSJC VI:1193, * 36), Hanzhou (VI:1130, 風俗长 Ib), Zhongxiang (VI:1142: #6# 1b, 2b), Jingshan (VI:1142, & 3a) Chongyang (VI:1120 † 4a, 5a), and Tongshan (VI:1120, Afb† 6a).\n\n51 I have found notes from Baling (GJTSJC VI: 1223, K## 2b, ennt juan 11:6a), Wuchang (GJTSJC VI:1120, ✩ 26), Chongyang (VI:1120, £#* 46), Tongshan (VI:1120, ### 6b) and Yingshan (VI:1166, BB‡ 4b).\n\n52 Freedman, Chinese Lineage and Society. pp. 140f.\n\n53 Other names for this festival used in the region are Yulan dahui, 王蘭大會 Yulan penhui 盂蘭盆會,and Duwang dahui 度亡大會\n\nAll are Buddhist terms.\n\n54 I have, at present, no information from the Dongting area on the handling of paper money at funerals, for instance.\n\n55 GJTSJC VI:1223, # 2b.\n\n56 GJTSJC VI:1193, £&$ 26.\n\n57 GJTSJC VI:1142, R&* 3a.\n\n58 GJTSJC VI:1193, # 2a.\n\n59 GJTSJC VI:1259, 6 2a.\n\n60 GJTSJC VI:1130, &‡ 2a.\n\n61 GJTSJC VI:1120, K✩‡ 4b.\n\n62 GJTSJC VI:1166, ### 46.\n\n63 GJTSJC VI:1142, ‡ 4a.\n\n64 GJTSJC VI:1142, &* 2ab.\n\n65 mm, juan 2:96.\n\n66 GJTSJC VI:1193, R 2a.\n\n67 GJTSJC VI:1259, ✩ lb; 1142, * 2a.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208485, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n193 \n\nBut in recent months the mud-skis have been used by illegal immigrants, first to help them float across the bay and then to negotiate the mud flats and swamps of the Mai Po marshes. \n\nYesterday Sgt-Major Wilson demonstrated how they were used. \"They can move faster over the mud than a man can run over firm ground,\" said Sergeant Major Chris Wilson yesterday. \n\n\"If it's thick mud the illegals stand on the skis and push with their feet and they can shoot across mud and water at a tremendous speed,\" he said. \n\n\"If they cross thin mud or water they lay down and put out one leg and make a swimming motion and they can travel very fast.” \n\nThe Army Air Corps has adapted one of its Scout helicopters to play a very special role in rescuing refugees from the deep mud and treacherous swamps in the marshes. \n\nThe small helicopters are now equipped with nets and the crews hover over the swamps and drop out the nets to pluck illegal immigrants trapped in the mud to safety.” \n\nReprinted, in part only, from the South China Morning Post, 18 June, 1979 \n\nThis item was brought to my notice by our printer and Honorary Life Member Mr. Y. F. Lam (Hon. Ed.) \n\nTHE SAINTLY GUO (Sheng Gong) \n\nProfessor G. E. Guldin doubtless will be delighted to learn that the cult of Sheng Gong is alive and well and thriving in SE Asia. In his interesting article on Little Fujian in the 1977 Journal (JHKBRAS17(1977); 112-129) he surmised that Hong Kong may have the only Sheng Gong temple left functioning in the world. He will be surprised to hear that although there is only the one temple dedicated to Sheng Gong in Hong Kong, there were at least twelve in Singapore, six in Malaysia (1970) and twenty-seven in Taiwan (1969), all dedicated to this deity. This, of course, does not include the hundreds of images of the Saintly Guo seen in secondary positions in temples throughout SE Asia and Taiwan. More than half of the temples dedicated to Sheng Gong in Taiwan (16 out of 27) are within a thirty-mile radius which includes Tainan, and Kaohsiung South-West Taiwan. Only four are in towns and the remainder", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208486, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 210, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "194 \n\nNOTES AND QUERIES \n\nare in rural areas. The major Sheng Gong cult temple in Taiwan is in Taiwan City, from which place his portable image is taken by sedan chair to other cult temples in the vicinity to renew the efficacy of the images there. Evidence of the presence of his cult has been seen, too, by the writer in Sarawak, Brunei and Indonesia, in Thailand, Vietnam and Cambodia.\n\nSheng Gong is a comparatively little used short form for the local Fujian cult of Guang Ze Zun Wang (廣澤尊王) whose full personal name was Guo Zhong-fu (郭忠福) and who is equally well known as Guo Sheng Wang Gong (郭聖王公); hence the \"Sheng Gong.\" He has some half a dozen other titles but all with a very limited local use, apart from Bao An Zun Wang (保安尊王). This is occasionally included in the title of his temple (*\n\nas compared with the more popular title of the Phoenix Mountain Temple (鳳山寺). He should not be confused with another and entirely different Fujian local cult deity, Hui Ze Zun Wang(惠澤尊王)\n\nThe Saintly Guo's image is not difficult to recognise as it has certain characteristics which, whilst not individually unique, together identify him at a glance. He has a youthful, clean-shaven face; is seated dressed in robes over armour with his right foot raised parallel to the ground, pointing towards his left leg at knee height. His face is a dark red and he has protruding round eyes.\n\nThere are two images of the Saintly Guo in the one temple in North Point, Hong Kong. One is the main, large image swathed in embroidered robes donated by devotees, and the other is a small wooden carving on the main altar before and between Guo and his consort. Neither were easy to photograph, and therefore I have gone through some old photographs, the best of which is to be seen at illustration at the back of this volume.* In this photograph Guo is the main deity on the altar of a temple in Seremban, West Malaysia, flanked by two other images of another Fujian local cult, Fa Zhu Gong (法主公). Guo is prayed to for the usual blessings though in certain temples he is specifically looked upon as a healer of the sick, a protector of children and as a wealth god for businessmen. He is also the patron of those who bear the same surname as himself.\n\n* Plate 22.\n\nPage 210\n\nPage 211", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208487, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n195 \n\nGuo's cult centre was at Phoenix Mountain Monastery (4 +) near Nan An, a county capital some 15 miles inland from Chuan Zhou, the prefectural capital on the coast of Fujian province opposite Taiwan. Though Chuan Zhou lies only forty miles up the coast as the crow flies from Amoy, before the advent of buses travel between those two cities took several days. Immigrants to South-east Asia took the Saintly Guo with them, and wherever his temple is to be found you can be certain that the local populace includes a fair percentage of Nan An, Chuan Zhou and Amoy settlers. \n\nHe is usually seen on altars, as he is on the Hong Kong altar, sitting beside his consort and with his parents behind him and two unnamed male servants before him. \n\nHis festivals are celebrated on his birthday the 22nd of the second lunar month, and on the 22nd of the eighth lunar month, the day he was whisked away to Heaven and achieved Tao. \n\nGuo has two or three legends describing his origins and life. Some readers will have heard all or parts of these differing legends connected with various deities. The main one relates how Guo was born in Nan An district during the Sung Dynasty where he grew up with his poverty-stricken widowed mother. She worked as a maid for a rich but unpopular man who, as did all very rich heads of families, also employed his own feng shui specialist (a form of fortune adviser) who provided advice and plans for each day. The feng shui specialist foretold that the child Guo who worked as a goatherd, would have a great future, and would inherit everything from the rich man, as Guo's family had been pious, honest and good for three generations. The question posed by the rich man after he had heard this prognostication from the feng shui specialist was \"would Guo prefer to be a great man for one generation\", or \"ashes and incense forever?\" (In another version it was Emperor for one generation and Duke or King for many generations). The feng shui specialist secretly explained to Guo which was the best plot in the rich man's acres, the plot with the most auspicious characteristics. Here he was to bury the remains of his dead father. To obtain the plot Guo indentured himself to the rich man for a fixed period without the rich man realizing the auspicious nature of the site. After years of hard work Guo was able to bury his father in the plot, earning the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208504, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "212\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nand Mr. Stephen J. Karsen at an altitude of about 700 metres on Lantau Peak on 19 October 1979 that it became possible to confirm the identification of this species on the basis of both stages of its life cycle. Subsequently, two more of these frogs were found by Father Anthony Bogadek: one at around 690 metres altitude on Tai Mo Shan on 26 October and the other between Lantau Peak and Ngong Ping (altitude not recorded) on 9 November 1979.\n\nLeptobrachium pelodyroides has been recorded—as Megophrys pelodytoides from Fukien (= Fujian) in China by Pope (1931, p.447). It has also been listed (under the name Carpophrys pelodytoides) for China from Yunnan, Guizhou, Hunan, Zhejiang, Fujian, and Guangxi (Anon., 1977). These frogs as represented in Hong Kong are closely related to certain other geographical populations of frogs, for example in Thailand and Malaysia, and evidently there is need of a comprehensive study. Until one herpetologist can bring together specimens, which should include tadpoles, from all related populations for comparison, the geographical limits of Leptobrachium pelodytoides will remain undefined.\n\nOne of the adult frogs and two of the tadpoles recorded here from Hong Kong have been presented to the Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago. The others, except for one of the frogs, are in my own private collection.\n\nMy thanks are due to Dr. Robert F. Inger (Field Museum of Natural History) for most helpful observations, and to all those mentioned above for kindly presenting me with specimens.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nAnonymous (Compiled by the Amphibians and Reptiles Research Department of The Biological Research Institute of Sichuan Province)\n\n1977 Systematic Keys to China's Amphibians. (In Chinese) Science Press, Beijing.\n\nPope, C. H.\n\n1931 Notes on Amphibians from Fukien, Hainan, and Other Parts of China. Bull. Am. Mus. nat. Hist., Vol. 61, pp. 397-611.\n\nHong Kong, 8 February 1980\n\nJ. D. ROMER", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208878, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "12\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS\n\nA typical Daoist temple is the very bare flatlet on the fourteenth floor of a high-rise block in crowded Shamshuipo, established by a widow from Fujian province in about 1965. Now in her early eighties, she lives alone in the flat, which has a resounding Daoist temple name, and has services performed once a week by a visiting lay priest. She recalled eight occasions when near death, she was saved by a specific Daoist Immortal, Lou Da Zhen Jun (**★**IA) who died late in the Ming dynasty, in Fujian, but who appeared again in spirit form in the twenties of this century in Amoy successfully to persuade a Bank of China manager to stop gambling. Lou's likeness is the only icon in the temple, and before it, services are held and sand-table prognostications obtained.\n\nA modern major religious complex above Lo Wai, Tsuen Wan, has on its main altar large images of Confucius, Lao Zi, and Sakyamuni, representing the three religions: Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Above the altar hall, which is a modern pagoda, there are several buildings dedicated entirely to memorials, and in two of these halls, Daoist services for the dead are frequently performed.\n\nFolk Religion Temples\n\nThere are some two hundred and forty-six folk religion temples in Hong Kong. When sub-divided into architectural groups, approximately two-thirds of them are traditional buildings, two-ninths are modern constructions, legally built with the Hong Kong Government's permission,18 and one-ninth resettlement shacks, huts, or other illegal constructions. These latter fall into those tolerated by the Hong Kong authorities and those not tolerated.* The latter are regularly pulled down, often to be built illegally again nearby.\n\nTraditional temples in rural areas tend to have flourished around a catchment area of a village or two and have been built on the outskirts of one of the villages. Frequently, there is an adjacent open space used primarily for holding elaborate festivities on the main deity's annual feast day.\n\nAlthough most traditional folk religion temples built before World War II have a similar plan and general layout, no\n\n* To be explained by the periodic amnesties given to older, but still not tolerated illegal structures. 1976 saw the last to date, the purpose being to provide a new, realistic baseline for demolition of new structures (Hon. Editor).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208886, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 48, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "20\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS\n\nAlthough clan or ancestral halls and temples are usually handsome buildings located near the centre of a village, many now old and rarely used have been permitted to fall into disrepair and are derelict. These memorial halls contain only the ancestral tablets of the senior member of each generation of the clan whose surname appears over the main entrance of the hall or complex. Some villages have two and even three such temples, dedicated to each of the clans dwelling within their bounds. (Plates 10 and 11).\n\nThe memorial and ancestral tablets of the man-in-the-street (personal ancestral tablets) are placed on either the private household altar of the family or the shelves of the memorial halls of Buddhist or Daoist monasteries and temples. Personal ancestral tablets are rarely retained for more than three generations, whereas the tablets of the public ancestors of the clan are retained as far back as the first ancestor who moved to the area in which they are presently situated.\n\nLike the small temples, the clan halls are usually cluttered with agricultural equipment used only when the season comes around. None of the clan halls is spotless, and often the plaques, panels, mirrors and other decorations are so covered in accumulated filth that they are hard to decipher. The excuse given is that the lineage is too poor to employ a temple keeper and by implication there is no one else who should keep it clean, so the halls remain decrepit and forlorn.\n\nFamily and clan temples very rarely contain images, particularly as Cantonese do not carve images of their ancestors as did the people of Hunan and Fujian provinces. When family and clan temples do contain deities, these are represented by either a framed print usually of the bodhisattva Guan Yin or a small image of a popular deity placed there by a devotee who either had no place for it at home or had a misguided notion to donate such an image to the clan (Plate 12). This happened in a small clan temple near Sheung Shui where the tolerant members of the clan have ignored the deity and have left it there to avoid hurting the donor's feelings.\n\nShrines\n\nShrines almost certainly pre-date temples and in their basic form have remained essentially unchanged for hundreds, if not, thousands of years. A considerable percentage of Chinese ritual is performed", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208891, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n25\n\nSeveral temples have large stone lions outside the entrance or just inside the main doors to guard the temple from demons.\n\nBoat Peoples' land temples used to have a pair of masts more than twice as high as the temple with a small red wooden crow's nest on each, some six feet from the top24. These are said to be the repository of the spirit of the dragon of the nearby hill or island peak which protects the local inhabitants from the depredations of evil spirits. Nowadays, only one temple seems to have them, the Hong Sheng temple at the old landing stage on Ap Lei Chau.\n\nLarge triangular and colourful flags flown outside temples tend to identify the temple as a Chaozhou community temple. These flags bear the title of the main deity, the name of the temple and a spirit medium operates there, another flag in grey and black is flown, bearing an Eight Trigram diagram together with magical signs and symbols.\n\nDating of temples\n\nAbout the only way that temples can be dated with any reasonable accuracy is from the plaque near the entrance listing the subscribers to the initial construction, from the temple bell inscription25 or from the dates on the ancestral tablets of the founders of the temple on the temple altar.\n\nFrom a very general examination of bells and chimes, several dozen bear dates between 1700 and 1840, that is post-Ming dynasty but pre-British occupation. One or two bells date back to the period immediately post-Ming and a further couple are dated within this century. The older traditional temples were probably rededicated post-Ming, or were built and dedicated post-Ming, mainly in the period following the rescinding by the Kang Xi Emperor of the order enforcing the removal of all who lived within 50 li (18.3 miles) from the coast during the period of intense pirate and anti-government activity along the China coast in the 1660s.26\n\nProbably the earliest recorded date for the construction of a temple is the stone carving dated AD 1274 behind the Tian Hou temple in Joss House Bay. In AD 1012 Lin Daoyi, a trader from Fujian province, wrecked during a storm, was washed up on Tung Lung Island and built a temple dedicated to Tian Fei (as Tian Hou was then called) in thanksgiving. The temple was destroyed by a...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209003, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n133\n\nmy first such expedition was I accompanied by anyone from the China Travel Service and that was simply because he knew the way, not because he had been ordered to check on my activities. I was never followed. Taxi drivers made out duplicate slips on each of my expeditions. They gave me a copy and kept the original (as they always do for every taxi ride). In my opinion Public Security cadres did not correlate—or even read—the slips from my many expeditions. One thing alone is of concern to cadres when it comes to tourists: foreign exchange. My taxi rides produced foreign exchange—though taxi fares are far less than in the United States or England. This is because there is only a minuscule charge for waiting; and the taxi often waited for me at a monastery for two or three hours.\n\nThe People's Government wishes the outside world to know that there is now freedom of worship in China. I found that there is freedom of worship and have even published a remarkable photograph to prove it. Thus I have helped Peking to undo the harm that was done to public opinion abroad in 1949-1976.\n\nHarvard, Mass 1981\n\n+\n\nHOLMES WELCH\n\nCHINESE RELIGIOUS INVOLVEMENT WITH ISLAM\n\nSince I wrote my Note on two examples of Chinese religious involvement with Islam on pages 199-202 of Volume 19 of the RAS(HK) Journal 1979, I have been fortunate enough to be able to purchase an image, some ten inches high, a typical Chinese altar figure, said to be off a Chinese temple altar in Surabaya on Java. It is of a middle-aged gentleman, dressed in songkok, sarong and a white shirt with cufflinks and removable buttons, worn outside the sarong. He also has white trousers under the sarong and is seated on a Chinese dragon-throne, a typical pose, decoration and carving of a Chinese deity from Fujian province.\n\nThe Chinese who sold it to me said that he had obtained it from the temple keeper in Surabaya as it was no longer needed. It depicted, so he was told, the former President of Indonesia, Dr. Sukarno, born in Surabaya in 1901 and died in 1970. The image had been carved and placed on the altar in a Chinese temple as an\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210385, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 356, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "335\n\nwhich it served. Some reasons for Lugang's decline include the silting of the port's shallow harbour, integration of its hinterland into the island-wide economy — largely accomplished by the construction of the west coast railroad, and the limitation of the Fujian (Fukien) trade after the Japanese occupation of Taiwan in 1895. Deglopper concludes that the decline of Lugang after the mid-nineteenth century is not an isolated phenomenon but must be understood through the port's relationship to the rest of Taiwan and to Fujian. This is a good descriptive presentation of Lugang.\n\nChapter 9 by Yi-rong Ann Hsu, Clifton W. Pannell, and James O. Wheeler applies statistical methods to analyze the development of Taiwan's transportation network both in terms of network connectivity and connectivity of urban centres from 1600 and 1972. The analysis clearly portrays the development of the road and rail systems after 1893. The concluding comments stress the parallel relationship between transport development and economic growth. Another chapter by Ronald Knapp delves into the particulars of a rarer mode of transportation, the push car railway or daisha as it is known in Japanese. The daisha played a significant role in integrating Taiwan's agriculture into the rest of the Japanese empire by providing transport between farms and railway stations. Knapp discusses the relationship of this mode to the development of railroads and roads, again stressing the Taoyuan plain as a case study.\n\nIn the final chapter, Jack F. Williams discusses the importance of the sugar industry in Taiwan's development from the Dutch period down to 1975 with some predictions about the future. Williams points out the significant transformation in this industry when the Japanese took over the island in 1895. The Nationalist Chinese Taiwan Sugar Corporation is seen as a slightly less exploitative continuation of the Japanese system. Despite the declining role sugar plays in Taiwan's economy, when one considers the company's importance in the lives of the thousands of cane growers and workers and the indirect employment generated in other related industries, the Taiwan Sugar Corporation emerges as the single most important government-owned corporation on the island even today.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210658, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "6 October, 1986:\n\n19 January, 1987:\n\n17 February 1987;\n\n16 March 1987:\n\n31 March\n\n(still to come):\n\nDr. Betty Wei Peh T'i\n\n\"Treasures from an Attic in Pennsylvania: Letters from the Chinese Countryside 1901-6\"\n\nDavid Lung\n\n\"Vernacular Houses in Fujian and Guangdong\"\n\nDr. Ronald Skeldon\n\n\"Ladakh: Land, Peoples and Plays\"\n\nAnthony Lawrence\n\n\"The Long March: The Story of a Joint Venture\"\n\nMr. Geoffrey Emerson\n\n\"Yankee on the Yangtse\"\n\nBesides the lectures, eight local visits were made during the year to places of interest. They comprised the following:\n\n9 and 30 August, 1986:\n\nVisits to the Museum of Teaware and Hong Kong's 1941 Underground Military headquarters David Pannach, Robyn McLean and James Hayes\n\n25 October, 1986:\n\nTa Chiu at Kat O island\n\n9 November, 1986:\n\nJames Hayes\n\nWalk from the Peak to Kennedy Town to view the fortifications which guarded the Western approaches to Hong Kong Phillip Bruce\n\n29 November, 1986: Ta Chiu at Tuen Mun\n\nJames Hayes\n\n6 December, 1986:\n\nFung Ping Shan Museum\n\nDr. Michael Lau\n\nviii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211055, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 116, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "91 \n\nhe did this spontaneously, in response to our questions. In any case, his response constitutes an interesting datum for those interested in the study of religious rationalizations.\n\n28 Ge Hong, of course, wrote of Huang Chuping, but only as one of a large number of immortals. Su Dongpo, who stayed at Luofu in the 11th century, praises a painting of Huang Chuping in one of several poems on various paintings, but does not mention any connection between the painting and Luofu. Qu Dajun's very detailed account of Luofu (in Guangdong Xinyu) and its saints does not mention Huang Chuping at all. It might be noted, however, that the Southern Song court bestowed titles on Huang Chuping and his brother in the reigns of Shaoxing (1131-1162) and Jiaxi (1237-1240). The Ming official Huang Gongfu (1573-1657) also seems to have brought worship of Huang Chuping to Guangdong. He was stationed in Fujian not far from Jinhua Mountain, according to the annals of Xinhui (quoted by Wong “A study of Huang Ta-hsien\"), but became disillusioned with the Ming regime and migrated south to become a hermit in the Xinhui area. While there, he wrote some poems mentioning Huang Chuping. He lived near a rock or crag once named Yang Shi Keng (Sheep stone pit), changed its name to Chi Shi Yan (The crag of shouting [at the sheep]), evidently referring to Huang Chuping's miracle of turning rocks into sheep. There is as yet no evidence that worship of Huang Chuping by the founders of the Hong Kong temple owes anything to the influence of Huang Gongfu. Many of the devotees of the Xiqiao Huang Daxian, however, came from Gaoming and Heshan not far from the home area of Huang Gongfu.\n\n19 The article, authored by An Shi, is on page two of the brochure, which is printed on newsprint-type paper with the heading \"Scenic spots in Luofu, Tangquan, Huizhou”. The brochure, published by the local branch of the provincial Tourist Agency, is clearly written by journalists and local scholars attached to the local cultural affairs bureau.\n\n10 We were told at Luofu that two former members of the local Wenhua Ju (Cultural Affairs Bureau) had written articles to prove that the Hong Kong Huang Daxian originated in Luofu: Mr. Xie Hua (editor of Luofushan Fengwuzhi), now at the Tequ Bao (Special Zone Daily), had apparently written an article for the Shenzhen Ribao (Shenzhen Daily); Mr. Su Fanggui, now at the Cultural Affairs Bureau of Huizhou, had reportedly also written an article on this theme.\n\n31 We were told during the interview with these officials that Huang Chuping was another disciple of Ge Hong; he became an official in Huizhou (obviously a reflection of Huang Li]; he had a brother named Huang Chuqi; he went to Hong Kong, found he had to go far north to a mountain in Zhejiang province, where he was engaged in tending sheep; he became separated from his brother; and so on. These cadres had evidently consulted some books on Taoist saints prior to their meeting with us.\n\n12 Regarding traditions about the mute tigers associated with Yeren, see Soymie, \"Le Lo-feou chan\". p. 27. Soymié points out (ibid. p. 111) that by tradition, several other saints of Luofu also had tigers as companions. Tigers functioned like tutelary deities of the mountain, placed there in part to prevent the wicked and the unworthy from ascending the mountain.\n\n33 We learned while in the area that there had been some recent conflict between the proprietors of rival shrines near the mountain in their attempt to get some of the tourist trade. For a time in the spring of 1987, the Beidi temple on the plain several kilometres from the main temple was by-passed by a steady stream of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212032, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 447, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "422\n\nMao Zedong translated, with an Introduction and Notes, by Roger R. Thompson Report from Xunwu, Stanford, Stanford University Press, 1990, pp. 1-1x. 1-278.\n\nThis is Professor Thompson's translation of a social enquiry report compiled within the short space of ten days in a small Chinese county town on the borders of Guangdong, Fujian and Jiangxi in 1930, not in peaceful times but in a period of turmoil as the Communists took over towns and villages in the surrounding countryside. Eleven persons including Chairman Mao as chairman and secretary produced the Report (p. 47).\n\nThe translator has also provided a most helpful introduction (pp. 3-41). This sets the scene and explains why the report was not included in the 1941 edition of Mao's Rural Investigations and had to wait until Chairman Deng Xiaoping sponsored its publication in 1981.\n\nProfessor Thompson calls the Report \"an extraordinary document, far exceeding in scope and depth the other investigations Mao made in Jiangxi and Fujian 1930-34\", which were published in 1941. The high degree of care taken with the text prior to eventual publication involved the editors in spending 51 days in retracing Mao's steps of half a century before. In all, they travelled 5000 li (1600 miles), talked to 35 organisations and 14 families, and conducted discussion sessions, making, all told, 800 textual emendations of information in categories like proper names, place names and the names of goods and products. As Thompson puts it (p. 37), there was an \"intense scholarly effort to prepare the text for publication\". He supports the authenticity of the text and explains how Chairman Deng found the report a useful vehicle to demonstrate his own legitimacy and to underwrite his call for accurate fact-finding to help solve the problems of the present (pp. 31-32).\n\nThe long Chapter 3 dealing with shops and commerce in Xunwu is especially interesting. It is almost as long (67 pp.) as the chapter on Traditional Land Relationships, Chapter 4, indicating the importance Mao attached to the subject. Mao's frankness is engaging. He says in the Report (p. 64) that he lacked \"understanding of what a market town is\". He had recognised the problem, but had never found people who could supply sufficient data. \"Two old gentlemen\" had been introduced by Comrade Gu Bo (the local communist leader). \"Many thanks to these two gentlemen\", he continued, \"for allowing me to become like a young", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212108, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "27\n\nH. Studies on Jiao festivals in Mainland China & Taiwan\n\nOne of the most striking indicators of the revival of the traditional religious activities which were labeled as \"feudal superstition\" and prohibited in China after 1949 is the reappearance of the large scale Jiao festival in southern China. According to Dean, small scale religious activities were secretly practised by some small villages in Fujian during the Cultural Revolution. Large scale Jiao celebrations were seen in many parts of southern China only after 1980, the decade following the fall of the \"gang of four.\" Dean's study in Fujian is one of the pioneering studies of the revival of Jiao festivals in mainland China. In his paper Dean asked whether or not the revival of Jiao festivals will lead to the restoration of local tradition and eventually encourage local autonomy. This, according to Dean, \"only time will tell.\"\n\nRecords of Jiao festivals on the mainland are very limited but Jiao festivals in Taiwan have been widely studied since the 1960s. One of the earliest systematic studies is Liu Zhi-wan's ethnographical account of the 1963 Jiao festival in Song Shan, Taipei. Though severely criticized by Li, the study successfully drew the attention of many scholars to the study of such festivals. Besides descriptive ethnography, two approaches should be mentioned here. One looks at the Jiao festival from its religious and symbolic significance. Li Xian-zhang pointed out in 1968 that the Jiao in ancient China was a \"rite of transition.\" Saso suggested that the Jiao is a rite of cosmic renewal closely related to the theory of Yin and Yang. He wrote \"[Jiao] is to restore Yang, that is, life, light, and blessing, to its pristine state of growth, and to expel the forces of Yin, darkness, evil, and death.\" Saso's theory was adopted by many scholars to define the Jiao festival. For instance, Ward wrote that objectives of the Jiao festival are the wiping away of evil, the restoration of peace, and the renewal of life for the entire population and of a sizable group of villages.\n\nAnother approach studies the festival from its social aspects. It focuses on the organizing community's internal structure and its relationship with a larger society. Okada's studies on \"religious area\" were done in the 1930s. They argue that the religious area is an area in which people interact through common religious activities which focus on a temple or a religious object. A religious area is also a sphere of social life which may coincide with marketing or marriage areas. The festival is seen as a mechanism to consolidate or to re-confirm\n\n14", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212120, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "39\n\nKat Hing Wai and Wing Lung Wai terminated their own independent Jiao but continue to participate actively in the Jiao of the whole Kam Tin community. Still others, like Tai Wai and Tin Sam, celebrate their own Jiao festivals on the one hand but also participate as members in the Jiao celebrated by the Sha Tin Kau Yeuk (Sha Tin Village alliance). Reasons such as the Japanese occupation or economic recession given by villagers themselves cannot explain the diversities found in the New Territories. All villages experienced the Japanese occupation. With regard to economic constraints, a community like Ping Shan, though as prosperous and powerful as Kam Tin and Ha Tsuen, stopped the celebration for some unknown reason. Therefore, the continuity or discontinuity of the Jiao festival depends on the effectiveness of the festival's communal structure and organization. In Lam Tsuen, the Jiao festival is a means to reconfirm the roles of its alliances (the Luk Hap Tong [Lui He Tang] “Hall of the Six [Sc. Village Clusters] United\"). In Kam Tin and other single lineage communities, the Jiao plays an essential role in re-establishing the structure of the segmented lineage as well as in re-confirming membership in the branches. The question of whether Jiao festivals will survive after the 1997 take-over is in fact a question of whether or not there is a need to preserve such a tradition in the community.\n\nNOTES\n\nLiu Zhi-wan, \"Taiwan Taibeixian Zhonghexiang Jianjiao Jidian\" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 33 (1972): 135-64.\n\nTanaka, Issei, Chugoku Kyoshon Saishi Kenkyu: Chihogeki no Kankyo [Village Festival in China: Background of Local Theatres] (Tokyo: Tokyo Univ. Press, 1989), 799. Some fishing villages in Hong Kong like Kau Lau Wan, Tap Mun and Kat O name their Jiao festivals \"An Long Qing Jiao\" meaning the Jiao celebrated to pacify the earth dragon.\n\nTanaka claimed that originally \"Qi An Jiao\" was celebrated only when there was need to pray for peace (Ibid., 799). However, evidence in Hong Kong, at least, shows that the festival is celebrated in a regular cycle. The shortest cycle is the Jiao of Cheung Chau where it is celebrated yearly. The longest is Sheung Shui and Shuen Wan where the Jiao is said to be celebrated once every 60 years. In some fishing villages in the New Territories, it is celebrated once every two or seven years. A five-year cycle is also practised in some agrarian communities like Tai Hang. However, a ten year cycle is the most popular in agrarian communities. Nonetheless, the method of counting also differs from one community to another. For instance, Lam Tsuen claims to celebrate the Jiao once every ten years but they actually celebrate it once in nine years. Their Jiao festival was celebrated in the following years: 1963, 1972, 1981, 1990.\n\nMr. Cheung Chi-fan (Zhang Zhi-fan), JP, and Mr. Chung Chi-leung (Zhong Ji-liang), interviewed by author, Lam Tsuen, Dec. 1, 1990. According to Dean, about 80,000 Chinese yuan was spent on the Jiao in a village in Zhangzhou, Fujian in 1986. See", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212121, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "40\n\nDean. Kenneth “Revival of Religious Practices in Fujian: a Case Study in Pas. Julian F. (ed.) The Turning of the Tide: Religion in China Today (Hong Kong: Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society & Oxford Univ. Press, 1989), 72.\n\n4\n\nMr. Pang Cheng-chuen (Peng Zheng-chuen), interviewed by author, Fanling, Dec. 30. 1990.\n\nP\n\nDean. 54. A student of the University of Hong Kong told me on Feb. 3, 1991 that he saw, by chance, a Jiao festival in 1990. He could not recall the exact date and location. However, he was very sure, from the celebrating flower boards, that it was a Jiao festival.\n\nK\n\nIbid., 776.\n\nLiu Zhi-wan, Taibeishi Songshan qi an jian jiao jidian, Institute of Ethnology Academia Sinica Monograph, no. 14, (Taipei: The Institute, 1967). Besides Liu, the research team from the Academia Sinica included Song Lung-fei and Xu Jia-ming. Song's paper concentrated on aspects of folk architecture and decoration while Xu focused on the economic and social aspects. See Song Lung-fei \"Song-shan jian jiao jiao tan jianzhu di zhuan shi Yi shu\" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 25 (1968): 157-217; Xu Jia-ming: \"Songshan jian jiao yu shequ\" Bulletin of the Institute of Ethnology, Academia Sinica 25 (1968): 109-153.\n\n4\n\nLi Zian-zhang. \"Daojiao jiaoyi di kaizhan yu xiandai di jiao” Sinological Researches 5 (1968): 261.\n\nIbid., p. 201.\n\nSaso, Michael R., Taoism and the Rite of Cosmic Renewal (Washington: Washington State Univ. Press, 1972), 34.\n\nLaw, Joan & B.E. Ward, Chinese Festivals (Hong Kong: South China Morning Post, 1982), 83.\n\nOkada, Yuzuru, Kiso Shakai (Tokyo: Kobundo, 1949).\n\nSee Brim, John A. “Village Alliance Temples in Hong Kong\" in Wolf. A.P. (ed.) Religion and Ritual in Chinese Society (Stanford: Stanford Univ. Press, 1974), 93–103; and Suenari, Michio \"Sonbyo to sonkyo: Taiwan Hakka shuraku no jirei kara” [Village temple and village boundary: a case study of the Hakka communities in Taiwan] Bunka Jinna Gaku [Cultural Anthropology] (1985) 2:255-260.\n\n15 Ueno, Hiroko, \"Taiwan nanbo no osho to sonraku: Tainanken hito saishiken no sonraku aida kankei\" (Wang Jiao and villages in southern Taiwan: worshipping area and village relationship] Bunka Jinriú Gaku 5 (1988): 64-82.\n\n+\n\nTaylor, W.A. \"The Spirit Festival\" Bulletin of the Cheung Chau Bun Festival 1980 (Cheung Chau: n.p., 1980), 39-41. (reprinted from Wide World Magazine, Dec. 1953). The annual Cheung Chau Jiao festival is better known to westerners as the Bun festival because of the three tall \"bun mountains\" erected at the ritual area. The festival is the most studied Jiao festival in Hong Kong probably due to the fact that (1) the island is comparatively easy to get to, (2) it is celebrated every year and (3) it is widely publicized by the Hong Kong Tourist Information Bureau. Besides Tanaka's accounts (see note 36), see also Jonathan Chamberlain and Ian Lambot's photographic account. The Bun Festival of Cheung Chau (Hong Kong Studio Publications, 1990).\n\nדן\n\nI owe my interest in the Jiao festival to Prof. Ward who first introduced me to Jiao festivals in 1980. She then suggested that I participate in the Jiao festival in Kau Lau Wan.\n\nK\n\nLaw & Ward, 83-84.\n\nHayes, James W., The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes (Hong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212390, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 332, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "309\n\nSOJOURNERS IN XIAMEN: NOTES ON THE RAS VISIT\n\nIt was up-up-and-away' on Friday March 6, 1992, as 18 stalwart RAS Members took a one-hour flight to Xiamen Island, in Fujian Province. Also known as Amoy, the town is similar, in some ways, to Hong Kong. Both are situated in the typhoon belt. Also, like Macau, there are isolated 'dip-nets' for coastal fishing, mournful water buffalo haul ploughs as in Guangdong and 'knife-bean' and flame trees adorn skylines as at Repulse Bay. As in most of China for the past decade, 'free markets' exist in Xiamen with intriguing street stall smells.\n\nBut this city, where Chinese still stare at Europeans, is also different from Hong Kong. Limited English is spoken, and, when it is, people often have Japanese accents. Nor is there the same high-rise concrete jungle, sampans and junks have more pronounced curves, straining bare-footed labourers pull carts and street sweepers use brooms made from branches of trees.\n\nAlthough one of the People's Republic's Special Economic Zones, Xiamen cannot be compared to hectic Shenzhen. But if direct relations can be established across the shallow, 150 kilometre wide, Taiwan Straits, instead of routing transactions through Hong Kong, the volume of trade could increase rapidly. To make it easier for the Taiwanese, to attract business many of the street signs in Xiamen are in conventional Chinese characters, as in Hong Kong, rather than the simplified ideograms normally used in China.\n\nThe Group's first stop on arrival in Xiamen, arranged by Member David Norris, was to 'Meixia Arts and Handicrafts' established and run by American Bill Job and wife Kitty. They manufacture and export stained art glass murals, windows and lampshades.\n\nThe following day, the couple invited the Party to their spartan but adequate house, built in 1928, for which the present rent is US$120 a month. An open well and grapevines grace the forecourt. Their two young daughters attend the Chinese school and are fluent in both Putonghua and the local dialect. The latter sounds more nasal than Cantonese. When the Group arrived the two girls were playing ball with Chinese friends in the narrow street at the front of their home.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212391, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 333, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "310\n\nDr Elizabeth Sinn explained at intervals during the three-day trip something of the history of Amoy. Together with Ningpo, efforts were made by the British to establish the two towns as centres of trade before Canton secured commercial dominance in 1757. The Canton monopoly was broken in 1842, with the Treaty of Nanking, by the opening of not only Amoy and Ningpo but also the Treaty Ports of Foochow and Shanghai. From and to these ports, among other commodities, were shipped tea, silk, and opium.\n\nBut before then, in the late 17th century, Amoy had been the lair of freebooting, swashbuckling Koxinga (Zheng Chenggong), who not only drove the Dutch from Taiwan to make it an anti-Manchu base but also attempted to wrest power from the Qing Dynasty. Today, the People's Republic is trying to proclaim that Koxinga, who had a Japanese mother, was no common pirate but a national hero.\n\nAmoy also played a big part in the infamous, so-called in Chinese, 'pig business'. The first Chinese contract coolies left Canton in 1845, but they were soon being shipped from other ports in southern China. Recruiters frequently shanghaied labourers who departed for various countries, including Hawaii, Trinidad, British Guiana, Jamaica, and British Borneo. The journey to Peru or Cuba took about 130 days. Conditions aboard, because of overcrowding, were unimaginable. With a lack of food, unsanitary conditions, and harsh treatment, and 500 men crowded into a hull with barely room to lie down, riots and murders sometimes occurred. Over one-quarter of the labourers are said to have died aboard in their 'pens'.\n\nMany others, however, emigrated from Fujian under somewhat better conditions, and today most families in Xiamen have relatives living overseas. But the Province's most famous son has to be Tan Kah Kee (1874-1961), well known for his philanthropy, which is evident in several parts of town, including Xiamen University. This was completed in 1919 on its 100-hectare campus. Tan (pronounced Chan in Cantonese) was born just north of Xiamen to a father who had emigrated to Singapore and was engaged in the rice, pineapple, and rubber business. At an early age, Tan Junior also transferred to the British Colony, as it was then, where he later had four wives and fathered 17 children. Although he spoke neither Mandarin nor English, for business convenience, he became a British subject in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212394, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 336, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "313\n\nlarge balloons in the sky with banners attached calling on Group Members to purchase real estate.\n\nThe group leaders, Rosemary Lee and Anita Wilson, had done their preparatory work thoroughly. But the weather did not behave according to plan. Rain prevented a visit to the botanical gardens on the last day. The newly completed Harbour View Holiday Inn Hotel was comfortable with generally good service. The plumbing really worked unlike in some provinces such as Inner Mongolia and Xinjiang even if there were complications with key tags having to be wedged into light master-switches with a small wad of paper. But all banquets come to an end and Members arrived back in Hong Kong with fond memories of their three days' break.\n\nT\n\nI-\n\nDAN WATERS\n\nFurther Reading\n\nCourtauld, Caroline, An Illustrated Guide to Fujian, (1988) Hughes, George, Amoy and the Surrounding Districts, [1872]\n\nMcCunn, Ruthanne Lum, An Illustrated History of the Chinese in America, (1979) Pitcher, Philip Wilson, In and About Amoy (1912)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212470, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "themselves they had to turn to migration to urban centres and overseas emigration, and to nonfarm work in the villages.\n\nFollowing the path of the traditional junk trade, overseas emigration was common in southern Fukien (Fujian) and eastern Guangdong in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, but it did not spread to the rest of Guangdong until the nineteenth century. In the 1860s, when the European powers were initiating mining and plantation projects in Southeast Asia, and when the American continent was building transcontinental railways, China became a popular source for labour recruitment. There were three major emigrant areas in South China: first, southern Fujian and eastern Guangdong; second, the western part of the Pearl River delta and Siyi, namely Kaiping, Enping, Xinhui, and Xinning (later renamed as Taishan); and third, northeastern Hainan Island. People from the first area were the first to emigrate because of the junk trade with Southeast Asia.\n\nThe Nanking (Nanjing) Treaty following the Opium War in 1842, which stipulated the establishment of treaty ports along the coast of China, broke the Canton monopoly. The newly opened ports of Shanghai, Ningbo, Fuzhou and Amoy (Xiamen) competed with Canton for China's foreign trade. With the rich Yangzi River valley as its hinterland, Shanghai soon began to fulfill its extraordinary potential as a port of trade. By 1850 the volume of trade in Shanghai had surpassed that of Canton. Trade routes were diverted to these cities, causing a lot of porters and boatmen to lose their jobs. Canton was no longer a recipient of any substantial foreign investment. It went either to Shanghai or Hong Kong. The development of Hong Kong with a shift of British interest from Macau and Canton also attracted many Cantonese merchants to search for economic opportunities. For instance, Cantonese traders, artisans, and laborers from all neighbouring districts followed the British merchants in flocking to the British colony. Moreover, Hong Kong had become a major centre of Cantonese emigration abroad. The high points of overseas emigration came between 1890 and 1904. Between 1885 and 1900, a total of 1,830,572 Chinese emigrants embarked at the port of Hong Kong.\n\nThe overwhelming majority of the Cantonese emigration came from the Pearl River delta region, particularly from the counties shown in figure 1. The Xinning, Xinhui, Kaiping and Enping were known collectively as Siyi while Panyu, Nanhai and Shunde were Sanyi.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212495, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "Table 6\n\nZheng Guanying's Investment in Modern Enterprises\n\n29\n\n \n Item\n Amount (taels)\n Place\n \n \n Union Steamship Navigation Co.\n ?\n Shanghai\n \n \n China Merchants' Steam Navigation Co.\n 1,200\n Shanghai\n \n \n Yuehan Railway Co.\n ?\n Canton\n \n \n Renhe Insurance Co.\nShanghai Cotton Mill\nA Paper Manufactory\nA Glass Work\nA Dairy Co.\n ?\n?\n50,000\n?\n?\n Shanghai\nShanghai\n?\n?\nShanghai\n \n \n A Silk Filature\n ?\n ?\n \n \n Tongwen Book Co.\n 14,000\n Shanghai\n \n \n Ma'an shan Coal Mines\n ?\n ?\n \n \n Jinzhou Coal Mines\n 100,000\n ?\n \n \n Jilin Gold Mines\nXuancheng Coal Mines\nShandong Mines\nPingchuan Gold Mines\nMianning Gold Mines\nJianping Gold Mines\nChefoo Coal Mines\nYongping Gold Mines\n ?\n?\nseveral thousand\n36 shares + 4,320\n20 shares + several thousand\n?\nseveral thousand\n?\n Shanghai\n?\n?\n?\n?\n?\nPingxiang Coal Mines\nHupei\nNantaiwu Shan Coal Mines\nFujian\n \n \n Chengping Silk\n several thousand\n ?\n \n \n Kaiping\nCanton Land\n 5,000\n Canton\n \n \n Tianjin Kutang Land Reclamation\n 3,000\n Tianjin\n \n \n A Nacre Co.\n ?\n ?\n \n \n A Reclamation Project in Malaya\n ?\n Malaya\n \n \n Tianjin Peihailou\n ?\n Tianjin\n \n \n A Gambling Co.\n 5,000\n ?\n \n \n Total\n 232,520+?\n \n \n\nSources: Wu Chang-chuan, Cheng Kuan-ying: A Case Study of Merchant Participation in the Self-strengthening Movement (1878-1884): Xia-Dongyuan, Zheng Guanying Zhuan.\n\nearly development of modern Chinese enterprises. As shown in the case of Xu, Tang and Zheng, they not only provided funds to modern", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212518, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "52\n\nZang Yungtang (1767-1811) had studied in Suzhou in 1793, the centre of Han Learning at that time, and was invited by Ruan Yuan to edit the classical dictionary, Jing ji zhuan gu. In 1800 he was asked again by Ruan Yuan to collate the Thirteen Classics. He stayed on Ruan Yuan's personal staff until 1802. After failing the Metropolitan Examination, he went into business; then joined the personal staff of Yi Bingshou (1754-1815), who was then the Prefect of Yangzhou, in 1804, to write about the topography of Yangzhou. From 1807 onwards, he went back on Ruan Yuan's payroll, compiling Wu Dai shi [History of the Five Dynasties] at the behest of Liu Fengao (1761-1830).\n\nQian Taxin (1728-1804) came from a scholarly tradition, a grandson and son of noted men of learning. After obtaining his first degree at the age of 17 sui, he became residential tutor in a family with an excellent library which he used extensively. After attaining the jinshi degree in 1754, he remained in Beijing where he became friends with Dai Zhen and Ji Yun (1724-1805) who later became chief editor of the Si ku chuan shu. He directed the Chong shan Academy in Nanjing, and joined Ruan Yuan on the dictionary project in Hangzhou. He was the author of the critical notes on Er shi er shi kao yi [Twenty-two dynastic histories], 100 juan, 1782. Ruan Yuan's subordinate wife, Liu Wenru (1777-1849) was to compile the same for Er shi si shi [Twenty-four dynastic histories].\n\nChen Shouchi (1777-1834) of Minxian, Fujian had started his career with Zhu Gui. Afterwards he joined the faculty of Gu jing jing she and the Fu Wen Academy. He was recruited to work on Jing fu and Hai tang zhi by Ruan Yuan. At a later date, he served as editor-in-chief of Fujian tong zhi [Provincial gazetteer of Fujian] and Li xian fang zhi [Local gazetteer of the Li District of Jiangsu]. His own essays on the Classics, with several letters from Ruan Yuan, were printed in Zuo hai wen ji [Essays by Chen Shouchi].\n\nChen Wenxu (1775-1845) of Hangzhou was a “student” of Zhu Gui, who introduced him to Ruan Yuan. Ruan considered Chen one of the foremost poets of the province, and appointed him to his personal staff. He gained expertise in sea transport, salt administration, grain transport and flood control. He helped Ruan Yuan establish a humanitarian social welfare policy, including famine relief. He collected a large number of women students. Both his subordinate wives were acknowledged poets.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212529, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "10\n\n[bid\n\n||\n\n63\n\n&£#* (The\n\nHe You sheng, \"Chen Lan Fu di xue shu ji chi yen yuan\" [learning of Chen Lan Fu and its origins], Gu Gong Wen xian 2.4 (Taipei, 1971), 1-19. He's study on Ruan Yuan can also be found in \"Ruan Yuan di jing xue ji chi zhi xue fang fa\" [Classical scholarship of Ruan Yuan and his education policy], Gu Gong Wen xian 2:1:19-34 (1970).\n\n12 Liang Chi chao, qing dai xue wen gai lun [A discourse on Qing learning], (1921, Taipei Commercial Press reprint, 1975), 22\n\n13 Xiao Yi shan, ging dar tung shi [History of the Qing dynasty], (1935, Taipei Commercial Press reprint, 1976), 11 717.\n\n14 Hu Shi, Dai Dong yuan di zhe xue [The philosophical studies of Dai Zheng], 138.\n\n15 This is the only work of Ruan Yuan's that I have not been able to find. It was never printed because Ruan Yuan was not satisfied with the draft. The manuscript had been kept with Ruan Yuan's papers in his lifetime and subsequently disappeared. There was no indication whether it perished in the fires that destroyed the Ruan residence in Yangzhou in 1843, or that which burned down his studio, Wen xuan lou, in 1935.\n\n16 Ruan Yuan himself, as well as contemporary and modern scholars, complain often of the many errors in this edition. Ruan Yuan gave the excuse of not having had time to proofread the manuscript himself. In fact, he had been receiving admonitions from the Jiaqing Emperor at that time that he was expending too much time and energy on scholarly activities instead of concentrating on the affairs of state. Gungzhong dang (Palace memorials) Jiaqing 017818 (1817/29).\n\n17\n\nThis work was not printed during Ruan Yuan's lifetime, but is in Qing shi kao (Draft history of the Qing dynasty).\n\n18 There are a large number of these biographies of individual scholars, not necessarily all Ruan Yuan, scattered throughout rare book collections in various libraries. Copies of the biographies are also among the Guo Shih Guan (Qing Historiography Office) documents in the National Palace Museum (Taipei).\n\n19 For example, the Provincial Gazetteer of Fujian by Chen Shouchi, the Gazetteer of Yicheng by Liu Wenchi, and a new edition of the Gazetteer of the Prefecture of Yangzhou by Jiao Xun.\n\n20\n\nA contemporary print is in the collection of the Harvard-Yenching Library.\n\n21 Struve, 233\n\n22 Ruan Yuan, Ding Xiang ting bi ji [Informal notes from the Ding Xiang studio] 4:1b-2a.\n\n23 [bid.\n\n24 Ruan Heng, Ying zhou pi tan [Notes from Yingzhou] 1.4b; also Ruan Yuan, Yen jing shi ji [Notes written in the Yen jing studio] 11:8:8a.\n\n24 Zhang Jian, et al, Let tang an zhu di zi ji [The life of Ruan Yuan as recorded by his sons and students] 1:19b.\n\n26 The preface was dated 1804, but the work was not printed until later, in 1807 when the manuscript was finally acceptable to Ruan Yuan.\n\n27 Preface of a work entitled Ji Gu Zhai Chong ding yi chi kuan shi, printed in 1853. A copy can be found in the Fu Ssu-nien Library of the Academia Sinica in Taipei.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213289, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 111, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "91\n\nThere are, for example, the Nine Stars and the 24 Mountains. The 24 Celestial Mansions, the 24 Fortnightly Climatic Periods, the 24 Characters, and the Five Elements are also represented. The compass, made from timber and coated with lacquer, not only tells direction, namely east, south, west, north and centre (the 'five' cardinal points), but it also shows the position of the sun at different periods of the year. To use the compass the base is placed parallel with the door, wall or other object to be oriented. The rings are then rotated so that things are lined up.\n\nAs a model of the universe, then, the loh poon helps its fung shui master interpret and predict, from the mystic Chinese characters, the client's future. This is done with the 'Eight Trigrams' forming the paat kwa (the eight-sided divining diagram as detailed in the I Ching) which is displayed on the inner section of the compass (Sung, 1934; and Sung, 1935). With the 'Eight Trigrams' two parallel continuous lines represent the 'Great Male Principle', and two parallel broken lines represent the 'Great Female Principle', and so on.\n\nThe ancient book, the I Ching, is regarded as almost sacred in some quarters and dates back to about 2800 BC, although the oldest extant commentaries were probably written closer to 1300 BC (Markert, 1986). The I Ching deals with prognostication, fortune telling and philosophy, with sets of symbols and different ways of combining these symbols so that they form titular statements. Much is written in poetic language which is difficult for the lay Chinese to understand.\n\nThese Trigrams mentioned above, made up of broken and unbroken lines in various relationships, are loathed by evil spirits in the same way that Holy Water, blessed by a Christian Priest, will fight evil.\n\nIn fact in China's Fujian Province, to the North-east of Hong Kong, large circular, communal dwellings have one ring of houses encircling another ring (Huang, 1994, 11). A whole complex, as large as an Olympic stadium, houses hundreds of families. Such structures are said to be earthquake proof and designed to provide natural temperature control. Each complex is shaped similar to the baat kwa, as outlined above.\n\nAs previously stated Chinese culture is woven around the 'Five Elements' in various ways (Needham, 1956, 243). The Five are employed, in fung shui, after consulting both the lunar and solar calendars (which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213365, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "171\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nNOTES ON CHEUNG PAO TSAI\n\nANTHONY SIU KWOK-KIN\n\nCheung Pao Tsai, also known as Cheung Pao Tsai, was the son of a fisherman living along the coast of San Hui county in the Kwantung province. He was kidnapped by Chang Yat, leader of the pirates of the Red Flag Squadron, at the age of fifteen. Because he was young and clever, he was forced to be a pirate. He managed all business very well, and was soon promoted to be headman. In 1807, Chang Yat died at sea in a great storm. His wife, Shek Yeung (also known as Chang Yat Sao by the pirates), and his nephew Chang On Bong led the Red Flag pirates. Chang On Bong was very timid. Thus, Cheung Pao became a good assistant to Chang Yat Sao. She appointed Cheung Pao to be the chief headman, and placed the whole crew under his sway, while she commanded all the squadron.\n\nCheung Pao was a good assistant of Chang Yat Sao. He was very faithful and obedient to her. He did everything only with her permission. She trusted him well, and his suggestions were generally approved. He could command the Red Flag Squadron with her consent. Thus, people at that time only knew the name Cheung Pao, and all the piratical disasters in the South China Sea were said to be done by him.\n\nCheung and his gang plundered along the coast of the Canton Delta from 1808 to 1810, concentrating on the Heung Shan, San Hui, San Ning, Pan Yu, and Tung Kwun counties. Of these, Heung Shan faced the greatest disaster. At first, they only robbed the merchant ships at sea. Later, being encountered by the Ching navy, they turned inland and robbed the villages they could reach by boats. Then, because of the strong resistance made by the villagers, and being defeated by the Imperial force for many times, Cheung was forced to surrender in 1810. He was given the title of a Shoubei or captain in the navy, and he helped to pacify the rest of the pirates in the South China Sea. He married Chang Yat Sao. Because of his bravery in the navy, he was promoted to be a Fujiang or major-general. He died in 1822.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213416, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 12, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "this Society's main objectives is to produce an annual journal. Contributions to the Journal from members are always very welcome and so please do contact our editor, Mr. Peter Halliday.\n\nOther Activities\n\nThe Society is fortunate in having a very outward and enthusiastic Activities Committee. For the first half of the year until her departure from Hong Kong Mrs. Rosemary Lee was the Chairman, and for the last few months, Mrs Anita Wilson has taken on this mantle, and more recently Mr. Geoffrey Roper has done so, and will be doing so in future. To all of them I would like to offer our sincere thanks. The Committee's efforts are there for all to see We have had 12 lectures at the City Hall:\n\n \n Date\n Title\n Lecturer\n \n \n 28 Apr 95\n A Fujian Hakka Village Temple Alliance\n Dr. John Lagerway\n \n \n 19 May 95\n Reflexivity in Research and a Question of Culture\n Dr Mary Pang (A study of Chinese in Britain)\n \n \n 23 Jun 95\n Contemporary Chinese Painting. Metamorphosis or Misrepresentation?\n Ms. Catherine Maudsley\n \n \n 7 Jul 95\n Fung Shui Woods of Hong Kong\n Mr. Richard Webb\n \n \n 15 Aug 95\n Liberation Evening (2 videos and brief talk) held at Royal HK Regiment Mess, Beaconsfield House\n Dr Elizabeth Sinn\n \n \n 29 Sep 95\n Hong Kong 1931-1941\n Ms. Mimi Chan\n \n \n 20 Oct 95\n A Guide to Hong Kong Literature\n \n \n \n 17 Nov 95\n Marine Bio-Diversity Protection in Hong Kong\n Prof. Brian Morton\n \n \n 15 Dec 95\n Hong Kong's Wild Places\n Mr Edward Stokes\n \n \n 12 Jan 96\n Hong Kong - A Woman's Place?\n Dr. Veronica Pearson\n \n\nxi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213770, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "93\n\nFROM LANGMING ORDINATION NAMES TO GONGMING IMPERIAL DEGREES: STUDY OF A HAKKA RELIGIOUS PRACTICE AND ITS DECLINE\n\nCHAN WING-HOI\n\nFrom what we know about Chinese religion, ritual experts / magicians appear to be specialists living among lay populations whom they serve but who are not otherwise involved in their tradition. One notable exception is the case of the Yao who practiced a system of ritual obviously originated from the Han people. The Yao however differ from what we know about Han communities in that, generally, becoming a “Daoist” magician is part of their initiation into full adulthood.' Another important difference is that rituals of ancestral worship and those for the worship of gods appear to be separate among the Han but not among the case of Yao and She ethnic groups.\n\nReading the ritual manuals of ritual experts of Guangdong and Fujian provinces who claim to be Daoist, and of those from the Yao, one notices that they share a literary style that is quite different from the manuals in the Daoist Canon. As I shall show later, they share a peculiar group of gods central to their traditions but not found in the canonical tradition except a mention in the Southern Song dynasty of the magic of the \"sorcerers\" Moreover, we find in some Han genealogies, especially those of the Hakka, indications of similar practices of ordination and related customs. Instead of showing that the Hakka were of Yao or related non-Han minority origin, it confirms that the Yao practice is derived from a practice widespread among their Han neighbors that is less well documented.\n\nGenealogies from among the Hakka of Guangdong and nearby provinces collected by the late Hakka scholar Luo Xianglin, and those found in the collections from the New Territories of Hong Kong, provide records of such ordinations from as early as the 10th Century. Many villagers in the New Territories have ordained ancestors, some held occasional celebrations which suggest that ancestral worship among those people could have been very different from what it is now, before the 18th Century when new ordination names were no", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213773, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "96\n\nthat the religion is of Han origin. e.g. the use of Han language in the manuals, especially when the Yao use it for ritual purposes alone; that the Southern Song Daoist's description, to be discussed later, of the \"ancestry\" of the sorcerers magic does not mention at all that this is the practice of a minority people; and that major elements of the tradition (though perhaps not ordination itself) is shared by the Fujian, Cantonese and Hakka ritual specialists.\n\nHakka genealogies have adopted different theories about those names. One asserts that those names were given by \"Daoists\". One example is a genealogy of the Lius, revised probably in 1920.\n\nIn the previous compilation names of ancestors from Song to Yuan times had names calling them fa and lang, with numbers involving ten, hundred, thousand to ten thousand, and disregarding seniority among brothers. It was because customs of those times gave Daoists considerable power, to the extent that names were given by Daoists.\"\n\nSimilarly, the genealogy of the Lins of Hang Ha Po explained that \"during that time [which?] it was popular to be ordained by the Heavenly Master Zhang. Those who obtained such ordination are to be called by their famung and langhao, which is to be passed down to future generations and never forgotten.\" That such a claim cannot be wholly true can be shown easily by comparing the names with those found in Daoist ritual documents. There the Daoist names, although possibly different from the everyday names that they identify, are not different in form from ordinary names.\n\nAnother example, the Sixing He's 4th Genealogy, claimed that the eleven sons and one daughter of an ancestor Weitai, had all attained the status of immortals; they are therefore identified by langming ordination names in their entries. Yet another theory is proposed in the genealogy of the Luos of Luobo, compiled between 1914 and 1930. It contains a lengthy attempt to refute interpretation of lang names as ordination names. It objected to what it alleged to be popular belief that such names were religious names given by Shimu sorcerers. Basically, it brings our attention to lang being used as a rank during the Yuan and Ming dynasties, and numbers possibly used to refer to heads of household. This does not explain the combination of lang and the numeric expressions, especially those prefixed by a non-numeric character. Nor does it explain the ordination names of the other format. More importantly, his theory", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213775, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "98\n\nreceived.\" There were unsuccessful attempts by a county magistrate to eliminate these and other customs relating to belief in sorcerers and shamans. The practice is also mentioned, as prechang dushui, in the Third Gazetteer of Yongan County, compiled about 1822, which gives very slightly more but very useful information. It mentions that \"those ordained\", again, \"were given white [ordination] certificates and yellow [celestial] mandate”, and, in addition, “slaughtered animal for sacrifice for the rite of Fengchao\". Similarly the Changle County Gazetteer of about 1845 mentioned very briefly the practice, as, again, jrechang dushui,22\n\nWe cannot preclude the possibility that the Hakka ordination actually amount to initiation to the practice of magic as in the Yao case, as the Xueshan Gazetteer mentioned that men in Kaijian “like to study to be a sorcerer.21\n\nThe Tradition of Lü Shan and Mao Shan\n\nThe Hakka and the Yao were ordained under a religious tradition distinct from Daoism and Buddhism which may be called the Lu Shan tradition. Popular traditions of “Daoist\" ritual experts of Fujian, Guangdong Cantonese and Hakka, and the Yao had in common the Lu Shan Jiu Lang, his disciples and a Wang Tai Mu which is often confused with the Daoist goddess Wang Mu. The canonical Daoist gods appear to have been incorporated at a time later than Southern Song dynasty, while the characteristic group of gods still occupies a central position.\n\nProbably the earliest mention of the Lu Shan Jiu Lang's tradition is a passage about the wuze's (\"sorcerers\") magic / method of exorcism from the Southern Song dynasty which gave the names of Lu Shan Jiu Lang, his successors and predecessors. The passage is in the Sayings of Bai Yuchan,25 the famous Daoist who was active in Guangdong, Jiangxi, Jiejiang and Fujian around 1220. Bai is obviously talking about something that had begun before his time, as he mentioned several names of these \"sorcerer's magic” that existed \"in the past\". The account began, curiously, with The King of Sha Tan, which can be interpreted by a sinicization of Satan. The magic originated with the King of Satan, who passed it to the King of Pan Gu, who in turn passed it to the King of Asura, who in turn passed it to a Wei Tou Shi Wang,26 King of Changsha, Tou To Wang, Lu Shan Jiu Lang, Meng Shan Ji", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213776, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "99\n\nLang, Heng Shan Shi Lang, Zhao Hou San Lang, Zhang Zhao Er Lang, and \"countless others\"\n\n17\n\nOnly the Lü Shan Jiu Lang, Zhao Hou San Lang and Zhang Zhao Er Lang are found in the Cantonese and Hakka ritual specialists' manuals, and Yao ritual manual from Qujiang County, Guangdong and Guangxi Province. But their predecessors, however unlikely, were not invented by Bai Yuchan or his disciples. We do see mention of the King of Asura, Tou To Wang, and Changsha Wang in a Yao manual from Liannan. The King of Asura as a major god is not one would expect in a Chinese context as the Buddhist (as well as the Hindu) consider Asura \"powerful demons\", although the same gods represents good in Persian mythology. Interestingly, there were some gods whose native place was what could be sinicization of Persia in the Liannan document.\n\nThe gods Zhao Hou San (3) Lang and Zhang Zhao Er (2) Lang appeared in the Yao ritual manuals from Qujiang county and in a slightly altered form in excerpts from Guangxi Province. They were featured together with Lu Shan Jiu Lang in the local Cantonese priestly tradition. The latter has a manual entitled Daojiao Yuanliu (“The Origin of Daoism”) (NJYL) which is a handbook on both the style of rituals with the Lü Shan Jiu Lang and the Wang Tai Mu in a central position, and another style more closely related to the Canonical tradition. In the Taiwan and Fujian case, the connection with Lu Shan Jiu Lang was mentioned in the hagiography of Chen Jinggu, a goddess central to one school of the Taiwanese ritual experts as well as the local Cantonese and Hakka ritual specialists. Although there are many versions of her story, they agree that she lived during the Five Dynasties period, in Fujian. According to the Ming work San Jiao Yuanliu Shou Shen Da Chuan, believed to be the work of popular authors of Fujian, She was a disciple of Lu Shan Jiu Lang. The book illustrates the entry with a man in Daoist garment holding a cow's horn, the latter being one of the objects common to the local Hakka and Cantonese and the Taiwanese \"popular\" magicians. More recent versions of Chen's story named the famous Xu Xun who was accepted as the patriarch of a respectable school of Daoism, identifying Xu with Lu Shan Fa Zu, the patriarch of Lu Shan. Although this may seem a change in the genealogy reflecting change of alliance between different schools of magic, some Yao material suggests that the two\n\n14", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213777, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "100\n\npersonalities were the same. In an enumeration of patriarchs of their magic the Yao manuals from Liannan do name Xu Jiangyang (i.e. Xu Xun) just before a Zhang Zhao Lang (probably referring to Zhang Zhao Er Lang) and a Zhao San Lang (probably Zhao Hou San Lang). Comparing the position of Xu Xun in this account with the Cantonese DJYL which alleged the Zhang Zhao Er Lang and Zhao Hou San Lang were disciples of Lü Shan Jiu Lang, one may surmise that Lü Shan Jiu Lang is none other than Xu Xun. 36\n\nWe notice three different styles of names in this genealogy of the magic of sorcerers related by Bai. The first group had titles ending with wang \"King\", the second titles beginning with what looks like the name of a mountain followed by a number and the word lang, and the third beginning with a surname and ending in a pattern similar to the second. The first two characters in the titles of the third group seem at first reading two surnames which leads one to guess they refer to more than one person (3 in the case of Zhao Hou San (3) Lang and 2 in the case of Zhang Zhao Er (2) Lang). Of the gods of the second group the format of their title bears close resemblance to the names of some gods found since at least the Southern Dynasties. It was this third format that we have seen above appearing as ritual names of some class of persons initiated by traditions of magic found among the Yao, the She and the Hakka.\n\nThe Southern Song passage has a note under Lu Shan saying that it was a mountain in Luzhou or what is Liaoning province in Northeastern China. A work of anecdotal literature of the Jin period, by Yuan Haowen (1190-1257), did mention a Lu Shan Gong temple or Lu Shan temple in Guangning, near Lu Shan in the present Liaoning province, which was certainly in honor of the god of the Lü Shan. The temple was said to be very daunting. It housed ugly and fearful images, so much so that people who entered during day time were frightened. The name of the other two mountains can be found in many different parts of China, making it difficult to determine their locations. In the case of Heng Shan, the one referred to in the name of the god may be related to the one in the story of Sishan Zhang Daidi\". But a popular novel from Fujian in late Qing dynasty, featuring as its central figure Chen Jinggu, allegedly the disciple of Lu Shan Fazu, quoting what it claims to be a saying known in Fujian at its time, suggested that the place is in Fujian province itself. I believe that Lu Shan could have been somewhere in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213781, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "104\n\nLang on his grave tablet. Given the pattern of ordination names it seems that both Fa Ying and Qian Yi Lang were ordination names, and the latter is given at a higher stage of initiation and therefore used on the grave tablet instead of the other names.\n\nOrdination names can be found in most Hakka genealogies. In Luo's book of excerpts the couple of genealogies in which ordination names are absent are very short, covering just a few generations. Among about 14 Hakka genealogies in the collections from Hong Kong that I have examined there is none that does not contain ordination names. Given the fact that dates of birth and death are not often indicated and that moves were frequent, it will take another study to track down in more detail the location and approximate date of ordinations. The examples chosen here give a rough picture.\n\nIf we count names that match the ordination name patterns but not designated as such in genealogies, the earliest men to have such names include a Liao Songde (602-) who is known alternatively as Xue Wu(5) Lang, and remembered as the founding ancestor of the Liaos at Ningdu, Jiangxi province.\n\nIf we limit ourselves to those ordination names designated as such the earliest ancestors in genealogies I examined bearing such names belong to the Suns of Zhangfengbao of Xingning county, and the Hes of Xingning. The Suns' founding ancestor of Guangdong, Jiangxi and Fujian provinces was allegedly conferred a title of hou (“marquis”) in 884, who settled in Ningdu of Jiangxi later. The genealogy, which showed only one ancestor for each generation until the 14th, showed ordination names for the 3rd and 7th to 10th generations. The 3rd generation ancestor probably lived during the Five Dynasties. The genealogy of Zhongba of Zijin, another genealogy which traced to the same founding ancestor, shows the names of his 7 grandsons, as well as the sons and grandsons of one of them, giving ordination names for almost all of those. In the other early example, that of the Hes, the earliest ancestor to have an ordination name is the father of a Da Yi Lang, the latter lived from 892 to 992.63 Although the genealogy gave the names of ancestors from many generations earlier, none of his predecessors had ordination names. During the Song the founding ancestor of the Wens of Xingning who moved to Fujian, again from Jiangxi, also had an ordination name.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213782, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "105\n\nIn the Southern Song period the first ancestor (“29th generation\" in the Xus' genealogy, who lived, again, in Jiangxi Province, had the names of Er Shi Jiu (29) Lang, whose grandsons moved to Fujian “at the end of Song dynasty\". The genealogy consistently includes langming designation only when more than one name is given for an ancestor. The first of such examples is a 39th generation ancestor. Although no date is given for him, he was probably a century earlier than a 43rd generation ancestor who lived during the Yongle years (1403-1424). Some segments of this Xu clan had ordination names, with the exception of about five consecutive generations during early Ming dynasty, during a period that spans about 20 generations ending in early Qing. Another Xu genealogy, related to the Xu clan above, using another system of numbering generations, named three ancestors in the 2nd, 3rd and 4th generations with ordination names, the last, a sorcerer/curer widely respected among his kinsmen even long after his death, lived between Wanli and Zhengtong (1436-1619).\n\n65\n\nFor the period between Song and Yuan we have more examples. The Fourth Genealogy of the Hes of Shixing names many ancestors with ordination names; among the earliest were a Wu Lang who moved to Fujian from “[Jiang]Nan ji[di] Luzhou” sometime between the times of Song Jiezong (1086-1100) and Yuan Chengzong (1295-1307). I have already mentioned another genealogy of the He, in which the sons and daughters of the founding ancestor Weitai were all claimed to be “immortals”, at least four generations before an ancestor who moved between 1086 and 1307. L. Hade, to whom many genealogies of the Li surname trace, had several sons with ordination names, whose birth dates were given in one genealogy as 1329-1333. During the Ming the Yaos of Shixing Pingyang Tang had names in the lang style since the first ancestor named in the genealogy who lived near the end of Song. During the Ming there was an ancestor who had an ordination name designated as such, who moved to Shixing of Nanxiong in 1451. Similarly the Miaos had many names in the ordination name styles since their move to the present Guangdong province, with one for an ancestor who died around 1452 designated as such.\n\nNew ordination names probably stopped being included in genealogies early in the Qing dynasty. I have already mentioned the case of the Xus. For this last period there were examples in several Hakka genealogies from the New Territories of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213794, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "117\n\nfrom singing Mountain Songs, at least within the vicinity of the village. I lived in the village for about 10 years before 1974. A neighbour in the village in her 30s in the 1960s did sing them for fun at home from a book compiled by a modern author and brought from a bookstore. According to an older woman in the same village, born around 1910, those songs were exchanged mainly among female villagers while working outside the village. They did not sing them within the village, because otherwise a village leader would scold them. My recent interviews in the village show that this leader is a member of the lineage segment that produced some degree holders not so many generations before, and his other contribution to the lineage was the compilation of a genealogy that incorporates information from genealogies from other counties that trace to the same ancestors. Unfortunately, unlike ordination names which are recorded in genealogies, spirit tablets, and grave stone inscriptions, Mountain Songs do not leave much dateable information, and it is improbable that much evidence can be found bearing on the status of Mountain Songs among the Hakka before the 17th Century.\n\n1\n\n1\n\nE\n\nNOTES\n\nOne may speculate that such widespread ordination may be related to their claim of exemption from corvee levy. But for ordinations to be used to back a claim for such exemption, they probably have to be either Daoist or Buddhist, and I do not think the ordination names of the Yau or of the Hakka could be accepted as Daoist by the imperial Chinese governments.\n\nLuo Xianglin, Kejia Yanjiu Daolun, vol. 1, Hong Kong: Zhongguo Xueshe, 1965.\n\nFor example, the first ancestor of the House of Kam Tin and nearby villages of the New Territories to come to the region is a Hon Wu Lang. The ancestor of the Pengs of Fanling, N.T., who came with his father to the region is a Peng Fa Guang. Both names match the style of ordination names found among the Hakka, and some of their descendants' villages are the only ones in the N.T. which hold the rite of Hongtou, which relates closely to the Hakka sang tradition. See David Faure, The Structure of Chinese Rural Society, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1986, for the two lineages and the rite of Hongtou, and a Chicken Song ritual.\n\nAlthough some examples of the non-numeric character could be interpreted as forming a numeric expression with the character that followed, e.g., \"nian\" could mean twenty, they were probably not intended as such. As I shall elaborate later, some of those characters seen thus used in the Hakka genealogies are also found among the She minorities of Fujian to indicate generation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213795, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "118\n\n*In Jiang Yinghang, Xinan Bianjiang Minzu Lancong, prefaced 1948, reprinted Taiwan Xinwenfeng Chuban Gongsi 1978. pp 224-228\n\n*Jacques Lemoine, Yao Ceremonial Paintings. Bangkok White Lotus Co Ltd, 1982, pp 24-27\n\n7 See for example Lemoine, op cit, for references to the god as a patriarch of the Yao religion in their documents\n\n*There is evidence suggesting that in the Hakka case the attainment of the fang title does not rely on his sons subsequently being initiated to a high level, as in some Yao cases mentioned in Zhongguo Xinan Yu Dongnanya de Kunjia Minzu. In at least one Hakka case, that of a Xu which we should mention later, the man had a fang styled ordination name but no descendants\n\nリ\n\n*Shi Lian-zhu, She Zu, Beijing Minzu Chubanshe, 1988, pp 113-115\n\n*Meng Hui-ying, Hetai Shenhua (*Living Myths - A Study in the Myths of Chinese Ethnic Minorities*), Tianjin Nankai Daxue Chubanshe, 1990, pp 116-2. See Also ibid p. 222 for a description of the ceremony, which included the learning of 'magic'\n\n\"See, for example, Shezu hanshi, Fujian Fujian Renmin Chubanshe, 1980, p 104. The same characters are found in some Hakka genealogies as a character put before a numeric character to form a name of the fang format. Studies on the She, for example articles in Shi Lianzhu ed. Shezu Yanjiu Lunwenji, Minzu Chubanshe 1987, has shown that the She was in close contact with the Hakka in earlier times. Most of them speak a version of Hakka, apparently as their only language. The She called themselves shan ha, 'guests of the mountain', reminiscent of the name the Hakka used for themselves (Hakka or \"guest\" families'). There are some interesting features of the Hakka language that have not yet attracted the attention of students of language. Although the Hakka of the New Territories of Hong Kong called their Cantonese neighbors va (Hakka pronunciation of she) derogatorily, they do use va for person in certain contexts, e.g. gido sa (\"how many people\"). Sometimes hat, is used instead (gido ha), as is in another expression long ha ('two people'). I suspect that this ha is the same as the ba in shan ha by which the She called themselves. In fact, the Hakka pronunciation of She as Sa could have been a shortened form of san ha. Some books written in the Hakka dialect, however, write sa in such context as chat (\"fellows')\n\n\"See Zhonghua Minzu Fengsu Cudian, Jiangxi Jiaoyu Chubanshe, 1988, p 288-9 under their Luo, op cit, p 230\n\nont\n\nFor example the one in the Savings of Bai Yuchan in the Daoist Canon, vol. 1016\n\nIs Included in Luo, op cit, pp 97-98\n\nIn In Luo op cit p 161\n\n17 In his arguments he does bring our attention to an interesting point fang as a title of some", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213797, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 149, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "120\n\n24\n\nН\n\nTou To Wang, Changsha Wang and various Muowang \"demons\" I have not consulted Shuton Yoshio eds. Yao Documents (Tokyo Kodansha 1975)\n\nFor example the Buddhist concept of Liu Dao, and the Asura was summoned by the Devil King to fight the Buddha in the Dunhuang narrative literature Buo Muo Branwen, in Dunhuang Brannen, in Tarper Shipe Shuju reprint, 1980, p 347 But in a passage of the Hua Yan Jin quoted by Hong MA,, op cut P. 1680, the King of Asura was among those summoned by the Bodhisattva to come to the rescue of those in turmoil\n\nBut Muowang \"Demon Kings' also featured in canonical Daoism in which They have been conquered by the Daoist gods and can be summoned by Daoist for protection\n\nEven then the Jade Emperor's native place, according to the same document, was \"Puo Xi\" which could have been Persia too\n\nSee Jiang op eit for Qujiang, and Hu Qiwang et al Bancun Yang, Minzu Chubanshe, 1983, for Guangxi Province\n\n\"See Lagerwey for the present situation\n\n\"The SJYLSSDC as we see now, a Qing reprint of the Ming book, has a passage that says Chen went to Lu Shan to study magic. But the next four characters do not make sense The crucial characters will give the master's name as Jiu Lang and can be found in reprints in a more recent series A Ming version reprint of the same book, under the title of Sanpao Yuanliu Shengdi Faozu Shoushen Dachuan, in the series Zhongguo Mijian Xinvang Zijido Hunbuan, Taiwan, 1989, gets most of the characters right. Compare also Shi Shen, a Qing manuscript also reprinted in the same series that quotes a Zheng Shou Shen ji, the passage is otherwise identical with SJYLSSDC\n\n\"See for example Lagerwey, perhaps Liu Zhiwan also. Note the latter being account of practice of the Zhang Fazu sect, which seemed not to involve the Lu Shan Jiu Lang at all\n\nTh\n\nInteresting information is found in John Lagerwey was not mentioned, instead \"John Keupers\", \"A Description of the Fa-ch'ang Ritual as Practiced by the Lu Shan Taoists of Northern Taiwan\", in Saso and Chappell eds Buddhist and Taoist Studies 1. Hawaii University of Hawaii, 1977, p 83 This article on the Lu Shan San Nai sect shows, without saying so, that the confusion has multiplied as the priest has mistaken the pair Lu Shan Jiu Lang and Wang Tu Mu for Dong Wang Gong and Xi Wang Mu, two prominent gods in canonical Daoism, and by two steps of substitution (Xu Xun = Lu Shan Jiu Lang, Dong Wang Gong = Lu Shan Jiu Lang) identified Dong Wang Gong with Xu Xun\n\n-\n\nSee for example the San Jiao Shou Shen Da Chuan\n\nMin Du Wai Ji by den He Qiu, reprinted 1987 by Fujian Renmin Chubanshe\n\nYuan Hao-wen, Yi Jian Zhi, Reprint Beijing Zhonghua Shuju, 1988\n\n14\n\nALL\n\nOp eit pp 1181, 1429\n\n+", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213799, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "122\n\n* DJYL.cl_Zhongggo Minyan Xinvang Zhu Shen Xian Zhuan, a Taiwanese work published by different Hong Kong publishers each assigning a different author\n\n\"Michel Strickmann \"History, Anthropology, and Chinese Religion”. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 1980, vol 40, pp 201-48\n\n**Anonymous, Yi Wen Zongfu, reprint Shanghai Commercial Press 1937, pp 5-6. It is interesting to note that his enviable destiny is due to possession of ten thousand strings of certain coins (zhengku qian), I fail to find out what exactly they are, but they are probably significant as magic objects rather than money\n\n19 In Luo op cit, pp 365-375\n\n+\n\nLuo, op cit, p 210\n\n* Bao' Liao Shr Zongpu, in Luo, op cit, pp 357.\n\n* In Luo, op cit. p 102\n\n+\n\nWho moved to Fujian from Nanjing, i.e. Lu Jiang, yun, probably part of the present Anhui province\n\n** In Luo, op cit, p167 In some cases of the Wens for some ancestors two names are given for each, one of the simpler form and another prefixed by a numeric or non-numeric character Only names of the second form are designated as ordination names I am not sure if the names of the simpler form actually represent a more preliminary level of initiation\n\n[Check also the Lins of Hang Ha Po, Taipo, NT, note connection claimed with the Tian Hou Check also the Chens of She Shan]\n\nLuo, op. cit. pp. 97-99\n\n*See Faure, op Cit, pp 67-68 for a brief account of the relationship between some of the lineages/segments\n\n+9\n\n70\n\nThe Xing[ng] Mei[vian] YuuanYuan Lishi Pu Chao in Luo, op cit p48. The dates do not tally with the genealogy of the Lis of Shuen Wan and Chung Mei of Bao'an County which gives the date of birth of a 6th generation descendant of Hede as about the time the Song government moved to Southern China\n\nLuo, op cit, p 256\n\n1\n\nLuo op cit. p 281\n\n71\n\nThis ancestor travelled by standing on clouds and by riding bamboo horses (cf the tale about the Three Ladies Chen in ZHJLS), and was given the title of 'General for The Protection of Kingdom\" The genealogy contains two alternative stories that explained", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213801, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "124\n\nI am not sure if any link exists with some belief that descendants of those imitated in Mao Shan magic will have physical imperfection.\n\nThe villagers of Lin Au are of Zheng and Li surnames. According to Mi Li Fu'an, in his mid-60s, the Zhengs had two ancestral hails there. One represents the lineage which moved from Shing Moon, and the other, the one which celebrated the Fengchao, was from Luoding. Li said the latter never had a genealogy, and are not genealogically related to the other Zhengs. According to Li, both the Zhengs and the Lis have lived in Lin Au for nine generations. The only Zheng of the lineage from Luoding now living in the village is a young man who did not know about the practice, and others have emigrated to Germany and other foreign countries. The other Zhengs used to witness the rite and Li said the groom was to carry an incense burner (being in bat) until dawn, probably the end of the rite. Li also learned from the other Zhengs that a groom can have the rite performed only if his father did so, and usually the first and last sons of a man have the rite performed.\n\nIn my recent visit to Cheng Tau, Ha Hang and Shan Tau Kok, I have found little about those villages. Ha Hang, whose villagers are probably all of the Li surname, have two ancestral halls. Shan Tau Kok is a multi-surname village where the Zhengs form a separate cluster of houses which include an ancestral hall.\n\nThe contents of the document is in one of the priest's manuals. I do not have a copy and did not write down anything when he showed it to me because I thought I would be able to make a copy of the manual afterwards. This document may be the \"white [ordination] certificate\" mentioned by Guangdong Xinyu and the gazetteer mentioned above. In my recording of the rite of Fengchao, a series of ordination names were recited during one session. I have to check if those are ordination names of the priest's ancestors or those of the client's.\n\n* The genealogy bears the title of Chenst Yuanlia Zupa, included in the British Library's Baker collection of genealogies of the New Territories, but is referred to in some lists as the Genealogy of the Chens of Ting Kok and Ping Yeung. Ordination names are found first in the 87th generation of the first section, among some brothers and cousins who moved to Fujian and Guangdong provinces. The following helps to date the 87th generation. A son of a brother of the 79th generation ancestor obtained a jiren degree in the year 889. Some brothers of the 84th generation ancestors moved \"during the disorder [caused by the invasion of?] the Yuan\". The 89th generation ancestor is a jinshi of Yuan dynasty. I fail to see how the \"Founding Ancestor of Fujian\" Jingwang in the second section of the genealogy relates to ancestors in the first section. A third section of the genealogy named the same Jingwang (ordination name Nian Yi(1) Lang) as the \"Founding Ancestor of Changle\" county, who was a descendant of a 83rd generation ancestor and a 86th generation ancestor, the latter being a brother of an ancestor in the earlier section. Jingwang's sons also had ordination names. According to a preface dated 1618, Jingwang moved to Changle some 200 years before then, i.e., around 1400. An 8th generation ancestor in the 3rd section moved to Ding'an of Xin'an county, probably Ting Kok in the New Territories. A 4th section of the genealogy started with Gulong as a second generation ancestor of Changle, who, according to a note before the section, was the third son of Jingwang, the Founding Ancestor of Changle, although Guilong's name does not match any of those of the sons of Jingwang in the previous section. Some of Guilong's 9th generation descendants moved to Ping Yeung of the New Territories. No ordination names are found in this 4th section.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213886, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 238, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "212\n\nthe return of Chen Jiongming from the neighbouring province of Fujian. Chen was the Governor-General of Guangdong in 1912 and 1913. After the failed \"Second Revolution\" in 1913 against Yuan, he escaped to Malaysia (while Sun to Japan) and developed his own anti-Yuan organization independent of Sun's party in Japan. When the Canton Government was established in 1917, nominally under Sun Yat-sen, he returned to Canton only to find that the guest armies had real control over the province. As a result, he gathered a small troop of soldiers made up of native Cantonese and moved to Fujian in early 1918, where he strengthened its fighting potential. Chen Jiongming's return was financially supported by a group of Chinese bankers, who were affiliated with Liu Zhubo, in Hong Kong. They advanced to Chen Jiongming an amount of $200,000 and promised to pay the Guangxi troops a “give-way fee”, if the armies retreated to their home provinces. The fighting could not wait for bargains, as in late October Chen Jiongming's army had forced its way into Canton. The Guangxi guest armies obtained the \"overdue army expenditure\" through a different means. The guest armies retreated westward to Guangxi, looting all the way home.\n\nThe return of the Cantonese troops under Chen Jiongming was welcomed by the Cantonese. The atmosphere in Canton, as reviewed in the newspapers, was that Chen Jiongming should be the Provincial Governor. Funds for a new government were promised by the merchants.\n\nAt this juncture, on November 25, Sun Yat-sen and his key supporters left Shanghai and triumphantly returned to Canton. He prepared to assume power again. After all, Chen was Sun's subordinate in 1913 and 1917. The situation Sun found on his return to Canton was not to his liking. Sun was made Director and Minister of the Interior in the restored government. Wu Tingfang was made Minister of Foreign Affairs. But Chen Jiongming had been planning for the future in Canton, and his list of titles was impressive. Chen was the Minister of War, Governor of Guangdong, Commander in Chief of the Guangdong Army, and High Inspecting Commissioner of Guangdong and Guangxi. In January of 1921, Sun summoned all available parliamentarians to a meeting in Canton. There was no quorum, but they voted anyway. At the end, the Parliament elected Dr. Sun Provisional President of China. Chen Jiongming was in no hurry to act, nor was he ready to listen to Sun. In an interview with the British Consul, Sun described his", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214315, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "137\n\nXU, THE DAOIST PERFECTED LORD XU ZHENJUN 許真君\n\nTHE PROTECTIVE DEITY OF JIANGXI PROVINCE\n\nKEITH STEVENS AND JENNIFER WELCH\n\nChinese Daoist and folk religion cults can in general terms be classified as nation-wide, provincial or local cults, the latter often limited to as few as one or two villages. Most studies of such cults made during the past half century have concentrated, for very good reasons, on Fujian and Guangdong communities in Hong Kong and Macao, Taiwan and South-east Asia as well as in Fujian and Guangdong provinces, and only a handful have described in any detail those cults limited to the more remote or less accessible provinces of Mainland China. The following short study is, in truth, no more than a tolerably full outline of a provincial cult which has spread to a limited extent into the neighbouring provinces of China. It is basically a medical cult, the deity revered for his skills in healing the sick; however, in a number of places there is also the added concept of the sick being healed by the deity using his power to cast out demons of sickness. Our particular cult is centred on the not so easily accessible southern province of Jiangxi.\n\nXu Sun, [known also as Xu Zhenren] is one of the numerous legendary Perfected Lords, the 'Immortals' or 'saints' of Daoism. He is the patron deity not only of the Xu clan but also of Jiangxi province. For at least two hundred years his cult has been very popular in the Jiangxi provincial capital, Nanchang [formerly Yu-chang] as well as throughout the whole province of Jiangxi and the immediately adjoining provinces where he is regarded as one of the most potent agents to cure sickness by ridding communities of the baleful spirits and demons who caused the sickness. He, in particular, was believed to be especially efficacious with diseases of the eye. According to Dudgeon, Xu was a doctor in Jiangxi province who, with six brothers, saved the province from devastating floods.\n\nA threesome, of Xu Zhenren and two other Immortals, Sun Zhenren and Wu Zhenren, are venerated as healers of the sick in many temples within communities from Jiangxi and Fujian, and in Fujian communities outside China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 177, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "141\n\nbeen sacked in the memory of man. When the Taiping rebels came to the walls of Nanchang in the middle of the 19th century, they saw sitting on it the figure of a huge man swinging his feet in the moat. He was apparently selling sandals three feet in length to the beleaguered citizens. That was enough for the attackers who turned and fled. It was the figure of Xu Xianzhen. This, however, was not true of the Wan Shou Gong at Xi Shan which, according to temple records obtained by Professor Liang Hongsheng. These are quite clear that since the Furen Palace was first constructed there in 1743, it was destroyed by fire first in 1820 and again in 1856, after it had been rebuilt in 1848, by the Taiping rebels. It was again repaired in 1871 only to be destroyed once more nearly a century later by Red Guards,\n\nSomewhat surprisingly Xu has been seen on altars in Taiwan, Singapore and Malaysia, possibly carried there by immigrants from Fujian province, a province immediately to the south of Jiangxi. His is, however, a minor cult deity.\n\nAn image of Xu, one of the minor healers in a group of five, on the main altar in a temple in Hsinchu, in northern Taiwan, portrays him as a standard Daoist immortal with a sword and small Daoist crown. The gilded image is swathed in a golden robe and all that can be seen are his face and bald head, his black beard and one hand holding the sword aloft. He and the others are collectively revered by devotees as celestial doctors who reveal herbal prescriptions for devotees through a spirit medium. The senior celestial doctor in the group of five is Yang Zhenren, better known perhaps as Yang Zhensong; the other three junior doctors being Xuan Zhenren, Wu Zhenren and Sun Zhenren. The old temple keeper who had founded the temple and is now dead, came over to Taiwan in the 1930s bringing the cults with him from Nanping in Fujian province, some 200 miles due south of Nanchang.\n\nA temple in Singapore, opened in 1971, has Cuji Zhenjun\n\nas the main deity on its main altar. The temple keeper was in no doubt that this deity was Xu Sun, a famous Song dynasty doctor, who was portrayed as a black-bearded, seated Daoist, dressed in colourful robes and a scholar's hat, but without any unique characteristics. His image is flanked by two aides who have not been noted anywhere else:\n\nCishui Lingguan Dadi\n\n刺水靈官大帝", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 178, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "142\n\nand Zheng Lingguan Yuanshuai EA\n\nXu Sun's festival is celebrated on the 1st of the eighth lunar month, though in a few of the temples a further minor festival is held on the 28th of the first lunar month.\n\nApart from his title, Xu Zhenjun and his personal name, Xu Sun, he is also known as:\n\nXu Xianzhen 許仙真\n\nXu Xian Zhenren 許仙真人\n\nXu Zhenren 許真人\n\nShengong Miaoji Zhenjun 神功妙濟真君\n\na Song dynasty title\n\nJingming Zhongxiao Dao 凈明忠孝道\n\na Song or Yuan dynasty title\n\nNote: This deity should not be confused with another, Xu Jia, also known as Xu Zhenren A nor should either cult be confused with yet another local deity, Xu Tianjun. A further complication arises from the identification by some temple keepers in Singapore and Taiwan of Xu as the local Chaozhou community Military Earth God, Gantian Dadi.\n\ni Chinese Medical Deities: 1870\n\nii Sun Simiao, one of the Ten Celebrated Physicians renowned not only as a herbalist but as a diagnostician was also of Jiangxi province.\n\niii Wu Ben, a herbalist of great renown born in a village near Xiamen in Fujian province. He is possibly better known by his title of Baosheng Dadi, the Great Emperor who Protects Life.\n\niv Fitkin, Gretchen Mae: The Great River - The Story of a Voyage on the Yangtze Kiang: Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh: 1922\n\nv Professor Liang is Head of the Department of History at the Jiangxi Normal University in Nanchang.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214510, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 368, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "337\n\nis good and allows for reasonably fast travel; the journey took about three hours. I had suggested to the guide beforehand that perhaps a stop along the way for \"refreshment\" would be in order. The bus pulled into an establishment that looked for all the world like a desert caravanserai, or some hostelry from the Wild West. The only commodity of any sort on sale was a type of large black mushroom, and a tea-like drink made from it. Our main interest, however, was with the toilet facilities - until we saw them, that is. A few of us were in enough need to make the considerable effort to go inside. Others decided to cross their legs for another couple of hours. I can only presume that German influence had not spread this far north.\n\nOn the way into the city of Yantai a large street-side sign was spotted saying \"No Whistling within the City Boundary\". Nobody could explain the purpose of this, unless it was a reaction to endless British tourists whistling Colonel Bogey.\n\nThe first point of interest in Yantai was the Fujian Hall. This was not in keeping with the colonial flavour of the trip, but was relevant to us southerners as being an outpost built in the north by the Fujian community that had been very active in business in the early days of Chefoo.\n\nMost of the old British remains are concentrated in a fairly small area - from the promontory of Yantai Hill east along the sea front to the former Chefoo School.\n\nYantai Hill is the place that once housed the British and other foreign consulates. It is very pleasant to walk the narrow roads and paths in this small area. A number of buildings remain, although very few are still used. Some are boarded up, and some remain only in the form of their foundations. It is not clear which was which, even with the benefit of old maps from the last century. However, a clear impression can be had of the peace and tranquility that still reign here, and of the commanding position that the residents must have had. I could almost hear a scratchy wind-up gramophone playing and the chink of ice in glasses of G&T.\n\nTo the west of the hill is the port, and there are still a number of small dock-side buildings that might date from the 19th century, but", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "183\n\n \nFriedman, Jonathan 1999 'The Hybridization of Roots and the Abhorrence of the Bush', Spaces of Culture: City - Nation - World, ed. Mike Featherstone and Scott Lash. Sage Publications. London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi.\n\nGuldin, Gregory E 1997 'Hong Kong Ethnicity: Of Folk Models and Change', Hong Kong: The Anthropology of a Chinese Metropolis, ed. Grant Evans and Maria Tam. Richmond; Curzon Press.\n\n1977a 'Little Fujian ('Fukien'): Sub-neighbourhood and community in North Point, Hong Kong', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (112-119).\n\n1977b Overseas at Home: the Fujianese of Hong Kong. Unpub. Ph.D. thesis, University of Wisconsin-Madison.\n\nHamilton, Gary 1999 'Hong Kong and the Rise of Capitalism in Asia' in Cosmopolitan Capitalists: Hong Kong and the Chinese Diaspora at the end of the Twentieth Century, ed. Gary Hamilton. Seattle. University of Washington Press.\n\nHarvey, David 1989 The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change. Cambridge (US), Oxford. Basil Blackwell.\n\nHobsbawm, Eric 1983 'Introduction: Inventing Traditions', The Invention of Tradition, ed. Eric Hobsbawm and Terry Ranger. Cambridge. Cambridge University Press.\n\nHughes, Christopher 2000 'Nationalism in Chinese Cyberspace' Cambridge Review of International Affairs Spring-Summer Vol XII no. 2 195-209\n\nJohnson, Graham 'Links to and through South China: Local, Regional, and Global Connections', Hong Kong's Reunion with China: the Global Dimensions. Ed. Gerard Postiglione and James Tang. New York. M.E. Sharpe.\n\nJolly, Margaret 1992 'Specters of Inauthenticity', The Contemporary Pacific 4;1, Spring (49-72)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215021, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "73\n\nmiles south of Kaohsiung in southern Taiwan. It was assumed that the twinning was linked in some way with the CLC cemetery but why a small town of Hokkien-speaking Chinese, ethnic Min Nan from Fujian province who during the era of the CLC were under Japanese colonial rule, would have any links with the deceased northern Chinese of the CLC, is hard to see. Perhaps the fishermen of Tungkang fled Shandong province ahead of the Communist advance in 1948 and settled there and have family memories of the labourers. Possibly some members of the CLC returned to China and they, or their off-spring, emigrated to Taiwan. Another possibility could be that they wished to remember and commemorate their fellow countrymen, now resting in a foreign country\n\nit is a subject for further investigation. Two characters are carved into the side of the plinth of one, Yidou which simply\n\n益都 means of Benefit to All.\n\nMy wife and I hope to return, to explore the area more fully as we have enjoyed our brief visits.\n\nMemorial\n\nIt is very surprising that after all the assistance the Chinese, together with their British officers and NCOs, rendered to the Allies, especially the British, there is still no specific memorial to them, whether they survived or died, other than the various cemeteries, mainly in Belgium and France, in which they lie buried. It is never too late to consider erecting a memorial at one of their major base camps, such as Noyelles-sur-Mer, but I suppose the Governments of the main countries concerned would not be interested in such a project.\n\nOn my\n\nvisits to World War I battlefields in Belgium and France, and if the opportunity arises for me to visit a cemetery in which members of the CLC, whether officers, NCOs or Labourers are interred, then I pay my respects, considering that, even though there may be few graves or many, I am honouring all who gave up their lives.\n\nFinale\n\nVarious articles, books and unpublished reminiscences have been used in the preparation of this article. It is not my intention, and never has been, for me to view the various files held at the Public Records", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215065, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 161, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "118\n\nand the ten celestial trunks.\" These indicate the cardinal points and all other directions, as well as calculating various phenomena according to Chinese beliefs, by which the specialist can work out the geographical position of Taisui and the times and places threatened by his presence. To find where Taisui will be during the forthcoming year, and he is believed to move annually, the compass is used by a fengshui expert, a geomancer; or for every day general use prognostications are simply looked up in the Farmer's Almanac.\n\nNowadays, the birth hour and date of an individual are matched to the movements of Taisui given in the Almanac thereby obtaining the auspicious and inauspicious dates for most social functions such as weddings, travel, starting a business or journey, launching a ship or burying the dead. Individuals whose future has been identified as clashing with the particular cycle through which Taisui [or his planet Jupiter] is passing must avoid major events such as travel, moves, marriage or house construction. Although he is greatly feared as he can not only protect and provide happiness he can also invoke disease misfortune, calamity and must be placated especially before embarking on any new major project. Despite the importance of this deity he is worshipped on as few occasions as possible as he is so alarmingly unpredictable. He is, however, prayed to when a child is born for a long, comfortable and happy life. Taisui is also prayed to in Fukienese temples, especially in Malaysia, for good luck at the races.\n\nAs an agricultural deity, one of the most important rôles of Taisui, was to control rainfall, and to provide sufficient and no more for a good harvest. In Fujian and other eastern Chinese provinces Taisui was also known as Mang Shen or Gou Mang, \"the youth with the Spring Ox.\" A colourful and symbolic ritual, not observed in Hong Kong or Macau but still to be seen in Taiwan, was the beating of the Ox at the beginning of Spring. The ox, fashioned from mud or coloured papers, was based on the Farmer's Almanac, with its size and colouring determined by the portents for general well being and weather for the coming year. The ceremony consisted of a float bearing the mud images of the ox and Taisui, followed by city officials bringing up the rear. It ended with the ox being beaten by the local mandarin outside his yamen and broken up, followed by devotees scrambling for parts which they either fed to their pigs for fertility, buried them in the fields for abundant crops, or kept them in their homes for good fortune. The first illustration", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215080, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "133\n\nchambers or tanks. The most famous of the early clocks was constructed in the then national capital, Kaifeng, about the time of the Norman Conquest of Britain, by Su Song [1020 - 1101 AD]. Su Song, born in Tongan county in Fujian province where he is still revered within the Su ancestral hall, created an astronomical clocktower in which he incorporated his mechanical clock, a celestial globe and an armillary sphere. The difference between water clocks until the time of Su Song and his invention was his creation of an escapement mechanism which controlled the regular movement of the small water tanks providing previously unheard of accuracy.\n\nThe Twenty-eight Constellations\n\nIn early China the visible stars were divided into 28 zones or constellations, referred to as lunar mansions. These provided manageable proportions of the heavens, with seven in each of the four directions. The selection of twenty-eight reflects the time it takes the moon to make a complete circuit of the stars, a fraction under twenty-eight days. Books describing such celestial spirits, printed in Taiwan, illustrate each spirit with a sketch showing the \"human\" form and giving its attributes. Although usually regarded as a group, in some places a number of these celestial spirits, always mythological, are referred to individually in legend or by ritual specialists. According to religious specialists each of the stellar deities of the Twenty-eight Constellations has a title and a specific role, the latter differing depending upon the individual ritual specialists or books.\n\nThe Pole Star was also the celestial base of the several deities, the main one being the Northern Emperor, also known as the Dark Warrior, Xuan Wu, one of the spirits of great antiquity who ruled one quarter of the universe. Each of the Thirty-six stars of the Plough was a legendary hero recorded in one of the numerous stories of the deification of and struggles between the deities. They are deities of good omen, whereas the Seventy-two Stars of ill-omen, without individual legends, are just that, stellar spirits of bad luck. The great popularity of the Northern Emperor has rested for many centuries on devotees' belief in the mighty magical powers with which he suppresses demonic forces with his Daoist Pole Star sect, Beiji Pai, of which he is the patron, centred at Wudang Shan in Hubei. Xuan Wu was the Lord of the northern sector of the 28 Lunar Mansions and as one of the Spirits of the Four", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "145\n\n15\n\n16\n\nare deities of good omen whereas the Seventy-two are stellar spirits of ill omen, without individual legends.\n\nThe bell is called The Bell which dissolves Demons - Ronggui Zhong\n\nHoudous notes in Fujian province that Taisui images sometimes wear a necklace of skulls to represent his authority over the lives of mankind.\n\nMost lone Taisui are known as the 'Intendant of the Year' [dangnian A], though a few are 'the Intendant of the Month\" [dangyue B] and even fewer the 'Intendant of the Day and Hour\" [dangri dangshi B].\n\nW A Grootaers: Rural Temples around Hsüan Hua: Folklore Studies vol. X\n\nShanghai: A Handbook for Travellers and Residents: Its Chief Objects of Interest. Rev. C.E. Darwent : Shanghai: ca 1906\n\nStudies in Chinese Life: Grainger : pub. Chengtu : 1921\n\nKing Zhou was the last ruler of Shang dynasty, described down the centuries as the most despised ruler in Chinese history due to his abhorrent excesses.\n\n}} Jiao means the 'suburbs' his whole name therefore is Yin [who was deserted in the Suburbs.\n\n20 Tian Fet, an early title of the goddess, is now known as Tian Hou [or Tianshang Shengmu]\n\n21 For details of the use of the stems and branches within the sexagenary cycle refer to the chart at the end of this article.\n\n\"The method of gauging distance used by the general populace before the 1911 downfall of Imperial dynasty, and still used by peasants for several decades thereafter, when they were uncorrupted by advanced technology, was the 'li', approximately one third of a mile, though in practice it was the distance measured in time taken between places, it being markedly shorter when travelling up hill than when travelling down.\n\n23 These extra months were added every two to three years to reconcile the annual difference of some eleven and a quarter days between the lunar and solar systems.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215109, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "162\n\nthe altar and the altar table is a typical temple offertory box into which devotees have thrust cash offerings [Photograph 3],\n\nBoth the sad emperor Tang Ming Huang and his putative doctor, Lei Haijing, are both popular religion cult deities revered particularly in Fujian communities. Images vary from temple to temple, all being standard scholar-official figures with none having any special attribute or feature\n\nSome believe that Lei Haijing, commonly referred to as Marshal Tian Dou, (Tian Dou Yuanshuai), when his image is on an altar, was a doctor who accompanied 'the Emperor in the West' during his flight. After Lei died during the emperor's escape to Sichuan province his spirit remained on, guarding and protecting the emperor who\n\nSaw and recognised the two characters 'Tian Dou' of his protector floating in the air. And once he had arrived in the relative safety of Sichuan the emperor created Lei Haijing - Marshal Tian Dou.\n\nOthers claim that Lei was a musician popularly referred to a thousand or more years ago in Fujian as the 'Marshal'. Lei Haijing is another patron of actors, but predominantly from southern Fukienese communities. There are two Marshals Tian Dou revered on altars within Fukienese communities, with their legends so enmeshed that they virtually become one and the same deity.\n\nIn the most commonly repeated legend Tian Dou was a young prince named Lei Haijing, whose age has varied from ten to his mid-twenties. He lived in Fujian province where he was obsessively keen on practical jokes and opera. As a twenty-year old he lived for pleasure and one day having used his position and rank to force a married woman spend the night with him woke to find that she had painted a crab around his mouth in indelible ink, some say to punish him, others to ensure that his lasciviousness received wide publicity. The prince got away with it the first time by telling his friends that he had painted the crab on his mouth for amateur theatricals; however, when he forced her yet again to spend the night with him she painted another crab on his forehead which this time he was unable to explain away. Another version claims that he slept with a young girl who as a joke painted the crab around his mouth whilst he slept and again, several nights later, as he had been so annoyed at the first joke she drew one on his forehead", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215110, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 206, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "163\n\nto teach him a lesson. In yet another rendition it is suggested that he had the crab painted on his forehead by his fellow pupils as a joke whilst he was asleep and who, at the same time, stuck two willow branches behind his ears. When he woke up his chagrin was so great that he committed suicide. Another story maintains that he was a most beautiful child and his sister-in-law in a fit of jealousy painted a crab around his mouth whilst he slept preventing his soul from returning [meaning that he died as a result because Chinese know only too well that one's soul roams far and wide whilst one is asleep]. The Jade Emperor took pity on him and, so the story goes, adopted him as one of his sons, or in another version, allowed his soul to return to his body. In yet another legend he was a Suzhou man who supported troupes of actors. Another legend, related in a Chaozhou temple in Indonesia, tells of a boy who had been working in the fields, stomach empty and very hungry. He fell asleep at the side of the field whereupon a small crab crawled into his open mouth giving him sufficient sustenance to continue. He grew up to be a good farmer, a good neighbour who helped protect his community and who loved music more than anything else. He was, however, conscripted into the army and sent north to fight the Xiongnu [Huns] of central Asia, where he rose in rank until as a marshal and undefeated he returned to his home in Fujian province. He was deified after death as a local community protector. One of the major factors of his victories over the Xiongnu had been the impressive uniforms he had provided for his men which completely over-awed the central Asian barbarians. These uniforms became the stuff of actors' outfits and because of his love for music, and as the crab had saved his life, his image has the crustacean painted around his mouth and he is now the patron of actors and musicians [Photograph 10].\n\nThe legend of the Marshal Tian, better known as San Tian Dou Yuanshuai, the third of the three Tian brothers, another form of this deity, has also been confused by devotees somewhere along the line with the well-known legend of the 360 musicians and the Pestilence Wangye. In the Tian Brother's story they were said to be musicians engaged by the Xuan Zong emperor as his music masters. The emperor, whilst sick, dreamed that their playing had restored him to good health which on waking he found to be true. He then ordered them to stop a plague which was ravaging Fujian province, which again they did and were deified by the Celestial Master Zhang, the Daoist deity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215112, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 208, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "165\n\nIn 755, during the revolt of An Lushan, Guo helped defend the capital, and in 760 he was despatched to recover territory from Central Asian barbarians and finally, three years after the Turfans [Uighurs] had captured the capital, Guo raised an army and drove them out, more by cunning than military force. The disasters which broke out during the declining years of the Tang Ming Huang emperor were suppressed chiefly by the vigour and determination with which Guo wrested province after province from the hands of the insurgents. He spent a considerable part of his life in warfare and was uniformly successful.\n\nHis images in temples in Northern and Central China usually portrayed him as an old mandarin, with a parted beard, both halves held separately in each of his hands, and with a tiered hat. Occasionally his image depicted him as an old man, sitting, with a long white beard and a white robe, carrying a ruyi sceptre engraved with the four characters for 'Everything shall be as You Desire'. According to one sect, the Jin Dan H., Guo is said to have founded the sect in collaboration with Lü Dongbin, the doctor of renown and one of the Eight Immortals. His image on altars in Sichuan was referred to as Cifu Tianguan14 where he was regarded as a God of Wealth.\n\nNo images of Guo have been noted on temple altars in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau or South-east Asia, though a temple in Haikang in Tainan county bears the hall title of Fenyang Dian and contains on its main altar not an image of him but one of a local provincial cult deity, Guangze Zunwang, the patron of the Guo clan.\n\nBoth Mesny and Timothy RichardR claim that Guo Ziyi was a follower of Nestorian Christianity, Mesny even claiming that Guo's name was carved on the famous Nestorian tablet at Xi'an.\n\nWe move on to images of the two major deified heroes of the era on temple altars who have had their historic figures embellished by tea-house story-tellers down the centuries include:\n\nZhang Xun✯ and Xu Yuan,F are heroes of renown and unique deities whose images have been seen on temple altars in Zhejiang, Taiwan, Hong Kong and South-east Asia [Photographs 6 and 7]. Both are protective deities worshipped particularly by the southern Fukienese, both within Fujian province and in southern Fukienese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215115, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "168\n\ntheir aid.12 Thus it was that although neither of the two deities had ever set foot in the Chaozhou area during their human existence, yet their divine spirits helped the native Chaozhou people and became their patrons. Chaozhou emigrants to Taiwan bore their cult from their local cult centre at Chaoyang, together with images, over to the new lands where at present there are some ten or so temples dedicated to the pair.\n\nSeveral versions of the tales of their heroism during the siege of Suiyang are related by temple keepers and devotees. Individual stories about Zhang and Xu are well known to Chaozhou devotees, describing how they dug holes to catch rats during the siege, and about Zhang slaughtering his beloved concubine, either to spare her being taken by the enemy or, more morbidly, to be eaten by the starving defenders. Each of the stories highlights their heroism in the face of starvation with no hope of relief from the siege, and their choice of death rather than surrender.\n\nThe two deities are revered together on the main altar in at least five temples in Taiwan. Zhang has some eight temples dedicated to him alone in Taiwan, whilst Xu has a further nine. A further fifteen temples contain one of these two deities under their other titles, with both deities, again under their true names of Xu and Zhang, being noted as the main deity on secondary altars.\n\nA Chuanzhou immigrant named Chen brought an incense pot with him from the cult centre of Baoyi Dafu [Zhang Xun] in Fujian and set it up as a branch temple in Shen Keng village near Taipei. According to temple lore, the deified Zhang Xun proved very efficacious in helping villagers with both good fortune and excellent harvests. Later, as the cult developed, it emerged from dream messages that Baoyi Dafu was also very effective in coping with the ravages of insect pests and, moreover, had won local renown by helping Chinese immigrants overcome the original hill tribesmen.\n\nHowever, in the centre and south of the Taipei Basin, Xu and Zhang together were known by Chuanzhou Fukienese by the single title of Wang Gong 尪公, Wang Yuanshuai 尪元帥 or Wang Wang 王王. Their local legend claims that Wang Gong appeared to a temple keeper in a dream, warning him and the local inhabitants of the San Hsia, Mucha, and Hsintien areas of an intended raid by head-hunting tribesmen from", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215117, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "170\n\nThere would appear to be two minor generals also in this story. Several temples in the Chia I and Yunlin coastal strip of Taiwan are dedicated to the Three Princes, San Wangye Zhang, Li and Mo. These were identified in the temples as Zhang Xun with two of his subordinate generals, Li and Mo, both of whom died with him at Suiyang5 One temple keeper related the story of how Mo Ying15, whose real name was Gai TuoE, was one of the generals at the siege of Suiyang with Zhang Xun and his sworn brother, who committed suicide when Zhang was executed and quartered.\n\nTwo further minor soldiers, again generals who served under Zhang and Xu whose images have also been seen on altars in Taiwan and Fujian province beside those of Zhang and Xu, are Lei WanchunS, an image either with a black face with six or seven golden stars on it or with a red face, and Nan JiyunE, an image with a blue face.\n\nNothing is known about General Nan; however, General Lei Wanchun, a native of Hebei province, was a military officer who served under General Zhang Xun in the first half of the 8th century AD, commanding the garrison in the area to the north of Xi'an, within the loop of the Yellow River. During the An Lushan revolt Lei was besieged by rebel forces in Luoyang, the secondary capital of the Tang. He remonstrated with An's forces from the garrison walls accusing them of being traitors to the Tang and remained there even though six rebel arrows had struck him. He continued to exhort the rebels to surrender until his forces were overcome and he died with them. His image usually has six or seven spots on the face where, so it is claimed, the arrows pierced him. During the reign of the Qing Kang Xi emperor a military officer named Zai carried an image of Lei over to Taiwan where his cult developed and he is now revered in some dozen or so temples in and around the central plain of the West coast.\n\nA protective Wangye, a pestilence deity, in Jiali, a town just north of Tainan city, better known as the General of the Lei clan, Lei Fu Jiangjun, is the secondary deity on the altar of a small temple. The history as recorded in the temple explains that the original temple, having been badly damaged by an earthquake in 1862, was rebuilt and enlarged by devotees. During the hard labouring necessary to achieve their aim the spirit of the then main deity, General Lei, having transformed himself into an old man dressed in a feather coat, went", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215120, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "173\n\ncharacteristics. Plopper in his Chinese Religion seen Through the Proverb : Shanghai : 1935 claimed that Lao Lang was also the patron of prostitutes.\n\nMeng Fu Langjun f. otherwise known as Langjun Ye, NB\n\nwhose\n\n{1\n\n24\n\n0\n\nimage has been noted in Lukang in western Taiwan, is the patron of the southern school of woodwinds.\n\nHe is known by this title which describes his position once he fled to the West from Chang'an ahead of the pursuing rebel forces.\n\nThis lengthy legend basically tells of the emperor's challenge to Zhang Tianshi to use his magic to stop the noise of heavenly music which, unbeknownst to Zhang was being performed by 360 musicians concealed in a cellar. Zhang stopped the music by killing the lot in one swoop with his magic. The emperor, horrified at what he had done, had them all deified as Plague Gods.\n\nZhi Nú is the Weaving Girl in the legend of the Weaving Girl and the Cowherd.\n\nMesny Wm. Mesny's Chinese Miscellany: Shanghai : 1899\n\nRichard T : The Secret Sects of China : The Chinese Inland Mission Handbook : 1896\n\nChaozhou is a city in eastern Guangdong province where their minority language is spoken.\n\nChuanzhou is a city in southern Fujian province and emigrants from both Chuanzhou and Chaozhou have settled in both Taiwan and South-east Asia.\n\n\"The discrepancies in dates is due to the varying versions provided by temple\n\n12\n\nattendants.\n\nA similar claim was made in Central China where the rain and crop deity, Doutian Yuanshuai BÆ, was believed to be an incarnation of Zhang Xun who, it was said, had intervened to assist the imperial forces during the Taiping wars ca. 1855 and had been awarded the title of Zhangwei\n\n13 Goodrich, A. S. : The Peking Temple of the Eastern Peak : Monumenta Serica : Nagoya : 1964", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "34\n\nbrought into contact. The stalk which in this way drew up the drop of the other was declared the winning party. Perhaps this was an élitist thing to do and we have no description from the central lake land to improve our knowledge. At least the name suggests games in the open under festive conditions. Another designation used for this day was, in Tongshan, pu die hui 'the meeting of the fluttering butterflies.'38\n\n撲蝶會\n\nA note from Yingshan claims that Hua Zhao was a day when young women got their ears pierced. It was also a day when girls who had reached the age of twelve, thirteen or more, started allowing their hair to grow long. In the same place, this day of Flower Dawn was also an occasion for sending presents to a (future?) bride's home, and to arrange- or confirm-betrothals (na bian). Alternatively, it was a day for wen ming or 'to ask names.' This was a preliminary ceremony leading to a likely engagement to be married, generally implying a comparison of the two candidates in terms of the combinations of celestial signs going with their respective birthdays. The Flower Dawn was generally regarded as an auspicious day for this.39 We can see that this festival was marked by femininity-girls were coming of age, passing into womanhood by starting using jewellery and letting their hair grow long. Female reproduction is also stressed in the arrangements for coming marriages. Also, full moon days were generally associated with femininity.\n\nTurning to Zhongxiang we find that the full moon day of the second lunary was an occasion for the flying of paper kites (feng yuan) and this custom implied some games-but we are not informed as to the rules of these. There is the possibility that these competitions were in terms of appearance and beauty.40\n\nThe flying of paper kites in southern China was not only a children's pastime, but was done in a ceremonial way in certain seasons and on specific days. In Fujian Province, around the city of Fuzhou it was an activity associated with the autumnal Chong Yang festival on the ninth day of the ninth moon. In a different context I have suggested\n\n38 古今圖書集成.1888.VI,1166:風俗考4a.\n\n39 古今圖書集成.1888.VI,1142:風俗考2a.\n\n40 Hodous 1974: 190-92; Bredon & Mitrophanow 1927: 430-35.\n\n41 Aijmer 1991.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215319, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "44\n\ncolonised by ethnic Han Chinese. It was occupied during the reign of Han Wu Di, a century or more before the Christian era, albeit for centuries merely in pockets around the seaboard with the non-Han ethnic groups, mostly Li and Miao, having been pushed back into the hinterland, the central mountainous area,\n\nBeing the southern limit of China the island of Hainan is semi-tropical with early settlers from the Chinese mainland tending to be involuntary settlers, not necessarily outlaws or banished political exiles but colonists despatched by the government who intermarried with the aboriginal Li. Ethnically the Han Chinese stock, referred to as Hainanese for Hoilam in Hainanese], came largely from the province of Fujian, speaking Qiongwen [commonly called Hainanese] a sub-group of Minnan3, though there are also many Cantonese and Hakka Han Chinese within the population and even pockets of pure Cantonese or Hakka Chinese. The result of the hotchpotch of immigration over the centuries is referred to as a whole as Hainanese, and their culture and social mores reflect elements from all of their original ethnic groups. Hainanese people, as would be expected, cannot be differentiated by foreigners from other Han Chinese. However, the Cantonese, the Chaozhou and Fujian Han Chinese are never slow to point a finger at the Hainanese who they claim to be clannish, insular and very suspicious people. Many go as far as to claim that they are slow, dim-witted and gullible, Certainly, they are different though to a non-Chinese the difference is not immediately apparent. My experience is that they are not only friendly but extremely welcoming to foreigners, and especially diligent as house-servants.\n\nHot and remote, it was pioneer frontier territory - far from the capital and major cities, used during dynastic times as a penal colony or at least a refuge for political exile for Chinese officials, a backward area with agriculture and fisheries as the only form of subsistence. The first official was exiled there during the Han, about the time of Christ, though the peak periods of such exiles were during the Song and Ming dynasties, with some like Hai Rui, Su Dongbo and Cao Yu, being renowned throughout China. Fortuitously their presence on the island accelerated the development of cultural life, and when joined by their families and entourages, they left their mark on the culture of Hainan,\n\nAlthough there are guide and travel books about most areas of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "46\n\nmuddy plats, eventually reached the first \"gun-house,\" as the crumbling fort was known to the Chinese. Finally, the passengers reached the Custom House and on to whatever accommodation they had reserved or could find in this very primitive European backwater.\n\nChinese immigrants from Hainan, along with those from Fujian, Guangxi, and Guangdong, flocked down to the foreign colonies of south-east Asia. Though integrated into the greater Han Chinese population of Singapore and Penang, as well as within towns and cities in North Borneo, Java, and Sumatra, even today Hainanese have remained in one or two linguistic pockets, such as is to be found in the area of Rengam and Kluang in southern Malaysia.\n\nOnly a few of all the Chinese temples visited in South-east Asia have been categorically identified as exclusively founded by Hainanese immigrants. Others, predominantly Hokkien, have a Hainanese altar stuck away in one corner, erected by the few local Hainanese, though two temples stood out, both in southern Malaysia, in which the images of the deities were predominantly uniquely Hainanese, though the temple custodians, the devotees, and the other images were all Hokkien. The picture gained from Hainanese staff and devotees in temples containing uniquely Hainanese images revealed the following minimum of temples being predominantly, if not entirely, Hainanese - six in Singapore, two in Penang, one in Kuala Lumpur, one in Seremban, and two in or near Kluang in southern Malaysia; on Sumatra, one in Medan and two in Palembang; on Java, one in Jakarta, one in Cirebon, and one in Semarang. There are several in Ha Tien in southern Cambodia and others scattered across southern Thailand. The strangest of all was the lone, small Hainanese temple on Bali.\n\nHainanese temple altars bear the usual accoutrements and have the same layout as altars in other Chinese communities, though, to generalise, with less clutter, particularly on altars in Hainanese Huiguan [community club houses]. Major China-wide deities, such as Guan Yin, Guan Gong, Hua Guang, City Gods, Earth Gods, and the Wealth Gods, are the same as in every Chinese community. There are also a number of predominantly Cantonese, Chaozhou, and even Minnan deities in many of the Hainanese temples both in Hainan and in South-east Asia, adopted from other immigrant ethnic groups, including Jinhua Niangniang, Caibo Xingjun, Fazhu Gong, Qi Tian Da Sheng, Longwei.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215325, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "50\n\nLi Deyu died in exile in 849, in Hainan some 57 years before the end of the Tang dynasty. He was born in AD 787, the son of a minister of state, and rose to become a great minister. In his heyday he was pre-eminent in China serving six emperors faithfully, including being chief minister to Tang emperor Wu Cong. Impeached as the President of the Board of War he was banished to Hainan where his spirit withered. He was not only a fine scholar but also favoured Daoism in the rivalry with Buddhism to influence the Court. He would appear to have had a comparatively close friendship with the Mao Shan sect of Daoists and is even thought to have encouraged the persecution of Buddhism and the imperial eunuchs. He was also an untiring opponent of eunuch influence. His achievements as a poet were recognised as was his contribution to horticulture.\n\nLi Guang was born in Fujian province in 1085 and died in a monastery in Hangzhou in 1140, having been an Imperial Censor and Minister of State. He is renowned for his opposition to the encroachment of the Jin Tatars and in particular the peace proposals by which Qin Gui earned his unenviable notoriety. In 1126 he commanded troops defending the capital and succeeded in defeating the Jin Tatars with great slaughter. He was impeached in 1127 after only a matter of months as Minister of State for irregularities in connection with the purchase of horses and levies of troops, and was exiled for a while before moving to a monastery where he lived out the rest of his life.\n\nLi Guang [1077-1159] was born in Yuezhou in Zhejiang. He was also a scholar-official, but of the earlier Northern Song. He also appears to be feted in Hainan for sharing Hu Quan's rigorous opposition to any kind of accommodation with the Jin invaders and his dislike of Qin Gui. The latter earned him demotion to Jianning military district, and later still another demotion. He was, however, rehabilitated to his original position in 1158 but died the following year while travelling to Jiangzhou.\n\nHu Quan [1102-1180] was a scholar-official of the Southern Song from Luling in Jizhou, Jiangxi province, who received his appointment in the second year of Jianyan emperor. Before taking up his duties, the Jin armies crossed the River and Hu raised his own army to defend the area. He too is famous for his stubborn opposition to any kind of peace dealings with the Jin invaders. He petitioned for the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215327, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "52\n\n1101. Though well known for his poetry, he was a celebrated scholar-statesman who has been deified by popular acclaim. However, though not recorded as such, it would be unlikely for him not to have been deified by posthumous imperial decree, an honour coming into vogue at that time.\n\nHe was born in Meixian in Sichuan province and died in Changzhou in Fujian shortly after being permitted to leave exile on Hainan island. His father was a distinguished scholar, and owing to his father's long absences from home, Su received most of his education from his mother. At the age of 21, he entered the state examinations and headed the list of competitors. He rose in public office and was prominent among the strenuous opponents of the political economist, Wang Anshi. His first fall from grace in 1079 was from ministerial office when he was downgraded to be Governor of Hangzhou Fu. In 1086, at the start of a new reign, he was restored to favour but again incurred imperial displeasure, this time being exiled, first to Huizhou in Guangdong and finally to the semi-barbarous island of Hainan in 1097 where he was appointed to the petty office of sub-prefect of Yaizhou. During his exile, having complained that Hainan was wild and its \"frontier\" people, settlers from the mainland, without culture, he took a genuine interest in their welfare as well as the welfare of the original non-Chinese inhabitants. He was permitted to return from banishment in ca. 1100 and died shortly after. He spent the four years of his exile in Hainan in Wenchang, in the north-east of the island, and was the first great name in Chinese history connected intimately with Hainan. His memorial temple in Haikou in Hainan island is now a museum. Within the grounds of the temple is the spring which he is said to have had dug during a severe drought.\n\nd] Zhu Chuping was a magistrate in Hainan who had preceded Su Shi in the post as magistrate by some twenty years.\n\n3: Major Hainanese Deities noted in all Hainanese communities\n\nThese are uniquely Hainanese Gods\n\n13\n\na] Images of the Marquis of Wenzhou, Wenzhou Houwang\n\nI have been seen only on altars in temples founded and run by ethnic Hainanese. According to devotees, he is uniquely worshipped", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215332, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "57\n\nnot orthodox spirits shen\n\nbut dark spirits. Yinshen, the ghosts of those who have died a violent death before their due date.\n\nChinese usually describe this group, in English, as the 108 Martyrs. They are never portrayed as images and tend to be regarded more as public worthies, folk hero \"ethnic group\" ancestors rather than deities. The tablet is very similar to the ancestral tablet and simply states that it is the 'Tablet to the One Hundred and Eight Brothers'. It is venerated and although the spirits of the brothers are occasionally asked for advice by devotees they are not usually prayed to for major requests or protection, although in Java in one temple the tablet was prayed to by seafarers before they set out on a long journey. Their festival, simple and not in any way lavish, is generally celebrated on the 15th day of the tenth lunar month, though in Singapore it is held on the 3rd of the eighth lunar month.\n\nThe question is, who were the One Hundred and Eight Brothers? Three separate versions of the story of their demise have each been recounted with great solemnity, conviction and confidence by temple keepers in Java, Thailand, Singapore and Malaysia, and even in a Chinese temple in Bali. In Penang the story centres on a junk-load of Hainanese immigrants heading for South-east Asia which never arrived. One version claims that they were mistaken for pirates and wiped out by the 'French' [sic] navy off Annam or the 'British' off Malaya again having been mistaken for pirates. Another version suggests that they were all drowned during a typhoon off the southern tip of what is now Vietnam, and yet another that they were annihilated by Chinese government forces off the Leizhou peninsular immediately north of Hainan when, again, they were mistaken for pirates.12 The third story is that they were the original immigrants from Fujian province who arrived in Hainan to settle but all died in Hainan from disease or at the hands of the aborigines. A twist to the version heard in Penang claimed that the typhoon which sank the junk in the South China Seas drowned all but one of the one hundred and nine aboard, one small boy being saved after days of drifting on wreckage. He then died in Malaya at a ripe old age.\n\n12\n\nOne hundred and eight is a secret symbolic number used by secret societies, and one of the Triad gangs in British Malaya was known as the 'One Hundred and Eight Society.' with a devotee in Seremban", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215342, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 119, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "67\n\nhave been unable to explain his origins, history or any other details. In Malaysia we were told that he had been a hero, killed in the Leizhou peninsular immediately to the north of Hainan [or 'in Leizhou city (nowadays Leicheng) in western Guangdong province'], and that he had been a general, the eldest of three brothers, who had long ago earned great merit working for the common good and was deified. In Singapore, where again he is depicted as one image in the centre of a comparatively crowded secondary altar, it was claimed that he had been a general, killed several centuries ago saving a major unidentified town from invaders. His festivals are celebrated on the 17th of both the first and third lunar months.\n\nOne of the two temples in Malaysia contained three images on the main altar, the usual image of Baima Laoshi Gong together with two standard seated images of mandarins. These were identified as the First, Second and Third Laoshi Gong and were understood to have been brought to Malaysia by immigrants from Hainan some forty years ago. The temple keepers and devotees of both these temples were predominantly Chaozhou Chinese. Nowadays devotees of this cult in Singapore, however, are predominantly Hengwa (Xinghua) from Fujian province.\n\nLapshi Gong is prayed to for 'household affairs' in one of the two temples in central Malaysia, whilst in the other, run by a popular medium who spoke with the voice of Laoshi Gong and is claimed to be extremely gifted, the deity is believed to be able to cure most illnesses. The deity was being treated with exceptional reverence during the latest visit by the author, when a ritual was being performed before the altar requesting a cure for a very sickly looking infant held by its anxious mother.\n\nAmong the Hengwa Hokkiens in Singapore he is rarely revered as a separate deity. He is prayed to and offered incense and oil as one of the collection of deities on the altar, though the temple keeper added that a number of gamblers specifically pray to him. The temple keeper also said that he had not been aware that the deity had any such speciality when first he had taken over the temple in the early sixties. The custom of gamblers seeking divine help was fairly recent and had, he presumed, developed after someone had had a win following a petition to the deity.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215343, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "68\n\nLaoshi Gong has a unique image. He is portrayed as a general sitting on a folding camp stool, in the process of drawing his sword from its scabbard with his right hand. The sword is partially withdrawn from its scabbard which is hanging on his left side and clasped by the left hand. His helmet has a large pointed spike on top [like the German pickelhaube], and he has four flags protruding from the rack in which they are secured across his back, above his shoulders indicating his rank. The camp stool is an interesting feature. It is a typical folding stool, with a full tiger skin carefully arranged, draped over the back of the stool, the whole image and stool with skin being carved from one block.\n\nLin Fu Taishi Gong, is usually simply referred to as Taishi Gong or Taishi Ye. He is a minor deity in two temples, one in the Hainanese temple, off Balestier Road in Singapore where he was referred to as Lin Fu Xiangye, Prime Minister Lin, with his annual festival celebrated on the double eighth. The other is a Hokkien temple in Ampang, Kuala Lumpur, where he is a minor deity having been placed there by members of the small Hainanese community. He is also known in Ampang as Marshal Lin, Lin Fu Yuanshuai or Lin Fu Dashi, and, during the annual festival of the major Hokkien deity Nine Emperors, is represented by his incense urn when carried in procession with three other deities. They are all accompanied by spirit mediums who are possessed by these deities, including Lin Fu Dashi. In both of these temples he is renowned for his ability to cure [internal] diseases and, especially in Ampang, he is also prayed to for wealth and good business. Temple custodians identified the deity as one of their clan ancestors, Lin Xiyuan who, according to biographies, was born in Fujian during the Ming, and died in about AD 1561. He became an official who argued long and hard against the power of the palace eunuchs, and was renowned for the help he provided to the populace during a major famine. Amongst his many achievements were his successes in the field of education in Guangdong province, and the use of a military force to destroy a band of robbers. He is also claimed to have pacified a number of outlaws. During the troubles in Annam he organised a pacification force, built up an intelligence network only to find that he was not required to act, either by the emperor or by the situation. He was dismissed, accused of usurping his authority and returned to his home where he wrote poetry and Confucian dissertations. He studied for many years and wrote source books for\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215345, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "70\n\nHaving been deified by popular acclaim he is now prayed to for fair and just decisions in the Spirit World. He cannot be bribed or corrupted and is approached by people who feel that they have had a wrong done to them which cannot otherwise be righted without aid from the Spirits.\n\nHe is a popular hero of historical significance. He went through his official life in defiance towards his superiors whose moral values were in question. Permanently fired by zeal, a high point in his career was when he stood up for right against the Emperor. The memorial he submitted to the Jiaqing Emperor criticised the Emperor's lifestyle and attitude, and accused him of being directly responsible for the evil times. Hai Rui had bought his own coffin and had bade farewell to his family before submitting it. He was imprisoned and many times the Emperor considered ordering his death. Instead he was released at the death of the Emperor and was re-employed only to be impeached once more. He returned to Hainan in forced retirement, prior to being employed again for the last time during which he died in Nanjing. Whilst in Hainan Hai Rui memorialised the throne on the subject of clashes between Chinese immigrants and the native aborigines on Hainan. Three uprisings in 1501, 1541 and 1550 had taken more than ten thousand Chinese soldiers months to subdue, and Hai Rui's proposal that a road be built through tribal territories to bring the whole area under control was not undertaken.\n\nHai Rui's ancestry included non-Chinese blood from the northern borders, though memories of him tend to reflect his time in Nanjing and his birthplace, Hainan where he spent his time in exile. Legend relates that he was sent to serve in the Chaozhou area of southern Fujian as a Confucian instructor at the local magistracy. He solved many problems for the locals and was very popular. Chaozhou devotees of his cult today tell of a group of corrupt officials and tyrannical landlords who oppressed the people. They were opposed by Hai Rui who was at that time still only a lowly official. He courageously opposed the minister who supported the officials and according to legend he committed suicide to make the point to the Emperor.\n\nIn the 1960s the then mayor of Peking, Wu Han, first wrote an essay in which the target of his thinly veiled criticism of the 'Emperor as being self-opinionated and unreceptive to criticism' would have been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215349, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 126, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "74\n\nperhaps taken over within their own ethnic temple.\n\nThe Iron-ox General is a black-skinned demonic figure dressed in pantaloons and anklets, standing, with a tiger skin draped around his waist, and with a bolero covering his shoulders. He has a narrow plain coronet, and is holding a heavy chain in his left hand and an axe raised above his head in his right.\n\nThe Iron-ox and Bronze-ox were both live oxen transformed by Lishan Shengmu into human, albeit demonic form, to be her guardians and to protect the gateway to her mountain. They have powers in their own right which include, it is claimed, the prevention of natural disasters, and in particular flooding.27\n\nb] In Fujian province prior to 1949 it was not uncommon to see the Eight Youths, young boys running round the procession when the palanquin containing the image of the deity was being borne around his parish. The boys were regarded in most places as the incarnate soldiery of the spirit armies of the deities. In others they were underworld generals whose exorcising dance was performed to rid the vicinity of demons. In Taiwan groups of young men regularly meet in certain temples and practice exorcist drills which they then perform for the public during annual ceremonies. Their other function is to act as bodyguards to the major deity in their temple when he is taken out in his carrying chair to process around the town. These youths are known in Taiwan as the Eight Underworld Generals A#. They are skilled in martial arts, have their faces painted in specific patterns using a number of bright colours, somewhat similar to the actors in Peking opera but generally regarded as demonic faces, and are dressed in a uniform of jacket and trousers and in a few temples, according to one temple keeper, they wear red bands, similar to those worn by the Boxers of the 1900 Rebellion, identifying which unit they belong to. The markings and forms of these youths tend to be identical with the Ba Jia Jiang, the statues lining the walls of Underworld temples in Taiwan. Such statues have also been noted in several Hainanese temples in South-east Asia where the group of Eight is known as Ba Ban Gong A, The \"Eight Bosses\". Whereas the total, Eight, would appear to be somewhat immaterial to most devotees and temple keepers, in Singapore the Eight represented the large number of gaolers in each of eight of the Ten Courts of the Underworld responsible for purging\n\n28", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215353, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "78\n\nHainan island as well as within Hainanese communities in south-east Asia. Although their legends are unique to Hainanese they are similar in style and format to those told in other ethnic groups.\n\nSadly, most of the rural temples on Hainan island itself have little left of their original images following the ravages of the Cultural Revolution. It is fortunate that we do still have several Hainanese communities in south-east Asia where little has changed over the past century. However, intermarriage between Hainanese devotees and those of other Han ethnic groups has meant that to identify cults as uniquely Hainanese has become that much more difficult.\n\nNOTES\n\n1\n\n2\n\nPopular or folk religion is an amalgam of Buddhist, Daoist and local beliefs ignored by Confucianists, Buddhists and Daoists as well as by the majority of educated Chinese.\n\nHengwa is sometimes referred to as the Puxian sub-group.\n\nHokkien is the Fujian linguistic group word for Fujian people as well as their language. Minnan is the area of southern Fujian province from which many immigrants to Taiwan and South-east Asia originated and is a linguistic sub-group of Hokkien.\n\n4 Buddhist and Daoist images on such altars have not been included in this article, even though a number have been seen on folk religion altars in Hainanese temples, as they are all revered China-wide.\n\n5 Ma Zu is primarily the Fujian community title for Tian Hou.\n\n7\n\nBoth Third and Fourth are deities that have been noted on Hainan island and within Hainanese overseas communities.\n\nAn entirely different deity, the Saintly Matron of Wenzhou, Wenzhou Shengmu would appear not to be connected in any way with Wenzhou Houwang. Nor has she been noted on altars within the overseas southern Chinese communities. She has only been noted by William Mesny who saw an image of her in Zhejiang province in 1896 [doubtless connected with the local coastal city of Wenzhou], and suggested that as her surname appeared to have been Lin she may well be Tian Hou, the patron goddess of seafarers.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215370, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 147, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "96\n\nnumerous meandering vers\n\nThere were two main groups of land dwellers in the New Territories, the largest being the Cantonese or Punti local people whose dialect is spoken and understood by the majority of the population. The other group were the Hakka 'guest people' or 'strangers' who are said to have originated from northern China, and settled in Guangdong and Hong Kong in the 18th and 19th centuries. Then there were the fishing people, the Hoklos originating from Fujian province, and the Tankas or sui seung yan, who, in the past, had lived their whole lives afloat on the small sampans and junks moored along the coast of Guangdong and Hong Kong. All these groups used baby carriers, but the styles differed particularly between the land and boat dwellers.\n\nTraditionally the carrier was made from a decorated square of cloth, with long strips of fabric extending from the corners of the square to form straps. The child was placed against the woman's back as she leaned over, with the feet encircling her waist, and the carrier laid on top. Two straps were brought over her shoulders and two more went under the child's legs and under the woman's arms, to tie in a knot at her chest. As the family grew, it became the turn of older girls to carry the younger siblings (Fig 1).\n\nIt had been the custom for the grandmother to make a carrier to greet the new offspring. This carrier, and subsequent ones were lovingly made by hand in spare moments when the woman was not tending to the farming, or cooking the evening meal while sailing off to distant fishing grounds. If the woman did not have sewing skills she would order the carriers from a neighbourhood seamstress. Despite the little education most women had received, the designs and colours were lively and varied, and each carrier was unique.\n\nDifferent Styles of Carriers\n\nBaby Carriers used in the 19th and early 20th century were quite large, measuring as much as 60cm overall. The centre panel, approximately 35cm square, was embroidered or left plain. Two wide straps made of calendared cotton or hemp, dyed black or indigo blue, extended about 110cm at each edge along top and bottom of the carrier.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216030, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 329, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "263\n\nafter a siege of 49 days. Most accounts claim that they died by their own hands rather than fall into those of the enemy.\n\nOur interest lies in Zhang. He was born in Henan in AD 709 and died with Xu on either the 15th of the second or the 9th of the tenth lunar months in 757. Zhang was the military mandarin in Suiyang and is occasionally referred to in temple records as Zhang Suiyang. Before being posted to Suiyang he had been employed in military operations in Central Asia where his discipline was legendary. In 756 during the rebellion of An Lushan he fought many battles, was wounded on a number of occasions and performed prodigies of valour. The climax was reached by his heroic defence of the Henan provincial city of Suiyang against the rebel army commanded by An Lushan's son. Zhang refused to yield and even sacrificed his favourite concubine to no avail. The enemy broke in and as he scorned to owe allegiance to his conqueror was immediately put to death. It is said that during the siege his patriotic rage caused him to grind his teeth so that after his death it was found that all but three or four had been worn down to the very gums.\n\nIn central China the rain and crop deity, the Bodhisattva of the Whole of Heaven, Doutian Pusa or the Marshal of the Whole of Heaven, Doutian Yuanshuai, was believed to be an incarnation of Zhang who, it was said, had intervened to assist the imperial forces during the Taiping wars ca. 1855 and had been awarded the title of Zhangwei. His major local shrine is some distance outside the southern gate of Zhenjiang, a little beyond the shell of a Ming pagoda. There was also a shrine to him in the city's new main street, Ma Lu; another in a village on the road to the Bamboo Grove, and yet another in the village of Doutian Miao where the Imperial battery had been located on the north shore of the Yangzi abreast of Jiao Shan. Annually, during the Fourth lunar month, Zhenjiang was crowded with country folk who came to enjoy the procession of gods being borne through the streets of the city, including the image of Doutian Pusa.\n\nWhen the Tang dynasty collapsed China fell back into feudal kingdoms, one of which was the Xiu dynasty of Nantang. Under their rule the walls of Zhenjiang were repaired. Xiu Lijing succeeded his father in 946 and during his reign he annexed what today is Fujian province and added it to his dominion of Jiangxi, most of Anhui and Jiangsu, thus becoming one of the largest states in China at the time.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216034, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 333, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "267\n\nThe force despatched up the Yangzi in 1629 by Koxinga's father was led by Zheng Huigui, Koxinga's uncle. It arrived off Zhenjiang just as the Manchu army was crossing over to Jin Shan [Golden Island], causing the Manchus to pause, change their plans and move further upstream for their crossing. However, the Manchus, having taken Nanjing, upstream, they floated downstream on rafts and after coming under fire from Zheng's force, still went on to capture Zhenjiang. Zheng fled downstream and back down the coast to Fujian. It was just at that moment that Koxinga's father deserted to the Manchu side. With most of Fujian province within his power Zheng, despite his submission to the alien Manchus, welcomed the Ming emperor who was fleeing ahead of the southward advance of the Manchus as a means of augmenting his power. Despite his protestations of loyalty he failed to aid the emperor's restorationist cause by the simple expedient of inactivity.\n\nOur next episode begins fifteen years after the execution of Koxinga's father in Beijing where he had been held hostage, with Koxinga himself vigorously opposing the Manchus. In 1659, Koxinga hearing that the Manchu forces were preoccupied in Yunnan province sailed to the mouth of the Yangzi where he remained whilst a portion of his fleet commanded by Zhang Huangyan, sailed up the Great River, captured Zhenjiang before sailing on to Wuhu, far upstream beyond Nanjing. Koxinga, himself, landed on Congming island near the mouth of the Great River and having marched across country, he entered the old Ming capital of Nanjing in triumph, where he proclaimed the restoration of the Ming. However, he was promptly besieged in Nanjing for four long months before surrendering the city and being able to escape. The failure of the second raid up the Yangzi led the Manchus to install large garrisons within the major walled cities down the Yangzi, Zhenjiang being but one. In each city a special quarter was set aside for the Manchu garrison, members of which were forbidden to have too much intercourse with the native Chinese and quite categorically were forbidden to marry them. The Manchus at first were merely feared but as the years passed so they grew to be heartily disliked. And in their later years they were despised. There was a remnant of the Manchus still in Zhenjiang in the 1920s, whose poverty was a burden on local charities and the authorities and whose extensive burial grounds down the centuries of both the Manchu White and Yellow Banners were still standing in the city's south-west suburbs. It was claimed that Zhenjiang reflected typical Jiangbei culture with a dash of Peking from the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216038, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 337, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "271\n\nother smaller temples, some well known, others hardly known at all. These include the conspicuous red-walled Dicang Wang Temple not far from the south-west corner of the city wall; the Doutian Miao and the Xiu Wang Miao, both referred to earlier. All were destroyed during the Taiping occupation, though many were rebuilt during subsequent years only to fall into disuse during the Japanese occupation as well as since 1949. The Jin Shan Temple and the Ganlu Temple today are the premier tourist sites in Zhenjiang, with the Dinghui monastery, though less easily accessible, being a good third.\n\nThere used to be an interesting group of memorial temples on the Ganlu headland [Consular Bluff], a favourite resort for native Chinese picnic parties. One of these shrines was dedicated to Zhu Xi, a Southern Song dynasty neo-Confucian philosopher, born in Anhui in AD 1130, and probably best remembered for his commentary on Confucian classics, with his 'Rituals for Family Life' being influential throughout China as the standard authority consulted by high and low alike. He was the Confucian scholar who, whilst prefect at Zhangzhou in Fujian in 1190, attacked Buddhist and Daoist practices and issued orders laying down punishments for those who disobeyed the rules. Despite this he wrote commentaries on the sacred books of Daoism. He retired in 1196 and after his death four years later was posthumously appointed Chief of the Imperial Tutors with the rank of Lord. He has long been deified, with a portrait installed in a temple in Jiangxi province at an early stage during the twelfth century to encourage sacrifices to him by local scholars and gentlemen.14 He was revered in Confucian temples from about 1250, and during the reign of Kang Xi he was elevated to a position just under the 'Ten Noted Men' [The Ten Disciples of Confucius].\n\n[1824-1890],\n\nAnother shrine was dedicated to Peng Yulin the Chinese admiral in charge of the Yangzi Fleet which operated with success against the Taiping rebels. Peng was remembered by foreigners for his incorruptibility as well as his inability to understand the westerners. During the short French war with China in 1884-5, when in Guangzhou as the Imperial Naval Commissioner sent to organise its defences he proposed sending emissaries to Singapore to poison any French officers who might have been enjoying British hospitality there. Beijing frowned on his plan and he was unable to see why. He was also violently opposed to the introduction of iron-clads into the Chinese navy.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216079, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 378, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "312\n\n* Li Zee-min (1950) Chinese Potpourri. Hong Kong: Oriental Publishers [He relates a local Hong Kong legend about the arrival of the young emperor escorted by Lu in what is now Kowloon, fleeing ahead of the Mongols. Li claims that the headman of the Hakka walled village of Kowloon was Tan Gong who died during the last battle with the Mongol fleet when Lu, with the emperor in his arms, jumped overboard to their deaths].\n\nCouling, Samuel (1917) Encyclopaedia Sinica. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh\n\n11 Yu Dayu is recorded as being a native of Fujian who died in 1573 having made his name as the victor in the struggle to defeat the Japanese pirates along the coast of China and in particular that of Zhejiang.\n\n12 Yang Xiuqing as one of the leading lights of the Taiping Rebellion, to whose military genius much of the early success of the movement was due. He was known as the Taiping Eastern King [Prince], and professed to be the spokesman of God. After the capture of Nanjing by the Taipings he established his palace in the yamen of the former Viceroy and lived in great state. By 1856 he had begun a campaign of political and religious intrigue to usurp the position of leader and to overthrow Hong Xiuquan, the founder. His plans were uncovered and he, his family and thousands of his supporters were slain by Wei Changhui, the Taiping Northern King.\n\n13 extracted from the Transcription of the letters written from China to Milcote, Stratford on Avon by Thomas Adkins between 1855 and 1879 by courtesy of Theo Christophers of Dorridge, West Midlands : November 1999\n\n14 Hymes, Robert P. (1986) Statesmen and Gentlemen: The Elite of Fu-chou, Kiangsi, in Northern and Southern Sung. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press\n\n15 Although the name was known much earlier Mao Shan has always been the centre of a Daoist sect. [see Kita Aziya gakuho, a Japanese Journal, Vol. 2]\n\n16 Doré, Henri S.J. (1914) Recherches sur les Superstitions en China. Shanghai [Zikawei] : La Mission Catholique : Vol. XI\n\n17 Werner, E.T.C (1932) A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology. Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216198, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 497, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "431\n\nTHE WRESTLING PRINCES\n\nKEITH STEVENS\n\nDown the years I have visited many, many Chinese temples in my search for images of the deities and their legends. One near the coastal town of Muar in western Malaysia contained a pair of deities well known to me standing on the altar table before and below the main altar. The image consisted of a pair of conjoined deities - the Taibao Sheren, a Fujian local popular religion Daoist cult, involving a pair of youths, princes, so the story goes, who in image form are depicted standing together, legs apart, holding on to each other either with one arm around the other's shoulders or clutching a part of the other's anatomy, such as the knee, as if wrestling. In this instance the Taibao possibly means The Great Guardian, an old dynastic title for one of the most senior of the Chinese imperial advisers rather than the Great Protector which is the literal meaning. Sheren was a quasi-official title for \"independent kinsmen” in other words \"hangers on.”\n\nIndividually the two youths bear the names of Kang and Ruan though they were identified in two temples in southern Malaysia simply, one the Sheren as the Civil Protector, Wenbao and the other, the Taibao as the Military Protector, Wubao. They are worshipped for general good fortune and have only been identified in small Chinese temples within Fujian communities in Singapore, Malaysia, southern Thailand and in two or three temples in Taipei and Kaohsiung counties in Taiwan. In this rural temple near Muar Kesang the main deity on the altar is a seated matron known as Liu Jia Zhenren.\n\nFor Yuan Jian Zhenren, not seen anywhere else and said to be the mother of the two youths. Before and below her image are two sets of the youths, portraying them as wrestlers with leather shin-guards and wrist strengtheners, with one of the pair grasping the other firmly by the leg.\n\nThe two are believed by some to have been Indian princes brought to Fujian more than a thousand years ago and little more, apart from their surnames, would appear to be known at any of the temples in which these images have been seen. However, in one temple in Taiwan they were said to be the sons of a wealthy man. One son had shown great aptitude and had been sent to study in the capital, and was white\n\nJ", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216199, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 498, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "432\n\nskinned, whilst the other had been put to work supervising the father's labourers in the fields and whose skin had been burned black. The elder was said to be depicted at thirteen years of age whilst the second was two years younger. Ruan, the younger prince, is portrayed with a fierce expression whilst the elder has a gentler look despite not having any eyebrows. Both tend to be depicted with white [pink] or black skin, and are barefoot. Both are dressed simply, in trousers and a small apron. They wear golden bracelets on their forearms and their head-dress consists of a gilded crown from which protrude long peacock's feathers. A tiny matshed seaside shrine at Port Dickson, also on the west coast of Malaysia, contains a small composite image of the youths, most certainly wrestling, one grasping the other by his queue and an arm.\n\nIn a temple in Singapore the keeper was adamant that the two youths only spoke Hindi and that many of the devotees in his temple praying before them were Singaporean Indians who regularly consulted the Hokkien [Fujian] spirit medium in the temple. In every day life the medium only spoke Hokkien and therefore had to work through a spirit interpreter. The Indian devotees, he added, could only understand their mother tongue, Tamil, one of the Dravidian languages of southern India and who seemed to be able to converse with the deities through the medium without any trouble 'as the medium in his trance spoke Tamil'.\n\nIn one temple in Fujian recently a local Chinese explained that they were homosexuals presumably a guess inspired by their pose. However, you can imagine our reaction when in a village temple in Kaohsiung county in southern Taiwan we saw what appeared to be the standard image of the pair, swathed as usual in silken robes donated by devotees, being “undressed\" by the leering temple custodian to reveal that the dark skinned youth was holding the white skinned by the forearm and his queue whilst the white skinned youth had one arm around the shoulder of the black skinned one, but was holding the black skinned youth's penis with the other hand. The custodian fell about when he saw how disconcerted we were. The village elders left their card playing on the temple veranda to join in the general laughter which encouraged village children to rush in to see what was happening. They were chased out but not before several had managed to see the image and were unable to get out fast enough to tell the others what they had seen. The custodian explained that someone had ordered the image to be carved this way some years ago, possibly as a joke, and very few devotees", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 } ]