[ { "id": 204255, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\n20\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nOn the other hand, the variety of predators, especially in winter, is very great. Only two species actually nest here; the Black-eared Kite on Stonecutters and Hong Kong islands, and the White-bellied Sea-eagle at two eyries off the east coast of Hong Kong Island. Half-a-dozen kinds, however, may be seen during a day in the New Territories, including Spotted Eagles and Buzzards, Marsh Harriers and Kestrels, Sparrowhawks and Ospreys. One of the most spectacular of sights in winter is the nightly roost of kites on Stonecutters Island, where up to eleven hundred birds may be seen just before dark, swirling and spiralling as they prepare to settle down for the night.\n\nThere is only one true game-bird here; the Chinese Francolin or 'Partridge', as the local sportsmen call it. Its crowing call 'Come to me, Ha-Ha!' is well known and may be heard on almost any open hillside throughout the Colony. The quail is found only on passage and during the winter, mainly in the paddy-fields. All but two of the rails and crakes found in the Colony are rare, and only the White-breasted Waterhen definitely nests here. It is an attractive grey and white bird, but very shy.\n\nTo many bird-watchers the waders are the most exciting of all our birds, and the numbers that may be observed in the Deep Bay marshes are often quite amazing. It is possible to see up to twenty species in a day in spring and autumn, and almost every kind of wader on the China list has been seen here. The more common species are the Little Ringed Plover, Kentish Plover, Greater and Mongolian Sand-Plover, three kinds of snipe, Whimbrel, Wood Sandpiper, Common Sandpiper, Redshank, Spotted Redshank, Greenshank, Grey-rumped Sandpiper, Terek Sandpiper and Temminck's Stint. There are over thirty other species, most of which can be expected to turn up in the course of every year.\n\nOne of the few features lacking in the beautiful harbour of Hong Kong is a permanent population of sea-gulls. On a really cold day in winter several hundred gulls may be seen there scavenging for food. Although they are nearly all Herring Gulls, well known for loud voices in their breeding grounds, here they are a silent lot and rarely stay about for more than a few hours, preferring the open sea once the temperature rises again. However, terns are a common sight over the marshes on passage, and, if the weather is very stormy in mid-summer, large numbers are blown here from their breeding ground on the Paracels. Amongst the more common species are the White-winged Black Tern, Gull-billed Tern and Black-naped Tern.\n\nThe Spotted Dove is the only resident representative of its family, and it is quite common in both town and country. The Red Turtle-dove is also fairly numerous in autumn, and the Rufous Turtle-dove in early spring.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204256, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n21\n\nA most odd and interesting bird to be seen around Victoria from Garden Road to the University is the Rose-ringed Paroquet, presumably introduced but now firmly established as a resident. Sometimes parties of up to sixteen birds have been seen.\n\nA noisy but seldom seen family are the Cuckoos, who are well represented here, nearly all of them summer visitors. The Indian Cuckoo, or ‘One-more-bottle Bird', the Large Hawk-cuckoo or 'Brain-fever Bird', and the Plaintive Cuckoo or 'Rain-bird', are three summer visitors to certain favoured localities, mainly in the northern New Territories. The Koel is more common and widespread. All these four are parasites of smaller birds, too lazy to make a nest of their own. The Crow-Pheasant and Lesser Crow-Pheasant (which are neither crows nor pheasants!) are also quite common and widespread: both of them are to some extent hill birds, and the former likes more wooded country than the latter.\n\nTwo species of owl are resident in the Colony, the Barred Owlet, whose bubbling call is heard in the northern New Territories, and the Collared Scops Owl both there and on Hong Kong Island, especially on The Peak.\n\nThe Savannah Nightjar must breed in the Colony, for its whip-lash call is heard frequently over many open spaces in the New Territories during the spring and summer, but no nest has yet been found.\n\nHouse-swifts nest, several pairs at a time, under the verandahs of shops and houses in at least half-a-dozen towns. Many thousands of these and the Large White-rumped Swift pass through the Colony on migration.\n\nThe kingfishers are one of the sights of Hong Kong's bird-life. The Common Kingfisher, the one seen in Europe, is here all the year round and almost certainly nests. The White-breasted Kingfisher and Black-capped Kingfisher are both large, very gaily-coloured birds, although the first is much more common than the second. The Pied Kingfisher is confined to the Deep Bay area, where probably only one pair nests, although formerly this species used to be quite common also.\n\nThe Great Barbet, which as might be expected of a close relative of the woodpeckers is a lover of big trees, may be heard calling its monotonous 'coo-lee-you' from the Norfolk Island Pine in the Botanical Gardens and from several woods in the north-eastern New Territories where it breeds. A small relation, the Wryneck, may be seen in winter, quite frequently in scrubby foothill country.\n\nSwallows are a well-loved and common summer visitor to the Colony, and occasionally a few birds may be seen even on the coldest days of winter. Large numbers also come through on passage.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204271, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n35\n\nTo begin with a few examples in poetry: the poet Ts'ao Chih (A.D. 192-232), son of Ts'ao Ts'ao and younger brother of the first Emperor of Wei, wrote about the knight errant in \"The White Steed\", also known as \"The Knight Errant\":\n\nA white steed decked with a golden halter\nGalloped past towards the north west.\n\n\"Who is the rider?' I enquired from a by-stander.\n'A knight errant from the north' was the reply.\n'He left his native district when he was young,\nAnd spread his fame across the distant desert.\nHe always carries a fine sturdy bow\nWith arrows of bramble wood, long and short.\nPulling the string, he hits the target on the left;\nShooting from the right, he hits it again.\nLooking up, he shoots an ape in flight;\nBending down, he hits the bull's-eye once more.\nHe is more agile than a monkey,\nAnd as fierce as a leopard or dragon.\n\nWhen alarms came from the frontier\nThat barbarian troops had made repeated raids,\nAnd when a call to arms was heard from the north,\nHe mounted his steed and reached the frontier fort.\nHe rode on right into the land of the Huns,\nHolding the Mongol tribes in high disdain.\nHe threw himself before the pointed swords\nWithout giving a thought to his own life.\nHe did not even worry about his parents,\nLet alone his children and his wife.\nHis name entered the register of heroes;\nHis heart had no room for personal feelings.\n\nHe risked his life at a time of national disaster,\nAnd regarded death merely as coming home'.10\n\nThis portrait of a knight errant may be a little idealized, for the poet is, in all probability, using the subject as an excuse to express his own frustrated patriotic wishes and military ambitions, being prevented from fulfilling these by his elder brother. Nevertheless, the poem remains a good illustration of some of the ideals of knight errantry. Notice, in particular, that the knight errant did not allow filial devotion to deter him from his heroic task.\n\n10 Ts'ao Tzu-chien shih-chu (with notes by Huang Chieh, Peking, 1957), pp. 69-70.\n\n2000", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204311, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n75\n\nwith the worship of the Pole Star and with astrology. These can be found in the Tao Tsang (Two Collections of Taoist Literature). To identify him with the Vaisravana of popular legends was advantageous both to the Buddhists and Taoists.\n\nIt has been said that Vaisravana helped the Emperor T'ai Tsung during the war which led to the founding of the T'ang dynasty. But in some Tantric texts, the story is dated in the year A.D. 742 (the 1st year of Tien Pao in the reign of Hsuan Tsung). When the city of An-si (2) was besieged by the troops of five states including Tashkend and Samarkand, Vaisravana appeared above the tower of the city-gate with his celestial soldiers and defeated the invading troops. The sutra reads,\n\nIt was in the 1st year of T'ien Pao, the cyclic year being Jên-wu (4), when the city of An-si in Kansu was besieged by the troops of five states, Tashkend, Samarkand ... (five characters missing in the text). On the 11th day of the second month the commander of the city sent a petition for reinforcements. The Emperor told the Monk I-hsing (一行), “An-si is twelve thousand li away from our capital and it would take eight months for our reinforcements to reach there. I am afraid the city will fall.\" I-hsing said, \"Why does Your Majesty not supplicate the celestial soldiers of Vaisravana, the heavenly king of the North, for help?\" \"How do I get his help?\" the Emperor inquired. I-hsing said, \"Your Majesty need only summon the foreign priest Amogha and he will do everything.\" Amogha was summoned and said, \"Your Majesty sent for me. Is it not because the city of An-si is besieged by the troops of five states?\" The Emperor answered, “Yes.” Amogha said, \"Bring your urn and follow me to the place of worship and I will supplicate the celestial soldiers of Vaisravana the heavenly king of the North to rescue the city from danger.\" Hardly had he finished chanting his spells for the fourteenth time when the Emperor saw celestial soldiers clad in armour standing in front of the hall. \"Who are they?\" the Emperor asked. \"Tu Chien (毘建), the second son of Vaisravana, who is leading the celestial troops to An-si, has come to say farewell.\" The Emperor gave them food and dispatched them. In the fourth month the commander of An-si reported again, “On the 11th\n\n13 Li Ching's name appears in the Tao-chiao Hsiang-ch'êng Tzu-ti Lu *(道教相承次第録 \"Order of Taoist Teaching\") in Yün-chi Ch'i-ch'ien (雲笈七籤)(XL). chüan 4. In the Tao Tsang (道藏), Tung-shên Pu (洞神部)(1), Fang-fa Lei (方法類)(5) T'ien-lao Shên-kuang Ching *(天老神光經) is attributed to him.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204336, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nORASHKB and author\n\n100\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\nThe atomization of the Sangha in Hong Kong, as in China proper, has caused a wide variation in the quality of institutions. One monastery, for example, is little better than a public house. It has a restaurant that serves wine; the sound of mahjong drowns out the crickets on summer evenings; there are ping pong tables in the monastery garden; rooms are available; and the abbot (if one can call him that) is said to have originally joined the Sangha in China to escape criminal prosecution. In another, not entirely dissimilar monastery, the abbot is unable to read and write. Yet in both cases, there is a Buddha Hall and worship is carried on. These are two of the monasteries most often visited by tourists.\n\nOn the other hand, there are some institutions that really do credit to Chinese Buddhism. The members study the doctrine and, in many cases, do admirable welfare work, as we shall see below. The Vinaya is observed. The premises are well kept. There is an atmosphere that can make even the casual visitor think of taking refuge there from the dust of the world. The best example is probably the Po Lin Tsz on Lantao.\n\nMost Hong Kong monasteries are in the New Territories, built on hillsides, often with a fine view. They usually have an extensive set of buildings, capable of accommodating a much larger number of persons than are actually in residence (a reminder of greater prosperity in times past). Nuns and lay women devotees may be found in the same institution, living and worshipping separately from the monks. One reason for this type of \"co-educational\" arrangement is that only monks can be dharma masters, qualified to teach. In a nunnery, therefore, disciples must await their occasional visits.\n\nThe largest of the Colony's monasteries is the Tung Po Toh* in Tsuen Wan, which has about 40 monks, 60 nuns and 30 lay women. The Chuk Lam Shim Yuen, also in Tsuen Wan, has 20 monks, 30 nuns, and 100 lay women. On the other hand, another of Tsuen Wan's well-known institutions, the Wang Faat Tsing She, has monks only, ten in number. These figures are representative for the Colony's larger monasteries. Actually, the only other large monastery is the Po Lin Tsz, which has 30 monks, 20 nuns, and 50 lay women.*\n\n* All these figures are approximate, partly because there is a certain amount of coming and going and partly because of the feeling on the part of informants that a round number is adequate\n\nThe internal organization of Hong Kong monasteries (and the same would apply to nunneries) is generally as follows. All authority rests in the hands of the abbot. Under him there are, theoretically, four departments in charge of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204352, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch \n\nORASHKB and author \n\n116 \n\nVol. 1 (1961) \n\nISSN 1991-7295 \n\nnearly 10,000 coffins, urns and containers. The accommodation ranges from single rooms, where one or more coffins rest on trestles, to larger rooms holding hundreds of coffins, together with exhumed remains in a variety of receptacles, e.g. earthenware urns, rattan baskets, wooden boxes and even second-hand tin containers. In some cases, all trace of the relatives of the deceased has been lost and it is proposed to re-inter such remains in a special Tung Wah plot at the Sandy Ridge Cemetery, to which further reference will presently be made.\n\nA clear pattern is now emerging, whereby Hong Kong has almost ceased to be a transit centre for the conveyance of deceased Chinese to their native place. The next best alternative, both for overseas dead and Chinese residents of Hong Kong itself, is to bury in Hong Kong instead, though that is not to imply that local cemeteries are doing a brisk business in snapping up overseas trade.\n\nIn examining the details of current burial procedure, a distinction must be drawn between the urban areas and the New Territories. In the congested urban areas, where land is needed for development and health measures assume greater importance, there is not the same freedom in choice of burial grounds. Relatives must decide whether to bury the dead in a private cemetery, with higher fees, or in a public cemetery, with lower fees and compulsory exhumation of remains after a period of years.\n\nTaking the urban areas first, let us trace the events of a typical funeral. Unlike the earlier traditional habits of mainland China, where preparations for burial were largely carried out by members of the family, the current practice in Hong Kong is for the relatives, on death occurring in their midst, at once to call in an undertaker or someone from a funeral parlour. The undertaker provides a coffin, encoffins the body and conveys it thus to a cemetery for burial, but he is debarred by law from bringing dead bodies on to his own business premises. A funeral parlour on the other hand has wider scope. Its staff will enter the home of the deceased and remove the body to the parlour, either in a basket-woven container coloured silver, blue or yellow, or on a plain canvas stretcher. The advantage of using a funeral parlour instead of an undertaker lies in the fact that, with the body actually held temporarily on the premises of the parlour, it is possible there to carry out funeral rites which would be otherwise inconvenient where an undertaker conveyed the encoffined body direct from the home to the cemetery.\n\nChinese in Hong Kong dislike holding a dead body overnight in the private home. They much prefer its immediate removal after death. Neighbours too are far from happy at the thought of death in the near vicinity, nor in earlier days used they to be\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204357, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1961", "page_number": 125, "title": "RAS-1961", "content_text": "Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch\n\nRASHKB and author\n\nVol. 1 (1961)\n\nISSN 1991-7295\n\n121\n\non the male relatives, can be got round by omitting pregnant wives from the ceremony. There is also a belief that exhumation should not take place during the years on which fall the 51st, 61st, 71st and other such birthdays of the male head of the family.\n\nIn Chinese public cemeteries, the same principle of exhumation is practised. At the end of each year, the particular coffin section where burials have been taking place is closed and left untouched for five years. At the end of that time, an official notice of intention to clear graves is published, giving relatives six months in which to exhume remains privately and re-inter them in the urn section. Any remains not exhumed privately on the expiry of the period of notice are then exhumed by Government and the remains re-interred in an urn section. The cleared coffin section is then eventually used again for coffin burials.\n\nApplying equally to urban and New Territories burials are the two important grave worshipping festivals of Ching Ming (105 days after the winter solstice, i.e. either 5th or 6th of April) and Chung Yeung (9th day of the 9th moon, i.e. in October). The first is the more important. The second was originally not a grave-worshipping festival at all, but an occasion for climbing to the top of a mountain to avoid evil spirits. Since so many graves are situated on hills, the practice of combining the hill climb with an opportunity of worshipping at graves has been developed.\n\nStrict Cantonese belief also requires that, at ch'un she (#1), which falls annually about two weeks before the Ching Ming festival, relatives should pay their respects to persons who have died within the past year. This ceremony usually takes place at home and its participants are restricted to older persons.\n\nAt the Ching Ming and Chung Yeung festivals, it is customary for whole families to make an outing to their relatives' graves. There, offerings of pork, fruit and flowers are presented; incense and candles burnt; prayers offered; crackers let off. Minor repairs to the graves may be carried out and undergrowth cut back. Coffin graves in the New Territories may be marked with lime at the end and all types of graves usually have a piece of red paper and another piece of white paper underneath the red, tucked under a stone beside them. Exhumations will often be carried out at the Ching Ming festival. At the Tung Wah coffin repository, caskets of remains are opened and the bones spread out to air on sheets of paper.\n\nChinese believe that the spirit of a person leaves the body on death. In Hong Kong the general belief is that it descends into hell where the judge decides on the basis of the earthly merits of the deceased whether it may be allowed to return to earth by reincarnation as a child or, if very evil, as an animal. The main fear of the dead consists rather of the belief that to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1961.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/vd6724704", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204421, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "44 \n\nHOLMES WELCH \n\nfrom those who knew them best. The leading exponent of the Lotus Sutra might be living in Kiangsu, the leading exponent of the Surangama Sutra in Manchuria, and so on. One went around the country to the famous monasteries, studying at the feet of the famous masters. One's possessions were all in a bag that theoretically weighed only two and a half catties: bowl, robes, and, most important of all, the ordination certificate—so important that one monk I know keeps his in the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank. The ordination certificate was like a Diners' Club credit card. At any big public monastery anywhere in China, the travelling monk had merely to show it to the head of the Guest Department and, if it was in order, he had to be admitted and he could live there as long as he liked unless he violated a rule for which the penalty was expulsion. Under certain conditions it was not necessary to show his ordination certificate to gain admission. That could wait until he applied for a place in the monastic organisation.\n\nDuring his first weeks in a monastery the travelling monk lived in the yün-shui t'ang or “cloud-water hall” (monks were thought to be as unattached as drifting clouds or running water). Then when the next semester2 began, he would enroll in the Meditation Hall, or the Hall for Reciting Buddha's Name, or some other part of the organisation. In general he ascended by one or both of two ladders, the ladder of religious positions or the ladder of administrative positions. In the Meditation Hall, for example, he might first be an acolyte, then record the sayings of Instructors, then handle the liturgical instruments, and finally become the wei-no or head of the Hall. Though I call him “head,” his position was in fact inferior to the Four Instructors Ssu-ta pan-shou, who, in rotation, taught the monks how to meditate. On the administrative side he might begin as a serving monk. (The famous Hsü-yun spent four years as a water-carrier, as a gardener, and waiting on table). Step by step he could rise to be a chief of a department, perhaps of the abbot's personal office, or later of the Guest Department or the Treasury. There was a theoretical total of forty-eight positions and in a big monastery like Chin Shan they were all filled.\n\n2 The year was divided into two main periods beginning on the 16th of the first moon and the 16th of the seventh moon,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204480, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "LIFE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\n101\n\nSee paras. 38 These feuds, often of long standing, persist to-day. 77-79 of Mr. K. M. A. Barnett's annual administrative report for 1955-56 as District Commissioner New Territories for a good instance of traditional hostility. For other cases see paras. 97 and 43 of the annual departmental reports for 1957-58 and 1958-59.\n\nSee Smith Village Life in China p. 286, also p. 222 \"The local Magistrates take care not to intervene too soon or too far, lest it be the worse for them. When the fight is over the officers put in an appearance, arrests are made, and the machinery of government recovers from its temporary paralysis\", and pp. 282-86 for a northern instance of clan violence.\n\n40 According to Dyer Ball Things Chinese (Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1903) p. 326 \"a dreadful internecine strife, in which 150,000 at least, perished, took place between the Hakkas and the Punteis in the south-western districts of the Canton province, from A.D. 1864 to 1866, and arms and even armed steamers, were procured from Hong Kong by both parties\". See also pp. 369-70 of B.C. Henry's Ling Nam (London, Partridge, 1886),\n\n41 From information supplied by elders of Ho Chung village who were at school during or before 1898.\n\n42 See the section on Disasters in the San On Yuen Chi.\n\n43 See stone tablet outside Tin Hau temple, Kat O, Tai Po district.\n\n44 From a stone tablet dated Ch'ien-lung 42/4/26 (1777) at Yuen Long Old Market.\n\n45 From a stone tablet dated Chia-ch'ing 7/3/23 (1802) at the Tin Hau temple, Kat O.\n\n46 From a stone tablet dated Ch'ien-lung 42/lucky month, lucky day (1777) at the Hau Wong temple, Tung Chung.\n\n47 From a stone tablet dated Tao-kuang 21/7/19 (1841) at Tin Hau temple, Peng Chau.\n\n48 From a stone tablet whose date is uncertain, at the Tai Wong temple, Yuen Long Market.\n\n49 Variously, as above.\n\n50 Reminiscences of Mr. TANG Kiu Fong of Fui Sha Wai near Yuen Long, in an article in the New Territories Weekly for January 1962.\n\n51 Tree spirits are quite common in the New Territories where many old trees have joss sticks and red paper inscriptions placed under them on a rough altar. There is, in particular, a very large old banyan tree at Long Kang a few miles east of Sai Kung Market which must surely be the oldest tree in the Southern District. This is visited regularly by devotees. From personal experience of every part of the old Southern District I can say with confidence that belief in tree and earth spirits still exists to-day, and might indeed be said positively to flourish.\n\n52 An ancestral temple is not open to the public: it is for the private use of the clan, for whom alone it has any meaning. Most villages of any age and consequence have ancestral temples, and in multi-clan villages", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204506, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1962", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1962", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n123\n\ngroup belonging to the K'ai Yuan period of the Tang Dynasty (713-742), and a few other coins from the Tai P'ing period of the Liao Dynasty (Tartars) which date from 1020-1031. A find of T'ang coins in conjunction with Sung coins shows that the former were in circulation in late Sung times.\n\nUnfortunately, as I hinted at the beginning of this note, there is no doubt that the delay in reporting this find has led to the loss of the greater part of both coins and porcelain. To give a known instance, it was reported from Macau, after a newspaper man there had seen the official press release which appeared in the Hong Kong papers, that over 1,000 coins had been bought recently from Hong Kong by a curio merchant. There is little doubt that these coins also came from Shek Pik, since it was reported that the coins were all of the Sung Dynasty and were covered with earth, which showed that they had been recently excavated. Many other coins must also be in the possession of workmen on the site or in the hands of people to whom they have sold them. An attempt has been made to recover these by means of a letter to the Chief Resident Engineer, but there has been no response so far to the appeal, despite his ready assistance.\n\nThe same is true of the porcelain, of which there appears to have been some quantity. Not surprisingly, the bulldozers smashed the porcelain to pieces and scattered it over a wide area. Some of the broken pieces are in the hands of persons at Shek Pik; others are still buried under the earth moved by the bulldozers, which extends over several acres of hillside; and about a hundred small fragments were recovered by the Team from Shek Pik. Portions of about twenty pieces of porcelain have been recovered to date; very small for the most part but enough to show by colour and shape that they were part of different pots. These fragments are characterised by their fine colour, good shape and the thickness and brilliance of the glaze.\n\nTo which period can the find be attributed? The last reign date recovered so far is of the period 1241-1253, which brings us to within twenty-five years of the fall of the dynasty. In the normal course of events it would, I think, be unlikely for porcelain of this quality to be found on Lantau which, so far as we know, was at this time barely inhabited by a handful of Chinese peasants", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1962.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9s166f47f", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204618, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 99, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "86\n\nJ. L. CRANMER-BYNG\n\nin the north-east quarter of the city, well away from the new diplomatic quarter.2\n\nAll accommodation for foreign embassies was to be concentrated in one area outside the east wall of the city, and about one and a half miles from a newly constructed gate, just near to the old astronomical instruments which can still be seen on top of the east wall. Eventually, after negotiations, the new British Legation was allotted two large houses and two blocks of flats in this new diplomatic quarter. The last christening was performed in the Legation chapel, the books in the small library were taken off their shelves, the flag at the gate was hauled down, and everything was packed.3 Among the more colourful of the closing scenes in the life of the old British Legation should be mentioned the two Commonwealth cricket matches played in the Autumn of 1958 between the Moonrakers, captained by Mr. Duncan Wilson, the British Chargé d'Affaires, and the Woolgatherers captained by the Indian Ambassador, Mr. G. Parthasaratly. The rules governing this diplomatic cricket were many and local but the chief rule of all was that if anyone hit a ball into the grounds of the Chinese Ministry of Public Security next door his whole side was out.\n\nFinally, in September 1959, the staff moved to their new quarters and thus after nearly one hundred years of continuous occupation the existence of the old British Legation in Peking came to an end. From an historical and sentimental point of view its loss was sad. But from a realistic point of view which\n\n20 This was built on a site which had been granted to Russia as far back as the Treaty of Nerchinsk (1689). As a result of fighting between Russian settlers on the frontier between Siberia and Manchuria about a hundred Russian prisoners were brought to Peking in the period 1683-5. They were formed into a company, given a place of residence in the northeast corner of Peking, close to the Lama Temple, and intermarried with Chinese and Manchus. They retained their Greek Orthodox faith and were allowed to have their own priests. See Michel N. Pavlovsky, Chinese-Russian Relations (New York, 1949) 145-164. It was to this place, known as the Pei-kuan (\"Northern Hostel\") that the members of the Russian ecclesiastical mission transferred in 1861.\n\n30 Unfortunately the imposing Royal Coat of Arms which dignified the gateway of the old Legation was too large to fit properly into the new Legation buildings. Mr. Michael Stewart, the Chargé d'Affaires at the time of the move, arranged with Sir Robert Black, the Governor of Hong Kong, that the Coat of Arms should be sent to Government House in Hong Kong. It is now fixed onto the wall at the far end of the long ballroom of Government House, which it dominates by the brilliance of its colours,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204649, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1963", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1963", "content_text": "116\n\nA. D. BLUE\n\nThere was intense rivalry between John Swire's China Navigation Company and Russell's Shanghai Steam Navigation Company in the years before the latter's ships were sold to the China Merchants Steam Navigation Company. John Swire seems to have adopted and improved on Russell's methods of soliciting business from Chinese merchants, and making his shipping services and godown facilities as attractive to them as possible. This was a policy which the \"Princely Hong\" were much slower in adopting in their shipping services. It is amusing to read F. B. Forbes's exasperated comments on a dinner party which Swire's compradores gave for their Chinese freight brokers, and at which their European clerks were present and assisted in the hostly duties.12 Forbes thought this undignified, but one imagines his real grievance was that he had not thought of this himself.\n\nThe Chefoo Convention between Britain and China was signed in 1876, following the murder of A. R. Margary, a British consular officer, on the border between Burma and China. The connection between the two events may appear remote, but at this time the murder of a foreigner, or any untoward outburst of xenophobia on the part of the Chinese, was often followed by China being compelled to surrender some of her territory or sovereignty to the foreign power concerned. In this instance the Chefoo Convention provided for the opening to foreign trade of several more ports on the coast, and a further 340 miles on the Yangtse, the section between Hankow and Ichang known as the Middle River. Ichang, at the upper end of the Middle River, became a treaty port, and also Wuhu, a port between Nanking and Kiukiang. At the same time, Anking, Hichow, Luhchow, Tatung, and Wusueh, were opened to foreign trade as ports of call. These were ports where passengers and cargo could be loaded and discharged, but where foreigners had no rights of residence. All these ports of call, except Luhchow, were below Hankow; Luhchow being on the Middle River 70 miles above Hankow.\n\nF. B. Forbes was a nephew of P. S. Forbes, a former head of Russell and Company in America. He was a director of the Shanghai Steam Navigation Company from 1863 to 1866, and from 1868 to 1872, and president from 1872 to 1874.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1963.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/4m90m091v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204727, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "JOURNAL OF OCCURRANCES AT CANTON\n\n21\n\nOur greatest fear is that the boats from the shipping at Whampoa where there is a force of eight or ten hundred men may attempt to force their way to Canton to relieve us, in which case the Chinese would probably fall upon and massacre us. It is to be hoped, however, that all the foreigners there are too well aware of the imminent danger in which we would be placed by attempting to come up while matters remain in so very ticklish a position. We also expect the daily arrival of our two vessels of war, the Columbia and John Adams, and hope they will not do any act or aggression outside or at the Bogue,\n\nApril 3\n\nCaptain Elliot issued a circular today which I refer you to. Johnston, the Second Superintendant, and Thom are to accompany Pwankeikua and Saoqua to Macao and from thence to the shipping to attend to the delivery of the opium to the Chinese officer who also goes down as a special messenger from the Commissioner to receive it. They are to start at 4 p.m. in Chop boats.\n\nAt one after five Thom and Johnston, attended by Alantsae, the linguist, one of the Houqua's servants, and a Malay and a Chinese servant left the point in front of the Creek Hong in Houqua's boat and were taken to a large Chop waiting for them at anchor in front of the Factories, when they immediately got under way for Macao.\n\nFriday 5\n\nStill prisoners and hostages for the delivery of the 20,282 chests of opium surrendered by Captain Elliot to the Commissioner. We are promised that the servants shall be restored when one fourth is delivered, the passage boats be allowed to leave when one half's delivered and our guard to be removed, and that when three fourths is delivered the trade shall be commenced, and matters shall resume their former course when all is delivered. My present intention is to leave Canton so soon as the first 1,000 chests are delivered, for if there is any difficulty in completing the entire delivery we may be retained as prisoners yet a long time, and there are doubts of the entire quantity being at hand to deliver.\n\nOur breakfast and dinner is now prepared at Old Tom the linguist's house, and brought to us by coolies in covered boxes. Captain Elliot sent a letter to Macao today. Old Tom who\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204736, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 39, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "28 \n\nW. C. HUNTER \n\nOne comes and says his cows are starving as the cow-man sent to look after them has run away. Mr. B appears and in great distress begs them to send a few coolies to wash out his Hong, it being unwashed for ten days. Mr. K wants a basket of oranges, and Mr. F comes to complain of some of the guard having been insolent, with threats of his being about to go and annihilate them with his stick, at which the linguists say, \"Hae yaw? 42 How can do? Mandarin angry too muchee\". Then Mr. C comes in with a bundle in his hand which proves to be a ragged jacket or two which he insists upon it must be mended instantly. Others come to hoax the poor fellows with threats of forcing their way up China Street which alarms them and brings out the usual, “Hae yaw? How can do? No good takee so?\" Mr. B runs in and swears the rats are running away with everything movable in his Factory, and Mr. A tells them if they don't make the guard keep out strange dogs and strange cows and calves from wandering up his Hong, half starved and barking and bleating, that he will fire at them and they must take the consequences. A multitudinous (what a shocking long word) quantity of calls of this and every other nature keeps these poor fellows constantly busy and in trepidation. Besides the headmen each has from 6 to 12 clerks or pursers as we call them, and some 8 or 10 coolies constantly by, and they are kept on the go from daylight till late at night running from the tailors to the butchers, from the washerman to the shoemakers, from the market to [the] cow-keepers to supply the wants of some 350 imprisoned foreigners who cannot go beyond the Square in front of the Factories. But these linguists and all their assistants are the best natured set of fellows living. They laugh at us, they cannot help it; our situation is so entirely that of a closely confined prisoner and making known our wants excites their fun. But they do everything they can to relieve us and go on all manner of errands with great good will. \n\nSunday, 14 April, 6 p.m. \n\nAt 5 this afternoon Captain Elliot issued a circular in which he states he had received a letter from Johnston dated at Chumpee 8 p.m. of the 12th up to which time the Hercules and Austen had delivered 650 chests of opium to the Chinese officers and that they hoped to get on faster when more boats could be procured of which there was a great scarcity. The Commissioner and the Governor were both at the Bogue, and Captain Elliot also received", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204740, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "32\n\nW. C. HUNTER\n\nOur confinement to the Factories and Square and the guard the same as before.\n\nSunday, 21 April\n\nLetters were received today from the Bogue stating that 8,500 chests of opium had been delivered to the Chinese. Servants all off again.\n\nTuesday, 23 April\n\nWe supposed the demand for the bond would not have been persevered in by the Commissioner, but yesterday the 10,000 chests of opium (we hear) having been delivered into his hands, before he permits the communication to be opened by passage boats as was to have been the case on the receipt of the 10,000 chests, he now says, No, it cannot be, it is true I have half the opium but before I fulfil my promise I must have the bond. This is a direct violation of his agreement, the communication is not open, no boats are permitted to go up or down. We are consequently still prisoners and this act of treachery has exasperated the foreigners very much. Half the community at least looked forward to a release at this time and to go to Whampoa and Macao to wait the result of the completion of the delivery but are disappointed. Captain Elliot's orders to Johnston were not to deliver more than the stipulated number of chests till the passage boats were allowed to run, and we hear today that he has stopped delivery.\n\nThe foreigners are so idle that we meet in the Square every afternoon and have all sorts of games; ball, leapfrog etc., much to the amusement of the Chinese. The sailors, of whom there are 38 here, afford us the most fun by their queer games.\n\nFriday, 26 April\n\nUp to yesterday evening we had various rumours from Chumpee where the opium ships are discharging. One report was that the deliveries had been temporarily stopped by Johnston which was confirmed by letters received by the Hong merchants, and the cause of his doing so explained by the passage boats not running. Captain Elliot, however, notwithstanding this breach of promise by the Commissioner wrote three days ago to Johnston to go on with the deliveries as fast as possible without regard to the Commissioner's word being kept or not. The object now", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204750, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "42\n\nHONG KONG BEFORE THE CHINESE THE FRAME, THE PUZZLE AND THE MISSING PIECES\n\nA lecture delivered on 18th November 1963\n\nIntroduction\n\nK. M. A. Barnett\n\nHong Kong and the Chinese. The speakers who address this society usually do so to communicate a small part of what they know. My purpose is the reverse of this: to deal with many aspects of a subject about which much should be, and little is, known. Certain evidence which I have gathered in the course of the past few years, at first quite accidentally, clearly presents a picture and poses a problem. This problem can perhaps be solved and the picture completed if all the sources of knowledge to which the learned members of this learned society have access can be brought together.\n\nThere is also a personal consideration. Over the past eighteen years, I have collected a mountain of what I am tempted to call “field notes”, all in an untidy mess and accessible largely by the use of memory. But my opportunities for gathering information are getting less, and the time is approaching when I shall have to arrange the notes, edit them, and write up what is worth writing up: all of which means that I shall have to stop collecting fresh data. This then is my reason for doing what goes against all my instincts, and exposing to the critical gaze of an audience what are but half-digested or undigested facts, half-proven or unproven hypotheses, and one or two conjectures. I hope to suggest to you that the solution of the problem \"Who was here before the Chinese arrived?\" is one that demands team work, that demands the collaboration of different disciplines and the exchange of specialised knowledge. Unfortunately this is a field in which the amateur, being free from preconceived ideas, may be more successful than the professional in gathering raw data: if he perseveres, which as an amateur he is unlikely to do. Yet for the interpretation of the data he requires the assistance of the professional's accumulated knowledge and skill, which the professional will be reluctant to place at the disposal of the amateur. Today", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "FENG CHAU\n\n93\n\n26 Dated the thirteenth day of the sixth Moon of the 8th year of Kuang Hsü (27th July 1882).\n\n27 Other examples of local tax-lords are quoted in note 12 of my Cheung Chau article. For an interesting instance from another part of the New Territories see Appendix II to the Report on the New Territory for the year 1900, Hong Kong Government Gazette, vol. XLVII (1901), pp. 1403-4, where a claim by members of a branch of the TANG family of Kam Tin to ownership of the whole island of Ts'ing I was investigated by a member of the Land Court. He wrote \"I have taken special pains to go thoroughly into this case because it seems a very typical example of the curious and unwarrantable pretensions to the ownership of very large tracts of country which are perhaps the most striking feature in the economy of what we call the New Territory.\" Like the TANGS, the CHANS may have owned part but claimed, or aimed to control, the whole.\n\n28 It is interesting that the earliest grave known on the island has a tablet dated Chien Lung fifteenth year (1749) and that the person buried there is a CHAN Yiu Hong & and the person responsible for erecting the tablet (no relationship is given) CHAN Hing Sin. These men may conceivably have had something to do with the CHAN Yan Hop and Yee Ka Tongs. The grave is unlikely to be that of a fisherman and most likely to be that of someone who was living on Peng Chau at the time of his death. Not everyone is provided with a formal grave, and therefore he was probably a person of some consequence. Also, at the time of the land settlement, various persons named CHAN who were not local villagers but belonged to Peng Chau and Nam Tau (BCL) owned land on the Lantau coast opposite Peng Chau. One of them was the CHAN Yan Hop Tong of Nam Tau. This land may represent the remains of larger holdings left over from an earlier period but mostly sold or mortgaged by 1899, or else not recognised by the Land Court during the re-registration of titles, as being \"not compatible with the principles of British administration\" as happened with some other tax-lord land in the New Territories—see note 12 to my Cheung Chau article.\n\n29 Peng Chau M.S.\n\n30 BCL.\n\n31 BCL, Lantau coast.\n\n32 A lucky day of the first winter month of the year of Tao Kuang (1834),\n\n33 BCL.\n\n34 BCL.\n\n35 BCL.\n\n36 Peng Chau M.S.\n\n37 At the 1911 census (see note 7 above) the population of these villages was Nei Kwu Chau 78, Tai Pak 52, and Yee Pak 59. There were also families living in hamlets at Nim Shue Wan, Cheung Sha Lan, Hai Tei Wan, Hung Shui, Kau Shat Wan and Man Kok, but they are not listed in the Census.\n\n38 There is conflicting evidence about the prosperity of the area in the second half of the century. The decline of population on the Lantau coast opposite Peng Chau has been noted. This is more noticeable elsewhere on Lantau, where some of the more important villages can be shown to have\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204806, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "97\n\nHONG KONG BUTTERFLIES\n\nV. R. BURKHARDT\n\nRichard South, the author of the most popular handbook of British butterflies, prefaces his work by saying, \"Almost everyone admires the wild flowers that Nature produces so lavishly, and in such charming variety of form and colour; but, in addition to their own proper florescence, the plants of woodland, meadow, moor, and down have other blossoms that arise from them, although they are not of them. These are the beautiful winged creatures called butterflies, which, as crawling caterpillars, obtain their nourishment from plant leafage, and in the perfect state help the bees to rifle the flowers of their sweets, and at the same time assist in the work of fertilisation.\n\nEnglish butterflies rarely obtrude themselves on the stroller's gaze apart from the whites which devastate his cabbages, and the apparently aimless flight of the Meadow Brown, when crossing a hayfield. The real country lover passing through the leafless copse on a sunny windless day in February, may be heartened by the sight of the sulphur yellow of the male Brimstone which, as the \"butter-coloured fly\", gives its English name to the whole race. In Hong Kong, the most unobservant cannot fail to notice the brilliant \"aerial flowers\" referred to by the British naturalist, as the purple shot Euploeas, or the yellow Euremas pass him in the very centre of the city.\n\nThough the Colony lies just within the tropic of Cancer, at least seventy per cent of its butterflies are Palaearctic, that is to say, to be found normally in a zone running from Africa north of the Sahara across Europe and Asia to Japan and Formosa. The geology and climate of the Colony both militate against the luxurious vegetation associated with a tropical country. Though much has been done by the Government in the way of afforestation, there has not been time since the British occupation to produce the leaf mould and rich subsoil found in primitive jungle and forest, and the flora on which the larvae of butterflies feed is much more restricted than in countries like Malaya and Indonesia.\n\nEarly collectors identified about 140 different species of butterflies in the Colony, and J. C. Kershaw in his \"Butterflies of Hong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204820, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "HONG KONG BUTTERFLIES\n\n103\n\nTwo of the Hairstreaks (Thecladae) also have distinct seasonal differences. Arhopala centaurus, a recent discovery with a wing span of 55 mm. and royal blue in colour, has a broad black margin on both fore and hind wings in summer, and none in the dry season.\n\nIraota timoleon is deep Prussian blue in the wet season and the underside is chocolate brown with accentuated white markings. The winter form (maecaenas) is more violet in shade on the upperside, whilst the lower is chestnut and the white markings are greatly reduced.\n\nThe Curetis acuta varies more in the female than the male. latter is a brilliant copper in the wet season but, in the dry it is dulled by smokey scaling. The female, in the summer is a uniform black-brown with a few white scales in the centre of the wings. These are enlarged to big patches in the winter.\n\nHEBOMOIA GLAUCIPPE\n\nThe most spectacular of the Pieridae family is Hebomoia glaucippe, the giant orange tip, whose powerful flight cannot fail to attract attention. With a wing span of over three inches its speed is phenomenal, for one instant it passes one on the mid levels and on the next it is on the peak. The undersides of both sexes are much alike, and when the insect settles to rest on the underside of a leaf, dropping the fore wings within the hind, it is very difficult to detect.\n\nOn the wing, however, it is a very conspicuous object as it careers wildly about. Though fond of flowers it spends little time on them. It is one of the few butterflies attracted by the large violet blue convolvulus, which has a very deep bell requiring a long proboscis to extract the nectar. The uppersides of both sexes are creamy white with a black triangular patch at the apex of the fore wings nearly filled with six golden orange stripes separated by the veining. The female is distinguished from the male by seven triangular black patches on the hind wings, and similar marks on the border. There is little seasonal variation, variation, but the sub-apical orange stripes in the female are rather larger and broader in the dry form, and the undersides in both sexes are usually more heavily marked in the wet.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204853, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n131\n\nartists. It is disturbing indeed to find that two of these previously published elsewhere as \"attributed\" — are promoted here to \"full\" Chinnery status without a word of explanation!\n\n12\n\nHow does one reconcile the title \"The Hong Merchant, Gou Qua\" with the picture showing a man in the costume of a North China scholar?\n\nAnyone familiar with Chinese ship portraits and Chinese port scenes will question the two handsome Chinese Junk oils.13 The clue is the small British and American vessels in the lower corners of the \"War Junk\" — alluring to a prospective nautical purchaser, typical of many ship portraits, but so different in style and subject from other Chinnery marines.\n\nThe time has come to bury forever that misused, euphonic term \"School of Chinnery\". Take port scenes. Mariners and merchants arrived in Canton centuries before Chinnery. Even my two great grandfathers14 had won their battle with the pirates off Macao nearly a generation before Chinnery's arrival. What is more natural than to take home a port scene oil to show one's family. These men were not art experts and Chinese representations were good enough for them. It is possible today to date port scenes definitely prior to Chinnery, proving that Chinnery had no influence on those Chinese artists. It is also possible to date similar port scenes after Chinnery's death that show no style change from the earlier representations. Why not be honest and call them \"China Trade Port Scenes\",15 which they are, instead of \"School of Chinnery\", which they are not? To all other port scenes such as St. Helena and the Cape of Good Hope16 “School of Chinnery”, verges on fantasy, particularly so when the text denies the existence of any Chinnery pictures made on his voyage to India.17\n\n12 Plate 42 top.\n\n13 Plate 73.\n\n14 William Sturgis and Daniel C. Bacon. See R. B. Forbes — Personal Reminiscences.\n\n15 It has taken many years to substitute the correct \"China Trade Porcelain\" for \"Oriental Lowestoft\".\n\n16 Plate 55 bottom, Plate 56 top.\n\n17 Page 59.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204871, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 174, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n149\n\nAn expert could say what the ranges of such cannons were, but after you have landed at the pier and walked to the fort, you will appreciate that it is 1,200 yards from the coast. It is unlikely that guns in the fort could be really effective at this range, so that one questions the wisdom of its planners in placing it so far from the sea, if it was meant to be a work of coastal defence.\n\nWhat of the garrison? In the later Ching period there were at least three military installations on Lantau at Tung Chung, Tai O and Fan Lau, another on Cheung Chau, and a considerable number of troops in the Kowloon Walled City. These were all sedentary garrisons drawn from the Tai Pang (Mirs Bay) battalion of the Chinese regular forces, which was scattered in forts and guard posts all over the eastern and southern part of the Sun On district, of which the present Crown Colony of Hong Kong formed the major part. The garrison at Tung Chung was commanded by a subordinate officer and probably consisted of a score or two men who were very likely without modern weapons. Writing in 1903 Dyer Ball said of the Chinese military forces that \"matchlocks, gingals, bows and arrows, spears and lances are still the weapons of many\". Their military efficiency was probably very slight. A missionary, who wrote an interesting account of the San On district for the last number of the transactions of the old Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1859, has an amusing description of the guard post at the Shatin Pass. However, they probably had a deterrent value, but owing to the poor state of local communications at that time, they were much too far away to assist if anything happened elsewhere on Lantau, particularly on the south side, though their influence was felt there. When the local leaders of the Pui O community (South Lantau) rebuilt the Hung Shing temple there in 1875, they persuaded the garrison commander at Tung Chung to make a contribution. In the commemorative tablet recording the event he is styled Fu Ye, a respectful form of address for this subordinate officer.\n\nTo bring these rather rambling notes to a close, the fort was used after 1898 as a police station. The District Officer who recovered the cannons for the fort has left a vivid picture of his occasional magisterial visits there about 1920:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204872, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1964", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1964", "content_text": "150\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe Police Station at Tung Chung was in an old Chinese fort, walled in. I heard my cases under a huge tree there and always had to drink a large tumbler of goat's milk provided by the Indian Sergeant in charge. He would have been awfully hurt if I had refused. It might be O.K. with half a pint of rum or whisky, but I had not the heart to do it!\n\nJ. W. HAYES\n\nSOME NOTES ON TUNG CHUNG1\n\nTung Chung, Eastern Stream, appeared on the historical scene of the region earlier than most other places in the New Territories. The valley acquired its eminence because the last of the Sung emperors was proclaimed there and upheld some sort of a Court in the valley for at least three months in 1278, the last year of the Sung dynasty. Though the place of proclamation cannot be ascertained to be Tung Chung itself, Chinese historians have been tackling the problem from the name Huang Lung Hang*, Yellow Dragon Valley, which refers to the inhabited part of the valley of the Eastern Stream. Historical documents have indicated that a yellow dragon appeared in the sea when the boy emperor was proclaimed and the fact was recorded because it was thought to be a good omen for the fast vanishing dynasty.\n\nApart from legends, there is more vivid evidence of the brief stay of royalty in the area because wherever the fugitive Sungs held court, the people erected temples to remember a loyal courtier, Lord Yeung, a member of the royal household who followed the Court to the very end. Today, we can find three of such Hou Wong temples in our region: Kowloon City, Tai O and Tung Chung. The temple at Tung Chung cannot, of course, be dated as far back as 1278 but it is certain that it was renovated around 1870 and subsequently in 1910 and 1959.\n\nThere is next to nothing to tell what happened in the region between the fall of the Sung dynasty (1278) and the coastal\n\n1 The above historical note on the Tung Chung area contains material collected by Mr. C. Y. Ng of the University of Hong Kong for his Ph.D. thesis on \"Rural Development\". A more detailed historical paper on Tung Chung by Mr. Ng is expected to be published next year.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1964.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qz20zx09r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204969, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 77, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "68 \n\nJEN YU-WEN \n\nas stated above, left Kuan-fu-ch'iang on the way to Ch'uan-wan (Ch'uen-wan) on the western shore of Kowloon in the year A.D. 1277, they stopped over at a place by the name of Ku-t'a (Ku-t'ab), or \"Ancient Pagoda.\" This fact had been recorded in some historical books, but where and what this place is has never been known, Now, with the revelation from this stone-inscription plus certain statements in the Genealogical Record of the Lin clan definitely referring to the Stone Pagoda, a sound conclusion can be drawn to the effect that Ku-t'a is identical to the present-day South Fu-t'ang, the northern shore of Tung-lung Islet. It is further reinforced by the fact that, according to tradition, local people used to call the said Pagoda by the name of Ku-shih-t'a (Ku-shek-t'ab) or “Ancient Stone Pagoda\" which was later abbreviated to Ku-t'a. With the discovery of the missing link a very knotty problem in the study of the itinerary of the last two emperors of the Southern Sung is rationally solved at long last, For this the value of this stone-engraving to historical scholarship is most pronounced. \n\nSecondly, from the standpoint of archaeology, this stone-engraving, done 690 years ago (1274-1965), is the oldest historic relic with a definite date in Hong Kong and Kowloon. (The history of Sung Wong Toi began three years later than this and the three characters were not engraved there until the Yuan Dynasty. The ancient tomb in Li-cheng-wu (Lee-chang-uk) appears to have a longer history, but the date is uncertain.) \n\nThirdly, from the standpoint of literature, its diction and sentences are excellent and the narration of no less than eight events in only 108 characters is terse and elegant. As a stone inscription, it should be ranked as an exemplary piece of literature of its kind. Moreover, the calligraphy possesses beauty, gracefulness and strength, being typical of the Sung style and akin to the penmanship of the celebrated poet, Su Tung-p'o. \n\nLast of all, considered as a work of art, the craftsmanship of the engraving is highly commendable. The cutting is deep and sharp, and even after having been exposed to the elements for nearly 700 years, almost all of the engraved characters remain intact. \n\nIn conclusion, this historic relic should by all means be regarded as a distinctive feature in the cultural history of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 204996, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "95\n\nGOVERNMENT AND PEOPLE IN HONG KONG 1841-1962: A CONSTITUTIONAL HISTORY\n\nA Review Article by COLINA LUPTON\n\nThe subtitle of this book begs the question. Has Hong Kong really had a constitutional history? And if not, why the book? Mr. Endacott puts this query on the second page of the preface, and his answer is an interesting one. Given the fact that Hong Kong received a Crown Colony form of constitution in 1843 and still retains it in 1965, there must be something which explains its tranquillity in the midst of a continent of upheaval. The stability here contrasts forcibly with the emergent nationalisms which surround the Colony, in Indonesia, Indochina, Malaysia and certainly not least in China itself. Government here must be broadly in sympathy with the desires of the people, or it would not be supported. Even if this is partly due to local realization that the important decisions about the Colony's future are taken in London, Peking and elsewhere, the fact is that the Government provides enough of what the people want for its authority not to be called in question.\n\nIt is certainly true that as the Colony has grown and developed, the Government has done so too. But it might perhaps have been a fairer statement to call this not a constitutional history but an administrative one, for in all justice it is largely in the administration that the changes have been made, and quite a substantial portion of the book does actually deal with these changes. It is sad evidence of the apathy which Mr. Endacott so frequently remarks on as evinced in Hong Kong public life that the publishers have limited the printing of this book to a mere 2,000. In a territory of nearly four million, where at least fifty thousand or so must have a good reading knowledge of English, it seems that such a book on government is not expected to provoke much informed interest.\n\nAnyone who attempts to narrate the whole history of Hong Kong in one volume is confronted by a problem. This is the fact that the Colony's history falls very decisively into two\n\nBy G. B. Endacott, Hong Kong University Press, 1964,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205005, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "104\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nand mineral deposits in Hong Kong, Southern China and South-East Asia. After a lapse of three years, the proceedings have been published, making a very substantial contribution to the study of the geography of Hong Kong.\n\nThe book is divided into three parts:\n\nPart I deals with land use and contains eighteen short articles. Of the nineteen authors, eight are graduates of the Department of Geography, University of Hong Kong. With Professor Davis as editor, the book leaves us with a vivid impression akin to a painting which portrays a mother hen directing a group of her young in search of food. The eighteen articles occupy 152 pages or sixty-two per cent of the book's length. According to their nature, the articles are again divided into three sections: industrial planning (five papers), agricultural planning (two) and land use in South-East Asia (eleven). Of the eighteen articles, \"Land for Industry and Factors Influencing Location in Hong Kong\", \"Changes in Agricultural Land Use in Hong Kong\", and \"The Port of Hong Kong\" constitute the core of Part I, providing a basic explanation of the economic development of Hong Kong in recent years and the influence exercised thereon by the geographical setting.\n\nIn Part I, only two articles are unrelated to Hong Kong. They are \"Mixed Farming and Multiple Cropping in Malaya\" by R. Ho, and “The Development and Spread of Agricultural Terracing in China\" by J. E. Spencer. The former gave me an opportunity to re-examine the facts about land use in Malaya. In 1962, accepting an invitation from the University of Malaya, I had gone to Kuala Lumpur to participate in the Regional Conference of the International Geographical Union. We had lengthy discussions about land use in Malaya and Professor Ho had kindly accompanied us throughout the post-conference excursion and explained to us the problems concerned. The second article is of absorbing interest to me too, because, over the years I have been groping in a similar field. However, research of this kind entails much reading of the Chinese classics, and I feel that the more I have read, the more difficult it is to jump to conclusions.\n\nOne defect that is usually inevitable in any collection of articles is that they generally fail to reflect a uniform standard. As an article is a piece of writing done on request, the people invited to write often show different degrees of seriousness in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205006, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n105\n\nthe execution of their writing. This is a factor that also affects the quality of the article, and it seems that the editor has little room for making his choice. Possibly for the same reason, the statistical unit is inconsistent; even within the same article one can find both the metric and the English systems. The application of some current terms also shows a lack of unity. For example, \"undeveloped land\" and \"marginal land\" are quite different things in land use, yet in this book they are used interchangeably in certain places. The assumption that eighty per cent of the land of Hong Kong is undeveloped might very possibly mislead the reader. Again, the first line on page 50 runs: \"At the end of 1947 the estimated population of Hong Kong was 1,800,000\", yet the fourteenth line from the bottom of page 55 says: \"In post-war years the population of the Colony rose from less than 600,000 in 1947 to nearly 3,000,000 in 1961\".\n\nPart II is composed of twelve articles dealing with mineral deposits, and of these, seven are related to Hong Kong, with Professor Davis being the author of five and a half of these. I believe that Professor Davis is the unchallengeable authority on things underground in Hong Kong. I am still a new arrival here, unfamiliar even with things on the surface of the ground in Hong Kong. It is therefore inappropriate for me to make any academic comment in this respect.\n\nThe first article in this Part, \"Mining in Hong Kong\", serves as a general introduction to the mining industry in Hong Kong. It is followed by two striking articles: \"Some Economic Aspects of Mining Processing\" and \"Tectonics and Ore Deposits\". Then, tungsten, lead, and iron are treated in turn. The last paper is \"Dissolved-in-water Type of Methane Gas Resources of Japan\" by Dr. Kaneko, the former director of the Geological Survey of Japan. I admit that this article is rich in reference value, yet considering the title of the book, it seems to have overstepped the area under particular treatment by the book.\n\nMaps are the most favored tools employed in modern geography. They can tell what words fail to say. To the author and especially to the editor, however, they are a great burden. There are forty-two maps in this book, mostly simple indicating maps. Some do not seem to have been properly designed, and some are reduced to such a degree as to present a blurred view.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205016, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n115\n\neffective capital investment, and population increases. In treating these subjects one wishes the author had made more use of the valuable United Nations ECOSOC studies to which he refers in Chapter IX. But his treatment is adequate for the non-specialist.\n\nOne wishes also that he had given more information on the disintegration of social life, with all its economic implications, which has been going on since the early days of colonial rule. He mentions in several places that village life is in transition or flux. But is its re-orientation being carried out successfully?\n\nThis reviewer commends Professor Mills for producing this valuable and needed work. While it is a commendable contribution it will not, nor is it intended to, replace for the serious scholar the major works on Southeast Asian governments edited by Professor George Kahin, nor such country studies as Hugh Tinker's on Burma, Bernard Fall's on Vietnam and Mills' own work on Malaya.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong\n\nLEIGH WRIGHT", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205020, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nVILLAGE CREDIT AT SHEK PIK, 1879 - 1895\n\n119\n\nShek Pik was a large Cantonese village on Lantau Island. It appears to have been established in the Ming Dynasty (1368 - 1644) and in the late nineteenth century was inhabited by about a dozen different clans. At the 1911 Hong Kong Census its recorded population was 363, although for various reasons, it seems likely there were more people living there fifty years before. The village was removed for a reservoir scheme in 1960.\n\nOne of the villagers has kindly allowed me to see a few papers which survived the removal. Some of these relate to credit arrangements made by local people in the late nineteenth century. Although their context and meaning is not always clear, some documents appear to have been only aides memoire for the writers; they provide information on this interesting subject. They concern the activities of:\n\na) several money-loan associations (†);\n\nb) loans made by a business organization belonging to one of the clans, the Chi Wing Shing Tong (祺永盛堂) (AI).\n\nMoney Loan Associations\n\nThese are described by Dyer Ball in the various editions of his Things Chinese and, with more local application, by G. N. Orme in Appendix E to his \"Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912” (see the Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers for 1912).\n\nA few of the Shek Pik papers directly concern these associations and in others they figure indirectly. For the three money associations for which some details are available, the following facts may be noted:\n\n1. The number of participants was small (16, 13 and 9), although the village was comparatively large.\n\n2. Membership was not restricted to one clan or even to the members of the village. In the thirteen-member association, eleven villagers came from five different clans, and the remaining two members were outsiders. This suggests that the groups were formed on the basis of acquaintance and a mutual and contemporaneous need for funds —", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205024, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1965", "page_number": 132, "title": "RAS-1965", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n123\n\nhappened recently at Tong Fuk on Lantau Island, a multi-clan Cantonese village with a population of 198 at the Hong Kong Census of 1911. Its present population is about the same number. In 1958 the scheme to build a new reservoir at Shek Pik was confirmed and work went ahead on the dam and associated works. Behind Tong Fuk there were to be catchwaters for which an access road had to be constructed to the west of the village. This led to difficulties with the villagers, because in feng shui ideology the place was held to be the seat of the White Tiger. They therefore requested a ceremony known locally as a tun fu (符) — to propitiate the gods and spirits who would, as they thought, be aroused by digging earth and blasting stones in this particular place.\n\nPrecedents were cited by the village elders. They said they had carried out such a ceremony thirty-five years before, following several unexpected deaths in the village. The inhabitants had worshipped at the Hung Shing (廟) temple on the beach nearby, praying for the removal of the malignant influence. It transpired that a villager had cut stone from this particular spot to build a house. The elders then invited a Taoist priest — a Hakka — to come from one of the neighbouring villages to carry out the propitiatory observances usually made under such circumstances. They also said that a similar ceremony had also been conducted twenty years before in the adjoining Cantonese village of Shui Hau, this time by a priest engaged from the urban area. Deaths had also occurred there and had been traced to one of the villagers having constructed a cowshed in front of his house on ground with feng shui properties.\n\nReturning to the 1958 case, the elders proposed to call in the services of the nephew of the priest who had supervised the ceremony thirty-five years before. He was a man of forty years of age who had followed in his uncle's footsteps. Such persons are known locally as feng shui hsien sheng (風水先生).\n\nThis ceremony was supposed to cause considerable inconvenience for the villagers, in theory if not in practice. One week of vegetable diet was obligatory for all and there was also a three-day prohibition on entering and leaving the village: that is, if the ceremony was to realize its full value. This meant that no cows could be grazed or grass or firewood cut on the hills; nor, presumably, could men go out to work in the fields.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1965.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s752cj653", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205075, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 31, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "26\n\nT\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\nThe five clans bear the surnames Tang2, Hau3, Pang, Liu,5 and Man. The Tangs were the first of the five to settle in the area as far as is known, coming in at the beginning of the Northern Sung Dynasty, probably in 973 A.D.,8 giving them a history of some thousand years of settlement. Their first village (and still one of their largest) was Kam Tin. Other major villages which are occupied by members of the Tang Clan are those of Ping Shan,10 Ha Tsuen,11 Tai Po Tau2 and Lung Kwat Tau,13 while these few names by no means complete the list.\n\nThe Haus arrived towards the end of the twelfth century in the Southern Sung Dynasty.14 Their first settlement was at Ho Sheung Heung,15 the lineage later segmenting to form three branch-villages at Yin Kong,16 Kam Tsin17 and Ping Kong,18 Spatially there is quite a distance between these four villages, and while they still recognise that they are kin, recognise obligations of mutual aid, and appear to hold certain property in common, they are politically four distinct units under four leaderships, each of which is divorced from the others, so that they must be considered a clan. They themselves call the group either the 4 (Hau Clan) or the 5 (Hau Alliance).\n\nThe Pangs claim to have arrived during the Sung Dynasty also, and are said to be in their twentieth generation at the moment. Freedman has pointed out that \"poverty postponed marriage\",19 and the Pangs were poor, so that we may allow thirty-five years per generation of this lineage, which would in fact date their arrival in the last years of the Sung Dynasty. The lineage village is called Fan Ling.?\n\n20\n\nThe Lius of Sheung Shui have a history of approximately 630 years, their first ancestor arriving from Fukien Province towards the end of the Yuan Dynasty.22 They have not lost any branches through hiving-off, and the entire lineage still lives together in the one village-cluster.\n\nThe Mans have two large groups of villages. The first is at San Tin, the second at Tai Hang.24 Each of these village groups is a separate lineage, separated by a great distance, apparently owning no property in common, and each under separate leadership. The two lineages together are spoken of as the ✯ (the Man Clan).\n\nPage 26\n\n...\n\nPage 20", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205093, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "44\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER\n\n42 Grant, op. cit., figs, VI(k), (l), (m), (n).\n\n43 ###. Notes on the third generation.\n\n+\n\n44 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(m) and (n).\n\n45 **#. Notes on the sixth generation, where the move is said to have been made \"at the end of the Yuan Dynasty\".\n\n46 Ibid., Notes on the third generation.\n\n47 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(o) and (p) show a perhaps exaggerated picture of the paucity of land around Lung Kwat Tau, since part of the Tangs' area of influence is not shown. Figs. VI(e) and (f) show a no less meagre amount of agricultural land around Tai Po Tau. It must be stressed that geographical and political accident have combined to change the situation greatly in both these areas in recent years, so that Grant's findings do not demonstrate the true historical picture.\n\n+\n\n48 ******, Notes on the founding ancestor. He was born in A.D. 1023 and died in 1085, but the date when he moved to Ho Sheung Heung is not recorded.\n\n49 Ibid., Notes on the fourth generation, shows that the expansion occurred in the fifth generation, which we can infer from the data to have been in the mid-12th century. I cannot locate the places mentioned, and, unless they have since disappeared entirely, we must assume that they are not situated in the New Territories, or that they are names for internal divisions in Ho Sheung Heung itself. Without having been able to check on these assumptions, I would incline to the last.\n\n50 Ibid., Notes on the thirteenth generation. This village was founded in the seventeenth generation (possibly mid-16th century, but it is difficult to arrive at even an approximate date) by a man who moved from one of the original expansion villages discussed in note 49 above.\n\n51 Ibid., This village has the same first ancestor as Ping Kong, whence he moved on after some years.\n\n52 Ibid., Notes on the twelfth generation. The village was founded in the last years of the Chien-lung reign period (A.D. 1736-1795).\n\n53 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(o) and (p) show the land surrounding only Ping Kong of these four villages. It is of no better than average productivity (200 catties), and is not a very large acreage.\n\n54 Ibid., figs. VI(o) and (p).\n\n55 Ibid., The same figures show the extent to which vegetable-farming has taken over the land in this area.\n\nSee also \"Changes in Agricultural Land Use in Hong Kong\", by C. T. Wong, in S. G. Davis, Land Use Problems in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1964.\n\n56. The 'Rural Consultative Council', which represents New Territories interests to Government. An explanation of its structure and objectives may be found in S. S. Hsueh, Government and Administration of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1962, pp. 84ff.\n\n57 Bk. 'Wind and Water'. For a short but unsympathetic explanation of this belief see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, London, 1904, pp. 312f.\n\n58 廖氏族譜, section headed 韩考座代进移節略,\n\n59 Grant, op. cit., figs. VI(o) and (p).\n\n60 M.\n\n+\n\n61 feng shui hsien sheng (Mandarin pronunciation).\n\n62 ****, section as in note 58.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205138, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 94, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "FOREIGN RELATIONS OF BUDDHISM\n\n89\n\nbeen told by one eminent abbot that those Christians who are militantly anti-Buddhist and call the dharma \"nothing but lies\" will be reborn in hell and punished by Yen-lo Wang. Even persons sympathetic towards Buddhism do not escape censure. Dr. K. L. Reichelt, the Norwegian missionary, found much to admire, particularly in Pure Land devotion, and he incorporated Buddhist motifs - even the burning of incense in the altar arrangements of his Christian Mission to the Buddhists, first in Nanking and later in Hong Kong. The architect for its buildings in Hong Kong was no less a person than J. Prip-Møller, who designed it in the pattern of the Buddhist monasteries he had spent four years studying. There was a refectory, library, and a wandering monks hall, where pilgrims could stay in the usual manner. Gradually they were introduced to Christian doctrines and diverted with swimming, games, and language instruction. Many of them became converts, some even Christian pastors. The ingenuity of all this has seemed Machiavellian to some Chinese Buddhists. One abbot bitterly called it \"that place that specializes in destroying Buddhism.\"44\n\nChristian Converts to Buddhism\n\nThe humiliation that Chinese Buddhists had suffered vis-à-vis Christianity, when added to the humiliation they felt as Chinese vis-à-vis the West, made it very sweet for them to find that a few Western Christians had been converted to Buddhism. They gave a handsome welcome to B. L. Broughton, the vice president of the Maha Bodhi Society of London, who spent six weeks touring Chinese Buddhist institutions in 1933 and was the first Englishman to receive the bodhisattva ordination.45 They also welcomed Dwight Goddard from Santa Barbara, who came soon afterwards to get help with translations; M.W. Anthony, the first American to receive the bodhisattva ordination (on May 26, 1936); John Blofeld, who stayed at many monasteries in the late 1930's; and Miss Ananda Jennings, who went to study meditation at the Nan-hua Szu in 1949. Probably the most famous Christian convert was Trebitch-Lincoln, born Ignatz Trebitsch in 1879. The son of a rich Jewish grain dealer near Budapest, he received an orthodox education, but thereafter his curriculum vitae probably has no parallel in modern times:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205174, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "OLD BRITISH KOWLOON\n\n125\n\nto raising pigs and poultry. His daughter used to go to the vegetable fields at Tai Shek Kwu nearby where, in return for helping others to water their fields, she was given the outer leaves and spoiled vegetables to take home for pig food. Pig rearing, it appears, was as chancy a business in the 19th century as now,21\n\nAs a rule, however, the villagers produced crops and produce for the Hong Kong urban populace and for the growing townships in Kowloon itself, such as Yau Ma Ti and Hung Hom. It was fortunate for the village people that the Colony's rapidly increasing urban population required the three basic staples of rice, firewood, and vegetables.22 As Wells Williams wrote in 1883:23\n\n\"The supplies of the island are chiefly brought from the mainland where an increasing population of Chinese... find ample demand for all the provisions they can furnish.” The arrival of vegetable boats from Kowloon has for long been a feature of the Hong Kong waterfront.\n\nThese three staples, then, provided local people with the means to a livelihood; but they also had a wider effect. If they could summon the effort, villagers from further afield could and did share in meeting the urban demand, whilst local charitable and community organisations in Kowloon got part of their income from public weighing scales used for measuring vegetables and firewood destined for Hong Kong. Above all, the staples provided an opportunity for social advancement to those villagers with the necessary talent to exploit the business opportunities offered to them.24\n\nThe Colonial Government administered Kowloon with a loose rein. So far as I am aware, there was no seconding of administrators or magistrates there in the 19th century, and the police and other government departments with personnel available in Kowloon seem to have been on call when necessary in emergencies such as a fire, armed robbery, and serious crimes against the person, but were not otherwise obtrusive.25 The government did not see fit to appoint district officers to look after the people, as it was to do later in the New Territories. The advantages of doing so were suggested by a Land Commission in 1886, but never acted upon.26\n\nIn consequence, the internal management of these villages appears to have been much the same in Old Kowloon as it was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205186, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 142, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "136\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n35 The informants who assisted me with their recollections of the N.W. Kowloon villages in the article mentioned in note 29 above recalled that similar proceedings took place yearly at the Sham Tai Chi or Temple of the Third Prince on the beach at Law Uk, Cheung Sha Wan until it, too, was removed for redevelopment in the mid 1920s. Fights between the various participants, especially Hakkas with Hoklos, were quite common at festival times.\n\n36 See S. Wells Williams, Easy Lessons in Chinese, Macao; Chinese Repository Press, 1842, p. 127.\n\n37 This type of organisation is also common in the New Territories of Hong Kong. Indeed it was apparently found all over China: see Werner's China of the Chinese, pp. 163-165 for a good general description.\n\n38 In 1897 Yau Ma Tei had a population of 8051 (Sessional Papers 1897, p. 485) and by 1907 as much as 17,812 (Sessional Papers, p. 273). The name means Oil and Hemp Ground, though my informants tell me it has an older name Tai Shek Lat (私大石ᑟ) which may be translated as Row of Big Stones. \"Lat\" is a colloquial word.\n\n39 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 1877, p. 81.\n\n40 See Mr. Chadwick's Reports on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, Eastern No. 38, printed for the use of the Colonial Office in November 1882, pp. 42-43. Through a printer's error he calls Yau Ma Tei “Yan Ma Ti”.\n\nSee Sessional Papers 1899 p. 482 for another description of the adjoining area.\n\n41 No evidence of this particular type of activity survives from the Yau Ma Tei district. However a few examples can be cited from the Kowloon City area. Mr. W. Schofield has sent details of a tablet (1828) found pre-war beside a broken bridge near the former Kowloon City rifle range which records the names of officials, shops and passage boats contributing to the work; and a tablet dated December 1895/January 1896 recording the repair of \"Temple Road\" at Kowloon City is still in existence. A direction stone at the site gives left for Kowloon Tsai and Sham Shui Po and straight on for the Hau Wong Temple. The work was organised by sixteen directors (财事) who are listed on the tablet.\n\n42 For a description of one of these processions see Hardy, p. 280.\n\n43 The inscription above the main entrance also records reconstruction (equivalent of) November/December 1878.\n\n44 The tablet is dated the equivalent of November/December 1894.\n\n45 I am indebted to Messrs. Patrick Wong and Dicken Yang of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for part of this information.\n\n46 See, for instance, G. T. Lay's account of missionary visits to Hong Kong and Kowloon in 1839 between pp. 279-300 of his The Chinese as they are, London; William Ball & Co., 1841. Rev. George Smith's visits to Kowloon in 1844/45 are described in his A Narrative of an Exploratory Visit to Each of the Consular Cities of China and to the Islands of Hong Kong and Chusan, London, Seeley, Burnside and Seeley, 2nd edition, 1847, pp. 72 seq.; and Rev. William Burns' visits from Hong Kong in 1848 are mentioned in James Johnston, pp. 71-74.\n\n47 Impressions of China and the Present Revolution: its Progress and Prospects, London; Seeley, Jackson and Halliday, 1855, p. 24.\n\n48 See James Johnston, p. 71.\n\n49 See The China Mission Hand Book, Shanghai; American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1896, pp. 272-280 for an account, with statistics of the Basel Mission's work in South China for 1893.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205190, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "140\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nThere is no doubt that Professor Rickett has produced a good translation which makes a valuable contribution toward better understanding ancient Chinese civilization. The Hong Kong University Press is to be congratulated for making a classic readily available to the large reading public. If there be any disagreement with Professor Rickett's translation, it is on the grounds of textual corruptions in the Kuan-tzu rather than the negligence of the translator. It is with this in mind that the following corrections are made on page 62, the clause, \"our country's [territory] is exhausted...\", \"territory\" should be translated as \"chariots\" and \"is\" should be \"are\"; on page 63, the clause, \"The teachings of Lu [stress] appreciation of the arts,\" the last word should be \"learning\"; on page 64, the clause, \"While [the feudal lords] fought in support. Consequently, ...\", should be written \"Fighting in Hou-ku,...\"; on page 101, the sentence, \"It is he who enriches men ...”, should not begin a paragraph, but should follow the preceding sentence, \"The reason... of Destiny”; on page 128, the phrase, \"the fall of Chou”, should be written \"the faults of Chou\"; on page 169, the clause, \"if his ears and eyes act in accord with the beginnings [of virtue]\", should be written \"if his ears and eyes act respectfully or with dignity”; on page 172, the sentences, \"Do not [try to] run like a horse,... Do not [try to] fly like a bird”. should be written \"Do not [try to] take the place of a horse to run, ... Do not [try to] take the place of a bird to fly.” In addition, a few omissions in translation may be pointed out: on page 71, line 7, after the clause, \"Whenever there was some one\", there should be added \"who was good but had not been rewarded and”; on page 137, line 26, after \" with the spirits\", the sentences, 1 以規矩方圓則成,以尺寸量長短則得,以法治民則安, 故事不廣于理者,其成者神。\" were omitted and should be translated.\n\nf1\n\nThese are minor defects which do not detract from the excellence of Professor Rickett's scholarly work. I sincerely hope that the second volume of his work on the Kuan-tzu will be published soon so that Western scholars may have the advantage of consulting this primary source on early Chinese civilization.\n\nNew Asia College\n\nHAN-SHENG CHUAN (4)\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205207, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n157\n\nforms should be included or the student is going to be left in the dark on numerous items which are often heard in everyday speech. K. P. K. Whitaker (\"A Study of the Modified Tones in Spoken Cantonese\", Asia Major, New Series, Vol. V, Parts 1 and 2) has treated this subject intensively and a glance at her long lists of words normally appearing in changed tone will convince anyone that a student of Cantonese will certainly need some way to handle unknown items showing this phenomenon.\n\nAdmittedly, as Rev. Cowles points out in defending his decision to ignore the changed tones, they vary considerably from area to area; it would indeed be impractical to attempt to record all the local variants. The point here should be that there is no practical way to design a dictionary to cover all the great multitude of regional varieties of the Cantonese dialects. A choice will have to be made concerning just which dialect form will be treated and the most likely selection would seem to be Standard Cantonese. I believe that this choice should have been made and that this dictionary should have included as many as possible of the common changed tone forms used by the speakers in Hong Kong and Canton. Furthermore, these forms should not be listed under the basic tone of the character but in such a way that the student can look them up in the dictionary on the basis of what he hears. Thus, since the high rising changed tone is often confused with basic tone of similar contour, it might be best to list these under the high rising basic tone and indicate in the symbolization that historically such forms are members of other basic tone categories.\n\nRev. Cowles has indeed made a very important contribution and I do not mean to detract from this by quibbling over minor points. Nevertheless, in striving for totality in a single dictionary the compiler necessarily takes on an impossible task. Obviously decisions to include and exclude face him at every turn, and no two compilers could be expected to make the same decisions. A lexicographer should define his area and depth of concentration then be as thorough as possible within these limitations. One should not in one paragraph (p. vii) defend the size of a dictionary on the grounds that the forms included ‘are in the language, and being there, call for a record and interpretation into English' then three paragraphs later argue against inclusion of the changed tone forms because they \"are simply multitudinous, and usage differs widely in many localities\". It would seem wise to skip local", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205208, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "158\n\n \nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n \nvarieties, to choose the Hong Kong - Canton dialect as standard and then be as thorough as possible in recording the speech phenomena of that area. To cover all the Cantonese dialects would be a gargantuan task; to cover Standard Cantonese would be a more reasonable goal and one would not be forced to exclude features on the grounds of diverse local usage.\n\n \nThe dialects and subdialects then call for dictionaries of their own. In addition to dialect dictionaries as possible depositories of the multitudinous local varieties, a compiler might consider the possibility of separate dictionaries for technical or specialized terms before eliminating basic language features on the grounds of space limitations. A check of even a few pages of the present dictionary would suggest religious and biblical terms or botanical and zoological names as likely categories for such separate treatment.\n\n \nWhat is needed now is a pocket dictionary of romanized Cantonese, perhaps compiled as an abridgement of Rev. Cowles' dictionary, and printed on india paper to conserve space.\n\n \nCornell University\n\n \nJOHN MCCOY", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205210, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "160\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nat home in China. The Portuguese were doubtless responsible, together with Chinese merchants involved in the South Seas trade2. It became almost immediately popular and spread up and down the coast; it made a substantial contribution not only to the Chinese diet but also to China's economy. When I sailed on a freighter from China to the Mediterranean in September 1925, I was astonished to find that we took on 2,000 tons of peanuts in Tsing-tao, and sold them in Marseilles.\n\nIn closing, it may be added that another early name for the peanut is Ch'ang-shêng kuo*, fruit of eternal life. One enthusiastic commentator, who called himself Yü-so-Wêng‡A (the old man in a grass coat), wrote: \"If the lo-hua-shêng is constantly eaten you will give birth to many sons.\" This may help to explain part of its popularity in the one-time land of filial piety.\n\nColumbia University\n\nL. CARRINGTON GOODRICH\n\nNOTES\n\n#\n\nIn all fairness it must be pointed out that Professor Hirosato Iwai of the Toyo Bunko holds that there are two earlier references to the peanut: one by Li Kao and another by Chia Ming (1180-1251) which he admits is dubious, and who flourished in the fourteenth century, dying at the age of 106 sui. Professor Ho informs me, however, that he considers neither text reliable.\n\n2 It is worth noting that Lin Hsi-yüan#, a native of T'ung-an, Fukien, who graduated as chin-shih in 1517 and who became one of the largest shipowners and overseas-merchants of his day, wrote in his Wên-chi4, or collected works, on the Portuguese traders who frequented the China coast in the years 1521-51: \"The Fo-lang-chi who came brought their local pepper, sapan-wood, ivory, thyme-oil, aloes, sandal-wood, and all kinds of incense in order to trade with our borderers.\" (C. R. Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth Century, 1953, xxiii.) Alas! that there is no mention of the peanut.\n\nSOME LOAN-WORDS IN CANTONESE\n\nIn Vol. 4 of the Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (1964) there appeared an interesting note on \"Loan-words in the Chinese Language\" by Mr. K. M. A. Barnett. While sharing the author's enthusiasm for this kind of study and supporting his call for a chronology of the introduction into China of all plants whose names are qualified by the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205219, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1966", "page_number": 175, "title": "RAS-1966", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n169 \n\nplant. In Hong Kong four general groups are recognised comprising about thirteen different varieties, all of which but one, the upland rice, need to grow in standing water.\n\nThe first crop of kuk ripens in mid-summer during the typhoon season of blue skies and huge white mountains of cumulus cloud. Sudden and devastating rain storms and periods of low pressure at this time may ruin a crop not yet ripe. Rice is a particularly difficult grain to grow as right up to the last few days before harvesting there is no hard grain in the heads but only a milky white fluid, which, unless it has a few days of very strong sunshine, will not harden into grain. Typhoon winds at this period can completely ruin a crop by flattening the standing grain into the padi water. However, assuming that all is well, the first crop is harvested from the water in which it grows.\n\nBeing harvested from wet fields the grain from this first crop is unsuitable for keeping in store for lengthy periods as it tends to mildew. This crop therefore sells at a lower value than the second crop, which is harvested in the Autumn.\n\nAs the water in the fields is no longer required after the second crop the fields are drained off, the rice left standing in the drying fields, ripens and turns into a grain that will keep in store for years if necessary. This crop fetches a higher price than the first crop.\n\nBy tying his rent return to kuk instead of to a fixed cash rent the landowner ensures that his return is commensurate with the local market price at the time of harvesting. Should bad weather make a poor harvest local prices for kuk rise in sympathy with shortages. If a glut of rice ensues then prices will fall in sympathy with the economy.\n\nRentals\n\nYield should be an important factor when considering tenant rentals, but figures based on statistics collected for use at arbitration board hearings, indicate a pattern which is against yield as a factor in deciding rents in some localities. As a corollary to a technical soil survey of arable lands carried out by Dr. C. J. Grant of the University of Hong Kong, the author made enquiries and collected statistics of prices paid by tenant farmers in those areas mentioned under the heading \"Soil Associations\".", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1966.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/bz60k0811", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205247, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 9, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "and ethnographical interest that relate to the Hong Kong region of South China, we are fortunate in having an item dealing with the fall of the Sung dynasty and local relics relating to that dramatic and pathetic time; a note on the recovery in 1956 and 1966 of two cannon dating from the end of the Ming period; an article on Hong Kong mammals; and a study of a group of Hakka mountain villages in the New Territories by a Swedish anthropologist from Stockholm University who spent eleven months in Hong Kong in 1964-65. The 1966 Journal contained an account of the Five Great Clans of the New Territories by a British scholar, Dr. Hugh Baker, who spent several years in the New Territories recently, and an article ‘A Plea for a Regional Approach to Chinese History: the Case of the South China Coast' by Professor John Nolde, of the University of Maine, then a visiting professor at the University of Hong Kong.\n\nThe Branch may therefore claim to have been making its contribution towards the elucidation of the little-studied history and sociology of the Hong Kong region. However, it is now time to study the urban area more intensively. Whilst the South China village has been examined by a number of scholars, in both the pre and post war periods, urban studies have received scant attention from scholars. In Hong Kong we have had an urban population for a hundred years. It is well to recall Governor Des Voeux's report of 1889 in which, describing the City of Victoria, he wrote:\n\n\"Going ashore our visitor would see..... in the Chinese quarters houses, constructed after a pattern peculiar to China, of almost equally solid materials, but packed so closely together and thronged so densely as to be in this respect probably without parallel in the world..... It is believed that over 100,000 people live within a certain district of the City of Victoria not exceeding one square mile in area. It is known that 1,600 people live in the space of a single acre.\n\nThese words serve to remind us that Hong Kong has an urban history and that the city has always been one in which over-crowding, housing and social problems and concern for public health have for long exercised the authorities. The records of the Hong Kong Government are available in considerable quantity and quality, both here in the Colonial Secretariat Library", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205318, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 80, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n73\n\n2 There are indications that this mountain area at one time was inhabited by non-Chinese Yao people; Barnett 1957, p. 261. The present inhabitants, however, are all Hakka- and Cantonese-speaking Chinese, settled here for only about 300 years.\n\n3 The estimated average price for local unmilled rice is (1965) HK$28 per picul for first crop rice. The corresponding figure for second crop rice is HK$36 a picul.\n\n4 Chiu 1964, p. 77.\n\n5 Bot. Report 1906, p. 221.\n\nIt could be added that a fish hawker is touring the area daily. He is from Sai Kung and his route includes Grass Field Village and Plum Grove Village. There are also other occasional peddlers, trading in food and sweets. Some shops can be found at the mining workers' settlement at Ma On Shan. Fishermen call at the pier there every morning. People from Big Stream Village often take advantage of these facilities.\n\n7 S., D. W. 1900, p. 202f. See also Tregear & Berry 1959, p. 12ff, and Hayes 1966, p. 128f.\n\n8 In a village just outside Canton, \"almost all those who went to work on ships were Wongs. This was chiefly due to the functioning of kinship relations in economic life. One who knew of an opportunity in one's own occupation usually recommended it to a kinsman. A Lee already engaged in business in Hong Kong would hire his own relatives as help or recommend them to fellow businessmen who might need help. A Wong in the 'hard labour' business, an activity tightly controlled by secret societies, or in marine work, did the same for his own kinsmen.\" Yang 1959, p. 73.\n\n9 Lockhart Report, p. 557. Census 1911, p. 103.\n\n10 Skinner 1964/65, p. 202. For further details, see Groves 1965a and 1965b.\n\n11 The Ng people in Plum Grove Village have no connections with the former Grass Field people of the same surname.\n\n12 The coastal area of Kwangtung was the scene of a dramatic mass deportation, executed by the Ch'ing occupants as a counter-measure in the struggle against raiding Ming loyalists. This course of action was carried out from 1661. Eight years later the coastal strip was declared open for settlement and an active policy by the Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi, A Ke-min, lured immigrants to the waste lands. The main influx of Hakka to the New Territories was in the following decades. If this is correct it may be that the Lau people appeared in this area during the course of this re-occupation. See Hui 1963, p. 89ff.\n\nSee Hui 1963, p. 89ff. However, Professor Freedman (1967) has quite correctly pointed out that the data are by no means conclusive on the effective evacuation of the area.\n\n13 Skinner 1964/65, p. 37.\n\n14 Freedman 1958, p. 50.\n\n15 In the Hakka village in the Tolo Harbour area, studied by Jean Pratt, at the Chinese New Year 'all the men go to the lineage hall in a village across the valley, where they claim their ancestors lived. Pratt 1960, p. 149. But note supplementary information in Freedman 1966, p. 41; this issue, however, has no bearing on my argument. Similar social ceremonialism seems to have occurred among the Cantonese-speaking Punti population. See Hayes 1962, p. 28.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205320, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n75\n\nVaillant 1920, p. 85. Leaving this discussion open, there is still reason to assume that both the disturbances in Kwangtung and the Hakka expansion to the south were correlated with a search for new areas for resettlement.\n\n28 'A dreadful internecine strife, in which 150,000 at least, perished, took place between the Hakkas and Pún-téis in the south-western districts of the Canton province, from A.D. 1864 to 1866, and arms and even armed steamers, were procured from Hong Kong by both parties. Ball 1925, p. 282.\n\nA Hong Kong resident reports that the Peninsula of Kowloon presented for several days in August, 1862, the novel aspect of an animated battlefield, as the Punti inhabitants of the neighbouring villages were engaged in a bloody warfare with Hakka settlers at Tsimshatsui.\" Eitel 1895, p. 380. See also n. 27.\n\n29 \"Every year is marked unfortunately by an increasing influx of unattached and often undesirable characters from Chinese Territory, most Hakkas from the Wai Chau and Hing Ning District. It is impossible to keep track of the movements of these persons, and many of them are tempted by their opportunity of acquiring unlawful gains by means of robbery, kidnapping, 'White pigeon', and kindred offenses. It is hoped that these undesirable additions to the population will be considerably curtailed before long.\" New Territories Report 1917, p. J2.\n\n30 The quarry-men are nearly all Hakkas from Kweishin, who settle at the quarries until they have made some money and then return home.\" New Territories Report 1899-1912, p. 55.\n\n31 This type of extension might also have served as reconnaissance for a future settlement of a permanent kind. The following note from the New Territories could be interpreted in this direction:\n\nIn the 24th year of the reign of the Emperor Kwong Shu, which was 1897, there came to the Land of the Jumping Dragon a Hakka by the name of Kong Tai Kuen. Up to that time none but Tangs had lived there. Kong rented a house and became a tenant-farmer. He recommended two of his relations to come along also, but they stayed only three years and then returned to the Kong ancestral village at Li Long north of the Shum Chun river, while Kong Tai Kuen gave up farming in the Jumping Dragon Land and moved to Fan Ling, Ingrams 1952, p. 162.\n\n32 I use the word 'sojourner' in a freer sense than Paul Siu, to whom the term implies a stranger 'who spends many years of his lifetime in a foreign country without being assimilated by it;' Siu 1952, p. 34. My term signifies a person who temporarily lives geographically separated from the locality constituting his main focus of social interest.\n\n33 SCPH 1965; Hong Kong 1964, p. 30. Apart from going abroad, some young men from Plum Grove Village and Big Stream Village work as police constables in Sha Tin and Kowloon. One man from Grass Field Village works in a textile factory in Kwun Tong, New Kowloon,\n\n34 This is confirmed by other sources. For instance, the New Territories Report 1900 remarks upon the fact that 'Hakka women work as hard, if not harder, than their men,' (p. 269). An observant traveller noticed that in Mei Hsien in Kwangtung, the Hakka district where both people in Big Stream Village and Grass Field Village had their clan foci.\n\n'it seems to be mainly the women who do the hard work. They do not bind their feet. The women are strong and erect, though excessive toil begun too early in life may account in part for their tendency to be undersized... the women do all", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205322, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 84, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "EXPANSION AND EXTENSION IN HAKKA SOCIETY\n\n77\n\nincome of this man is then at least HK$25. It is also interesting to note that costs in the villages are often estimated in terms of British currency.\n\n40 See e.g. Baker 1965, p. 30.\n\n41 Marriage connections were then cast outside the standard market area of Tai Po. This is in contradiction to an assumption by G. W. Skinner (Skinner 1964/65, p. 36), who suggests that standard marketing communities were endogamous in traditional times.\n\n42 Sometimes children by this mating were brought back to the village. In Big Stream Village there is a man whose mother was a Jamaican woman, and his features are quite distinct. However, I have the impression that he is fairly well integrated in the village. He was, for instance, the only male I saw performing ancestral rites at the graves at the Ch'ing Ming festival. He is working as a policeman in Sha Tin. Otherwise I have not come across any secondary marriages in the valley.\n\nREFERENCES\n\nBAKER, H.\n\n[1965] 'Marriage and the Family', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, (Hong Kong, Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch) n.d.\n\nBALL, J. DYER\n\n1925 Things Chinese, or Notes Connected with China, 5th edn, rev. by E. C. T. Werner, (Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh).\n\nBARNETT, K. A.\n\n1957 'The People of the New Territories', Hong Kong Business Symposium, a Compilation of Authoritative Views on the Administration, Commerce and Resources of Britain's Far Eastern Outpost, J. M. Braga (ed.), (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post).\n\n1958 'Introduction on Hong Kong Place-names', Hong Kong Gazetteer to the Land Utilization Map of Hong Kong and the New Territories, with Chinese and English Names, T. R. Tregear (ed.), (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press).\n\nBot. Report 1906\n\n1907 'Report on the Botanical and Forestry Department for the Year 1906', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1907, (Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nCensus 1911\n\n1911 'Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911', Papers Laid Before the Legislative Council of Hong Kong 1911, (Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., Government Printers).\n\nCHEN TA\n\n1939 Emigrant Communities in South China, (New York, Institute of Pacific Relations).\n\nCHIU TZE NANG\n\n1964 'Land Use in the Extreme East of the New Territories', Land Use Problems in Hong Kong, S. G. Davis (ed.), (Hong Kong, University of Hong Kong Press).\n\nEITEL, E. J.\n\n1895 Europe in China, The History of Hong Kong from the Beginning to the Year 1882, (London and Hongkong, Luzac and Co.).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205345, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "100 \n\nJAMES HAYES \n\nFifthly, land was indirectly of the greatest importance for a man's emergence as an area leader. Through acquiring land other than in one's native village a man became known outside it. If he was a landowner renting out the land and clearly a person of ability and presence the way was paved to an extension of his sphere of influence because the local people would, in time, call on him to assist in solving disputes in which no decision could be reached. In a mountainous island where bad communications resulted in the growth of isolated communities the purchase of land or operation as a money lender was almost the only way in which personal influence could be extended without a charge of unwarranted “interference\" being made. This much is obvious on a moment's reflection, but it is not always apparent without personal knowledge of an area and its geographical characteristics.\n\nSixth and last, it is probable that the rural gentry of Lantau Island in the earlier part of the Ching dynasty were similar in origins and career to these men.\n\nThis closes the main part of the article, but I would like, as a postscript, to mention the external and more formal side of their activities; that is, their relations with other gentry of the whole administrative district and with its civil and military officers. There is a distinct lack of definite information with a local content. One imagines, however, that they would have been on good terms with the officers of the military garrison and the naval patrol vessels that called at the island from time to time, combining with the village leaders and the shopkeepers of the market town to entertain them on certain festivals and on public occasions. By way of a return, the officers contributed to local repair projects such as the reconstruction of village temples and gave something towards the cost of local opera shows and festivals. This much is certain because many repair tablets and commemoration boards show this pattern. Besides, the basic nature of government in rural areas has changed very little to this day, being founded on the creation and retention of goodwill wherever and however possible as true for the Hong Kong government today as for the Chinese district government 70 years ago.\n\nThe position is much less clear on the civil side. There were usually four councils of local gentry in any administrative district, for the East, South, West and South sections or Tung (M), as", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205352, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "A NOTICE OF THE SANON DISTRICT\n\n107\n\nof the mountains, in order to procure a more luxuriant herbage, and these conflagrations seen at night have a very picturesque effect.\n\nThe height of the Mountains is not very considerable, but some of them reach to between 4,000 and 5,000 feet.\n\nThe Islands usually consist of mountains and rocks; the Chinese therefore very seldom use the expression “island” — Hoi-taou, but call them \"mountains\" — Shan, as Lin-tin-shan 零丁山.\n\nThere are only three Plains of any extent in the district. The most important lies in the N. W. part of the district, and is well watered and covered with villages; it is under the government of the Mandarin of Fuk-wing, who, by-the-by, though he is supposed to rule over 200 villages, confided to me, in a conversation that I had with him, that he had nothing to do but to eat, to drink, and to smoke.\n\nThe important towns of San-keaou, Wong-kong, Cap-sui-hou✯, and Sha-tsing #, are situated in this plain, and it might be named the San-keaou plain, San-keaou being the largest and most influential of its towns. The inhabitants of the plain are industriously occupied in the pursuits of agriculture and trade; and in the more populous and richer towns, is found the highest degree of cultivation and learning which the Sanon district affords.\n\nThe north-west angle of the plain lies very low, and is covered with rushes, some parts of it only being under cultivation, and in these only a certain kind of rice will flourish. The second plain extends from Si-heong to Deep Bay, and is continued on the southern side of that bay, there forming a triangular perfectly-even plain, the sides of which measure about five miles. The third plain occupies the eastern part of the district, near the city of Ti-pung, and is not personally known to me; even these plains have ridges of hills running through them.\n\nAmongst the principal mountains, that of 'Ng-tung † ♫ is said by the Chinese to be the highest and the most powerful; all remarkable mountains are supposed by the Chinese to have some spiritual influence over the affairs of mortals. It lies in the eastern part of the district near Mirs Bay, and is probably about", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205393, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "148\n\nLIN SHU-YEN\n\n1939 “A slight (unspecified) fall in the output compared with 1938\" A very successful year as a result of a large increase in price.\n\nSome general figures for the New Territories salt-industry before 1912, not specifically related to Tai O, are given in G. N. Orme's \"Report on the New Territories 1899-1912\" (para. 71) to be found in the H.K. Government's printed Sessional Papers for 1912. They are as follows:\n\n1900 30 cents a picul.\n\n1908 $1.20 a picul: \"salt makers came in for large profits\".\n\n1912 70 cents a picul: decrease \"chiefly owing to imports from the Northern Coasts\".\n\nOrme lists 37 acres of salt pans at Tai O, 32 at Castle Peak, 12 at Shun Wan near Tai Po and less than one acre at Sha Tau Kok. However, at Tai O at least, the area under production at that time was not the total acreage laid out for the purpose. At the survey and land settlement conducted a few years after 1899 a total of 107.07 acres was recorded as salt-pans. These were then (1903-04) five pans, the largest 37.39 acres and the smallest 5.66 acres. The area under production was, it appears, usually less than the total and would vary according to the demand for salt, and the market price. These details are taken from the Block Crown Lease and Survey Sheets in the District Office South.\n\nThere is an interesting passage on the manufacture of salt in the New Territories and the uses to which both it and imported salt was put at that time in Colonial Reports Annual, No. 314 Hong Kong, Report for 1899 (London, HMSO, 1901);\n\n\"Salt is manufactured at four places in the New Territory, the yearly output being about 4,466 tons, worth some $16,000, which in part supplies the local demands of the population, the fishing junks which keep the fish they catch while at sea in brine, and the various fishing stations where fish is salted and dried. A much larger quantity is, however, imported at certain places for the use of the fleets of fishing junks. The imported salt is also largely used for the salting and drying of fish, for which purpose it seems to be preferred to the locally manufactured salt. The manufacture of salt is an industry which is likely to increase and develop in the New Territory, and which is worthy of being", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205414, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\n169\n\nNOTES\n\nI am most grateful to Mr. Yuen Chun-fang, Liaison Officer, Secretariat for Chinese Affairs for help with the interviews which yielded part of the information given above.\n\n1 Reports on the Past and Present State of Her Majesty's Colonial Possessions, 1845 (London, W. Clowes & Sons, for H.M.S.O., 1846) p. 147 and the same for 1846, p. 230.\n\n2 G. R. Sayer, Hong Kong, Birth Adolescence and Coming of Age (Oxford, University Press, 1937) p. 208, quoting from the Canton Press, February 1842.\n\n3 Sayer, p. 91.\n\n4 Sayer, p. 30.\n\n5 A. R. Johnston (H.M. Deputy Superintendent of Trade) \"Note on the Island of Hong Kong\" first published in the London Geographical Journal Vol. XIV, and reprinted in the Hong Kong Almanack and Directory for 1846.\n\n6 Hong Kong Government Gazette for 28 March 1857 p. 4, Table No. 4.\n\n7 The Last Year in China......by a Field Officer actually employed in that Country. 2nd edition (London, Longman, Brown, Green and Longmans, 1843) p. 75.\n\n8 K. S. MacKenzie, Narrative of the Second Campaign in China (London, R. Bentley, 1842) p. 160.\n\n9 See Hong Kong Administrative Reports for 1934, 1935 and 1936 at pp. Q.86, Q.84 and Q.81 respectively.\n\n10 This information, like any other for which no specific source is quoted, comes from Mr. CHOW Chik-san of Kau Wai, aged 77 and Madam CHAN CHOW Ping of San Wai, aged 81.\n\n11 Rev. W. Lobscheidt, A Few Notices on the Extent of Chinese Education and the Government Schools of Hong Kong (Hong Kong, China Mail office, 1859).\n\n12 See Summary of Report of Squatters Commission 1891-1906, pp. 97-103.\n\nThis volume of MSS. is kept in the Library, Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong.\n\n13 For accounts of Cantonese and Hakka see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (Hong Kong etc., Kelly and Walsh Ltd., 4th edition, 1903) pp. 202, 211 and 323-326.\n\n14 LO Hsiang-lin and others, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842 (Hong Kong, Institute of Chinese Culture, 1963) pp. 80-88. This is the English translation of the text, but not the notes, of their work published in Hong Kong in 1959.\n\n15 This information is taken from the accounts given at p. 5 of Prof. Woo Sing-lim's The Prominent Chinese in Hong Kong (Hong Kong, The Five Continents Book Co., 26th year of the Chinese Republic, 1937) published in Chinese and English and at pp. 578-579, under the name CHOW Cheong-ling, of Present Day Impressions of the Far East and Prominent and Progressive Chinese at Home and Abroad, published in London, Shanghai etc. by The Globe Encyclopedia Company, 1917.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205418, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 180, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS \n\n173 \n\nand its raison d'être: why we find rows of burial urns placed on the hill-sides of the \"Territories, and why more permanent omega-shaped graves are scattered rather than in neat burial grounds. \n\nThe individualism and competition of geomancy in relation to the ancestors is to some extent balanced in another aspect of ancestral care with which the author deals: ancestor worship itself. But even so, at every level of a complex lineage, it seems, segments may be in competition with each other in ancestor worship. Differences in social status and ambition are shown in the way the very ancestors are admitted to the ancestral halls (through their tablets) and in the performance of the grand rites for such lineage forbears. \n\nTwo other sections, again well illustrated by New Territories material, should be of particular interest to people here. One is on social status, power and government, and the other on relationships between lineages. We are told of the rivalries between powerful higher-order groups, with illustrations taken from the Tang and the Man groups which have a history of mastery of large parts of the county from which the New Territories were cut out. Most of us know of the Tang lineage in Hong Kong; if not by name, at least by one of its villages in Kam Tin — the walled village often visited by tourists to the Colony. The large Man community at San Tin, near the border, is also becoming popular with visitors. \n\nThe strength of such lineages was not only in their man and fire power, as the author says, but in the command also of economic resources and call on political influence through scholarly ties with the traditional bureaucracy. But smaller communities might also combine with other weaker groups to form more powerful organizations to stand up to high-order lineages. These groups are what the author calls \"yeuk combinations\". In Cantonese yeuk (*) popularly means a pact, but it appears the term might have deeper political associations — a question Freedman goes into. Several yeuk combinations existed here: one at Taipo, and others at Tsuen Wan, Sai Kung and Sha Tin. Some of the armed resistance to the British when they first arrived in the 'Territories was bound up with such complexes. \n\nThe author warns us that this book does not represent the end of the story. I would say, however, that his skill in drawing on \n\nPage 180\n\nPage 181", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205426, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1967", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1967", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n181\n\nappendices. The first, Appendix A, is on the Chinese calendar, with a table of the twenty-four fortnightly periods,\n\nThe only criticism of this is the third column giving the approximate date in the Chinese calendar. This presumes New Year to fall on 20th February, the last possible day, throwing forward everything on an average by a fortnight.\n\nAppendix C, furnishing a list of the names of Fireworks, Pigeons, Popular forms of entertainment, Melons, Crickets, and Chrysanthemums is most intriguing. Valuable varieties of pigeons are the \"Toad-eyed grey,\" \"Square-edged unicorn\", and \"Wild duck of the Great Dipper\". Poets have similarly exercised their ingenuity in finding epithets for the Flower of the Ninth Moon for they include \"Purple Tiger whiskers\", \"Concubine of the Hsiao and Tsiang Rivers,\" and \"Wild Goose settling on level sand.\"\n\nIn short, Tun Li-ch'en has left us a vivid picture of life as it must have been lived in the capital for centuries before the violent impact of the western world. It was to change soon after. Within twelve years the Imperial fishpond, Wang Hai Lou, had filled up and was a snipe marsh, whilst in another decade it was walled-in as an experimental agricultural establishment. Again, the emancipation of women through the abolition of foot binding, and their escape from the purdah of the mud-walled compound killed all those forms of entertainment which could only be enjoyed in the home. The famous Shadow play, which he describes as bringing tears to women's eyes, was virtually extinct thirty years later, smothered by the cinema.\n\nTun's study of the human side of the ancient capital is an admirable supplement to the work of two foreigners who spent the best part of their lives there, namely — Arlington and Lewisohn's In search of old Peking.\n\nHong Kong, 1966,\n\nN DU BREUIL\n\nAs noted in the President's Report earlier in this volume Madame du Breuil, former Peking resident and a member of our Council, died in 1966.\n\nPRELUDE TO HONGKONG, Austin Coates. London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1966, pp. xi, 232. 40/-.\n\nIn view of the recent events in Macao and Hong Kong this book has a certain topical relevance. It covers the period from", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1967.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/0c488p70g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205505, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "42\n\nMARJORIE TOPLEY\n\n28 Information on the Shuntê anti-marriage movement is scattered and unsystematic, but for brief information on it and also its connexion with religion see J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese: or Notes Connected with China, 5th ed. rev. E. Chalmers Werner (Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1925) section on marriage, pp. 367-76; p. 375.\n\n29 See C. K. Yang, Religion in Chinese Society: a Study of Contemporary Social Functions of Religion and Some of their Historical Factors (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1961) chap. XII.\n\n30 Ibid., p. 333.\n\n31 Cf. John Blofeld, The Jewel in the Lotus: an Outline of Present Day Buddhism in China (London, The Buddhist Society, 1948) p. 58.\n\n32 The Religion of the Void was brought to Singapore from China and specialises in cure of drug addiction. On this religion see Hsü Yün-tsiao, \"The Religion of the Void”, Journal of the South Seas Society, Vol. X, Pt. 2 (No. 20) (in Chinese). English version in same issue, tr. Chiang Liu. In Hong Kong the Green Pine Religion aims to cure disease.\n\n33 The most factually detailed work on sects is by J. J. M. de Groot, Sectarianism and Religious Persecution in China: A Page in the History of Religions, 2 Vols. (Amsterdam, Johannes Müller, 1903-4), reprinted by Literature House, Ltd., Taipei, Taiwan, 1963). For discussion of alternative names of sects and evidence of sectarian connexions through names, see my \"The Great Way of Former Heaven: a group of Chinese secret religious sects\", Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, Vol. XXVI, Pt. 2, 1963, pp. 362-392, at pp. 384-6.\n\n34 See Chiang Siang Tseh, The Nien Rebellion (Seattle, University of Washington Press, 1954). The preface by Renville Lund contains reference to White Lotus connexions.\n\n35 Op. cit., vol. 1, p. 210. George Miles writing of the Yao-ch'ih sect (my evidence shows it to be an off-shoot of Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao) states that members had vegetarian halls but he says they were usually in isolated villages where men and women were found in constant residence. See his \"Vegetarian Sects\", in The Chinese Recorder, Vol. XXXIII, No. 1, 1902, Pp. 1-10.\n\n36 See Sidney D. Gamble, Ting Hsien, a North China Rural Community (New York, Institute of Pacific Relations, 1954) p. 414.\n\n37 Belonging to Lo Chiao (Lo Religion)—a sect named after one of its important early patriarchs (and related to Hsien-t'ien Ta Tao), described by Suzuki Chusei in \"Rakyo ni Tsuite\", Tōyō Bunka Kenkyujo Kiyō (Tokyo), No. 1, 1943, pp. 441-501.\n\n38 Gamble, op. cit.\n\n39 See de Groot, op. cit., vol. 1, pp. 231-241 on funeral rites of the Lung hua sect.\n\n40 Gamble, op. cit.\n\n41 See for example Hsiao, op. cit., p. 231f, and p. 233.\n\n42 Yang, op. cit., p. 226.\n\n43 Chiang, op. cit., p. 37.\n\nDe Groot, op. cit., vol. 2, p. 308.\n\n45 According to Chiang the Nien emerged as community defence groups.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205522, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES\n\n59\n\nlater, were badly damaged by insects, so much so that one copy of the catalogue of this collection, printed in 1873, is annotated to indicate which titles had to be discarded for this reason.\n\nWe now move on fifteen years, to 1867, when the Victoria Library had fallen on evil days. No doubt a further search would reveal more of its history in the years between, but this must wait for a future article. On 21st January an editorial in the Evening Mail opens \"It seems probable that the decline and fall of the Victoria Library will afford material for the local historian during this year of grace 1867.\" The reason was apparently that the membership had fallen to 60, whereas to provide the necessary income from subscriptions 80 to 100 members were required (yet in the satisfactory report for 1851-52 already noted the membership had risen to only 66). The Evening Mail goes on to say \"There is no advantage to be derived from membership at all equivalent to the high rate of subscription.\" This rate was $2.00 a month. Although the Evening Mail praises the quality of the magazines received, it notes that there are not enough of them, and only a few of the subscribers make much use of them. Similarly so many local residents themselves subscribe to overseas newspapers that there is little demand for those taken by the Library. Of the book stock the main criticism is that it consists almost entirely of standard authors — Scott, Dickens, Thackeray and Cooper are mentioned and neglects current literature. Most people again have their own copies of the former, but would be glad to subscribe if they might be kept up to date with modern writers. The Evening Mail editorial ends with a suggested solution, to convert the library into a book club, the books purchased to be distributed amongst the subscribers instead of being retained as the property of the institution.\n\nThis solution was not adopted, and by the end of the year, after a further decline in membership, it appeared that the gloomy prognostications in the Evening Mail editorial might be fulfilled. Before coming to that situation, however, it will be interesting to examine a list of the 34 newspapers and periodicals which the Victoria Library received regularly at this time. The list appeared in the China Mail (the new name of the Evening Mail) for February 15th, 1867, and is rather inaccurately divided into “Newspapers\" amongst which are included Punch and the Saturday Review", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205526, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 68, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "NOTES ON HONG KONG LIBRARIES\n\n63\n\nmade in the previous May, that the Morrison Library should be amalgamated with the other.\n\nTwo years later, Hong Kong's first City Hall was nearing completion, and the subject of libraries was once again in the news. An unknown writer, quoted by 'Colonial' in 1933, wrote on May 5th, 1869: \"The library room which will be entirely completed in a few days will before long contain a collection of books properly assorted and catalogued which, if not very extensive, will at least be the best collection in South China. It may be confidently hoped that its resources will be increased by private gift... The Morrison Library which forms the nucleus of the collection is... in a state which necessitates the outlay of nearly a thousand dollars... The former Asiatic Society's Library has also [been promised to the] librarian without... prospect of receiving with it any funds towards its restoration\".\n\nFrom a much later source we learn more about the City Hall, which it is worth noting was a private enterprise, not an official one, although Government provided the building site and a grant in aid at its foundation. “In 1871 the library consisted of 8,000 volumes, 3,000 of which were unconditionally presented by the trustees of the Victoria Library.\" This confirms the statement made by 'Colonial' and quoted earlier in this article, and vindicates the China Mail in its campaign to bring together the Victoria and Morrison Libraries. The arrangement with the Club Lusitano for the housing of the Victoria Library therefore lasted at most only four years, from 1867 to 1871. This same source also quotes the terms of the gift under which the Morrison Education Society presented its books \"as a free gift for the use of the public, on condition that in consideration of this gift and of the great services of Dr. Morrison to both European and Chinese, the books be kept distinct from all other collections in the City Hall, and designated 'the Morrison Library' in perpetuation of the great missionary's memory.\" Although there is little call in the present day for use of the Morrison Library by the public, the conditions imposed on the gift in 1869 to the City Hall are still observed, and the Morrison Library, housed since 1914 in the University of Hong Kong Library, is kept as a separate entity named in memory of its founder. Since the story of this collection has been covered in detail elsewhere, no more will be said here about the Morrison Library.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205533, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "70\n\nW. SCHOFIELD\n\ngranite quarrying was in progress. The characters probably are the trade-marks of the sub-contractors to whom the quarry owner assigned the different boulders for cutting up.\n\nThere were many other 'inscriptions' on and near the No. 1 inscription, but they were all written with ink and brush, not carved, and some were in poetry, but none were recorded by the writer. They were usually patriotic reflections on the fall of the Sung dynasty.\n\nPottery, etc. found on the site\n\nThis falls into three groups:\n\n1. Surface finds on the hill, and three objects found in shallow diggings.\n\n2. Finds from the south-east of the hill, on the beach.\n\n3. Finds, mostly small fragments, from a cutting made through the southern end of the earthwork, apparently by a Government department.\n\n1. Two small pieces of pre- or proto-historic pottery were found. One bore the familiar mat pattern found on most of the hard pre-Han ware in Hong Kong; the other, a thick fragment with a very tough pinkish body, was full of quartz grains: one side seems to have a few grooves and shallow pittings. The material of the body is probably local, and there is no slip or coating.\n\nIn a small pit dug for a seedling pine, 20 metres north-west of the rock bearing inscription 1, and 12 metres below the level of its summit, was found a much rusted piece of iron, use uncertain.\n\nTwo pottery fragments came from depths of 30 cm. in small cuttings on the west side of the hill: a gray unglazed curving piece like the edge of a candlestick foot, and part of the lip of a thin stoneware bowl with fine pinkish-buff body and gray slip covering the inner surface, but extending less than 1 cm. down the outer: its date could be as early as the T'ang dynasty.\n\nOther surface finds on the hill include two fragments of modern burial jars known as 'Kam T'ap'; two much weathered and probably old pieces of the same kind; a sherd from the edge of a greyish-white porcelain bowl with black floral painting under the glaze of the outer surface, not earlier than Ming; a piece of a large cooking utensil with blackish-brown slip and incised ornament.\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205536, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "FURTHER NOTES ON THE SUNG WONG T'OI\n\n73\n\nevidently of later date. The sherds with partially preserved glaze appear to represent a local attempt to imitate Yüeh ware, while one or two of the smaller glazed fragments are of better quality and may be imported from kilns further north and are definitely of T'ang date.\n\nIt need only be added that one fragment, of soft pinkish earthenware, is certainly proto-historic; and that the attribution of the whole of the fragments to the T'ang Dynasty or earlier raises the question whether the earthwork, or at least that part where the cutting was, may not date to the troubled period at the fall of that dynasty. If so, it might be that the Sung army re-used and strengthened an old fortification, very likely adding the high rampart with its ditch, counterscarp, and glacis at the north end, where an attack was evidently expected. The total absence of Sung pottery is certainly an unexpected feature, and if any part of these earthworks still survives, a few trenches dug across them would reveal enough pottery to prove or disprove this view. The turf and spoil removed could easily be put back, as is done in most modern excavations.\n\nOne thing is certain: the work at the north end faces Kowloon City, so cannot be a defence work for the salt depot there, as the wall on the Kowloon T'ong gap west of the city was. There was Sung pottery on the hill when the writer saw it, so that an earthwork thrown up in 1276 should contain some pieces of it. The small number of 13 pieces found may well be not enough to yield a satisfactory basis for a conclusion: yet the total absence of both Sung and later porcelain among them points at least to the extreme scarcity of such porcelain at the time the earthwork was thrown up. As the evidence now stands, it is reasonably likely that the earthwork is connected, like the watch-tower recorded as erected on the summit rock, with the defence of the palace of the last Sung emperors.\n\nAcknowledgement\n\nMy thanks are owing to the Department of Oriental Antiquities, British Museum, for their expert advice on the pottery from the beach and the earthwork cutting, to which this paper owes much of its value.\n\nBiographical Note\n\nMr. Schofield served in Hong Kong as a Cadet (Administrative) Officer in the Civil Service between 1911-38. He is well-known for his published articles on the archaeology and geology of the Colony in pre-war years, and is M.A. (Liv. and Oxon).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205571, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "108\n\nMORRIS I. BERKOWITZ\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Not to be discussed here but in future work,\n\n2 Some of it very generously made available by the District Officer's Office, Taipo, which had charge of the resettlement efforts.\n\n3 I must express gratitude to those students of mine at Chung Chi College, Chinese University of Hong Kong, who suffered all of the indignities of field work while gathering the basic interviews. Without their help this project never could have been accomplished.\n\n4 He was not included in Table I as a household head because of his unusually young age.\n\n5 We were fortunate in having outstanding cooperation from the Principal at Lok Heung School, Mr. Wong (†), as well as the teachers and children.\n\n6 Of course, the technique of saturating a neighborhood with interviewers which we used continually in this research program never works perfectly. In each status group some people were not home or could not be located and call-back was necessary in a few cases. We are still calling-back for some of these interviews.\n\n7 The quotation represented here was made in Hakka, translated into Cantonese, and then into English. Its literalness is open to question.\n\n8 To borrow Herbert Gans' term,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205591, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "128\n\n# CHINESE STREET-CRIES IN HONGKONG\n\nBy J. NACKEN*\n\nEditor's note. Dr. Alan Birch, Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Hong Kong, came across this article in the China Review, Volume II, 1873, pp. 51-55. This publication was made available to him from U.S. National Archives Microfilm, Gp. 108, Roll 9 by courtesy of the United States Consulate General, Hong Kong. The Branch is grateful to Dr. Birch for bringing this interesting article to our notice. It is reproduced here exactly as in the original, though a different format has been adopted to suit the Journal's printing style.\n\nMy friend was sitting at his desk, busy, no doubt, in framing the best-worded sentence ever penned in the East, when a howl from the street rang through the lofty verandah, and rebounded, as it were, from the high ceilings of the room. \"That's one of those ubiquitous hawkers,\" said my friend angrily, springing to his feet and rushing to the verandah to have a look at the back of the disturber. I joined my friend quietly and was just in time to see a pair of broad shoulders raising themselves, and a pig-tailed head bending backwards; and then came a second edition of the howl we had heard before. I myself, being of an asthmatic nature, rather envied the sturdy fellow who could carry so much on his shoulders and walk a brisk pace, and yet have breath enough left to utter such stentorian sounds.\n\n\"What does that fellow call out?\" my friend asked. I could not say, though I had been in China for some years, and, as my friend remarked, ought to know, if I pretended to know Chinese at all.\n\nThat was some years ago. In the mean-time others like my friend must have suffered from the annoyance which led to the framing of Ordinance No. 8 of 1872, which says that:\n\n\"Every person is liable to a Penalty who shall use or utter Cries for Purpose of buying or selling any articles whatever,... within any District or Place not permitted by some Regulation of the Governor in Council.'\n\nFor the hawkers of Hongkong wooden tickets are provided which must be renewed every quarter at a cost of 50 cents. These\n\n* Mr. Nacken was a member of the Rhenish Mission, Mr. H. A. Rydings has located a brief reference to his work in South China in the account of the Rhenish Mission given at pp. 272-276 of The China Mission Hand-Book (Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press, 1896). Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205592, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE STREET-CRIES IN HONG KONG\n\n129\n\ntickets are signed by the Registrar General and have a notice stamped on their back which states that crying out is prohibited in Chung-wan,* on the great road,† and on the sea side. For the first quarter of this year 1082 tickets for hawkers were issued and for the second quarter 1146.§\n\nAssuming that every hawker cries once in a minute (many do it oftener) and that, on an average, his business keeps him out of doors for seven hours a day, this will make about half a million street cries every day. Besides these licensed hawkers, however, there are about as many other persons, old and young, who cry out with the object of attracting attention to their trade. This would give about one million street cries a-day on this Island. That may seem an extravagant calculation on my part; but if some one will stand for ten minutes on any spot in the busy parts of the Chinese quarter and count the street-criers who pass by, he will doubtless become inclined to agree with the above estimate.\n\nAfter these preliminary remarks I will try to answer in a measure my friend's former question, \"What does that fellow call out?\"\n\nI do not intend to give the Chinese Street cries as one hears them, and affix a translation, though that were the easiest plan; I would rather regard them as one of the many outward signs by which we learn the life of the Chinese around us, their moral and their domestic habits.\n\nWe will listen to the cries used for selling articles of food, fruit, and various articles for daily use; to the cries of those who buy refuse, and those who offer their services for repairing; of coolies, and to those in connection with idolatry.\n\nThe Chinese generally are early risers. Most of them will get up with the sun; then they dress, after which, rich as well as poor, look out for their warm water to wash in and have some tea. But the Congee hawker has been up an hour or two before sunrise; now he sallies forth, two boxes hanging from the pole over his shoulder, each containing a large cooking pot and a small wood-fire underneath. Every hawker cooks his own particular kind of\n\n* the middle ring, i.e., the middle (European) part of the town.\n\n† i.e., Queen's Road.\n\n‡ i.e., Praya.\n\n§ These particulars have been kindly furnished by the Actg. Registrar General.\n\n[Save where stated all footnotes are by Mr. Nacken. Ed.]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205596, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "CHINESE STREET-CRIES IN HONG KONG\n\n133\n\nAnother class of hawkers are the sellers of articles for daily use. Here is one panting under his load of earthenware; there is another who cries out his bamboo-wares, such as baskets, brooms, mats, benches, ginger grinders etc. Hawkers of fans, pipes, feather-dusters, china, fire-wood, tobacco, salt, oil, cloth, lanterns, etc., one meets everywhere. Beautifully arranged bunches of flowers are offered to you in the street, but happily in a quiet way, because they attract sufficient attention by themselves, I suppose.\n\n\"What does that fellow call out? He has nothing in his two baskets.\" Ah, my friend, he belongs to a very numerous and a very bad lot of men. He is a buyer of refuse. If you hear a voice cry out “mái lán t'it lán l'ung”* you may be sure that he will soon be at the back of your house, near your servants' quarters. He has plenty of money with him, and he will buy from your cook bones, feathers (the good ones for fans and the bad ones for manure), rags and empty tins; from your coolie, paper, nails, shoes, needles, thread or anything that can be got hold of whilst sweeping the rooms; from your boy he will buy bottles, glass, or anything which you may have lost, such for instance as a key, a lock, a stocking, a handkerchief, or a gold button, and even a watch.\n\nThere are a great many of these refuse buyers in Hongkong, but I cannot say how many, as they do not come under the Hawkers' Ordinance. They either have their own shops or they deliver their goods to one of the licensed shops, called Marine stores, which take their name, I am inclined to think, from the fact that all not properly acquired goods are sent afloat into the interior as soon as possible. There are, however, other refuse dealers who are quite respectable. They buy or exchange broken silver, old fans, spectacles, frames, opium-dross, etc.\n\nWe have now to turn our attention to the cries of those who offer their services for repairing things. And here I must say, that the Chinese have really acquired the art of mending. In how wretched and clumsy a way are things repaired in Europe! There is not a foreigner in China who has not several testimonials in his house, proving that his servants are very careless in breaking glass and china and that his servants' countrymen are very skilful and careful in mending it. His tools look rather primitive, but they\n\n* ✰### to buy old iron and old copper.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205643, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "180\n\nTHE LIBRARY\n\nBACKHOUSE, E. and BLAND, J. O. P.\n\nAnnals and memoirs of the court of Peking, from the 16th to the 20th century. London, Heinemann, 1914.\n\nBALL, J. Dyer.\n\nThings Chinese; or, Notes connected with China. 5th ed., rev. by E. Chalmers Werner. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1925.\n\nBELCHER, Sir Edward.\n\nNarrative of a voyage round the world, performed in Her Majesty's Ship Sulphur, during the years 1836-1842, including details of the naval operations in China from Dec. 1840 to Nov. 1841. Publ. under the authority of the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. London, Colburn, 1843, 2 vols.\n\nBERNARD, W. D.\n\nNarrative of the voyages and services of the Nemesis, from 1840 to 1843; and of the combined naval and military operations in China: comprising a complete account of the Colony of Hong Kong, and remarks on the character and habits of the Chinese, from notes of W.H. Hall, London, Colburn, 1844. 2 vols.\n\nBISHOP, John L., ed.\n\nStudies in Chinese literature. Cambridge, Mass., Harvard U.P., 1965.\n\nBLAND, J. O. P., and BACKHOUSE, E.\n\nChina under the Empress Dowager; being the life and times of Tzu Hsi, compiled from state papers and the private diary of the comptroller of her household. New and rev. cheaper ed. Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1914.\n\nBODDE, Derk.\n\nChina's first unifier: a study of the Ch'in dynasty as seen in the life of Li Ssŭ († 208 B.C.). Hong Kong, University Press, 1967.\n\nBOUCHOT, Jean.\n\nScènes de la vie des Hutungs; croquis des moeurs pékinoises. 2e éd. Pekin, [Nachbaur] 1922.\n\nBREDON, Juliet.\n\nHundred altars. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1936.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205663, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 205, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "200\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nList of Members\n\nPatron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C.\n\nHonorary Members:\n\nSir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* 183 Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England.\n\nProf. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada.\n\nLawry, R. E., O.B.E., F.R.G.S.* 36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England.\n\nMembers:\n\nABRAHAM, R. D.* 41, Island Road, Deep Water Bay, H.K.\n\nADDIS, W. T. Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corp., H.K.\n\nAKERS-JONES, D. c/o New Territories Administration, North Kowloon Magistracy, Kowloon.\n\nALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. The Registry, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nARMERDING, L. E.* 426 La Grande Avenue, Fanwood, New Jersey, U.S.A.\n\nARTHUR, H. R. Dept. of Chemistry, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. 7 Peak Pavilions, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K.\n\nBADAMS, P. W. M. c/o H.K. & Shanghai Bank, H.K. (Trustee) Ltd.\n\nBAKER, Mrs. F. H. Shell House, 6th floor, H.K.\n\nBAKER, Dr. H. D. R. U.S. Consulate General, Garden Road, H.K.\n\nBAKER, W. E. c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, England.\n\nBALL, J. M.* c/o The H.K. Electric Co., Ltd.\n\nBARD, Dr. S. M. P. O. Box 915, H.K.\n\nBARNETT, K. M. A. c/o H. K. Refrigerating Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 291, H.K.\n\nBARR, Miss Elizabeth University Health Service, University of Hong Kong, H.K.\n\nBARRY, Comdr. R. S. P. O. Box 248, H.K.\n\nBASHALL, Mrs. C. G. 80 Robinson Road, H.K.\n\n1 Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205693, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1968", "page_number": 235, "title": "RAS-1968", "content_text": "僅\n\nރ\n\n'\n\n***\n\n1000:\n\n* CORTO CALL 900\n\n10-\n\n20 0\n\nMagistracy\n\nL\n\nJ\n\nN\n\nar\n\nVICTORIA\n\nR\n\n00\n\nHarbour\n\nHoust\n\nם\n\nGovernmel House\n\nAcclimatising\n\nBarracki\n\nPost office\n\nProposed site for Church\n\n(\n\nSite of Major Caine's house (inland lot 59)\n\nBuildings erected in 1842 and 1843, sometimes called the 'Record Office'.\n\nSite of the present Government House\n\nMr. Johnston's house on inland lot 82.\n\nPlate 20. Hong Kong, Central District 1843 (see p. 156).\n\nRe-drawn from a Survey Map compiled by the Royal Engineers in mid-1843 in CO129:11, F. 455 (Colonial Office records)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1968.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833948d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205705, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "HON. TREASURER'S REPORT FOR 1968\n\nOn the retirement and return to Britain of Mr. O. P. Edwards of the Hongkong & Shanghai Bank the accounts have been kindly audited by Mr. N. N. Chan of Butterfield & Swire (H.K.) Ltd.\n\nMembers will note that there is an excess of Income over Expenditure amounting to $6,970, compared with a deficit amounting to $738 in the previous year. This has largely been brought about by the increase in sale of publications, which this year amounted to $6,118 (against $1,708 last year). Such a high figure for the sale of publications cannot be expected for the future since this year's figures include the sales of 2 Journals (1967 and 1968) and the full effects of the sales of the brochure on the 1966 Symposium and Sir Lindsay Ride's booklet \"The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao\". There is therefore no room for complacency, and it will be noticed that once again annual subscriptions do not cover our total expenditure, the shortfall being covered by bank interest, income from investments and the sale of publications.\n\nIn December 1968 the 125 shares in the Hongkong & Shanghai Banking Corporation (London Register) were sold at a profit of $9,981 and are responsible for the large current account balance ($23,736). The proceeds of this sale have since been re-invested in buying 400 Hong Kong Electric and 400 Lane Crawford, the latter now showing a gratifying increase in market value together with a rights issue of 50 shares. There has also been a recent bonus issue of 133 shares in the China Light & Power. The cost over market value of 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80 can be attributed not only to the low market value of this stock but also to the effects of devaluation.\n\nThe Society is expected to meet heavy expenditure in the forthcoming year. The 1969 Journal with offprints will call for an amount of $8,000 to 9,000, and it is expected that Volume I of the Journal will be reprinted in the near future, calling for another $3,000. Members are strongly urged to assist in increasing the membership of the Society not only to help towards the cost of this high anticipated expenditure but also to obtain a more satisfactory income over expenditure for the future.\n\nD. A. GILKES,\n\nHon. Treasurer.\n\n28 April, 1969.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205747, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 53, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA, MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n47\n\nWhen the party regained their boat May sent the civilians back to Hong Kong. He took the remainder of his men to the matshed hill, where he intended to spend the night. As May deployed his men on the hillside, men from Fan Leng took the card of Man Cham-tsun—leader of the Man lineage of Tai Hang—to villages throughout the area, asking for help in an assault on his position.\n\nWhen darkness fell, May could see lights in the five villages nearest the hill and more lights moving along the footpaths to the rear of his position. Bombs were exploded in the adjacent valley and parties whistled and signalled as they moved forward. Realising that he could not hold the hill, May withdrew to an adjacent one and from there watched the attack. A signal drum sounded and there was a concerted rush from all sides to the crest of the hill. The matsheds were fired and a search begun for the British party. May and his men hid in a thicket of rushes and cactus until early the next morning, when they were able to escape unobserved.\n\n+\n\n-\n\n+\n\nEnquiries made the next day, by Stewart Lockhart and General Gascoigne, showed that the assault had been made by villages from within the Ts'at Yeuk. Of the seven yeuk, only one—Ting Kok Yeuk—appears not to have participated. In retrospect, May estimated that between 100 and 200 men had been involved. He concluded: \"what struck me most was the evidently organized manner in which members from the surrounding villages concentrated to take part in the attack... This is no doubt a method... adopted both for offence and defence.\"60 The Governor of Hong Kong, Sir Henry Blake, took a detached view of the affair. “I am not disposed to attach much importance to this attack upon Mr. May and his party. Such a sudden access of militant irritability is not uncommon in Ireland, and subsides as rapidly as it rises.\"61\n\nThe next ten days were busy ones for the resistance leaders, particularly those of Ha Tsuen and Kam Tin. They visited villages throughout the area and exhorted people to oppose the occupation. Ammunition was purchased in bulk. Captured account books, associated with an ancestral hall at Ha Tsuen, show that gunpowder, ball, and percussion caps were being ordered throughout the earlier part of April. For example, the section for", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205763, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 69, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "MILITIA. MARKET AND LINEAGE\n\n63\n\n61 Ibid., p. 154.\n\n62 Ibid., p. 159.\n\n63 Liu Wan-kuk, of Sheung Shui, later described the inaugural meeting and its consequences in the following terms. \"On the 1st of the 3rd moon (10th April), the Un Long Division made a great show of force, and stated in a most peremptory manner that if we refused to join in the resistance of the British, thousands of men from the Un Long Division with arms would proceed to level to the ground the villages belonging to the Liu, Tang and Pang families. The Sheung U Division was therefore compelled on the 3rd day (12th April) to request the Hau, Liu, Pang, Tang, Man clans to meet in the temple dedicated to a former Governor of Kwang Tung province. There it was decided to raise a small public subscription.... It was also decided that the various villages in our Division should have their trainbands (or militia) in readiness so that we should not be....powerless to check disorder. Our Division was the victim of circumstances.... Our trainband (or militia) was intended solely for the protection of the old and young in our Division.\" Translation of a statement made to the Colonial Secretary of Hong Kong, 26th April 1899, Papers. Despatches..., op. cit., p. 74. Here and subsequently, the spelling of place names and parenthetical remarks are those of the original translator. Remarks in brackets are my own.\n\n64 Correspondence ..., op. cit., p. 226. Jingals are \"long tapering guns, six to fourteen feet in length, borne on the shoulders of two men and fired by a third. They have a stand, or tripod, reminding one of a telescope being less liable to burst than cannon, they form the most effective gun the Chinese possess.\" J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, London, 1904 edition, p. 44.\n\nPage 13\n\nCorrespondence\n\n65 Stewart Lockhart described the flag as follows: \"the flag has a red border and a white centre, on which are seven Chinese characters meaning: Train band sanctioned by the Government: -Tai Kai (village), surname Man.' The village referred to.... is also known by the name of Tai Hang\n\n, op. cit., p. 180. The militia were so martial in appearance and conduct that the British at first thought they were regulars. The Viceroy commented: \"the Governor of Hong Kong suspected that they were regular troops from the fact that they had guns, cannon, and uniforms. He was not aware that the villagers of Kwangtung, in their constant fights with each other, are always erecting forts, and use guns and cannon, and wear uniforms. This is a matter of common notoriety.\" Ibid., p. 304.\n\n66 Ibid., pp. 188ff. These and similar letters were found in the T'ai Ping Kung Kuk at Yuen Long. A proclamation issued by the Council of the Yuen Long Division was also discovered. It supports Liu Wan-kuk's claim that coercion was a feature of the resistance movement:\n\n\"The English barbarians are about to enter our territory, and ruin will come upon our villages and hamlets, All we villagers must enthusiastically come forward to offer armed resistance and act in unison. When the drum sounds to the fight, we must all respond to the call for assistance. Should anyone hesitate to take part or hinder or obstruct our military plans he will most certainly be severely punished, and no leniency will be shown. This is issued as a forewarning.\" Ibid.\n\n67 Ibid., p. 171.\n\n68 Papers\n\n69 Ibid.\n\nDespatches\n\n, op. cit., p. 66.\n\nop. cit., p. 166.\n\n70 Correspondence", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205878, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "178\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nand clubs, on their families, and on their ties with home. All these contain much of interest, though there are many points small and large on which one might quibble, from the trivial matter of the delusion which the author has that Chinese restaurants in general serve Chinese food which derives its virtue from Cantonese culinary supremacy (p. 28), to the important matter of omitting to mention that many Chinese employees receive in cash their total wage, their employers paying for them their tax, National Insurance, etc. over and above the wage (p. 81).\n\nMore important is the lack of organisation of the approach to this subject. One has the feeling that little attempt was made to extract meaning from the facts with which Mr. Ng presents us. If there had been, then surely they would have been presented differently? Certain basic considerations seem to have been neglected. Why London? for instance. Granted that London is an important centre for Chinese immigrants, why is it so? and how is it possible to study London as a centre without reference to the area of which it is a centre? Would not The Chinese in Britain have been a more valid topic? (Of course, the research worker's time and finances are important factors here, but there should be justification for the choice of field.) Again, was it not possible for Mr. Ng to approach this subject from an angle which would give more meaning to the whole to impose a pattern on it, as it were? To be constructive, could he not have started with the individual and worked outwards from there? the three case studies in Chapter IV are very enlightening.\n\nSince the work for this study was done (in 1963-64) the situation of the Chinese in Britain has changed a great deal. There seems to have been achieved a greater degree of coalescence (particularly in the provincial cities), political awareness has heightened, the Hong Kong Government has attempted to help its people overseas, the Gerrard Street area of London has become more and more clearly defined as a Chinese centre (the world's only new Chinatown?), and so on. There is call now for much more detailed and wide-ranging study of the field; and whoever undertakes it will be fortunate in having Mr. Ng's general survey to start from.\n\nSchool of Oriental and African Studies,\n\nMarch, 1969.\n\nHUGH D. R. BAKER", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205883, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1969", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1969", "content_text": "183\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nList of Members\n\nPatron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, K.C.M.G., M.C.\n\nHonorary Members:\n\nSir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.* 183 Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England.\n\nProf. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.* 190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada.\n\nR. E. Lawry, O.B.E., F.R.G.S.* 36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England.\n\nDr. Marjorie Topley, B.Sc. Econ., Ph.D.* 19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K.\n\nMembers:\n\nAKERS-JONES, D. c/o Colonial Secretariat, Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nARMERDING, L. E.* P.O. Box 4333, North Point, H.K.\n\nASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. 6 Lloyd Path, Severn Road, H.K.\n\nAU, K. N. c/o Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\nBachman, Miss Ann H. c/o American Consulate General, 26 Garden Road, H.K.\n\nBAKER, Dr. H. D. R. c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, W.C.1, England.\n\nBAKER, W. E.* c/o The Hongkong Electric Co., Ltd. 40, St. Mary Axe, London, E.C.3. England.\n\nBALL, J. M. c/o H. K. Refrigerating Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 291, H.K.\n\nBARD, Dr. S. M. University Health Service, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nBARNETT, K. M. A. P. O. Box 248, H.K.\n\nBARR, Miss E. 80 Robinson Road, H.K.\n\nBARRY, Cmdr. R. S. Hong Kong Club, H.K.\n\nBASHALL, Mrs. C. G. c/o H.M. Prison, Stanley, H.K.\n\nBEDLINGTON, Mrs. M. 1, Albion Terrace, Kowloon Docks, Hunghom, Kowloon.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1969.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/9g553n20d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205939, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "1968 \n\nLIABILITIES Accumulated Funds \n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY \n\nBALANCE SHEET AS AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1969 \n\nHK$41,679 Balance as at 1st January, 1969 HK$58,630 \n\n6,970 Add: Surplus of Income over \n\n1968 \n\nASSETS \n\nHK$15,519 Quoted Investments at cost \n\n(For Market Value see note above) Balance at Banks \n\nHK$43,554 \n\nExpenditure in 1969 \n\n5,691 \n\n12,223 \n\nFixed Deposit $12,730 \n\n9,981 \n\nProfit on Sale of Investments \n\n7,152 23,736 \n\nDeposit at Call \n\n7,020 \n\nCurrent Account \n\n2,388 \n\n22,138 \n\n58,630 \n\nBalance of Accumulated Funds at \n\n31st December, 1969 Sundry Creditor--Printing Charges \n\n64,321 \n\n1,371 \n\nD. A. GILKES, Hon. Treasurer. \n\nHK$58,630 \n\nHK$65,692 \n\nHK$58,630 \n\nHK$65,692 \n\nREPORT OF THE HON. AUDITORS TO THE MEMBERS OF THE \n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, HONG KONG BRANCH \n\nWe have examined the above Balance Sheet with the books and have obtained all the information and explanations we required for the purposes of our audit. \n\nIn our opinion, the said Balance Sheet is properly drawn up so as to exhibit a true and correct view of the state of the Society's affairs as at 31st December, 1969, according to the best of our information and the explanations given to us and as shown by the books of the Society. \n\nWONG, TAN & Co., Chartered Accountants, Hon. Auditors. \n\nHong Kong, 1st May, 1970. \n\n13", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205963, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "38 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nmutual incomprehension of Chinese and Europeans. Only a few missionaries had a working knowledge of the Chinese dialects spoken in Hong Kong; but missionary effort went mainly into the evangelisation, conversion and education of the Chinese, and most missionaries, many of whom were not British, were antipathetic to the Colonial Government, whose raison d'être in their view, judging by the contents of the contemporary publication The Friend of China, was to protect the opium interests of the great European hongs. Eitel claims there was in 1854, apart from the missionaries, 'not a man left in Hong Kong thoroughly acquainted with both the written and spoken languages of China'; and in 1859 there were said to be only three men in government service, (excepting Lobschied, the Inspector of Schools) who had some knowledge of Cantonese; but only one, the Interpreter of the Supreme Court, 'was at all acquainted with the written language and that imperfectly'. The Chinese could not bridge the gap either: there were few educated Chinese and fewer who could understand English. In 1867, an editorialist in the China Mail averred that 'we can safely assert that the average knowledge possessed by the compradore class in Hong Kong is almost entirely useless in any situation of official responsibility'.8 \n\nAbove all else Hong Kong needed a group of officials with competence in spoken and written Chinese, especially the former; and, although this was less understood at the time, it lacked officials with an understanding of the structure of Chinese society (of what we would call today the social anthropology of the Chinese). Sir Hercules argued, in defence of his scheme, that it was quite impossible to conduct the government of 120,000 Chinese without proper interpreters who knew their language; but Eitel probably comes closer to the nub of the matter with his declaration: “English education among the Chinese people of the Colony, and Chinese knowledge among the English officials of Hong Kong are the two factors upon which the success of the general scheme of English colonial policy to a great extent depends....\" Communication with the Chinese was needed not merely for social and cultural contacts but for reasons of social control over a Chinese lumpenproletariat, without a stake in the Colony. \n\nThe scheme initially propounded by Sir Hercules to the Hong Kong Legislative Council on 23 March 1861 was designed primarily to establish a staff of interpreters, to be used in the courts,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205971, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "46\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nany interpretation that may be going on'.42 On the other hand, the scarcity of cadets in government caused serious problems at the end of the century. No scheme of localisation, except at the clerical level, had been promoted in Hong Kong; and although Government had been forced, as a result of Sir William Robinson's Retrenchment Committee of 1894, to abolish the post of Clerk of the Councils, one Magistrate and the Superintendent of the Jail, and amalgamate the posts of the Colonial Secretary and the Registrar-General, the number of cadets was still far too small for the efficient administration of even a municipality. Alleyne Ireland, after a visit to Hong Kong at the turn of the century, argued that there was a need for more cadets, and reported that 'no one who has spent four months, as I recently did, in the Colony could fail to be impressed, as I was, with the fact that in the service as well as in the junior ranks of the service there are a few men of the highest ability and usefulness, nor could he fail to notice that such men were few and not many'.43 The reports of the Finance Committee for 1901 showed, moreover, that the attendance included an Acting Attorney-General, an Acting Colonial Treasurer, and an Acting Director of Works. The service of the colony, Ireland adduced, 'has suffered greatly from the evil of acting appointments, and a system should be introduced under which it would not be necessary to transfer so many officials from one department to another whenever a senior official goes on leave'.44 He also pointed out the inadequate size of the Government offices, and 'the employment of a large number of junior clerks, Chinese and Portuguese, at salaries little better than those paid to day labourers'. Ireland, however, did not mention that the incorporation of the New Territories had led to a drain of officials from Hong Kong.\n\nA concatenation of these processes of retrenchment, scarcity of cadets, acting appointments, and ill-paid clerical staff led to a major government scandal which brought to an end in 1895 the career of one cadet, N.G. Mitchell-Innes,45 who had joined the service in 1881, and this scandal led not only to a commission of inquiry but a rebuke from the Secretary of State.\n\nMitchell-Innes' troubles began when Alfred Lister was appointed Treasurer in 1888. Lister, who was also Postmaster General, served for the first six months of the year, but was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 205983, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 63, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "58\n\nLAMARR B. TROTT\n\ncrustaceans, 3% squids, and 1% other marine animals. To catch this amount, 56,000 local fishermen worked 6,800 fishing vessels and this does not include the catches sold by fishermen based in other localities than Hong Kong. Half of the yield every year is supplied by trawling vessels, while long line, purse seining, and gill netting techniques are of less importance. A modernization of equipment, enabling trawlers and long line vessels to go farther afield for their catches will increase the yield and make Hong Kong more self-sufficient. This process is gradually taking place, but needs speedier implementation,\n\nMarine Conditions in General\n\nFor a background of conditions existing in Hong Kong, let us first look at the marine environment in general, and in other areas of the world. When one first observes the sea in a tropical climate, he is immediately aware of a tremendous diversity of organisms. The tropics, both on land and in the sea, is a plethora of bizarre and varied living forms. It is a well-known biological fact that although the absolute number of individuals present in a tropical vs. a temperate area may be the same, the number of species is far greater in the tropics*. \n\nThe most important factor in determining the distribution of biological forms, therefore, appears to be temperature. Many marine organisms are definitely limited by temperature, and corals which are exclusively marine are an excellent example. Reef-building corals usually exist only in a wide tropical belt in which the temperature does not fall below 20°C for any long period during the year. Another important physico-chemical factor is salinity, or saltiness of the water. Salinity is actually a measure of all the salts in the water, although the major one is sodium chloride. The actual amount of salt determines the biologically important osmotic pressure and thus is often a limiting factor. Take echinoderms, like starfishes, sea urchins and the like; they are strictly marine, and are not even found in moderately brackish water. Other forms, called chaetognaths, or arrow worms, are so narrowly tolerant of change in salt content that one can tell the saltiness of the water by what species of\n\n* Mayr, 1963.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206096, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "HONG KONG BEFORE THE BRITISH\n\n171\n\nthe Portuguese suddenly arrived and increased in an unexpected way the problem of the Chinese authorities in coping with local disorders and foreign traders.\n\nThe first mention of their arrival is in Portuguese in the history of the Navigators by Barros, a contemporary, who states that in 1514 Jorge Alvares reached a place called Tamao in China and put up a monument to commemorate his discovery on which he engraved the arms of Portugal. His son, who had died on the voyage, was buried in the same place at the foot of the mountain. Tamao is undoubtedly T'un Mun but some difficulty in placing the exact locality is found owing to the frequent references by Portuguese historians to an island. For instance, one contemporary states: \"The island is three leagues from the coast and the Chinese call it Tamao while we call it the Ilha de Veniaga (Island of Trade, the last word being Portuguese pidgin from Malacca). From this place none may proceed to any of the places near the coast without the permission of the Council at Canton, which is a city 18 leagues away. Even when going there the ships do not enter but stay at the outskirts and there carry on trade.\" The Portuguese received a good welcome and were impressed with the extraordinary riches of China and with the possibilities of trade. Other voyages were made and the results reported to Alburquerque who was then at Malacca. Three years later an expedition commanded by Fernando d'Andrade arrived at T'un Mun with instructions to go to Canton and open negotiations for a trading treaty with China. Fernando d'Andrade very nearly succeeded in his work. He did not return the shots which were fired at his ships by a Chinese fleet, but succeeded in obtaining the permission of the official at Nam T'au they called Pio (whose full title was \"Pei Wo Tu Chih Hui” or local officer for defence against Japanese pirates) to sail as far as Canton and after a whole year of investigation and exploration his expedition returned safely to Malacca where they made a report. The next year, 1519, Simon Andrade, brother of Fernando, was sent to carry on the negotiations but as soon as he arrived at T'un Mun he began to terrorise the whole neighbourhood.\n\nIn justice to the Portuguese it must be remembered that they were continually being attacked by the Tanka and other pirates.\n\n27 Castanheda quoted in Tien Hsia, May 1939, by J. M. Braga.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206143, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1970", "page_number": 223, "title": "RAS-1970", "content_text": "# ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\n# HONG KONG BRANCH\n\n# List of Members\n\nPatron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, G.C.M.G., M.C.\n\nHonorary Members:\n\nSir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.*\n\nProf. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.*\n\nDr. J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P.*\n\nR. E. Lawry, O.B.E., F.R.G.S.*\n\nDr. Marjorie Topley, B.Sc. Econ., Ph.D.*\n\n183, Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England.\n\n190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada,\n\n3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K.\n\n36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England.\n\n19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K.\n\nMembers:\n\nAKERS-JONES, D. - c/o Colonial Secretariat (Lands Branch), Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L. - c/o University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nARMERDING, L. E.* - P.O. Box 4333, North Point, H.K.\n\nASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P. - 7, Peak Pavilions, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K.\n\nAU, K. N. - c/o Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\nAXILROD, Dr. E. + c/o Economic Research Centre, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nBACHMAN, Miss Ann H. - c/o American Consulate General,\n\nBAKER, Dr. H. D. R. - 26 Garden Road, H.K.\n\nBAKER, W. E.* - c/o School of Oriental and African Studies, London, W.C.1, England.\n\nBALL, J. M.* - c/o The Hongkong Electric Co., Ltd.\n\nBARD, Dr. S. M. - 40, St. Mary Axe, London, E.C.3. England.\n\nBARNETT, K. M. A. - c/o H. K. Refrigerating Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 291, H.K.\n\n- c/o University Health Service, University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nP. O. Box 248, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1970.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ww72j0241", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206201, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nBALANCE SHEET AS AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1970\n\n \n LIABILITIES\n 1969\n \n ASSETS\n 1969\n \n \n Accumulated Funds\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n HK$43,554\n \n HK$58,630\n \n \n \n Balance as at 1st January 1970\n \n HK$64,321\n Deduct: Deficit of Expenditure\n \n \n \n \n \n (5,691)\n over Income in 1970\n \n \n \n \n \n 58,630\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Quoted Investments at cost...\n \n \n \n (For Market Value see Note below)\n \n 6,529\n 12,730\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Fixed Deposit\n $13,415\n \n \n \n \n 7,020\n Deposit at Call ...\n 15,520\n \n \n Balance of Accumulated Funds at\n 64,321\n \n \n \n \n \n 31st December, 1970\n \n 1,371\n Sundry Creditor-Printing Charges\n 2,388\n \n \n \n \n \n Current Account\n 2,303\n \n \n \n \n 31,238\n \n 17,000\n \n \n \n HK$65,692\n \n \n HK$74,792\n \n \n \n HK$65,692\n \n \n HK$74,792\n \n\nD. A. GILKES, Hon. Treasurer.\n\nREPORT OF THE HON. AUDITORS TO THE MEMBERS OF THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, HONG KONG BRANCH\n\nWe have examined the above Balance Sheet with the books and have obtained all the information and explanations we required for the purposes of our audit.\n\nIn our opinion, the said Balance Sheet is properly drawn up so as to exhibit a true and correct view of the Society's affairs as at 31st December 1970, according to the best of our information and the explanations given to us and as shown by the books of the Society.\n\nWONG, TAN & Co., Chartered Accountants,\n\nHon. Auditors.\n\nHong Kong, 15th April, 1971.\n\n12", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206256, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "VOLUNTARY ASSOCIATIONS AND KAIFONGS\n\n67\n\nthat associations have come to play an important role, as they do in the overseas Chinese communities. It seems that wherever there are Chinese people, there are typical Chinese social institutions, serving what we may call \"traditional\" social functions.\n\nIn Hong Kong, there is a network of social institutions very similar to that which obtains among the overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia. There are chambers of commerce or merchants' associations, district and clan organizations, trade unions, religious and recreational associations, secret societies, etc. They provide roughly the same kinds of services as their counterparts overseas. In this part of the paper, I shall discuss a particular kind of local institution called the Kaifong Associations. Their roles in local community life are very similar to those performed by the district and dialect associations in the overseas Chinese communities. By comparing the Kaifongs and these overseas associations, we have a very good illustration of how traditional associations adjust to modern urban conditions, how they are carried along the currents of social change, and how they take part in the promotion of social change itself.\n\nThe word \"kaifong\" means a \"street neighbourhood\", and a Kaifong Association means the voluntary organization of the residents of a certain district. As local residents' associations, the Kaifongs have existed in Hong Kong since the mid 19th century. But strictly speaking, the modern Kaifongs are a post-war creation, adapted to the social situation in Hong Kong in the early 1950s. After the Japanese Occupation, there followed an intense period of reconstruction. The government's attention was claimed in many different directions. Thus it had to rely heavily on voluntary agencies for the organization of welfare. Under the direct encouragement of the Social Welfare Officer, the first modern Kaifong came into being in 1949.12 The number of Kaifongs grew rapidly to over 30 by the mid-1950s, and after a period of stability, jumped to over 50 after the mid-60s. Today, every urban district is served by a Kaifong association, and many of the new resettlement estates also have their own Kaifongs. The Kaifongs are voluntary organizations. The government does not directly supervise their affairs, although it keeps in close contact\n\n12 Hong Kong Annual Departmental Report by the Social Welfare Officer for the Period 1948-54.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206269, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "80\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nto the preservation of the national integrity; uneasy under the restraint of law and unscrupulous of the means by which they live, they abandon without hesitation their hearths and household gods, their birthright and their father's tombs, to wander, unrespected, whither gain may call them. The unsettled state of the Colony, and the vast amount of crime during its infancy afford abundant proof of the demoralizing effects of their presence... (More recently) Hong Kong has been invested by numbers of the Triad Society, the members of which under shelter of a political maxim ‘overturn the Tsing... and restore the Ming' perpetuate the grossest enormities. I have satisfied myself that most of the burglaries have been planned and attempted by members of this dangerous association.3\n\nFearon mentions in his report a person named Aqui as the most influential and wealthy of the native residents. He had rapidly risen from the lowly status of a bum-boatman. William Tarrant, an early historian of Hong Kong who was well acquainted with the early days, writing in 1861 comments that\n\n— there were some curious fish among the earlier native settlers; the leader of them is still living in Victoria, Loo Aqui, alias See Mun King. If all reports be true, Aqui was monarch of all he surveyed on the water about Hong Kong prior to our taking possession — that is to say, he was the Sea King who took toll from all that passed his squadron. This is of course rumour only; and we but mention it to say that the presence of Aqui on the island had much to do in keeping people of better character from settling, or even visiting the place.+\n\nGeorge Smith, the future Bishop of Victoria, visited Hong Kong in 1844 and gives an equally critical description of Aqui's activities.\n\nHe possesses about fifty houses in the bazaar, and lives on the rent, in a style much above the generality of the Chinese settlers, who are commonly composed of the refuse of the neighbouring mainland. During the war, Aqui acted as purveyor of provisions to the British armament and acquired some wealth. After the peace, he was at first afraid to return to the mainland, lest he", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206296, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "CHINESE ELITE IN HONG KONG\n\n107\n\nHowever with the financial assistance of his wife's share in the estate of Ho Fuk Tong, he was able to study law in England. He returned to Hong Kong to practice law and in time was appointed a Magistrate. In 1880, Governor Hennessy appointed him as the first Chinese member of the Legislative Council. He served for two years, but then resigned to join the staff of Viceroy Li Hung Chung at Tientsin. In 1897 he was appointed the Chinese Ambassador to the United States and continued serving his country in other posts of responsibility until his death in 1922.\n\nA classmate and good friend of Wu Ting Fang, named Chan Ayin (陳海亭) alias Chan Oi Ting was one of thirty representatives of the Chinese community to call on Governor Sir Arthur Kennedy to welcome him to Hong Kong in 1872. He is also named among fourteen who, dressed in their official robes as mandarins, welcomed the Governor on his visit to Tung Wah Hospital in 1878. He was baptized while a student at St. Paul's College and, like most of the others whose career we are considering in this section, after completing his education he entered Government service. He was connected with the Magistrate's Court, but in 1871 he left to become a reporter for the China Mail. When the Mail began publishing the Wah Tsz Yat Po in 1872, he was head of this department. In 1877 he surrendered his lease of the paper but continued with The China Mail for a short period after. He then gave up his career in journalism to join the staff of the newly appointed Chinese Ambassador to the United States. As a member of the staff, he was appointed Consul-General in Havana, Cuba. He continued to serve in the Chinese diplomatic service for ten years, but then returned to China where he became director of the Chinese Engineering and Mining Company and of the Shanghai-Nanking Railway Administration. He died at Shanghai in 1905.44\n\nWhile editor of the Wah Tsz Yat Po, Chan Oi Ting was also instrumental in organizing and managing the Chinese Printing and Publishing Company which bought the press and type of the London Mission Press in 1872. This company began publishing the Tsun Wan Yat Po (Universal Circulating Herald) in February 1874. It advertised itself as the \"first daily newspaper ever issued under purely native auspices\". The paper was registered under the name of Wong Tao (£), a scholar of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 134, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "128\n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE\n\nmonthly meetings, but it is clear that consensus was usually arrived at and the Registrar General/Secretary for Chinese Affairs given sound advice on important local matters for it was politically unwise for the Committee to be deadlocked or sharply split for long. If that had occurred too frequently, the utility of the Committee as the chief consultative body would have declined46,\n\nIt would be wrong, however, to think of the Committee as being, in modern parlance, a purely 'Establishment' body. Certainly its members had very close links with European businessmen in the Colony. At the beginning of this century over half its members were compradores to European firms and banks. On the other hand it is clear the Committee did succeed in expressing what we can only call a Chinese point of view”. There are a number of reasons for this. Most committeemen had contacts of one sort or another with the commercial world of Canton and some were involved in the politics of Kwangtung Province and one in particular, Ho Kai, with Sun Yat-sen's revolutionary movement47. Many owned property and land in Kwangtung and were interested in the economic development of that area48. And nearly all sent their male children back to China for education49. Thus the members of the District Watch Committee were involved in two sets of interests: those of Hong Kong and those of Kwangtung.\n\nYet when they spoke up about an issue they represented principally the interests of the compradore bourgeoisie, suggesting a narrower but perhaps more complex set of interests than would be conveyed by the use of the word 'Chinese'. Even the highly westernised Ho Kai, a Chinese who had studied Western medicine at Edinburgh University, dispensed with the queue and wore London suits, who married an Englishwoman and wrote better English than Chinese50 was still able to represent the generalised opinions of the Chinese community and, more importantly, the point of view of a segment of Hong Kong's Chinese community, that of the Chinese businessman and speculator. The advice given by the Committee to government must be seen then as a distillation of all these complex sets of interests.\n\nThere were, as I have already emphasised, several reasons why the Committee became so important as a key advisory body.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206321, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 138, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "132 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nand workers. In one case, a District Watch Inspector arrested a member of the Secret Strike Party (the so-called Labour Commission) carrying illegal dispatches to union members, a fact duly noted in the Secretary for Chinese Affairs' report for 1925. \n\nIt is difficult to see how the Hong Kong government could have coped as well as it did with periods of economic recession after 1918, with years of labour unrest, with the rising tide of nationalism emanating from Nationalist China, without the strong support of the Committee, whose members between them sat on most of the ten other official Chinese committees and boards. The members of the District Watch Committee were strongly entrenched in the Chinese Chamber of Commerce and the Chinese Clubs and they played a significant role in the Chinese Manufacturers' Association. They also occupied important positions in district associations, benevolent societies, guilds of employers and business associations. The power and influence of the Committee ramified down through such associations, so that the few were able to exercise political control over the many62. Thus the power of the Committee was diffused through many associations, helping to maintain what no doubt the government would call 'sensible attitudes' among the Hong Kong-born Chinese, the group that formed the vertebra of the Colony. \n\nThe District Watch Committee was re-established after the return of the British administration in 1945, the Committee containing the same names as in 1941. No further nominations were ever made. A hundred and one District Watchmen reported for duty in 1945-6 and carried on with their normal duties: patrolling streets, conducting enquiries in connection with boarding houses, guilds, and the protection of women and girls, and making general investigations on behalf of the Secretariat for Chinese Affairs. In addition, the force assisted the rice controller in checking black marketing in government supplies; they were also put on static guard duties at various premises requisitioned by government. But the pre-war system of soliciting private subscriptions for the upkeep of the force was abandoned in 1945: henceforth it was financed entirely by the government; and government soon decided that the strength of the force should gradually be reduced to about fifty men, which would be sufficient to deal with the special requirements of the Secretariat for Chinese", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206324, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 141, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE DISTRICT WATCH COMMITTEE\n\n135\n\n4 The first census of the Island in 1841 gave a population of 5,650. In 1844 the population was given as 19,009. See Historical and Statistical Abstract of the Colony of Hong Kong, 1841-1931, Hong Kong, Noronha, 1932. The validity of the first census has been questioned by G. R. Sayer in his Hong Kong: Birth, Adolescence, and Coming of Age, London, Oxford University Press, 1937, p. 104.\n\n5 The China Review, vol. 1, 1872/73, p. 333.\n\n6 Ibid., p. 334.\n\n7 E. J. Eitel, Europe in China, The History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1895, p. 282. The Man Mo Temple stands at the western end of Hollywood Road. It was originally a shrine patronised mostly by fishermen before 1841. For a description of the temple see Charles J. H. Halcombe, The Mystic Flowery Land, London, Luzac and Co., 1896, ch. xxvii. The temple was run by a committee appointed by the Five Districts and the committee used to hold an annual ceremony at Mount Davis for the dead... in celebration of the gods of literature and war: see the Hongkong Government Gazette (henceforth cited as the Gazette), 12 February 1879, p. 52. The properties of the Man Mo Temple were transferred to the Tung Wah Hospital by the Man Mo Temple Ordinance, No. 10 of 1908. Before the committee of the Tung Wah Hospital was organized, the Man Mo Temple Committee appears to have been recognised as representing the opinions of respectable Chinese.\n\n9 J. W. Norton Kyshe, History of the Laws and Courts of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1898, vol. 2, p. 86. See also the reports of the Registrar General for 1866 and 1867 in the Gazette.\n\n9 Ibid., p. 86.\n\n10 In 1867 the police force consisted of 89 Europeans, 377 Indians (chiefly Bombay sepoys) and 132 Chinese, many of whom were employed as marine police. See Eitel, op. cit., pp. 445-6.\n\nAs late as 1893 there were only two European policemen who could act as proper interpreters and only five who could speak some Chinese. See the Report of the Commission on the Po Leung Kuk, Hong Kong, Noronha and Co., 1893, p. 81.\n\n12 Correspondence on Hong Kong Gambling Houses, London, H.M.S.O., 1869, p. 21.\n\n13 Eitel, op. cit., p. 447.\n\n14 Gazette, 6 January 1872. The Police Commission set up by MacDonnell was not unanimous: broadly it agreed to recommend an Anglo-Chinese police force. The recruitment of Chinese police had been strongly advocated by Dr. Legge, as most likely to bring good understanding between the government and respectable Chinese', G. B. Endacott, History of Hong Kong, London, Oxford University Press, 1958, p. 160.\n\n13 Osbert Chadwick, Reports on the Sanitary Conditions of Hong Kong, London, H.M.S.O., 1882, p. 42.\n\n16 'Registration of Chinese Partners', Hong Kong Sessional Papers (henceforth cited as Sessional Papers), No. 43 of 1901, p. 22. The text reads: 'Head and District Watchmen employed to patrol the streets by day and by night, are to be recommended by the Chinese themselves, because they know whether they are trustworthy or not. If these men, however, should fail to maintain their good character and should be found to be unfit for the post by the Chinese residents of the district to which they belong, they should be dismissed at any time, in order that they may have something to fear'. The translation is clearly a bad one.\n\n17 In 1883, the Registrar General, Frederick Stewart, used the district watchmen to conduct an enquiry into all Hong Kong schools. In the 1897", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206351, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "152\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nin 1859 and spread outwards through the self-governing and other territories of what became the Commonwealth and Empire. It extended to Britain's Eastern Colonies and to the foreign communities of the treaty ports of China and Japan where, from time to time, various alarms and excursions added self-preservation to the list of factors motivating the continuance or periodic resuscitation of volunteer corps.\n\nIn Hong Kong the Laws of the Colony early provided for their existence as a constitutional force. A succession of Ordinances established volunteers on a proper basis. The earliest of these was No. 2 of 1862, which was repeated with slight variation in No. 18 of 1882. An important re-modelling was carried out by No. 6 of 1893. This was followed by a Volunteer Reserve Ordinance No. 25 of 1910. Both these Ordinances were replaced by a further Volunteer Ordinance No. 2 of 1920, still modelled largely on the important 1893 Ordinance.\n\nVolunteer forces were the rule in the various foreign concessions in China, though save in the larger ones local volunteer forces tended to be formed and reformed whenever events seemed to warrant it. For example, the Shameen Defence Corps was formed after a serious riot in 1884 and was reformed from time to time, e.g. in May 1911 due to the unsettled state of affairs in Canton (see Diary of Events and the Progress on Shameen 1859-1938 compiled by H.S.S. and privately printed about 1938, pp. 19-26).\n\nThe largest of the China volunteer units was, in time, the Shanghai Volunteer Corps. This originated at two public meetings held in April 1853 and its early doings are described in Chapter XXXV of Lanning and Couling's The History of Shanghai, Part I (Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, 1921).\n\nInteresting details of its development are given here and there in Brigadier J. V. Davidson-Houston's Yellow Creek, The Story of Shanghai (London, Putnam, 1962). As in Hong Kong, the passing of the first emergency resulted in the demise of the Corps. \"Enthusiasm for the Volunteer Corps sank to a low ebb, members neglected to turn up for training and it was soon practically defunct\" (p. 58). The Corps was again raised in August 1860 with the onset of the Taiping rebels, when 107 volunteers came forward for enrolment (p. 65). However, after the successful operations against the rebels the Corps \"wilted and died\" and was wound up in 1867 to \"pay for its debtor's balance by selling its rifles\" although the rifle club continued to function (p. 90). The Corps was again formed in 1870 following the Tientsin massacre and continued in being thereafter, its numbers fluctuating between 250-350 for the rest of the 19th century (pp. 92-93). It then continued to grow in size, like the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps, to meet the difficulties of the troubled 1920s and the war with Japan.\n\nThe number of foreign residents in China is relevant to the size and location of Volunteer Corps. Some figures are given at pp. 292-295 of J. Dyer Ball's Things Chinese or Notes Connected with China, 4th edition, Hongkong, Kelly and Walsh 1903. There were, for instance, 4,424 foreigners in Shanghai (exclusive of those living in the French Settlement) in 1895 and 6774 in 1900. The Hong Kong Census of 1891 listed 10,446 British and foreign residents.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206352, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "HISTORY OF MILITARY VOLUNTEERS IN H.K.\n\n153\n\nway to the Volunteer Ordinance No. 10 of 1933 which was replaced, in its turn, by Ordinance No. 63 of 1948. The present Force is constituted under the Royal Hong Kong Defence Force Ordinance Chapter 199 of the Laws of Hong Kong, Ordinance No. 25 of 1951, modified by subsequent amendments.3 Besides being established by law, all volunteers have also been subject to rules and regulations provided for in the main Ordinances,\n\nBesides serving as a reminder to the present day volunteer that he and his predecessors have always operated within the laws of the Colony, these Ordinances and Regulations are a valuable source of information about volunteering over the past century and more. They are milestones in the growth and development of the Hong Kong Volunteers and provide the essential framework of accurate facts on to which information from other sources can be fitted.4 These include annual inspection reports for part of the period, personal reminiscences, newspaper reports, old photographs and memorials and the wide range of material included in the pages of the pre-war Year Book of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps, 1934-40 and of the post-war Royal Hong Kong Defence Force magazine, The Volunteer. The latter has appeared every year since 1950, with a special edition in 1954 to commemorate the centenary of volunteering in Hong Kong. The war period 1941-45 has been covered in Major Evan Stewart's account which has been supplemented by other publications dealing with the fall of Hong Kong. Material from these different sources has been used in writing this brief\n\n3 Since this article was prepared the Royal Hong Kong Defence Force Ordinance has been repealed and replaced by the Royal Hong Kong Regiment Ordinance and Regulations. Legal Supplements No. 1 of 18th December, 1970 and No. 2 of 24th December, 1970 in the Hong Kong Government Gazette refer.\n\n4 They are to be found in the various editions of the Laws of Hong Kong and of the Government Gazette.\n\n5 Only those for the years 1893-1907 are available in Hong Kong, printed in Sessional Papers 1894-1908. None of the earlier or later reports are available in the Colony.\n\n6 A Record of the Actions of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps in the Battle for Hong Kong, December 1941, Hong Kong, Ye Olde Printerie, Ltd. Other sources include the official History of the Second World War - The War against Japan, Volume I edited by Major-General S. Woodburn Kirby (London, H.M.S.O. 1957), John Luff's The Hidden Years (Hong Kong, South China Morning Post, Ltd., 1967) and Tim Carew's The Fall of Hong Kong (London, Anthony Blond, Ltd., 1961).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206353, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "154\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\naccount which is intended to provide a factual background to, and trace the major influences on, local volunteering over this long period.\n\nDEVELOPMENT AND ORGANISATION\n\n(a) 1854-1914\n\nThe different motivations, needs and attitudes of changing times provide some of the most interesting aspects of the history of the Hong Kong Volunteer Force. Danger is always a stimulus to volunteer efforts and the first Volunteers owed their origin to a foreign 'scare' occurring at a time of war with Russia and imagined insecurity in Hong Kong. This led the colonial authorities in June 1854 to take the initiative in calling for a corps of Volunteers for the defence of the lives and properties of themselves and their families in the temporary absence of a naval force sufficient to deal with an emergency. (It is interesting that Government called for an Auxiliary Police Force at the same time.) This call lost its magic when the emergency did not materialise and naval protection was restored, and for a few years there were no Volunteers in being.7\n\nAttempts to form a new Corps in 1857 proved an utter failure, the subject was mooted in the press in 1860 without result, and the eventual establishment of a new body of Volunteers on 7 April 1862 can be traced to an enthusiast, Captain Frederick Brine, Royal Engineers, a regular officer who had formed the Shanghai Volunteers in 1861 and went on to form other corps at Hankow and Yokohama. This second Hong Kong corps was disbanded in May 1866.\n\nA third Volunteer Corps was formed in May 1878, arising out of the danger of war with Russia the previous year. It was entitled the Hong Kong Artillery and Rifle Volunteer Corps. Endacott gives a succinct account of this body:\n\nIt numbered 150 by the end of the year, but when the crisis passed interest waned; there were quarrels, and all\n\n7 See Vol, 1954, pp. 17-23 and Endacott, A History of Hong Kong, (Oxford University Press, 1958) pp. 90, 119.\n\n8 Endacott, pp. 119-120. The Hong Kong Volunteers were organised as a battery of artillery with a band and rifle company added within a year see Major Arthur Chapman's article in Twentieth Century Impressions of Hong Kong, Shanghai, etc. (1908) p. 274.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206359, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 176, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "160\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nBy 1940 this force had been considerably expanded to include four batteries of artillery and one anti-aircraft battery, seven machine gun or rifle companies, a mobile column consisting of two platoons of armoured cars and three of medium machine guns, a fortress signal company, corps signals and engineers, an Army Service Corps company and others. All these men were recruited as volunteers, although no doubt some of them felt that the pressure exerted upon them by events and by their fellow-men made it easier to fall in with the rest than stay away. At any rate, the Commandant was able to say in 1940 that \"the Corps is now as strong as it is ever likely to be\".21 The G.O.C., Lieutenant-General E. F. Norton clearly thought they were good in quality as well as in numbers, because in a message dated 30th October, 1940 he said that the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps was \"in an eminently satisfactory state of efficiency\".22\n\nThis was no doubt true despite rapid expansion, but only because, as the Year Books show, its leaders had long been aware of the growing danger from Japan in the east and Germany in the west. In his message for the Year Book of 1936 the then G.O.C. had made a particular point of urging on the drive for volunteers,23 and in the 1937 issue the Editorial emphasized that, however willing, young men were useless in an emergency without previous training.24 Of the drive for efficiency there can also be no doubt. The Commandant's annual report ended with the statement that the headquarters staff of the Corps \"had one object and interest..... to make the unit as efficient as possible to take its place beside the regular Army in the defence of the Colony.”25\n\nThe expansion of these last few pre-war years contains one feature of great significance: the inclusion of Hong Kong Chinese in the Corps in separate units. No. 4 (Chinese) Company was formed in October, 1937 \"with two platoons each of 30 machine gunners\"26 and No. 7 Company some time later. The Corps had been slow in this respect; although it is clear from the Com-\n\n21 Y.B., 1940, p. 7.\n\n22 Y.B., 1940, p. 4.\n\n23 Y.B., 1936, p. 6.\n\n24 Y.B., 1937, p. 3.\n\n25 Y.B., 1937, p. 7.\n\n26 Y.B., 1938, p. 47.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 215, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "THE COLONY OF HONG KONG\n\n189\n\ngood effects. It would have been more fruitful, however, if it had been better carried out, first by Sir Hercules Robinson, and then by Sir Richard MacDonnell. The materials supplied to them from home, in one relay of students and another, were excellent; but there should have been no diverting them away from their proper business of study, until they had given proof of their proficiency by actual interpretation in the Supreme Court; after which, every other office in the Colony, under that of the Governor himself, should have been open to them according to their aptitudes.\n\nTo Sir Hercules also we are indebted for the beginning of our Water Works; and if they were not constructed at first on a sufficiently large scale, where are we still, after so many years, and so continued an expenditure? With all their deficiency, they are a great boon; and when I have read the lucubrations of grumbling complainers, I have laughed in recollecting the scenes of early years, when, every night in the dry season, hundreds, of a small population comparatively, might be seen streaming on the hills with pitchers and buckets, searching for the precious element.\n\nIn Sir Hercules' time also it was that the present Gaol was built, to take charge of which there came out in November 1863, its model governor, Mr. Douglas. Then came gas to illuminate our streets and houses, and a commencement of the Public Gardens was made. The conception of the Mint always appeared to me admirable, and I thought there would be in it an institution that would greatly contribute to the prosperity and influence of the Colony. It has not turned out so. The refining of sugar is a good thing, but I had much rather that the buildings had continued to be employed for coining money.\n\nIn two only of his undertakings did Sir Hercules fail,--the building the prison on Stonecutters' Island, and his management of the newly-acquired territory on the Kowloon side of the harbour. I have heard that he could not get his way with that through the clashing of his views and those of the naval and military Authorities. However that was, the delay in offering the ground for sale to the public, which was done at last at upset prices absurdly high, allowed the ebbing of the tide of factitious prosperity to set in. Perhaps it was well. The impulse from abroad once removed, there was nothing in the Colony itself to sustain", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206420, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 237, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n211\n\nenamelled and monochrome wares of the same period. In commenting on the rise and fall of artistic merit in porcelain production during the 15th Century, Mr. Brankston aptly observes that \"In Yung-lo the lotus has budded; in Hsuan-te the flower has opened in all its freshness but, by Ch'eng-hua, the leaves begin to tremble in the breeze\" — a quotation which is affectionately remembered by students and writers on the subject. The chapters on the kiln sites of Fou-liang and on the methods of porcelain production provide material not usually given in books of this nature and the photographs and woodcuts of the potters at work are of particular interest. Diagrams illustrating the shapes and sizes of typical forms and also the sectional drawings of foot rims make a most valuable contribution to the work.\n\nThe aspiring connoisseur would do well to heed the advice given with regard to acquiring good eyes for judging ceramics when the author suggests that he drink tea each day from cups of different periods. If, after two weeks, no particular piece has asserted itself, he may be assured that the interest in porcelain was formed only in order to create a diversion and to occupy time and space, so a change over to stamps or coins would be recommended.\n\nOf slight build and quietly spoken, Brankston was possessed with unusual gifts of mind and eye in relation to Chinese porcelain and he writes about his favourite pieces in a most charming and sensitive manner. The dedication \"To the Lotus, who knows why\" provides an aperitif to the subtleties and delicate appreciation of the subject in store for the reader.\n\nHong Kong, 1971\n\nF. WARRINGTON-STRONG\n\nCHINESE FAMILY AND COMMERCIAL LAW, G. Jamieson, M.A., C.M.G., Shanghai: Kelly and Walsh Ltd, 1921. Now reprinted in Hong Kong: Vetch and Lee Ltd, 1970.\n\nWhen George Jamieson wrote the preface to his work, Chinese Family and Commercial Law, he considered it a \"pioneer treatise on the Civil Law\" as it then prevailed and regarded it as a work which would assist the \"future pleaders and judges in the Courts", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206425, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "216\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\ncusp of the crescent\" (of the Praya Grande), deserves the derision of every collector.\n\nTheir description of \"the ambroidered (sic) phoenix plastron” conclusively proves the authors know nothing of the eight privileged classes in China. With this lack of knowledge they are in no position to comment on any portrait of a mandarin or hong merchant. To suggest that Gou Qua, a hong merchant, would take to the street as a fortune teller is quite impossible as he would lose face by such an act and never would paint himself in this situation.\n\nThe authors really know very little about Chinnery. They state \"Chinnery's forte was for portraits and these comprise the greater part of his oeuvre\". Pages later they quote him \"I have about 6,000 sketches of Eastern Scenery already - an invaluable collection, I assure you; but you see I am constantly accumulating”. They produce the completely unproven slur that one of the portraits he painted was of “a man of great wealth, an important qualification in the artist's philosophy as he was at his best when a generous fee had been agreed\". They also attempt, again with no proof, to attribute to him “occasional bouts of opium smoking”.\n\nIt is an error to say \"Russell & Co..... in turn came under control of Low Brothers of Salem\". W. H. Low, Senior was a partner 1830-1833. His nephew, A. A. Low, was a clerk 1833-1837, partner 1837-1840. W. H. Low 2nd worked as a clerk but never was a partner. The famous firm of A. A. Low and Bros. of New York, please, not Salem - was founded in 1841 by A. A. Low after he had retired from Russell & Co. It is a solecism to call the firm \"Russells\". It makes a good story only to the authors that \"W. C. Hunter\", later a partner in Russell & Co., “grasped sufficient of the local dialect to act as interpreter\". It is common knowledge that he specifically was sent to Singapore and Malacca to study Chinese.\n\nIt is inaccurate to state that Harriet Low, in her Diary, mentions seeing the double portrait of Dr. & Mrs. Colledge, plate 79, in London at Daniells' on 19 July 1834. She \"saw pictures of Mr. & Mrs. Colledge, not a single picture. Let us read further in the Diary: \"Ayok\" (the Low Chinese servant) \"burst into quite an hysterical laugh when he saw his father's face in Mr. Colledge's picture\". This is an obvious reference to the Chinnery portrait", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206435, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1971", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1971", "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nList of Members\n\nPatron: His Excellency Sir David Trench, G.C.M.G., M.C.\n\nHonorary Members:\n\nSir Robert Black, G.C.M.G., O.B.E.*\n\nProf. J. L. Cranmer-Byng, M.C., M.A.*\n\nDr. J. R. Jones, C.B.E., M.C., M.A., LL.D., J.P.*\n\nR. E. Lawry, O.B.E., F.R.G.S.*\n\nDr. Marjorie Topley, B.Sc. Econ., Ph.D.*\n\n183, Oakwood Court, London, W.14, England.\n\n190, Glengrove Avenue, W., Toronto 12, Canada.\n\n3, Abermor Court, May Road, H.K.\n\n36, Newton Road, Cambridge, England.\n\n19, Peak Mansions, The Peak, H.K.\n\nMembers:\n\nADAMS, Mrs. D. S.\n\nAKERS-JONES, D. -\n\nALLEYNE, Mrs. E. L.\n\nARMERDING, L. E.*\n\nASERAPPA, Mrs. J. P.\n\nASHENHURST, Mrs. F. E. -\n\nAU, K. N. -\n\nAXILROD, Dr. E.\n\nBAKER, Dr. H. D. R.\n\nBAKER, W. E.*\n\nBALL, J. M.*\n\nThe Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\nc/o Colonial Secretariat (Lands Branch), Lower Albert Road, H.K.\n\nc/o University of Hong Kong, Pokfulum, H.K.\n\nSuite 1308, 2222 Kalakaua Avenue, Honolulu, Hawaii, 96815, U.S.A.\n\n7, Peak Pavilions, 12 Mt. Kellett Road, H.K.\n\nC-4 Royden Court, 129 Repulse Bay Road, H.K.\n\nc/o Grantham College of Education, Gascoigne Road, Kowloon.\n\nc/o Economic Research Centre, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Shatin, N.T.\n\n\"Satis House\", 9 Chase Gardens, Westcliff-on-Sea, Essex, England.\n\nc/o The Hongkong Electric Co., Ltd. 40, St. Mary Axe, London, E.C.3, England.\n\nc/o H. K. Refrigerating Co., Ltd. P. O. Box 291, H.K.\n\n* Life Member\n\nPlease notify the Hon. Secretary of any inaccuracy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1971.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/z029vt43g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206465, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "1970 LIABILITIES Accumulated Funds\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nBALANCE SHEET AS AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1971\n\n1970 ASSETS\n\nHK$43,554 Quoted Investments (see below)... HK$43,516\n\nHK$64,321\n\n(6,529)\n\nBalance as at 1st January 1971 HK$57,792\n\nSundry Debtors 38\n\nDeduct: Deficit of Expenditure over Income in 1971 13,415\n\nBalance at Banks 15,520\n\nFixed Deposit 2,303\n\nDeposit at Call 12,479\n\nCurrent Account 4,430\n\n31,046\n\n57,792\n\n31st December 1971 ... 57,000\n\nSundry Creditors - Printing Charges 17,000\n\n17,600\n\nHK$74,792\n\nHK$74,600\n\nHK$74,792\n\nHK$74,600\n\nNote: QUOTED INVESTMENTS HELD AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1971\n\n£700 Stock Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80\n\n465 Shares China Light and Power Co., Ltd. (including 33 unpaid Rights)\n\n800 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co., Ltd.\n\n900 Shares Lane Crawford Ltd.\n\nMarket Value HK$9,166 Cost HK$11,488\n\n3,992 12,487\n\n17,205 33,200\n\n15,549 28,575\n\nHK$43,516 HK$88,146", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206517, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "SIR JAMES HALDANE STEWART LOCKHART\n\n59\n\nent Chinese he was largely instrumental in reorganizing the District Watchmen Force (a body of watchmen paid for by voluntary subscriptions from the Chinese community) and he obtained the appointment of twelve leading Chinese gentlemen as a supervising committee; he remodelled the Po Leung Kuk (a voluntary association concerned with the welfare of girls and young women); and he helped in the reformation of the Tung Wah Hospital and strengthened its committee of management.11 He was active, then, in setting up a number of official Chinese committees, linked to government through their special relationship with the Registrar General's Department, of which he was head. The Registrar General in all cases was ex officio chairman of the committees.\n\nLockhart's views on the importance of the Chinese element in the population are to be found in a trenchant report he submitted in 1894 to the Governor, Sir William Robinson, 'on the subject of a petition addressed to the House of Commons praying for an amendment of the Constitution of the Crown Colony of Hong Kong.' This petition from Hong Kong taxpayers to the House of Commons owed its origin principally to the imposition upon the taxpayers in 1891 of an additional military contribution of £20,000 a year, a decision that irritated and excited particularly the European business community. In 1894 T.H. Whitehead,13 Unofficial Member of the Legislative Council and leader of the business faction, was granted six months' leave of absence from the Council and he took with him to England a petition signed by 363 members of the community — (in Lockhart's words) ‘284 British, 10 Anglo-Chinese, 3 American, 4 Portuguese, and 47 British Indians.' The petitioners sought the election of representatives of British nationality in the Legislative Council; freedom of debate for the Official members with power to vote as they desired; complete control in the Council over local expenditure; the management of local affairs; and a consultative voice in questions of an Imperial character.\n\nWith great dialectical skill Lockhart took the petition to bits and exposed the vacuity of its arguments. In his memorandum to the Governor he averred: 'Most of the taxes fall almost entirely on the Chinese. The only tax to which the British and other residents as a whole are subject in the same manner as the Chinese is the tax of 13 per cent levied on the rateable value of house", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206542, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 90, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "84 \n\nHENRY JAMES LETHBRIDGE \n\nMorrison of Peking, Sydney, 1967, p. 186. There is a blunt letter from Lockhart to Sun Yat-sen, who had protested against his banishment from Hong Kong in 1896, given in Harold Z. Schiffrin, Sun Yat-sen and the Origins of the Chinese Revolution. Berkeley, California, p. 145: 'I am directed to inform you that this Government has no intention of allowing the British Colony of Hong Kong to be used as an Asylum for persons engaged in plots and dangerous conspiracies against a friendly neighbouring Empire, and that, in view of the part taken by you in such transactions, which you euphemistically term in your letter \"emancipating your miserable countrymen from the Tartar yoke\", you will be arrested if you land in this Colony under an order of Banishment issued against you in 1896.' One feels that although this was an official letter it expresses precisely what Lockhart felt. \n\n70 Cadet officers (administrative officers) are still expected to learn Cantonese but the present standard is that reached after an eleven-week course at the Government language school; before the war cadet officers usually went to Canton for a two-year full-time course. \n\n71 Since writing note 46 above, I have found another reference to Lockhart's scholarship. James Dyer Ball writes in the second edition of his Cantonese Made Easy (Hong Kong, Kelly and Walsh, 1887): 'Great care has also been exercised in a careful revision of the lessons, and here the author must acknowledge the great assistance rendered to him by the Hon. J. H. Stewart Lockhart, C.M.G., who kindly volunteered to assist him.' \n\nPage 90\n\nPage 91", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206556, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "98\n\nE. G. PRYOR\n\nment should carry out improvements to existing properties financed from an improvement fund set up by contributions from the license fees on gambling houses; and that for buildings not capable of improvement the Government should acquire, demolish, rebuild and sell the properties concerned.\n\nChadwick's report was a landmark in the history of Hong Kong, and as with Dr. Ayres in 1873 he drew attention to the serious consequences that would arise if nothing were done to alleviate the bad sanitary condition of the Colony. On this point Chadwick reported that:\n\nIt is stated that, hitherto, Hong Kong has escaped the epidemics which have afflicted other places in the neighbourhood. The settlement is but 40 years old and the subsoil beneath the city may not yet be sufficiently saturated with filth to make it a hot bed for disease and a breeding ground of filth poison. It is somewhat premature to assume that this happy immunity will always continue for the process of saturation is slowly but surely going on and if unchecked cannot fail to bring forth abundant fruit, in the form of misery and disease.\n\nAnother twelve years elapsed before Chadwick's warning took the form he predicted.\n\nPrelude to Disaster 1882-1894\n\nChadwick's report prompted the government into action and, as a first step towards meeting the problem, a Sanitary Board was set up in 1883 under a draft Order and Health Amendment Ordinance which gave the Board wide powers to deal with insanitary houses, the inspection of premises, compulsory disinfection and the removal of persons who were a source of disease. However, strong opposition from property owners caused these provisions to be withdrawn although the Board remained in existence.\n\nFurther attempts were made in 1887 to introduce a Public Health Ordinance which, among other things, provided for the reservation of open spaces at the rear of buildings, the provision of privies and the fixing of a minimum standard of 300 cu. ft. of internal living space per adult. Great opposition against these proposals was voiced in the local press on the basis that the poorer classes would suffer\n\n8 Ibid., p. 22.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206639, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1972", "page_number": 187, "title": "RAS-1972", "content_text": "THREE CHINESE DEITIES\n\n181\n\nHe has also been seen as a typical standing image of a civil mandarin, when the only method of identifying him was by the title painted on his stand or pedestal. In Kalgan, as will be described below, he is depicted naked with claws, beak and wings.\n\nIn some temples, the images of deities known not to be T'ai Sui or Ying Ch'iao, are called T'ai Sui by the temple keepers, and are prayed to as T'ai Sui. Some of these misidentifications are even to be seen perched on wads of hell money. The best example of this are the distinctive images of the boat people of the Pearl River and Southern Kwangtung province which are to be seen in Singapore and Ipoh, labelled as T'ai Sui, and standing on hell-money. One of these seen in Hong Kong is an image of the Pearl River boat people, normally called the Dragon and Tiger General (*). This is an image of a young man with his right arm raised holding a sword, and his left arm hanging by his side. He wears a robe of green with an animal's face as a stomacher, and with a dragon under his left foot and a tiger under his right. On one instance only, as is to be seen in the photograph, he is to be seen labelled the \"Tai Sui who flew back\" () and is standing on a pile of hell-money. (Plate 18)\n\nFather Doré says that images of T'ai Sui in the Yangtse Valley have six arms, are bald with ear tufts, and three eyes; they wear Taoist crowns and hold in their six hands two swords, a ball and flames, a spear, and a branch of a tree.\n\nThere are thirty-six deities painted as murals on the walls of one Singapore temple, most of whom are Heavenly Masters (A B). Amongst them is Yin Ch'iao, standing, dressed in armour, but with a bare chest and with six arms holding the usual items. Marshal Yin Ch'iao appears, therefore, to be one of the 24 Heavenly Generals and also one of the 36 Heavenly Masters.\n\nIn several works he is given 10 assistants, the last four being the gods of the year, the month, the day and the hour. Their names are given as follows:\n\nLi Ping (李丙) Hwang Ch'eng-i (黃承乙)\n\nChou Teng (周登) and Liu Hung (劉洪)\n\nAll were said to have been slain at the famous battle between good and ... described in The Deification of the Gods, at Wan Hsien Chen (萬仙陣).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1972.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gm80qf99h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206738, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nBALANCE SHEET AS AT 31ST DECEMBER 1972\n\n1971\n\nLIABILITIES Accumulated Funds\n\nH.K. Currency\n\n$43,516 Quoted Investments (see below)\n\nH.K. Currency $60,541\n\n1972\n\n$57,792\n\nBalance as at 1st January\n\n38\n\nSundry Debtors\n\n$57,000\n\nBalance at Banks\n\n792\n\nDeduct: Deficit of Expenditure over Income in 1972\n\n14,137\n\nFixed Deposit\n\n1,550\n\n12,479\n\n4,430\n\nDeposit at Call Current Account\n\n$14,737\n\n13,322 28,059\n\n$57,000\n\nBalance of Accumulated Funds\n\nat 31st December 1972 Sundry Creditors\n\n$55,450\n\n17,600\n\nPrinting Charges\n\n$22,000\n\nHon. Treasurer.\n\nThailand Trip Deposits\n\n11,150 33,150\n\n$74,600\n\n$88,600\n\n$74,600\n\n$88,600\n\nNote: QUOTED INVESTMENTS held at 31ST DECEMBER 1972\n\n£700 Stock 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80\n\n465 Shares China Light and Power Co., Ltd.\n\n800 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co., Ltd.\n\n900 'A' Shares Lane Crawford Ltd.\n\n6,300 'B' Shares Lane Crawford Ltd.\n\nMarket Value HK$ 7,587.65\n\nCost HK$11,488.38\n\n4,816.82\n\n25,342.50\n\n12,486.80\n\n46,000.00\n\n15,549.40\n\n35,100.00\n\n16,200.00\n\n21,420.00\n\nHK$60,541.40\n\nHK$135,450.15\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206781, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 58, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "52 \n\nA. D. BLUE \n\nand Canton. Jardines were neither owners or agents of the Corsair, but there seems to be no doubt that they sponsored this service. The Corsair had been built in 1827 for the Irish Sea service, but after several years went out to Australia. She arrived in China from Australia early in 1846 consigned to Jardines, and soon afterwards was making two trips per week between Hong Kong and Canton, and also doing occasional towing and salvage work. She continued on the river until July 1849 and then disappears from the scene, probably because of her age, either being dismantled or allowed to fall to pieces.\n\nFrom this time British and American steamers appeared at Hong Kong at short intervals, most for the river service, but some for service between Hong Kong, Shanghai, and intermediate ports. Landmarks from the British point of view were the entry of the P. and O. into both the river and the coast services, and the formation of the Hong Kong and Canton Steam Packet Company. The P. and O. started their mail service from Ceylon to Hong Kong by the Lady Mary Wood in 1845, operating this in connection with their Suez-India service. Early in 1849 they put their iron paddle steamer Canton on the Canton River service, a steamship much superior to any of the others then operating on the river. When the Canton suffered severe damage through running on a sunken rock, she was replaced by the Sir Charles Forbes, which the Company chartered from the Bombay Steam Navigation Company. When the Canton returned after repairs, she was put first on the Hong Kong-Amoy service, and then on the Hong Kong-Shanghai service. The P. and O. originally ran these ships mainly as feeders for their overseas ships, and charged very high freights. In 1854, however, and about the time the Hong Kong and Canton Steam Packet Company was about to be liquidated, the P. and O. increased their river service and made it more attractive to outsiders.\n\nThe Hong Kong and Canton Steam Packet Company was formed in 1847, Alexander Campbell of Dent and Company and Alexander Matheson of Jardine, Matheson and Company being the men mainly responsible. Nearly all the foreign merchants in Hong Kong and Canton took shares in the new company, the first steamship company to be formed in China, although they knew that the P. and O. were on the point of improving their river service. Two sister ships were ordered in England, and the first of these, the Canton arrived in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206798, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "PERSIANS, ARABS IN T'ANG CHINA\n\n69\n\nshould be well-treated.48 The Emperor based his policies on the principle of 't'ien-hsia pai-ch'uan kuei ta-hai' 天下百川歸大海 (all rivers in the empire enter the sea), and accepted everyone from different parts of the world, either to pay tribute to or to trade with China.\n\nThere is no doubt that Persians, Arabs, Turks, Japanese and others did enjoy their stay in China; and it is also an undeniable fact that T'ang emperors wished to befriend these foreigners. It is equally true that in such a highly Sino-centric society as the T'ang period, nobody felt that such a process of assimilation was untraditional or against the theory of Sino-centrism. In T'ang times, such a social pattern was a reality, not a myth, and its spirit may serve as a model for the future.\n\nNOTES\n\n* I wish to express my appreciation to Professor Woodbridge Bingham of the University of California, Berkeley (Visiting Professor in Chinese History, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong 1970-71) for reading an earlier version of this paper, weeding out mistakes and suggesting improvements.\n\nAbbreviations used in the footnotes:\n\nCTS Chiu T'ang-shu\n\nHTS Hsin T'ang-shu\n\nTCTC Tzu-chih t'ung-chien\n\n1 In T'ang time, Islamic followers used to call the Chinese Tamghai, Tomghaj, Tonghaj, Tangas, Tubgao or Tapkao. Some historians believe that these were transliterations of T'ao-hua-shih. However, Kuwabara Jitsuzō suggested that these were derived from T'ang-chia-tzu. Cf. J. Kuwabara 'On P'u Shou-keng', Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko 2:1-79 (Tokyo, 1928), 7:1-104 (Tokyo, 1935). See also Chinese translation of this, with additional notes by Ch'en Yü-ching, P'u Shou-keng k'ao (Peking, 1954), pp. 103-109.\n\n2 Edward O. Reischauer and J. K. Fairbank, East Asia: The Great Tradition (London, 1958), p. 155.\n\n3 See Lo Hsiang-lin, T'ang-tai wen-hua shih (Taipei, 1963), pp. 54-87.\n\n4 Hsiang Tai, T'ang-tai Ch'ang-an hsi-yü wen-ming (Peking, 1957), pp. 24-25.\n\n5 Edward H. Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand: A Study of T'ang Exotics (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963), pp. 10-11. I must express my thankfulness to Professor Schafer's opus magnum; I have fully made use of Professor Schafer's work.\n\n6 See Chiu Ling-yeong, Superintendents of Customs in Canton during the Tang and Sung Dynasties (unpublished M.A. thesis, University of Hong Kong, 1963), Chapters 5 and 6.\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 79, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "SWATOW (CH’AOCHOW) HORIZONTAL STICK PUPPETS\n\nHELGA WERLE*\n\n# Introduction\n\nThe so-called Swatow puppets are in fact wrongly named. This is due to a confusion which requires some explanation. In Western languages the adjective Swatow is used to attribute a dialect, culture or people etc., when the Chinese themselves speak of Ch’aochow. This is because the British gained access to the Ch’aochow area by the opening of the port of Shantou (Swatow) by the Treaty of Tientsin in 1858. Chinese know that the city of Ch’aochow heads one of the 8 prefectures of the province of Kwangtung and is situated on the Han River about 40 miles from the sea and as far from the border with Fukien. Swatow itself, a port with about 85,000 inhabitants in 1925, is in the delta of the Han River, five miles from the open sea.\n\nIn this article the term “Swatow” has been replaced by the use of the proper Chinese description of Ch’aochow.\n\nCh’aochow developed very early into a culturally independent area. Its seaboard position and flourishing port gave it the necessary economic basis and exposed it to various cultural influences. Culturally and linguistically, it is more like a prefecture of Fukien than of Kwangtung. Its dialect is distinctly different from Cantonese, so are its customs and its music, which all deserve to be studied in detail for the value of its rich ancient tradition. Among its cultural assets, the Ch’aochow puppet-theatre is truly amazing, with unique features found nowhere else in the world.†\n\nThe author has studied in the Sinology departments of the Universities of Munich, Hamburg, and Cologne. She has been a resident of Hong Kong since 1966 and has followed up her studies with field work in Taiwan, Indonesia, Cambodia, Thailand and the Philippines. She is particularly interested in folk art and theatre and is at present on the staff of the Hong Kong Arts Centre Ltd. She has published various articles on puppet theatre and folk art.\n\n† For the Introduction, see L. Richard (translated, revised and enlarged by M. Kennelly), Comprehensive Geography of the Chinese Empire and Dependencies, Shanghai, T’usewei Press 1908, pp. 206 and 210. Also J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese or Notes connected with China (5th edition, revised by É. Chalmers Werner), Kelly & Walsh, Shanghai, Hong Kong etc., 1925, pp. 689-690. For the Min dialects of which Ch’aochow and Swatow are part, see R. A. D. Forrest, The Chinese Language, Faber & Faber, London, 1958, pp. 225-232.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206810, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "SWATOW HORIZONTAL STICK PUPPETS\n\n81\n\ndrama. This is a process which reminds of Java where the drama performed by actors Wayang Orang mimics the much earlier leather-shadow-play Wayang Kulit.\n\nHsiao Nan-ying\n\na famous hua-tan of Ch'aochow opera, who came to Hong Kong a year ago, complains that the Ch'aochow opera here is still using the stiff movements which were influenced by the shadow-puppet movements. She also tells of a typical Ch'aochow opera in which the peculiarities of the shadow-puppet-theatre are used to great effect. A movement can suddenly stop and the moment can be endlessly prolonged. For example: a boy and a girl move independently in a festival-crowd and when they by chance look at each other, they instantly fall in love and remain motionless in the position in which they caught each other's eye. And the Old Man of the Moon appears, takes imaginary strings from their eyes and binds them together. They remain like statues looking at each other until somebody cuts the imaginary strings, the spell is broken and they regain their liveliness. This technique is believed to be derived from the shadow-play.\n\nThe Wang Family\n\nThe most important puppeteer-family in Hong Kong is the family Wang who have been puppeteers for at least three generations. At the end of the Imperial era the grandfather Wang Pao-yuan was active as a puppeteer and opera-actor, and his son who accompanied him became the famous Wang Chiao-tsou, also called Wang Chiao Y. The name Chiao-tsou meaning “itinerant teacher\" was given to him, because he was a well-known itinerant teacher and opera-actor and also a puppeteer. Weary of the Sino-Japanese war he took his family to Hong Kong in 1938, together with a trunk of puppets. He immediately started to teach Ch'aochow opera and founded the Hsin-shun-hsiang puppet-troupe (The title means 'to prosper anew in Hong Kong'). His own family being very large, it was easy for him to give puppet-performances. Having for long performed himself in the leading role of hua-tan (character of a high-class beauty) he was a major force in the upsurge of Ch'aochow opera in Hong Kong in the last thirty years.\n\nWhen Wang Chiao-tsou arrived here he found three established Ch'aochow puppet-groups. Hsin-t'ien-ts'ai gave up its puppets to become an opera troupe in 1962. Lao-yuan-cheng", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206853, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "124 \n\nSUNG HOK-P’ANG \n\n1. Red raw rice cooked and shining scale fish, \n\n2. Farmers' simple good fare delicious and lasting. \n\nThe grave has two names Sz Tsz Kwan K’au ($*$*£*), Lion playing ball; and Ts'o Mei Shui Chue (44), long grass hanging down pearl. When Lai Paak Shiu was having the grave built he put a brass tablet behind the stone one, with the following words on it. \"Three hundred years hence, an ignorant young man named So (#), who knows nothing about \"fung shui”, will want to alter the way this grave faces. If he is allowed to alter it, not only will the Tang family have trouble, but So himself will have bad luck”. The existence of the tablet was unknown until the prophecy on it came true. Three hundred years later when the Tangs were having a period of bad luck and unsuccess, they decided that something was wrong with the \"fung shui\" of the princess' grave. They consulted a young man named So, and at his instigation started to alter the position of the grave. When the stone tablet was removed, the brass one was revealed and in terror So advised them to leave the grave alone. \n\nIn the 50th year of Hong Hei (R) of Ts'ing dynasty, A.D. 1711, the Tang family were repairing the grave when they discovered several sham tombs underneath the ground. This was the custom in ancient China when burying royalty, as by this means it was hoped to prevent their enemies from desecrating the real tomb. The oldest stone tablet that we can find to-day, was put up in the 19th year of Shing Fa (A) of Ming dynasty, A.D. 1483, which gave the dates of the birth and death of the princess. In this tablet was also found the statement that the grave was first made in the 6th year of Shun Yau (*) of Sung dynasty, A.D. 1246, but there is no record of the first stone tablet nor any of the tablets erected before A.D. 1483. After the general repairing of the grave in A.D. 1712 a new stone was erected, but as the dates on the previous one were not considered to be correct, none were written on the stone. \n\nThe princess' husband Tang Tsz Ming was received with honour by the Emperor and had the title of Shui Yuen Kwan Ma (✯✯ #) bestowed on him. It was the custom in China to give the title Kwan Ma to the husband of a prince's daughter. Tang Tsz Ming's grave was made on a little hill called Fat Au Leng ( ##₪) # ). It can easily be seen to this day almost opposite the Au Tau Police Station on the other side of the road to Sheung Shui. It has recently", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206881, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "152\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe making of verses was a gentlemanly pursuit in early Victorian days, encouraged of course by the system of classical education which emphasised translation from Latin and Greek and hence a detailed knowledge of the rules—or mechanics—of prosody. Mercer received such a traditional education: he was educated at Exeter College, Oxford, where he took a B.A. degree, and for a time was at the Inner Temple, though he did not take the Bar examination. When he came to Hong Kong as his uncle's private secretary, he sought solace from the chores of day-to-day colonial administration in his poetic exercises and the result was Under the Peak.\n\nThere are five poems in this book—‘a string of sonnets’—which refer specifically to Hong Kong. They are, respectively: The Peak; The Bay; The Triads' Cave; The Water Fall; The Temple on Taplichow; The Pic Nic Cottage at Heong-Kong; and The Chinaman's Grave on the Lonely Hill Side. According to Mercer's note on the poem, The Triads' Cave, ‘a cavern romantically situated, has now disappeared before the utilitarian demand for granite. It was long the chosen resort of the members of the infamous San hop hwai, or Triad Society', where:\n\nThe robber horde oath-bound to mutual aid\n\nWould plan foul murder and unpitying raid\n\nO'er midnight counsel in their secret den?\n\nThe gem among these sonnets is without doubt The Chinaman's Grave, and should be given in extenso:\n\nOh Chow, or Wong! or by whatever name\n\nMen call'd thee, or the Gods may call thee now,\n\nWhy so extravagantly vast thy claim\n\nTo mortuary earth upon the brow\n\nOf yon fair hill? If all men spread as thou\n\nNo room for things created would be found\n\nThroughout the Seric land, but all the ground\n\nWould teem with graves, and well might it be said\n\nThat living ones were push'd from off their stools\n\nBy men all useless, now that they are dead\n\nAnd vanish'd. Did Confucius leave no rules\n\nTo bind a soul's ambition by the tomb?\n\nThen let survivors show themselves no fools,\n\nBut dig thy bones up to make elbow-room", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206911, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1973", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1973", "content_text": "182\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nmajor systems of romanization now in use by English speaking sinologists, viz. Wade-Giles, Gwoyeu Romatzyh, Pinyin, and Yale. This alone might make the book worth the money to those of us who have trouble keeping them all sorted out. I, for one, would like to call for a revised and expanded version, with smaller print and less wasted space and adding the French, German, and Russian systems. In such a form one might predict that it would be a must for every beginning scholar in the field.\n\nCornell University, 1972.\n\nJOHN MCCOY\n\nARMANDO DA SILVA. TAI YU SHAN, TRADITIONAL ECOLOGICAL ADAPTION IN A SOUTH CHINESE ISLAND. Taipei, Orient Cultural Service, 1972 pp. 102, U.S.$4.75.\n\nThis brief work is one in the series 'Asian Folklore and Social Life Monographs' (Vol. XXXII) edited by Professor Lou Tsu-k'uang in collaboration with Professor Wolfram Eberhard. The author was educated in Hong Kong and at the time of publication was on the faculty of the Geography Department in the University of Hawaii. The book is of particular interest to Hong Kong residents because it is written about the Colony's largest island, Lantau or Tai Yu Shan; and because little has been written on the particular aspects of local rural life with which he deals,\n\nThe book is an abridged version of a master's thesis for the Department of Geography, University of California, Berkeley, for which the field work was done on Lantau in 1962-64. The author states in his preface: \"I chose the island of Tai Yu Shan as a place for study as it still possessed many cultural relics of archeological, historical, and ecological interest; old forts, abandoned beach-temples, disused lime kilns, ruins of former settlements, hillside terraces in disuse, and well-constructed hillside trails that led to nowhere. Fast disappearing even then were certain forms of livelihood such as sea-weed collecting, stake-net fishing, and hillside liquor distilling. But most of all, I chose Tai Yu Shan because I just enjoyed being there.\" His purpose was to describe a traditional coastal way of life that had endured for so long. \"I thought it important then, as I still do now, that I had to understand and to interpret, before imminent changes made things difficult, the man-land processes that made for the genre of Tai Yu Shan.\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1973.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8910rj06r", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206943, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 14, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nBALANCE SHEET as at 31ST DECEMBER 1973\n\nLIABILITIES\n\n \n Accumulated Funds\n \n $57,000\n \n $55,450.36\n \n \n Balance as at 1st January, 1973...\n \n \n Add: Surplus on Sale of 400 Lane Crawford \"A\" Shares\n $38,762.34\n \n \n \n \n $55,450.36\n \n \n \n \n \n \n 38,762.34\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n Excess of Income over Expenditure in 1973.\n $5,513.40\n \n \n \n \n HK$\n \n \n \n \n \n \n $ 53,630.74\n \n \n \n \n Balance at Banks\n \n \n \n $55,450\n \n \n Balance of Accumulated Funds at 31st December 1973\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Sundry Creditors\n \n \n Printing Charges\n $ 99,726.10\n \n \n \n \n 22,000\n \n 18,000.00\n \n \n \n \n \n Thailand Trip ..\n 14,737\n \n \n \n \n \n \n 13,322\n \n\n1972\n\n1972\n\nHK$\n\n$60,541\n\nHK$\n\n$ 60,541,40\n\n6,910.66\n\n(1,550)\n\n++\n\n$ 53,630.74\n\n5,513.40\n\nJ\n\n \n ASSETS\n \n \n \n \n \n \n Quoted Investments (see below)\n \n \n Cost at 1st January, 1973\n Deduct: Cost of 400 “A” Shares Lane Crawford Ltd. Sold ...\n \n \n \n \n \n \n HK$\n \n \n Fixed Deposit\n $56,743.58\n \n 6,000.00\n \n \n \n Deposit at Call\n 1,351.78\n \n \n \n \n \n Current Account\n \n \n 64,095.36\n \n \n \n \n \n \n 11,150\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n TTL\n $88,600\n \n \n \n \n \n \n $117,726.10\n \n $88,600\n \n \n \n \n $117,726.10\n \n \n \n \n\nD. A. GILKES, Hon. Treasurer.\n\nNote: QUOTED INVESTMENTS HELD AT 31ST DECEMBER 1973\n\n \n £700 Stocks 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80\n \n Cost\n HK$11,488.38\n \n Market Value\n HK$ 5,493.65\n \n \n 674 Shares China Light and Power Co. Ltd.\n \n \n 4,816.82\n \n \n 13,143.00\n \n \n 6,000 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co. Ltd.\n \n \n 12,486.80\n \n \n 23,400.00\n \n \n 500 \"A\" Shares Lane Crawford Ltd.\n \n \n 8,638.74\n \n \n 9,100.00\n \n \n 6,300 \"B\" Shares Lane Crawford Ltd.\n \n \n \n \n \n 16,200.00\n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n \n 15,120.00\n \n \n \n \n \n HK$53,630.74\n \n \n HK$66,256.65\n \n\n8", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206962, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 33, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE PAPER CHASE\n\n27\n\nHong Kong must have been defeated by lack of storage space and of staff to cope.\n\nNow that the P.R.O. has been established, such reduction as there has been of government's archival resources should come to an end. How soon it does so will depend on how rapidly and effectively the P.R.O. is enabled to develop its services. Departments have already been instructed that in future no records are to be destroyed without P.R.O. sanction; but this will become a dead letter if we fail to give them prompt assistance in the appraisal of their records and ready accommodation for those which are marked for permanent retention.\n\nI believe that much will depend on our ability to develop efficient intermediate records services. The establishment of institutions which relieve departments of the burden of accommodating and administering great masses of non-current records would go far to obviate premature or unauthorised destruction of them.\n\nIn due course it will be appropriate to enact a Public Records Ordinance to provide a legal basis for the P.R.O. and its activities and to settle its relations with other government offices and the public. The character of this legislation, when it is passed, will be important in determining the future development of the Office and the effectiveness of its operations.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 206988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "ADVENTURERS IN HONG KONG\n\n53\n\nNOTES\n\n1 Sir William Des Voeux, My Colonial Service, 2 vols., London 1903. Sir Frederick Lugard, Governor of Hong Kong 1907-1912, also found that 'entertaining was an essential part of governing. Hong Kong Government House was used as a high-class hotel, restaurant and sports club by many of the hundreds of passengers who left their ships to write their names in the Governor's book...socially more exacting were the many distinguished foreigners and Eastern potentates-Chinese and Japanese princes, Indian Rajahs, the Governor of the neighbouring Portuguese Macao, foreign admirals who had to be visited in their warships and later entertained in turn at Government House; ambassadors en route to or from Tokyo or Peking, and many lesser functionaries.' See Margery Perham, Lugard, vol. 2, London, 1960, p. 289.\n\n2 My Colonial Service, vol. 2, p. 234. Sir William Des Voeux (1834-1909) was Governor of Hong Kong from 1887 to 1891, in which year he retired from the colonial service.\n\n3 14 November, 1888.\n\n4 15 November, 1888.\n\n5 16 November, 1888.\n\n6 22 November, 1888.\n\n7 William Van Driesche was the third generation of his family to serve the Morèses. The children used to call him Mr. Willie.\n\n8 There are several photographs of Morès in Donald Dresden, The Marquis de Morès: Emperor of the Bad Lands, Norman, Oklahoma, 1970, and in Charles Droulers, Le Marquis de Morès 1858-1896, Paris, 1932. Morès was six-feet tall, lithe, ramrod-straight, muscular, with a needle-pointed waxed black moustache. He looked every inch a d'Artagnan.\n\n9 Richard Manca, Duke of Vallombrosa, born 1834, married the daughter of the Duke Des Cars, conqueror of Algeria. He had three children, of whom Morès was the eldest.\n\n10 Op. cit., vol. 2, p. 234.\n\n11 Ibid., p. 235.\n\n12 Ibid., p. 235.\n\n13 The Hong Kong Daily Press, 24 November, 1888. The Governor was accompanied on his trip by his wife, young daughter, and James Russell, the Chief Justice. The Colonial Secretary, Frederick Stewart, administered the government in Des Voeux's absence.\n\n14 The China Mail (1845-1911) was edited by George Murray Bain from 1879 until 1908(?).\n\n15 It is not surprising that Des Voeux took a great interest in his betters since promotion in the colonial service in the nineteenth century depended to a large degree on knowing people in high places.\n\n16 No full-scale study of Mayréna has been published as yet; the best book is probably Jean Marquet, Un Aventurier du XIXe siècle: Marie Jer, roi des Sedangs, 1888-1890. Hanoi, 1927; but Maurice Soulié, Marie Jer, roi des Sédangs, 1888-1890, Paris 1927, is amusing though really une vie romancée. The most penetrating essay on Mayréna is that by Marcel Ner, 'Marie Ier, roi des Sedangs: essai sur la psychologie de l'aventure”, Extrême-Asie, Revue Indochinoise (Hanoi), no. 21, March 1928, pp. 397-407 and no. 22, April 1928, pp. 491-498. There are many references to Mayréna", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207014, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "BRIDGEMAN'S LETTERS FROM CHINA AND HONG KONG\n\n79\n\nThe obvious solution would have been to obtain leave home, but, as Orlando explained to Selina, this was not easily achieved.\n\nMy mother in her last letter says to me \"get leave and join us there (on the continent) this winter.\" She little knows the difficulty of getting leave in India.* It will be given first to the senior subalterns for a couple of years, or perhaps three and when they return then as many more as can be spared, always in rotation. It will be therefore several years before it comes to my regular turn for leave. No dear pussy, the only way that I can get home is by exchanging, and the sooner you can manage it for me, the better.8**\n\nBridgeman's immediate future was to be spent in Hong Kong, where he arrived in November 1842 and was to remain until he left for the voyage home in late 1843. His first letter from Hong Kong recorded a visit to Macao, a place which he seems to have found pleasant and enjoyable. He was very impressed by the \"continental\" character the homes and gardens of the merchants gave to Macao. And, like so many visitors to Macao at that time, he was most impressed with the famous \"living\" bird of paradise kept in an aviary there.\n\nHong Kong, though, he did not find so pleasant or interesting, nor did he find the activities of his fellow officers compatible with his own concepts of recreation:\n\nI am going this afternoon to see the thoughtless part of the garrison play cricket. I call them thoughtless because I conceive it to be perfect madness on the part of any man to play cricket under a vertical sun. For my own part I never join in sports that require such strong exercise, for more reasons than one. In the first place I dislike exerting myself and putting myself into a profuse perspiration when perfectly unnecessary, and in the next place so much exposure to the sun is most likely to bring on fever and ague to a ten times worse degree than I at present have it, and I have no great desire to leave my bones\n\n* Hong Kong and China in military parlance of the period were considered extensions of India. This probably came about because many of the troops sent out to China were on Indian service and/or Indian service conditions.\n\n\"Exchanging\" meant that Bridgeman would trade places with another officer of similar rank in another regiment.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207050, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 121, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "THE HONG KONG REGION\n\n115\n\nVarious local accounts show that many craft came from northeast Kwangtung and elsewhere for the seasonal fishing. The presence of pirate fleets, sometimes in very large numbers, was also a feature of the local scene.\n\nThis activity, and the importance it gave to the local seaways is reflected by the Chinese records. The Kuang-tung K’ao-ku Chi-yao gives what at first appears as a disproportionately large amount of space to the subject of coastal defence.3 The provincial gazetteer devotes many pages to maps of the coast line and the off-shore islands, and it is significant that these are included in the coastal defence section and not in that dealing with administrative boundaries.4 Another long work, the Kuang-tung T'u-shuo, which deals with the administrative geography of the province, gives maps that show the outer islands in the districts on each side of the Pearl River delta. Some of these maps showing outlying areas are blank, for all but a corner of a page, but have still been included. It also lists the garrisons and naval forces responsible for the area.\n\nIn the Hong Kong region, Lantau and the islands are the subject of much of an article by Hsü Tei-shan on Hong Kong and its past, included in the compendium to the exhibition of Kwangtung Culture assembled at the University of Hong Kong in 1940.6 As is to be expected, the fall of the Sung takes up much of his attention,7 but he then considers Lantau itself. Hsü's discussion on one of its Chinese names, Tai Yue Shan, is relevant here because it\n\n1 Orme, para 53; CR 1947, p. 10.\n\n2 Lo-shu Fu, p. 597 has a long note on pirates in the Ladrones c. 1779-1810.\n\n3 KTKKTY 30/1-11. See also chuan 28 on military matters.\n\n4 KTTC, vol. 2, pp. 2394-2433, especially 2406-2410 for the islands between and outside Hong Kong and Macau, the Ladrones. Two chüan, 123-124, (pp. 2359-2442) deal with coastal defence. The district maps for the Delta are in chuan 83, Hsin-an at pp. 1454-5 and Hsiang-shan at 1464-5. The late Ming work Wu-pei Chih lists posts, garrison strengths and ships for the Central, East and West lu of Kwangtung; chüan 215/12-13, 15-16 and 17, 18 being of special relevance to Hsin-an and the adjoining area. The maps for the outlying parts of the Canton Delta are in chüan 210/9-10 and 215/6-7. For this work see Franke, p. 209. Ku Yen-wu's celebrated T'ien-hsia chün-kuo li-ping shu has eight chüan (97-104) on Kwangtung, much of which is devoted to military organisation and defence.\n\n5 See the general map at the beginning, 1-2, and detailed maps under reference chuan 11-12/7-9.\n\n6 KTWW, pp. 425-426,\n\n7 ibid. He gives a clear exposition of the various problems surrounding the identification of the various places at which the last struggles of the Sung occurred.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207113, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "178\n\nSUNG HOK-PANG\n\nThere is a stone tablet near the bridge with an inscription carved on it which can be roughly translated as follows: --\n\n\"My grandfather's official name is Kam(); the name for his friends to call him by is Kui Haam(&). My father's official name is Ch'ung Kwong(★★) and the name for his friends to call him by is Wai Cheuk(). My mother's surname is Wong(#). My mother bore Tsun Yuen (myself) and my younger brother Yin Yuen(£). We two brothers were unlucky, in our youth we were without a father to rely on. My mother lived alone as a widow, and had to practice economy and diligence. She gave us good instructions every day and night. Now when Tsun Yuen (myself) grew up, I married a wife named Ch'an() being ashamed to be a useless son, but fortunately I begot two sons, the eldest named Tung Ping(#) and the younger Shing Tak(). At that time there was peace at last with the bandits and in the 43rd year of Hong Hei(A) in Kap Shan() year I rebuilt my dwelling house at my original home in Shui T'au village. My younger brother and my mother did not come back to the home, but they still lived in T'aai Hong Wai, on the other side of the stream. My mother paid great attention to her baby grandsons, day and night she came to see them, and kept on coming backwards and forwards from her house, each time having to bear the difficulty of crossing the water, and obliged to hum the song of \"The difficulty of crossing the water\" as she passed. Therefore I have exerted myself to build this bridge for the convenience of my mother, and give it the name of Ping Mo(£#), (to convenience my mother). If anyone says that I build it to relieve many people, in the hope of obtaining happiness, I do not dare to have such an idea.\" (See plate 38),\n\n\"Hong Hei(a) 49th year, in Kang Yan(P†) year. Winter month, lucky day, Tang Tsun Yuen erected this stone tablet.\"\n\nThe following is a rough translation of another reference to the mother of T'sun Yuen, written by Tang Wai K'ui(✯✯).\n\n\"My Tso Pei(int) (deceased grandmother), Wong, was the wife of my ancestor, Wai Cheuk(2). When she was twenty-one years of age, her husband died. She cherished her fatherless children, and maintained her purity in poverty. When the children were young she bore great fatigue to nurture them, and when they grew older she taught them in a proper way. She always kept on friendly terms with her neighbours, so that they all admired her highly.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207151, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 222, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "216\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nthe case of the firms at West Point it was not a good situation in spite of the advantages of its water front. Neither of the firms used their property for a long period. Henry Pybus purchased Marine Lot 58 and the firm of Jamieson How and Company bought the adjoining Marine Lot 57. Both were Calcutta-based firms and both purchased their Hong Kong property at the first land sale in June, 1842. They immediately began to build godowns and residences and were in occupation by the fall of 1842.\n\nBoth Pybus and Jamieson, How and Co. had connections with Yorick Jones Murrow, an old China hand. In 1839 he was the agent at Canton for Jamieson's. Upon the death of Henry Pybus, Murrow succeeded to his business in 1844, and in 1852 he bought the adjoining godown property of Jamieson, Edgar and Co., as the Hong Kong branch of the firm was called. Murrow formed a partnership with James Stephenson to engage in California trade at the time of the gold rush. They developed an extensive trade with San Francisco and arranged for a line of steam packets between it and Hong Kong. The partnership was dissolved in 1854 and Murrow moved to Canton. In 1859, his property at West Point was sold at Sheriff's sale. Two years previous, he had moved back to Hong Kong and became editor and subsequently owner of the Hongkong Daily Press.\n\nMurrow as the \"Laird\" of West Point had a running feud with the Princely Hong at East Point. He used his newspaper as a weapon to attack. He was, of course, the lightweight contestant and several times he was sentenced for libel and for a period operated his newspaper from prison. He left Hong Kong in 1867*. \n\nThe suitability of the area for ship berthing has been mentioned. This feature attracted enterprises connected with the shipping industry. In the 1860's and '70's the shipping industry became an increasingly important feature of Hong Kong's economy, particularly as steam replaced sails.\n\nIn 1851, Thomas Roberts opened the West Point Cooperage and Boat Yard on the lot on the west side of what is now Queen Street. He sold his property to Lee Hing alias Li Sing in 1861. It\n\n* Frank H. H. King and Prescott Clarke: A Research Guide to China Coast Newspapers, 1822-1911 (Cambridge, Mass., 1965), pp. 139-141.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207154, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1974", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1974", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n219 \n\nNowadays there are not many old typical tea-houses left in Hong Kong. Such establishments have become fewer and fewer in number as the old ones closed down their business or their premises were pulled down for redevelopment. New establishments, as a rule, combine the business of a Chinese restaurant and a tea-house together and call themselves either Chau Ka (茶家) or Chau Lau (茶樓). The main difference between a typical Chinese tea-house and a Chinese restaurant is that the former does not serve full meals and also closes business at much earlier hours than the latter. Sumptuous dinner parties are never celebrated at Chinese tea-houses. \n\nDim Sum (點心) or Chinese delicacies — the name means 'to stimulate the heart' — are the main food items available in a tea-house; whilst there is a very wide choice of tea from many different varieties of leaf. It is not common for the regular tea-house goers to take dim sum to such an extent as to completely fill their stomachs. What they are really after is only a pot of good tea and two pieces of tasty delicacies (*). They usually pay the bill at the cashier's counter with the exact amount, as it is very uncommon in this type of places for tips to be offered to the waiters. \n\nAnother special feature that can be found in a Chinese tea-house is that the customers do not order the delicacies or dim sum but wait for them to come out from the kitchen. They are carried in trays by a number of fokis who parade before the customers in different corners of the tea-house trying to attract attention by shouting out the names of the items they are carrying. In the older type tea-houses the customers are as a rule provided with a bowl containing boiling hot water for sterilizing their eating and drinking utensils, notwithstanding the fact that such utensils might have already been thoroughly washed and cleaned. The provision of a large number of spittoons in the seating accommodation also forms a special feature of the older type Chinese tea-houses. \n\n(2) addition by the Tour Organizer \n\nA Chinese book entitled 香港掌故:張知民編著, apparently published in the 1950s, has a chapter dealing with the tea houses of 50 years before. Then, the dim sum used to be packed in a ...\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1974.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/x633mp077", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207250, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 18, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "regularly it is important that the income from these two sources be preserved.\n\nSundry creditors for printing charges need to be explained. They cover the printing charges for the 1973 and 1974 journals together with two symposium brochures.\n\nLooking to the future I am grateful to those who have responded to the call to pay an additional $20 by way of increased subscription, agreed upon 2 years ago. Several of you have decided to become Life Members. Looking further ahead, however, there is no doubt that expenditure will increase because the Society has now undertaken to pay for secretarial assistance, and also there will be certain financial obligations towards the Hong Kong Arts Centre. Looking further ahead the Society hopes to rent premises in the Hong Kong Arts Centre but this will depend on the financial conditions. This, to my mind, will benefit the Society enormously and one cannot rule out the possibility of further subscription increases or alternatively an appeal to all current annual and life members for the initial capital outlay.\n\n24th March, 1975\n\nD. A. Gilkes\n\nHon. Treasurer", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207251, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "1973\n\nHK$\n\n$ 55,450\n\nBalance as at 1st January 1974 ... $ 99,726.10 Add: Surplus on Sale of 400 Lane Crawford Ltd. 'A' Shares 38,763 Excess of Income over Expenditure in 1974 5,513\n\nLIABILITIES\n\nAccumulated Funds\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nBALANCE SHEET AS AT 31ST DECEMBER 1974\n\nASSETS\n\nQuoted Investments (see below)\n\nCost at 1st January 1974 Deduct: Cost of 400 Lane Crawford Ltd. 'A' Shares Add: Purchase of 23 rights shares China Light & Power Co. Ltd.\n\n1973 $ 60,541 HK$ $ 53,630.74 6,910 457.15 7,640.07 $ 53,631 $ 54,087.89\n\nBalance of Accumulated Funds at 31st December 1974 $107,366.17\n\nBalance at Banks $99,726 56,743 Fixed Deposit $69,973.75 6,000 Deposit at Call 6,000.00 3,804.53 79,778.28 18,000 Printing Charges 26,500.00 $117,726 $133,866.17 $117,726 $133,866.17\n\nNote: QUOTED INVESTMENTS HELD AT 31st December 1974\n\n£700 Stock 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80 697 Shares China Light & Power Co. Ltd. 6,000 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co. Ltd. 500 'A' Shares Lane Crawford Ltd. 6,300 'B' Shares Lane Crawford Ltd.\n\nCost HK$11,488.38 Market Value HKS 5,283.43 5,273.97 7,388.20 12,486.80 13,800.00 8,638.74 3,700.00 16,200.00 5,670.00 HK$54,087.89 HK$35,841.63\n\n11", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207317, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 85, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES ON CHIUCHOW OPERA\n\n77\n\nBy that time the audience who were watching the opera* becomes aware of the medium, who is now rushing through the audience on to the stage, where the performance stops and the actors retreat. A table is placed on the stage, the medium stands behind the table facing the audience, shaking in trance, beating himself with the spiky iron ball. A dozen men surround him, one spraying water from a bucket in all directions, one throwing rice around, several beating gongs. They take away his weapon and give the medium some water to drink from a bowl, they hand him a sword which he brandishes into all directions of heaven. He then opens his mouth, sticks out his tongue with the tip downward, and holding the sword vertically pointing upward he inflicts small cut-wounds to the middle of his tongue. Stacks of yellow paper in various sizes are already prepared on the table, and he bends down and chops the paper with his bleeding tongue, whilst the helpers take away the marked ones to distribute them to the crowd. When the medium's tongue stops bleeding he again drinks water from the bowl, brandishes the sword and cuts his tongue and repeats this whole process several times, shaking all the while, and the deafening gongs never stop being beaten. He finally beats himself once more with the iron ball and blood streaks appear on the back of his costume. Then he is rushed back to the temple where he repeats once more the scene, as on stage. After that he takes off his costume and returns quietly home. They suppose that he is unaware of what he has been doing, and that the wounds of his lacerated tongue and back will have healed by the next morning.\n\nThe members of the opera-troupe who play the military roles, handling knives and swords also venerate Kuan-ti, the god of war on his birthday on the 13th day of the 5th month.\n\nIn recent years, the Chiuchow opera in Hong Kong has received a great boost when Hsiao Nan-ying, a top Chiuchow actress, came to Hong Kong and started to perform in 1974. She has re-trained the actors of the Sang Ngai opera troupe and has written some libretti for them in the style of the reformed traditional plays, a movement which was created under Mei Lan-fang's influence. She produced the libretti, directed the performance, played the leading role...\n\n* From the stage a roof extends to shelter the audience, it rests on pillars and the 3 sides are open. As in church (in Europe and formerly in Protestant mission churches in China) the sexes are divided, women on the left and men on the right. There is a fenced passage-way through the middle up to the stairs leading to the stage.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207329, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n89\n\nexplore the lives led by members of the European working class and to develop some ideas about the nature of social stratification among Europeans and Chinese in nineteenth century Hong Kong.\n\nThe documentation on working class Europeans in Hong Kong is not extensive. They were often barely literate. Even if they wrote well, they were not inclined to record on paper their thoughts and experiences for posterity. If they wrote letters home, such correspondence was not usually preserved (there are some exceptions) for future generations. It is extremely difficult, therefore, to obtain a clear picture of their social perceptions, of what they felt about Hong Kong. Most accounts of this class must come, inevitably, from middle-class Taipans, colonial civil servants, travellers, journalists, writers of one type or another, many of whom were class-ridden and decidedly unsympathetic to the European hoi polloi of the China coast.\n\nA great deal of information is to be found, of course, in the English language newspapers printed in Hong Kong; but much of it deals solely with court cases, providing only indirect clues to the problems facing working class Europeans and to the social attitudes of their superiors. We do not have much material on their social and private lives for they were not clubmen or members of prestigious associations. Consequently, their everyday activities are not recorded normally in the social columns of local newspapers. Only intermittently, when they acquired local notoriety for delinquent or deviant behaviour, were their lives memorialised in the annals of the press.\n\nScarcity of primary source material and lack of documentation should not stultify all efforts to write about the European working class in Hong Kong, for questions raised by its existence are important sociologically and some attempt must be made to answer them. For example, members of the European uniformed supervisory staff—those whom Cantonese call pong-paân (help-manage)* - had frequent face-to-face contacts with ordinary Chinese and often lived cheek by jowl with them in Chinese residential areas; this fact would suggest that Chinese stereotypes of the European may have derived from, or been heavily influenced by, such contacts. Such a question directs the sociologist to a further problem,\n\n* For this term, and for the maai-paån or managers see Marjorie Topley's definition at p. 105 below.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207345, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 113, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n105\n\nhad married, or lived with, Chinese, Eurasian or Portuguese women and for that reason stayed on.\n\nThe decision to remain in employment in Hong Kong was also related to the level of wages in Britain and to depressions and unemployment in the mother country. Most felt that they were better off, if only marginally, in Hong Kong. Lastly, many inspectors had served in the army, navy or merchant marine; the jobs they took in Hong Kong usually satisfied their instinct for hierarchy, order, and discipline. As Dr. Topley writes:\n\nIn Hong Kong, unlike in some British colonies and ex-colonies, two social classes of westerners are recognized. Chinese divide westerners into the taai-puân (bosses) and pong-paân (help-manage). The latter category includes most people who are in uniformed supervisory jobs. The former term has been romanised by westerners in Hong Kong as \"Taipan\" and is used commonly in conversation and in the English press to refer to wealthy westerners.28\n\nThose in uniformed supervisory jobs—members of what one may call the 'inspectorate'—were in nearly every case former servicemen. There was thus no radical break in their lives when they stayed to work in Hong Kong in the dockyards, Marine Department, Sanitary Department, P.W.D., police, or prisons.\n\nTAIPANS AND THE EUROPEAN LOWER CLASS\n\nVisitors to Hong Kong were always startled by the extent of conspicuous consumption found there. Typical are these comments by a seasoned traveller in the 1860s:\n\nEuropeans in Hongkong live in a very expensive style; much more expensively, one would think, than they need do, when we consider that many of the necessaries of life are to be had at prices very little in advance of our market rates at home. Nothing surprised me more in Hong Kong than the expensive way in which English assistants were housed, and the luxuries with which they were indulged. Indeed few more luxurious quarters were anywhere to be found than the 'junior messes' of the wealthy British firms. There the unfledged youth, coming out from the simplicity of some rural home, was apt to develop into a man of epicurean tastes, a connoisseur in wines, and to become lavish in expenditure...29", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207347, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "EUROPEAN WORKING CLASS IN 19TH CENTURY\n\n107\n\nof the underdog Portuguese or Eurasian communities. The one social event that united—for one evening—all classes of European was that great Scots tribal festival, the St. Andrew's Day Ball. Celebrated on November 30, it ushered in the Hong Kong season, a season that closed with the Volunteer Ball.* The St. Andrew's Day Ball was open to any Scot or his friends who could afford the price of a ticket. Held in St. George's Hall, a spacious ball-room within the City Hall edifice, it was attended normally by over a thousand adults. Although an Army chaplain inquired plaintively: \"Why should pig-iron turn up its nose at ten-penny nails (in Hong Kong)?\" for one evening at least status distinctions between retailers and wholesalers were partially ignored, although the proceedings were always dominated by the chieftains of Jardine, Matheson and Co., the patriarchal Scottish hong,\n\nThe European lower orders were excluded not only from the more amusing social life of the colony, they also had little say in its government. In 1885, for example, the total number of ratepayers was eighty-two: from this small group the unofficial members of the Legislative Council normally were elected or chosen. The pong-paân were thus totally unrepresented in this, a British colony. Their names, moreover, are not found on the lists of Justices of the Peace, Special Jurors, and those of members of official and other important committees. They were of course sworn in on occasion as common jurors.\n\nWhy did the European lower orders experience such treatment from the well-to-do and influential? Partly, it was a consequence of social attitudes formed in the homeland: Victorian notions about the ordering of social classes and occupational groups, such as are analysed in Thackeray's The Book of Snobs. However, in early Hong Kong another notion was also prevalent: the view that there were 'dangerous classes', a term that connoted the lumpenproletariat, a class of persons spawned in the new industrial cities of Europe, 'those who had so miserable a share in the accumulating wealth of the industrial revolution that they might at any time break out in political revolt as in France'.32 Predictably enough, working-class Europeans were often viewed with some suspicion; there was fear that middle-class control over them would cease to prevail in certain\n\nFor the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Force see James Hayes' article in this Journal Vol 11, 1971: 151-171.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207372, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "132\n\nRICHARD J. SMITH\n\nbecame American citizens,93 Meiji Japan held similar views and pursued similar policies. In short, China's response to the basic problems of employing foreign military men, although tinged with specific characteristics of Chinese political culture such as a special emphasis on personalistic relations, was reasonably enlightened, and not fundamentally different from that of other countries, Asian or Western.95\n\nChina's attempt to build a modern, Western-trained officer corps in the T'ung-chih period did not fail because the foreigners she employed refused to become Chinese subjects or to accept Chinese culture. It failed primarily because the Chinese did not use foreign military assistance in a systematic and sustained way, as did, for example, Meiji Japan. Plagued by continual foreign meddling, and unwilling to fundamentally restructure the existing military establishment with its carefully devised system of checks and balances, the weak Ch'ing government neglected to sponsor meaningful, centralized military reform, dooming itself to defeat at the hands of the Japanese in 1894-95.97\n\nNOTES\n\n1 See, for example, Edward Schafer, The Golden Peaches of Samarkand (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1963), esp. p. 49, 291 note 75; Henry Serruys, \"Were the Ming against the Mongols settling in North China?,\" Oriens Extremus, 6 (1959), 136ff; etc.\n\n2 For the employment of foreigners under these circumstances, consult Wolfram Eberhard, Conquerors and Rulers (Leiden, 1965); Lei Hai-tsung, Chung-kuo wen-hua yû Chung-kuo ti ping [Chinese Culture and the Chinese Military] (Ch'ang-sha, 1940); Michael Loewe, Imperial China (New York, 1969), 182.\n\n3 Kuwabara Jitsuzo, “On P'u Shou-keng,” Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, 7 (1935), 44-45; also Su Ch'ing-pin, (Liang Han ch'i Wu-tai ju-chi Chung-kuo chih fan shih-tsu yen-chiu) [Research on barbarian families residing in China during the period from the Han to the Five Dynasties] (Hong Kong, 1967), 2; Wai-ming George Yuan, \"Ko Son-ji (Kao Hsien-chih): A Korean in the Chinese Military Service,” Asea Yongu, 13.3 (1970), 160.\n\n4 See the forward to this work in Li Te-yü's collected writings, Li Wei-kung hui-ch'ang i-pin chih [The collected works of Li Te-yu] (Shanghai, 1937), chüan 2, 10-11 (consecutive pagination). The book is listed in the sections on literature in the T'ang-shu (2:20) and the Sung-shih (2:19a). All references to the dynastic histories are to the po-na edition.\n\n5 I have discussed these challenges and their implications in a forthcoming study entitled . (University of California Press).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207386, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "146\n\nBRIAN MORTON & P. S. WONG\n\n2.0\n\nWEIGHT OF OYSTER PRODUCED (METRIC TONS)\n\n1500\n\n1000\n\n500\n\n*\n\n中\n\n**\n\n\"+15\n\n-1.0\n\n55\n\n-0.5\n\nVALUE OF OYSTER PRODUCED (MILLIONS OF HK DOLLARS)\n\n1954 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64 65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73\n\nFigure 2. Annual production of oysters in Hong Kong from 1960 to 1973. (Data obtained from the Hong Kong Annual Departmental Report by the Director of Agriculture and Fisheries, 1953-54 to 1973-74.)\n\nland receive less profit each year and eventually fail. The great reduction in the availability of man-power is probably the greatest factor, since the younger, educated and more urbanized generation prefer less labour-demanding employment. There is a shortage of manual labour especially during the busy season in Spring and early Summer. The political sensitivity of this border area is also a problem so that as the Director of Agriculture and Fisheries reported in 1951-52 “flotillas of up to twenty boats manned by about one hundred oyster pirates not being uncommon.\" A dispute in 1966-67 over oyster bed No. 5 reduced production figures considerably (Fig. 2).\n\nImprovement may be possible by introducing new methods of culture. The bottom-laying method of culture is primitive and keeps the oyster industry in a more or less unmanaged state. In the United States, a comparison of public and private oyster grounds reveals striking differences in yield between management techniques practiced in each area (Bardach and Ryther, 1968). Investigations into new methods of cultivation have been made by the Agricultural and Fisheries Department of the Hong Kong Government.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207397, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n157\n\nIn the Colony trade went on and there was much talk of the value of Hong Kong to Great Britain as a provider of foreign currency through its commerce. The fine young men in civil life in Hong Kong, prevented from travelling to join the forces at home, like many others, found it hard to reconcile the argument in favour of acquiring foreign currency with their knowledge that a large proportion of the goods exported found its way to Japan. They were all keen members of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps. It may be claimed that our trading policy delayed Japan's entry into the war, but to many it seemed that economic and strategic considerations were at cross purposes.\n\nI came in contact with Indian troops in the Colony mainly in an individual professional capacity when my surgical services were needed, but I imagine they were subject to the same effects of garrison duty as were the British troops. Garrison duty has never in any army provided a satisfactory training for active service, and Hong Kong provided yet another example of the truth of this. Once the arrangements for manning the defences were mastered the Island and the New Territories gave little scope for the most ingenious commander or space in which he could exercise and retain the interest of his troops. This left sports to absorb, by no means completely, the youthful energies of strong young men. Many of these had been received as friends in families in Hong Kong, some had contracted stable relationships with women but many had little to occupy themselves when off duty. I well remember seeing men flushed from their games trying to get into the China Fleet Club on the Victoria waterfront. They were obliged to shoulder their way physically through the crowd of Chinese and Eurasian women seeking them as companions. Not all of these were attractive, but girls of these races are among the most beautifully shaped that, in a wide experience, I have ever met. Co-habitation with a high proportion of these girls led to venereal infection and some men sought satisfaction in their own sex. Alas, this did not safeguard them from infection. Another hazard was malaria. About October 1941 the army manned the defences in an exercise and following this a substantial number of soldiers contracted malaria and needed treatment in hospital. Before many had regained strength after the fever, the army was deployed during the phase which led to open war. I pay high tribute to the spirit and the readiness with which these men met the call. Everyone who was\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207424, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "184\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nin September and December, and two each in October and November. In 1945 we had one intake in January, a tiny intake in February, one in March and two in June. I imagine that most of the tinned foods came from overseas. I learned later that two ship loads of Allied Red Cross stores had reached Hong Kong during the war having been transhipped to Japanese vessels.\n\nEffects of supplements upon the General Diet\n\nIn February 1943 I began to estimate and record the protein, fat and carbohydrate contents of the contributions from the three voluntary sources to the general diet. I started also to calculate the calorie values of our general diet, but the figures I arrived at were undoubtedly high partly due to the fact that I made no allowances for losses in preparation and cooking and partly due to assumptions I was forced to make when calculating the value of unknown varieties of flabby fish or lily roots or chrysanthemum leaves. I have not thought it worth while to burden readers with these calculations but making them occupied many hours of my time.\n\nFeeding the Patients\n\nI referred earlier to the problems of feeding patients suffering from acute infections and how these were tackled. In the case of the deficiency diseases some patients had turned against all food and went downhill in spite of everything that we could do for them. In these fatal cases the walls of the intestine had become as thin as a sheet of paper and were quite incapable of absorbing nourishment. Little that we could do therefore influenced the cases of these patients at all. Those among us who were able to eat a rice diet and who escaped major infections were indeed fortunate.\n\nOur system of feeding patients suffering from deficiency diseases and those in whom the acute stage of infection was passing was quite simple. Anything in the food store was available for them in as great quantities as they could take, the aim being of course to arrest the declining state of nourishment and to reverse this as soon as possible. This policy was undoubtedly the right one and certainly preserved many lives. It had less obviously good results in those with defects of vision and certain other neurological damage.\n\nPatients therefore had first call upon the extra food stuffs received from all sources. Reference to the tables showing food", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207435, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 203, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n195\n\nBODY WEIGHTS\n\nOur doctors kept under observation staff and patients who were able to move about, to get warning of any deterioration in their condition. We weighed all staff and all up-patients once weekly, and I have voluminous records of the weight readings.\n\nIn every case the pattern was the same. Each man knew his peacetime weight and this always dropped when he went into camp as a prisoner. The amount of the fall was remarkably regular, in the region of 12.25% of the original weight. So long as a man remained relatively healthy his camp weight remained fairly steady, if anything falling a little. When disease supervened, a further fall occurred varying between 10% and 30% of his peacetime weight. Graphic records of the admission and discharge weights of successive intakes of patients between October 1942 and July 1944 were maintained. All of these graphs showed that patients recovered some of lost weight while they were in hospital and this varied from as little as 1% of the peacetime weight to over 10%. In one series of patients their weight on discharge from hospital was still 13.25% below the camp weight, and these figures show how very hard it was for a patient to regain weight lost as a result of an illness of any severity. The weights of staff followed a similar pattern.\n\nThe patients from whom these figures were taken were of course up-patients and did not include any of the living skeletons of whom we had so many, particularly in the early years.\n\nThose who found it possible to take the rice and vegetable diet lost slightly more than 12% of their peacetime weight. Thereafter their weights remained fairly steady or showed a slow decline. It was not until 1945 that some began to regain a little of the weight they had lost, but even so the increase amounted to only a pound or two.\n\nTHE JAPANESE ADMINISTRATIVE STAFF AND GUARDS\n\nI had never been in Japan nor had I met any of its people other than barbers for example. Incidentally, at one of the earliest visits by Japanese officers after our surrender, among those in uniform at the head of the procession was one of the well-known Japanese barbers from the Hongkong Club. When I use Japanese proper", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207443, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 211, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n203\n\nThe Japanese appetite for reports continued to be insatiable and they sought to learn details about our hospital pre-war, particularly as regards staffing, equipment, numbers in wards and so on. All of this information was in official publications which were already in Japanese hands. I suppose it allowed Saito to compare our standards with those of his own army. In July 1944 he took a photograph of the medical staff in Bowen Road and at another time he asked for certain text books on obstetrics and gynaecology which we lent him though we never got them back.\n\nOn 9 June 1945, in a long search of the hospital, he took away all our case sheets, operation books and admission and discharge books which had been carefully preserved and which served as the basis for the statistical and factual accounts of our experiences to be found in the Official History. Thereby he got rid of a mass of material which would have made sorry reading in the originals. I had of course already extracted all the information I wanted, and so the loss was not disastrous. I found it remarkable when on 28 August after the Japanese capitulation I demanded a written acknowledgement that these had been, as he said, burned that he signed this at once. I even took the trouble to get witnesses to his signature, one being our Major James Anderson and the other being Hasegawa who was Saito's interpreter at the time. On the same occasion he affirmed to me, also in writing, that all the civilian clothing he had taken from us in Bowen Road had been stored in Japanese headquarters and later stolen by the Chinese. At this time the British naval relieving force had not arrived, we had no arms and I was quite astonished at Saito's complaisance. I had expected a haughty refusal to acknowledge any responsibility.\n\nSaito like Tokunaga was condemned to death by a War Crimes Court in Hong Kong in 1946. This sentence was later commuted to 20 years imprisonment and later still this was again reduced to fifteen years. When I try to form a judgement on Saito I do so solely upon our experiences with him in the hospital. I do not know if he was a career officer in the Japanese army, what we would call a regular officer. He was apparently deeply imbued with the mores of his army, he was usually short-tempered and irritable, and as I have said earlier I never established any relationship with him even professionally. He gave us that to which he or his commander considered we were entitled under the Geneva Convention so far as lay within his power, though he showed no tendency to do more", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207445, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 213, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n205\n\nlights-out and a host of minor matters. They sometimes slapped patients, both officers and other ranks, for what they considered to be breaches of orders. On our side the victims could only guess at the reasons for the slapping for no interpreter was ever to hand at the time. I took up every one of these cases with Saito or Seino as soon as either appeared after the incident, and I always tried to have the matter investigated. Repeatedly I was told that a sentry represented the Imperial Army and must inflict punishment at once for any irregularity on our part. I never discovered that there was anything personal in these slappings in the sense that they might be a retaliation for what, in the British army, we used to call dumb insolence. Some tempers on our side were sorely tried but no major incident occurred. I was never approached by any Japanese officer or N.C.O. for help over medical treatment.\n\nOnly once did an opportunity occur to retaliate. Late in 1945 in the Central British School in Kowloon we had an officious guard sergeant who was nicknamed 'Slappy' because of his readiness to slap all and sundry for what he thought were offences. About the time of the Japanese surrender, but well before the guards were withdrawn, this man was waylaid by some of our sappers who had suffered themselves and who wanted to repay him on their own and their friends' behalf. I was told that they were very satisfied with the result and there were no repercussions.\n\nTRADING\n\nThe Japanese allowed us to have a shop within the hospital. We had to buy stocks from a Hong Kong Chinese compradore, a term which will be familiar to all who have been in the Far East, and we then sold the goods within the hospital. For a very long time we were not allowed to make a profit, and it was not until a year or two after our surrender that I got permission to make five per cent and use the proceeds within precisely defined limits. The shop stocked goods likely to be desired, mainly cigarettes, matches, syrup, jams, salt, eggs on occasion, tomato sauce, beans, cigarette papers, sugar, sewing cottons and needles, ginger, laces, soy bean powder, soap, razor blades etc. We placed an order one week and such goods as were available were delivered the following week.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207457, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n217\n\nwe had sudden night checks which would be carried out about midnight or one a.m.\n\nOne of the most disagreeable tasks in the hospital was that of the washing squad. We had to have a system of washing bed linen for those unfit to wash their own sheets. Most of the work was carried out on badly stained sheets which had come from the dysentery wards and which had to be washed in cold water. The four men under Corporal R. Thompson R.A.M.C. who did this work deserve unstinted praise, but it was not until December that I was able to buy a pair of rubber boots for the washing squad.\n\nIn the same month Seino gave me 25 grammes of nicotinic acid and all Canadians received ten yen each from home,\n\nPatients and staff decorated the wards at Christmas time and it was remarkable what a gay effect was produced by the bright colours of a few empty cigarette packets. We had a little extra for Christmas dinner carefully hoarded for many weeks beforehand. We even had a concert on Hogmanay but I was glad to reach the end of 1942.\n\n1943\n\nThirty years after the event it is possible to look back and see that 1943 was the turning point for the better in the affairs of the hospital and its inmates. It was less easy to discern this at the time.\n\nWe had known of the naval battles of the Coral Sea in May and Midway in June 1942. They were fought over four thousand miles from Hong Kong and seemed remote to us. The Japanese accounts claimed them as decisive victories, and it was not till the history of the campaigns became available long after the war that I saw these battles clearly as having imposed the first check on the Japanese advance in the Pacific. It would have been immensely encouraging to have known this at the time.\n\nIn 1943 we knew of the Russian successful defence of Stalingrad, we knew of the victory in North Africa, the invasion of Sicily and the fall of Mussolini. The placenames on the Russian front showed how that terrible campaign was going. We knew of the island battles in the Pacific; we knew of Guadalcanal; but all the Far East news published in the Hongkong News was presented to show the huge losses inflicted on the Americans by the Japanese defenders of positions which in the end remained safely in their hands. The impression conveyed was one of enormous American losses from\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207464, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "224\n\nDONALD C. BOWIE\n\nAir alerts were frequent and raids were common, though no attacks were directed near to us. During alerts we brought our patients down from the upper two floors and the arrangement worked well enough though I was always a little fearful of our excitable guards urging haste to our patients whose gait and balance were disturbed by disease. Blackouts occurred regularly and added greatly to the difficulties of our night duty staff. I used to lie in bed on many nights when the hospital was blacked out but not alerted and listen to the big American planes flying over Hong Kong, probably from airfields in China on bombing raids on Japanese held territories. Emergency checks on our numbers continued to be held at night time about once a month in addition to the regular morning and evening checks. The night checks got us up from bed for up to an hour. In May we could still use our portable X-ray machines but this was of little value because we had no films. About the same time mosquitoes were a pest and we had a number of cases of fever among staff and patients.\n\nDuring 1943 I find recurring references in my diary to shortages of fuel and we had parties out regularly on the hillside behind the hospital felling trees. The cooks had an unenviable task trying to make fires with green wood. Food supplies, too, came at intervals which were not regular, and in June for example the rice intakes were so irregular that we had to juggle a good deal with issues. Stocks of sugar both from the Red Cross and Japanese sources dwindled also and we had to cut issues in order not to run out of supplies. By September 1943 eggs cost 1.30 yen each and rising costs generally compelled us to re-examine the system of issuing extra food for patients in need. We established that first priority should be given to patients with suppurating wounds or who had pulmonary tuberculosis; next came patients with gross loss of weight; then came those with acute fevers and those who could not eat rice and with these were banded some of the patients with visual defects, the result of deficiency diseases. In July we had to reduce the flour ration to 104 grammes a day, though to offset this the daily rice ration was increased to 384 grammes. We experimented with combinations of atta, boiled rice and ground rice to make something we could call bread and we even produced some small buns using a little flour as well. We made and issued a soup made from fish heads but this was unpalatable to most and when we abandoned the experiment we thereafter issued fish complete with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207471, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "CAPTIVE SURGEON IN HONG KONG\n\n231\n\nmore than a casual call during an afternoon's stroll but I would never have expected such a call to have been made by chance and at the very least they probably wanted to see for themselves the conditions in which we were guarded. When they left the guards and ourselves resumed our normal behaviour, not unlike the chattering of birds, stilled while the hawk is overhead and resumed when the danger has passed.\n\nIt is not difficult now to attribute some at least of the searches which took place about this time to the prevailing mood of the Japanese in Hong Kong. Suspicion of foreigners had been fostered assiduously in Japan before the war and xenophobia flourished exceedingly when war began. The turn of the tide against the Axis powers I suppose did nothing to soften this feeling. In Hong Kong Dr. Selwyn-Clarke was arrested in May 1943 to face charges some of which sound grotesque, and I have given a short account of his subsequent experiences. In July 1943 the Japanese gendarmerie arrested a number of men in Sham Shui Po. Under torture the names of others who had sent and received messages from Waichow via Chinese drivers of ration lorries were extracted and Colonel L.A. Newnham late Middlesex Regiment, G.S.O.1 British Troops in Hong Kong, Captain D. Ford 2 Royal Scots and Flight-Lieutenant Gray, R.A.F., were implicated. These three officers were tried by Japanese Court martial in Stanley in December 1943 and shot the same month. They had endured interrogation, a word now thoroughly debased, for many months and their condition at the end was described as deplorable.\n\nAgainst the background of events outside which I have just described we were in a position of some privilege in Bowen Road, but it seems likely that there was some link between the two situations. It could easily be that the Japanese inspections of some of our medical and electrical equipment was carried out by men capable of detecting apparatus usable for radio communications. Some of the searches certainly seemed aimed at the detection of concealed radio apparatus. We were lucky that nothing on which suspicion could feed was discovered, but my scalp always crawled a little while the searches were in progress.\n\nWe had a number of visits from Japanese doctors who wanted to see our patients, principally at this time those partially blinded by the deficiency diseases. My diary records that we found one such doctor, a lieutenant-colonel, to be courteous to our patients.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207555, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 323, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n315 \n\nWhen Yuk-tong was a boy, he sat the local preliminary examinations. For seven times he failed in these examinations, so decided to give up and joined military service, where he enjoyed a very good reputation on account of his accumulated merits. In the 20th year of the Tao Kuang reign (*) he led his troops to fight a battle in Kwun Chung ('È'). Later, in the spring of the 4th year of Hsien Feng (A), i.e. 1853 he was transferred from being a staff officer stationed in Chin Shan Checkpoint to Taipang City and was promoted to be Deputy Garrison Commander, with his headquarters in what we call nowadays the Kowloon Walled City.* \n\nHe held this post for 13 years, once acting as Commander-in-chief of naval forces in Kwangtung province. It was under his care and supervision that Fort Bocca Tigris (✯✯) was repaired. When the Kowloon peninsula was first leased to Britain in 1860 and Sino-British diplomatic relations were established, negotiations between the two governments took place frequently. In spite of the fact that Gen. Cheung, the chief officer in the locality, was unavoidably involved in external affairs, he insisted that he was only responsible for local defence and the garrison and thus had no authority for making any decisions on foreign affairs. What he could do was to submit himself to instructions from higher authorities. \n\nIt happened on one occasion that the general crossed the harbour to Hong Kong island, where he stayed overnight, and on the next day all the inhabitants of the Walled City set off fire crackers in order to welcome him back. It is, of course, beyond our imagination nowadays to realize just how excited were those inhabitants at that time, but we do have strong reasons to believe that the general must have been greatly admired by them.† Although the general himself was not known for his academic achievement, yet there was one thing of which he was proud in his later days; that is, that his grandson Cheung Ching-san ( ) passed with distinction in the local examinations. \n\nIn the 5th year of the Tung Chi reign (♬✯) (1866) the general retired from military service at the age of 72, and died four years later, at the age of 76. \n\n* His rank was which may be translated as brigade-general. \n\n† At this time Hong Kong was under foreign i.e. British rule, and (though the article does not say so) the visit probably took place when a state of war existed between the two nations. Hence the great excitement.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1975", "page_number": 348, "title": "RAS-1975", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n339\n\ncontrolled the central government of the late Ming period. However, due to the expansion of the military power of the Manchus, the central activity of this Association from 1640, turns into the intellectuals' Anti-Manchu Movement.41 The fact that Hsiao Yün-ts'ung has been a member of the Reconquering Association can certainly help us to understand more about his life and personality. Although we know nothing about Hsiao's Anti-Manchu activity, a description of him as, “taking up the life of a hermit, he devoted himself to poetry, essay-writing, scholarship, and painting” (p. 177) is at least not the entire picture of Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's life. He must have been patriotic and full of the spirit of justice at one time. More likely it was only because of the triumph of the Manchus that he was forced to live as a recluse for his last 30 years. Professor Li has tended to ignore this key point in Hsiao Yün-ts'ung's life.\n\nTo conclude, in the 20th Century, in the 60 years since Stephen W. Bushell (1844-1908) published his classic Chinese Art42, due to the stimulation given by the opening of museums, the growth of private collections and a developed new interest in studying things oriental, a good number of histories of Chinese art have been written by scholars of different nationalities. None of them, however, has attempted a Chinese art history based on a single private collection,43 like Thousand Peaks and Myriad Ravines. This appears to be the first book of this kind, and despite those problems that the reviewer has already pointed out, and some other minor disputable points44, it is not inappropriate to call this book the first such publication. It is one, too, that is associated with a unique and earlier feature of writing Chinese art history, the introduction.\n\nThe reviewer suggests that as a Research Curator of the Nelson Gallery and Atkins Museum in Kansas, with its far better known collection, Professor Li should publish another such history of Chinese art, or history of Chinese painting, based on that renowned assemblage.\n\nUniversity of Hong Kong, 1976\n\nFOOTNOTES\n\nCHUANG SHEN\n\n1 For instance, the well-known collection of Mr. K. Sumitomo, is described in the illustrated and descriptive catalogue Senoku Seisho ★A★T (The collection of old bronzes of K. Sumitomo) first edited by Prof. Kosaku Hamada∗ ∗ ∗ and others in 1911. After being revised by Prof. Sueji Umehara∗ ∗ ∗ it was reprinted in 1934 in Kyoto. The additional catalogue concerning Mr. Sumitomo's new acquisitions on ancient", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1975.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j0995146d", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207635, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "LIABILITIES Accumulated Funds\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY\n\nHONG KONG BRANCH\n\nBALANCE SHEET AS AT 31ST DECEMBER 1975\n\n1974\n\nHK$\n\n1974\n\n$ 99,726 Balance at 1st January 1975\n\n$107,366.17\n\n$ 53,631\n\n7,640\n\nLess: Excess of Expenditure over\n\nIncome in 1975\n\n6,862.67\n\n457\n\nASSETS\n\nHH Quoted Investments (see below)\n\nCost at 1st January 1975 Add: Purchase of Rights Shares\n\nChina Light & Power Co. Ltd. $ 687.20 H.K. Electric Co. Ltd.\n\n$ 54,087.89\n\n1,200.00\n\nBalance of Accumulated Funds\n\n$107,366 at 31st December 1975\n\nSundry Creditors\n\n$100,503.50\n\n40,000.00\n\n$ 54,088\n\n1,887.20\n\n$ 55,975.09\n\nBalance at Banks\n\n69,974 6,000 3,804 Fixed Deposits\n\n$80,559.92\n\nDeposit at Call Current Account\n\n3,968.49 84,528.41\n\n$133,866\n\n$140,503.50\n\n$133,866\n\n$140,503.50\n\nNOTE: Quoted Investments held at 31st December 1975.\n\n£700 Stock 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80\n\n766 Shares China Light & Power Co. Ltd.\n\n7,200 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co. Ltd.\n\n500 'A' Shares Lane Crawford Ltd.\n\n6,300 'B' Shares Lane Crawford Ltd.\n\nD. A. GILKES, Hon. Treasurer.\n\nCost Market Value\n\nHK$11,488.38 HK$ 5,161.10\n\n5,961.17 12,639.00\n\n13,686.80 27,000.00\n\n8,638.74 7,900.00\n\n16,200.00 9,450.00\n\nHK$55,975.09 HK$62,150.10", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207710, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "\"PATTERNED BANDS\" IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG\n\n83\n\nto the edge and the tassels allowed to fall free at each side, swinging at either side of the wearer's face. In Yuen Long, the band is not worn this way but instead a longer band (145 CM) is used to tie the hat under the wearer's chin.\n\nA patterned band approximately 85 CM long, with relatively small tassels, is often used to hold the rectangular headcloth worn by Hakka women both indoors and outdoors when a hat is not worn. The band is doubled over the top of the headcloth and fastened at the back of the neck below the woman's bun, thus serving as an ornament and to hold the headcloth in place.\n\nIn addition, a band approximately 75 CM long may be used to fasten the small apron (1) across the back. To attach the band, buttons are sewed to the ends of the bands near the tassels, and these are buttoned through loops in the apron. The bib of the apron is commonly fastened around the neck with a silver chain on which old Hong Kong silver five-cent pieces serve as buttons. These aprons are worn by Hakka women both on special occasions and for everyday use.\n\nIn Tsuen Wan, at least, the bands traditionally served other purposes as well. Women said that they had to weave great numbers of them before their marriages, because of the role they played in the ceremonies, and for a week or so beforehand they stopped all other work and stayed indoors to weave. The bride was expected to give them as gifts to all the older women relatives who came to attend the festivities. Patterned bands were also used to tie back the mosquito nets on the marriage bed, and were tied around the foot-washing basin which is an important dowry item and fertility symbol. One was used as the bride's trouser string, and one was even given as a gift to the little boy whose job it was to kick open the sedan chair door upon the bride's arrival. When a son had been born, a very long red patterned band was hung over the lantern which was raised in the ancestral hall at the hoi tang (H) ceremony, symbolizing the birth of a son into the lineage.4\n\nTechnique of Manufacture\n\nThe weaving of patterned bands was the only textile art form produced, in recent years at least, by Tsuen Wan women. Their only other artistic outlet was the singing of \"mountain songs\" (山歌*) while working together in groups, and the spontaneous singing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207726, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "A HAWAIIAN KING VISITS HONG KONG, 1881\n\n99\n\nkindly put me in communication with the British Minister in Rome so that I can command his good offices. . . . In the matter of decorations. Sir John ranks high among the Colonial Governors of England.\" And a Grand Cross of Kalakaua was later conferred on him.\n\nHong Kong Chinese merchants who traded with the people in Hawaii came to call on the King, and told him that their countrymen in his Kingdom appreciated the opportunities in the islands and were loyal to the Hawaiian government.\n\nAt the last State banquet in Hong Kong, as Armstrong reported, \"the lifeless air and heavy food made the King drowsy. The numerous receptions and late hours had deprived the King of sleep. His eyelids dropped . . . The Governor's wife was seated on the King's right, and I was seated next to her. I feared a nasal explosion if the King's doze should deepen, and devised ways of preventing it. It was a case of emergency. I whispered to the Governor's wife what my fears were, and asked her aid in preventing a loss of royal dignity. The clever wife of the Governor whispered to me, 'Will any special piece of music waken him up?' . . . She quietly called the majordomo, and in a minute the military band in the balcony filled the air with the music of 'Hawai'i Pono'i' (the Hawaiian National Anthem).\" The King woke up and the banquet ended.\n\nPage 100\n\nOn April 21, 1881, the Royal group left Hong Kong on the ship Killarney for Bangkok. Acting Consul General F. Bulkeley Johnson sent his report to W. L. Green, \"His Majesty the King and suite arrived here on the 12th [April] and left on the 21st April for Bangkok on a visit to the King of Siam.\"\n\nAnd the King and his party travelled to Singapore, Penang, Calcutta, Suez, Cairo, Rome, London, Brussels, Vienna, Paris, Madrid and Lisbon. King Kalakaua, in his July 12, 1881 letter from London, wrote of his meeting with Queen Victoria, “She came up to me and took my hand and then sat on a sofa asking me to sit down on a chair facing the sofa near her. She said that I was making a very long tour. I answered very fluently asked particularly where I learnt English as my accent was perfect.\" \n\nHomeward bound, the group crossed the Atlantic on the S. S. Celtic to New York. Then to Philadelphia, Washington, where he called on President Chester A. Arthur, and overland to California", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207745, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "118\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nGovernment, for they hoped that through those converts, whom they financed in their efforts to reach the areas controlled by the Taiping government, they might influence the movement. Since they believed that these converts who had been under their instruction were better grounded in the fundamentals of the Christian faith than the Taiping leaders at Nanking, the missionaries expected their converts to strengthen the Christian element in the movement and correct some of its reported misconceptions in doctrine and aberrations in practice. They also hoped that through the good offices of these converts, once they had established themselves at Nanking, the missionary would, in time, be able to join them.\n\nThe most prominent of these individuals was Hung Jen-kan, a distant cousin of the Taiping leader Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. He became the Kan Wang (Shield King) in the Taiping government at Nanking in 1859 and was executed in November, 1864, after the fall of Nanking.\n\nHe accompanied Hung Hsiu-ch'uan to Canton for Christian instruction under the Rev. Issachar Roberts in 1847. In an appendix to Dr. Margaret M. Coughlin's unpublished doctoral thesis, Strangers in the House: J. Lewis Shuck and Issachar Roberts, First American Baptist Missionaries to China (University of Virginia, 1972), there is a letter of Roberts to Shuck, dated 27 March, 1847, giving details of Hsiu-ch'uan's spiritual development. After a month's instruction, they were sent out on a preaching tour in the course of which they returned to their home district, Hua-hsien, Kwangtung. Jen-kan did not return to Canton with Hsiu-ch'uan for further studies but remained at home to study medicine.\n\nWhile Hung had been preaching near his home in Kwangtung and studying with Roberts at Canton, Feng Yün-shan, a friend of his who had also been influenced by Christian ideas, had been gathering a group of followers in Kwangsi. They adopted the name of \"The Society of God Worshippers\" and were the nucleus from which developed the Taiping movement. The usual accounts of the movement attribute its origins to the activity of Hung Hsiu-ch'uan. This interpretation rests heavily on the account given in Hamberg's booklet The Visions of Hung Siu-Tschuen and Origin of the Kwang-si Insurrection, published in Hong Kong in 1854, and on various documents of the movement which were written after the death of Feng Yün-shan. There are several contemporary references which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "128\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nlater to Lilong, where he served under Brother Bellon in the boy's school. Because of his relation to the Rebel King, it was difficult on the mainland so he came to Hongkong until 1878, when he emigrated with those of Shaukiwan.\n\n14\n\nA search of the records of British Guiana might provide details of his later career.\n\nLechler's Day Book under date 12 January, 1871, mentions a visit from Tsau-phoi, a member of the Fung family of Tsim Sha Tsui, and on 18 February, 1871, he notes that Fung A-lin from Tsim Sha Tsui returned to the Girl's School at Sai Ying Poon. It is probable that Fung Tsau-phoi and Fung A-lin were the son and daughter of \"a former Rebel King\", who is referred to in the records of the Girl's Boarding School of the Basel Mission at Sai Ying Poon. A report dated 10 July, 1866, lists as a student Lyu Tsya, aged eighteen years, \"betrothed to a son of a former Rebel King, who long has put away the crown, baptized by the Berlin Missionary Hanspach in her home.\" Also listed is Fung A-lin, the small sister of the young man. She had been enrolled in 1865, aged seven years. Her mother was a widow and a Christian.\n\nKeeping in mind that the Hakka version of the surname Hung was written Fung, and that the entries in Lechler's Day Book were written in a very illegible script, it may be that Fung Tsau-phoi is the same as Hung Tsun Fooi mentioned in T’ai-p’ing t'ien-kuo shih-shih jih-chih Appendix, p.24, as present in Hong Kong after the fall of the Taiping government.\n\nTwo relatives of Feng Yün-shan, a twenty-one year old nephew A-sou and his fourteen-year old cousin, accompanied the Rev. Issachar J. Roberts to Shanghai in 1853, in an attempt to reach Nanking. A-sou was baptized by Roberts at Shanghai. The Baptist Missionary Rev. Matthew T. Yates became acquainted with the two boys, but in his book The Tai Ping Rebellion, he mistakenly states that they were brothers of Feng Yün-shan.\n\nFung A-sou found it impossible to reach Nanking, so he came down to Hong Kong. From here he went up to Canton where he became a teacher to an American missionary. But he became ill, and returned to Hong Kong where he died on the 21 August, 1855.\n\nThese accounts of some of the events in the lives of friends and relatives of Taiping leaders and their association with the missionary", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207760, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "NOTES ON FRIENDS AND RELATIVES OF TAIPING LEADERS\n\n133\n\nGützlaff ever met each other in 1848 when Feng returned from Kwangsi and stayed in his native place for a short period to wait for the return of Hung Hsiu-ch'üan. I cannot see how the fable started. It may be that some members of the Union did join the Taiping army and recognized superficially the similarity of the organizations of Feng and Gützlaff with practically the same contents in their teachings, thus misunderstanding the identity of the two groups; and thus, Feng was mistaken for a fellow-member of the Union. All in all, this problem needs further study and intensive research before a conclusive answer can be obtained.\n\n(2) Li Tsin-kau ($£$)\n\nAccording to Hamberg's account, Li Ching-fang (***) was Hung Hsiu-ch'üan's cousin who lived in Lien Hua Tang (##) in Hua-hsien where Hung taught. The Tai P'ing pamphlet T'ai Ping T'ien Jih (***ŋ) identifies him. Hung first studied Liang Fa's pamphlets seriously with him.\n\nW. Oehler, Die Taiping-Bewegung (1923), asserts that Ching-fang was the grandfather of Li Tsin-kau. For certain reasons I believe Ching-fang was more likely the father, as Tsin-kau was seemingly too young to befriend and discuss such serious matters with Hung.\n\nThe late Rev. Chang Chu-ling (✯✯✯) told me a very amusing anecdote about Li Tsin-kau. After establishing his capital in Nanking, Hung Hsiu-ch'üan ordered Tsin-kau to recruit followers in Kwangtung. Tsin-kau failed in this mission but went north personally. When he arrived at Shanghai on the way to Nanking, he heard that the God whom Hung saw in his visions years ago wore a black robe. He thought that God, the True God, should be dressed in white, and therefore what Hung had seen was really the Devil. The result was that he turned back to Hong Kong immediately without attempting to see Hung again. (See my Taiping Tienkuo Chuan-shih, pp54-55, notes pp58-59) This story corroborates with the account Carl Smith found (p. 124), but the call to come to Nanking might be from Hung Jen-kau rather than from Hung Hsiu-ch'üan.\n\n(3) Hung Jen-kau (Shield King †1##)\n\nAt last, the question 'who financed Hung Jen-kau's trip to Nanking?' is solved with Carl Smith's finding that the London", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207821, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 209, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "194\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nsummer); Miss Jean Pratt from Cambridge, who studied a Hakka village in the neighbourhood of Tai Po; and, most recently, Mr. Jack Potter, from Berkeley, California, who has just completed a study of one of the major Tang settlements in Yuen Long District. All these may be called community studies, for they attempted to give rounded accounts of the lives of the people they investigated. The results of the three studies, when they are fully published, will provide a useful sample of traditional communities in the New Territories, for they cover both fishing and agriculture and range from relatively unsophisticated Tanka, through a small, and in some respects isolated, Hakka settlement, to one of the old centres of Punti power. In addition to these field studies the work of another anthropologist, Dr. Marjorie Topley, has dealt with the New Territories in a general way in regard to aspects of their economic life.\n\n7. The gaps in knowledge and understanding of New Territories society are in part filled by the results of investigations carried out by other kinds of scholars. I have in mind particularly the work done by geographers and historians. The field studies by Dr. T.R. Tregear and Dr. C.J. Grant are too well known to call for my comment. At the moment further geographical field studies are in train; for example, Mr. Ronald Ng, a graduate student at the University of Hong Kong, is engaged in an investigation of the Tung Chung valley which promises to bring in much new material on the social aspects of agriculture. As for history, I may mention the work of Mr. J.W. Hayes, formerly a District Officer in the New Territories; he has produced two studies, one dealing with the New Territories as they were just before British rule, the other on Cheung Chau, which illustrate very happily how the work of the social historian and that of the anthropologist can complement each other.\n\n8. But when the fruits of all this work are put together they will still leave out of account much that is important. The New Territories can no longer be regarded as simply a rural appendage to urban Hong Kong, an area where traditional Chinese village life has, because of the accident arising out of diplomacy in the nineteenth century, been fostered by British administration, a museum conveniently arranged for the benefit of antiquarians. The population has changed to what extent is demonstrated by the admirably conducted and analysed census of 1961. Modern industry has not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207832, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 220, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 205\n\ngreatly in importance in recent times, but it is now, as far as I can see, a large-scale charitable organisation of business men which, while it rests in theory on the representation of villages falling within the area once covered by the old yeuk-complexes, is in fact essentially both city-based and city-run. (At the present eighteen villages appear to be represented in the Lok Sin Tong: one in Sha Tin, one in Tsuen Wan, and eight each in Sai Kung and New Kowloon. But I am not sure that the representatives are members of the villages they represent).\n\n25. Yeuk existed also in the Sha Tau Kok area (note the Nam Yeuk mentioned in the early British records) and in the area of Ho Sheung Heung (Hau Yeuk). It will be seen, therefore, that at the time of the advent of British rule many central, southern, and eastern areas of the mainland part of the New Territories were covered by a network of yeuk which, while certainly not including every village, nevertheless generally affected the political organisation of these areas. The striking omission is the west, that is to say, roughly the modern Yuen Long District. As far as I have been able to discover (my enquiries in this area were cut short by my premature departure from the Colony), the term yeuk has no traditional meaning here. (I stress 'traditional'. The British used the word for their own purposes; demarcation districts for land and the broader administrative districts were called yeuk after the new regime was established; and, as a result, by hearing the word used today one may be misled into thinking that it has a longer local history than it in fact has). Similarly, I know of no evidence that there were yeuk in the islands. Groupings of villages there certainly were in the Yuen Long area, under the names of heung (although I am not sure how old this usage is) kung shoh, just as these groupings sometimes appear in the areas where yeuk also existed; but the absence of yeuk seems to call for comment.\n\n26. If we look again at the evidence on yeuk-complexes, we may perhaps conclude that they were formed to protect the interests of the weak against the strong. The powerful Liu of Sheung Shui were never members of a yeuk. Indeed, on their own they were the enemies of the Luk Yeuk of Ta Kwu Ling. Similarly, the Tang of Lung Yeuk Tau (in which name, incidentally, the character for Yeuk is not the one we are concerned with here) and Tai Po Tau stood aloof from yeuk. It is probably significant that the Man of Tai Hang formed a yeuk on their own when they assumed leader-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207853, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "226\n\nMAURICE FREEDMAN\n\nman with a parent to rebury and with the resources to back up his ambition will look far and wide in his search for a good site, not necessarily confining himself to the neighbourhood of his village. The poor cannot indulge themselves so; but they are unlikely in any case to reach the stage of looking for reburial sites, and the bones of their dead probably remain for ever in the urns where they were deposited after the first burial. There is no dearth of evidence that urns lie neglected for many years, at the end of their career spilling their contents on the ground. For the humble, geomantic burial plays a small role. Among the proud and the aspiring the hunt for the Dragon, a never-ending search for promotion and security, leads people in a competitive race over the hills, Fung shui in this context represents the right of individuals to outstrip their neighbours. (I have not gone into the details of burial. See B.D. Wilson, 'Chinese Burial Customs in Hong Kong', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. I, 1961, pp. 115-123).\n\n60. Success which flows from fung shui raises a moral problem, for it is not a reward for merit. If the geomancer has done his job correctly Breaths will concentrate automatically, whether the descendants are good men or bad. Geomancy explains why some people succeed and others fail, even when they have the same advantages and appear to have the same chances, but, at least at first sight, it seems to obscure the role in success which may be played by moral worth. The problem is in fact raised in some of the fung shui stories current in the New Territories. They show that in reality the evil cannot expect to prosper by fung shui, however much they appear to benefit in the short run. The universe is a moral entity; principles of right laid up in Heaven are not to be denied by the workings of Earth. I heard one story in two different versions; here is a summary of its main points to illustrate the role of morality in fung shui. A poor duck-breeder one day observed a geomancer at work. The geomancer stuck a bamboo pole in the muddy duck-pond and left it there for the night. During the night it flowered. The duck-breeder stole it and replaced it with another bamboo pole to the surprise next morning of the geomancer who had expected to find it flowering. He tried again but once more was foiled by the wily duck-breeder, and so he was forced to abandon what he thought to have proved a magnificent fung shui. The duck-breeder, having stolen the knowledge of the site, ordered", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207858, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n231\n\ninhabiting the village point to the ruined ancestral halls of their late rivals and ascribe their own fortune to the cunning of their ancestor who, at the time when all the ancestral halls were being built in a line, surreptitiously made a slight alteration to the direction in which his own hall was to face. If ever there was such an incident, which I take leave to doubt, the alignment now to be seen bears no trace of it. The jubilant survivors cannot detect it either; they merely assume it to be there.\n\n64. Just as the fung shui (and in consequence the status) of people may be attacked by poaching on grave-sites, so conflict can arise over buildings. X's attempt to build higher than my house is an affront. I say he is ruining my fung shui. I am implying that he has no right to put himself above me. Y has pierced his wall to make a new window. It has caused sickness in the village. We protest against his lack of consideration; he should have taken precautions. Perhaps we are also saying that he should not have done what others do not do. And fung shui objections become intensified when those who have been held to be at fault are outsiders: strangers or the government. For then the community as a whole can be united in its determination to defend its interests.\n\n65. A village is not just the ground on which its fields are made and its houses stand. It is the whole area which, by custom, falls within the control of the community. When the British arrived they acknowledged rights not only to building sites and cultivations, registering these rights in the land records, but also to a wider village territory within which the local population had certain privileges, especially for burying their dead, grazing their beasts, and collecting fuel. Villagers stand by these rights in the sense that intrusion is resented and attempts made to force trespassers to pay for their boldness if they cannot, or it is not desirable that they be, excluded. The immigrant vegetable-grower or poultry-farmer may think that he has acquired the right to put up a shack but he may find himself the centre of a dispute from which he can extricate himself only by paying a sum of money. An industrialist may have all the necessary permits but he may be forced to come to terms with the people in whose area he wishes to operate. The wise immigrant and the wise industrialist make their terms before they begin to build. Similarly, the government undertaking public works may fall foul of objections which are phrased in fung shui language. A hole is being drilled; a child falls sick; the work must stop.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207860, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 248, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n233\n\nor resisting them (and running the risk of being accused of denying the original undertaking by the British Government to respect local beliefs and customs). It is not to be wondered at that present-day administrators sometimes appear to be reluctant protectors of popular faith. They probably feel themselves caught in a situation where they are being exploited by the unscrupulous for the respect they show for their religion.\n\n67. Cynical and selfish exploiters there no doubt are, but the problem cannot be dismissed so simply. For if these men are able to put forward strong cases it is because they have behind them a public opinion firmly rooted in geomantic faith. There is every indication that the fung shui objections are now being raised on an unusually large scale. It was to be expected. In the full flood of rural development traditional rights are bound to be increasingly affected. The system of geomancy is so complex, the alternatives in interpretation so numerous, that a fung shui case can be brought against anything at all that meets with the disapproval of the country people. Any work undertaken by the Administration can be said to be harmful in geomancy. But it can also be judged to be geomantically beneficial if local opinion is in favour of its practical worth. (I know a community where a proposed new road is being urged precisely on the grounds that it will help remedy a natural defect in the geomantic conformation of the front aspect of the village). But it is not to be assumed that people are making a coldly rational translation of their practical wishes into the language of geomancy. They may be rationalising, as the psychologist might put it, but they are not hypocrites.\n\n68. Faced by its dilemma the Administration must fall back on what it considers to be a practical formula: fung shui objections will be heeded if they are 'reasonable'. What is 'reasonable'? It would be interesting to know. As far as I can see, 'reasonable' is taken to be assessable by the sincerity of the objectors. If they seem to believe what they assert, and there is no evidence that they are misrepresenting facts (as, for example, about the ownership of graves), then a case has been made and the Administration must in some measure yield. Of course, it is not necessary to yield; a 'tough' policy would almost certainly work, in the sense that objections would become fewer and people accustomed to the fact that they are no longer in a position to get their way. (There must have been times in the history of the New Territories when a firm resistance...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207864, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "(b) that nearly all of them hold British passports and may be assumed to have been born in the Colony, and (c) that they are practically all men of working age, then we may conclude that they represent very roughly, perhaps a third of all the men in the New Territories who were born there and who fall within the economically active years of manhood. Since, furthermore, there are certain areas of the New Territories from which emigration has been especially heavy, despite the fact that men from all areas have participated in the movement, there are grounds for assuming that the effect of migration must in places have been extremely important.\n\n73. The scale and direction of the emigration of the last few years are novel, but they rest on a tradition which reminds us that in this, as in many other respects, the New Territories are geographically and culturally part of southeastern China. For, especially since the middle of the last century, the coastal regions of the provinces of Kwangtung and Fukien have served as a reservoir from which many countries, above all in South-East Asia, have drawn population. Emigration to California and Australia,—the 'gold mountains'—was noted by the first British administrators of the New Territories (for they spoke of loan associations got up to finance men wanting to go to these two countries), but there are hints in the early census reports that New Territories people were scattered more widely. The 1911 census shows a handful of Chinese in the New Territories to have been born in Annam, Hawaii, the Philippines, the Straits Settlements, Siam, and Australia. In 1921 the countries which appear in this context, again with reference to very small numbers, are Annam, India, Japan, British Borneo, France, Italy, the U.S.A., and Mexico. The list for 1931 reads: Indo-China, British North Borneo, Malaya, Netherlands East Indies, Siam, Canada, the U.S.A., Cuba, Panama, Guiana, Peru, England, and Holland. There were, in fact, two kinds of emigrants; landsmen who went overseas to make a living in a particular country, and seamen who, whether legally or not, left their ships to try their luck in places to which they had been carried. The establishment of Hong Kong as a British settlement in 1842 created a demand for local seamen, many of whom were recruited from the Chinese villages lying near the new centre. Men from Lamma Island and from Lantau Island seem at an early date to have taken service in British and other ships.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207870, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 258, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963\n\n243\n\n£5 orders; these will presumably have been sent into town by the bank to be cashed through a city post office and, along with orders actually presented at city post offices, fail to appear in New Territories figures. The indications from the travel agencies in the last month or so of my stay in Hong Kong were of few men going to Britain; the main agency has almost stopped any new business; and it seems unlikely therefore that remittances will increase further. On the contrary, the probability is that after a while they will fall as men remain away longer, their ties with the New Territories being reduced and their commitments abroad increased. And the question will arise whether hardship will result for the New Territories. It is not simply a matter of people being deprived of extra money; if there is any resemblance between the New Territories and the emigrant areas of Fukien and Kwangtung in respect of their economic response to overseas migration, then we should be prepared to find that economic standards and activities have become so adjusted to external income that its falling away occasions disruption and distress.\n\n81. It is of course artificial to treat the matter of overseas migration apart from the movement between the New Territories and the urban areas of the Colony. The city has always attracted New Territories people to it and provided the countryside with an income. It would be extremely interesting to have material showing where absent members of a village are at a given time and what they are doing for a living. I discovered that on one of the islands a local committee was keeping records on emigration and I was able to obtain the data which are presented below. They can have no general value for the study of the problem as a whole, but they suggest the possibility that some Rural Committees have gathered information of this sort and that others might be encouraged to do so. The total number of emigrants involved in this case is 183. Of these 62 are overseas and the remainder in the urban area of the Colony. Of the 62 overseas, 33 are seamen, 23 are in the United Kingdom, 5 in the U.S.A. and 1 in Borneo. All these are men, but 22 of the 99 people in the urban areas are women. Of the 23 men in Britain 5 are in their twenties, 7 in their thirties, 9 in their forties, 1 in his fifties, and 1 in his seventies. Of the 5 in the U.S.A. 2 are in their forties, 2 in their fifties, and 1 in his sixties. The sole man in Borneo is in his thirties. Over a dozen communities are involved in these figures. The distribution of overseas migrants and seamen", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207886, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1976", "page_number": 274, "title": "RAS-1976", "content_text": "SOCIAL RESEARCH IN THE N.T. OF HONG KONG, 1963 259\n\n*\n\n+\n\ntinues to break up and industrialisation increases, marriage will move more and more into a 'modern' form.\n\nThere is little need to multiply points. A general study of family and marriage ought to be made; it should try to encompass as many different social settings as possible and trace out the changes which are to be expected in the control of children, the support of the aged, polygamy, accumulation of capital within the family, household budgeting, and so on. The study will call for both intensive enquiries and observations and extensive surveys (especially in respect of such matters as family structure and domestic economics).\n\n99. I write as an anthropologist. This fact broadly limits the kinds of problem I have chosen to discuss as well as the methods of research I have so far taken into account. I should like partly to redress the balance by making it clear that I think that other kinds of social scientists ought also to be at work in the New Territories: sociologists, economists, and social geographers, at the very least. (I should have included demographers in this list had it not been that since his completion of the work on the 1961 Census Mr. Barnett has continued to interest himself in statistical questions and that further official studies of population seem likely). Some large-scale enquiries, involving careful sampling and the construction of complex questionnaires—for example, in the fields of education, social mobility, and housing—are necessary; these are matters which must rely on the techniques with which the sociologist is equipped. The field economist (as distinct from the man whose raw data are somebody else's statistics and facts) would be desirable in the study of those economic questions which, because they call for skill in handling technical matters (as in the investigation of business and complex financial affairs) may be too difficult for the all-round social scientist—which is what most anthropologists aim to be. The case for the social geographer is very easy to make: whether in agriculture or industry, the use of land and the relations of society to it are crucial subjects.\n\nBut these are my (summary) views, and sociologists, economists, and geographers must of course be left to speak for themselves.\n\n+\n\n+\n\n+\n\n100. I come now to what I may call a plea rather than a recommendation. It involves taking a point of view which may be quite at variance with the spirit of the times in the New Territories. They and their inhabitants are so busy moving into a new era that the monuments of their past have little meaning for them. Documents", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1976.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/hq382988q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207976, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 15, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S Report TREASURER's Report THE LIBRARY\n\nCONTENTS\n\nPage\n\n1\n\n6\n\n10\n\nTRANSACTIONS :\n\nBrunei: A Historical Relic - LEIGH WRIGHT\n\nBehind Japanese Barbed Wire: Stanley Internment Camp, Hong Kong 1942-1945 - G. C. EMERSON\n\nA Journey to Yenan 1946 - W. A. REYNOLDS\n\nARTICLES:\n\nTwo Essays on the Ch'ing Economy of Hsin-An, Kwangtung - J. T. KAMM\n\nUnder Altars - K. G. STEVENS\n\nSocial Organization and Ceremonial Life of Two Multi-Surname Villages in Hoi-p'ing County, South China, 1911-1949 - YUEN-FONG WOON\n\n\"Little Fujian (Fukien)” Sub-Neighbourhood and Community in North Point, Hong Kong - GREGORY E. GULDIN\n\nReprinted ARTICLES:\n\nCheung Chow - Long Island - W. J. HINTON\n\nMemories of the District Office South, Hong Kong - W. SCHOFIELD\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES:\n\nNotes for the Royal Asiatic Society Visit to Tai Mo Shan, 3rd April 1976 — (I) L. B. and S. L. THROWER (II) JAMES HAYES\n\nNotes for the Visit to the Tang Family Graves, 11 December 1976 - DAVID LIU and JAMES HAYES\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society Visit to Tsuen Wan, 10th December, 1977 - A Village War'. JAMES HAYES\n\nThe Rural History Project in Yuen Long and Field Notes on the Social History and Fung Shui of Kam Tin - J. T. KAMM\n\nBean Skim, A Product of Blood and Sweat\n\nFour Chinese Banks Fail, Partners Blame Head\n\nTwo Letters From Wartime China\n\nA Further Note on Feng Yun-Shan and Gützlaff - Jen Yu-wen\n\nReptiles New to Hong Kong - J. D. ROMER\n\nThe Public Botanic Garden of Hong Kong\n\nBirds of Tai Mo Shan - MICHAEL Webster\n\nOccurrence of the Birds - J. D. ROMER\n\n12\n\n30\n\n(55)\n\n85\n\n101\n\n112\n\n130\n\n144\n\n179\n\n(185)\n\n199\n\n216\n\n218\n\n220\n\n228\n\n232\n\n234\n\n236\n\n237\n\nPage 15\n\nPage 16", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 207985, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "1974 \n\nLIABILITIES Accumulated Funds \n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY \n\nHONG KONG BRANCH \n\nBALANCE SHEET as at 31ST DECEMBER 1975 \n\nHK$ \n\n1974 \n\nASSETS \n\nHK$ \n\nQuoted Investments (see below) \n\n$ 99,726 \n\n7,640 \n\nBalance at 1st January 1975 Less: Excess of Expenditure over \n\nIncome in 1975 \n\n$107,366.17 \n\n$ 53,631 \n\nCost at 1st January 1975 \n\n$ 54,087.89 \n\nAdd: Purchase of Rights Shares \n\nChina Light & \n\n6,862.67 \n\n457 \n\nPower Co. Ltd. $ 687.20 H.K. Electric Co. \n\nLtd. \n\n1,200.00 \n\n$107,366 \n\nBalance of Accumulated Funds \n\nat 31st December 1975 \n\n$100,503.50 \n\n$ 54,088 \n\n1,887.20 \n\n$ 55,975.09 \n\nBalance at Banks \n\n26,500 Sundry Creditors \n\n40,000.00 \n\n+ + \n\n69,974 \n\nFixed Deposits \n\n$80,559.92 \n\n6,000 \n\n3,804 \n\nDeposit at Call Current Account \n\n+ \n\n++1 \n\n3,968.49 84,528.41 \n\n$133,866 \n\n$140,503.50 \n\n$133,866 \n\n$140,503.50 \n\nNOTE: Quoted Investments held at 31st December 1975. \n\n++ \n\n£700 Stock 6% Commonwealth of Australia 1977/80 \n\n766 Shares China Light & Power Co. Ltd. 7,200 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co. Ltd. \n\n500 'A' Shares Lane Crawford Ltd. 6,300 'B' Shares Lane Crawford Ltd. \n\nCost \n\nMarket Value \n\n++ \n\nHK$11,488.38 \n\nHK$ 5,161.10 \n\n4 \n\n5,961.17 \n\n12,639.00 \n\n13,686.80 \n\n27,000.00 \n\n8,638.74 \n\n7,900.00 \n\n16,200.00 \n\nHK$55,975.09 HK$62,150.10 \n\n9,450.00 \n\n00", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208061, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "2\n\n84\n\nJ. T. KAMM\n\nThe clans and farmers agree that the farmers are absolute owners of the soil in perpetuity, but have been paying money or produce to the clans for generations, which the clans claim to be rent payable to them. The case for the farmers is that the land has always been theirs absolute free from rent, and that the amount paid by them to the clans was the Government land tax.\" p. 23, Report on the New Territory at Hong Kong.\n\n42 Chinese civil administration across the border offers interesting contrasts to the British colonial model. After the fall of Ch'ing, the county was renamed Pao-An (†), and was subsequently divided into seven \"wards\" or ch'ü (E). These wards generally followed the topographical features of the countryside, with the result that tung and ch'u were probably quite homogeneous (the evidence for Sham Chun certainly indicates this). As we noted above, agricultural production within the tung tended to follow specific, if not unique, patterns; the authors of the Kwangtung Nung Yeh Kai-K'uang T'iao-ch'a-pao-kao Shu Hsuan-pien (***)'s chapter on Pao-An link this phenomenon, which they note in the various ch'u, with the relative availability of arable land within the district. Aside from the presence of elements of the police force, the Nam Tau government kept a low profile in the ch'u, and depended on these areas to collect the land tax and hand it over by themselves (see Kwangtung Ch'uan-sheng t'i-fang Chi-yao (✯✯✯****★)), p. 189.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208118, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "CHEUNG CHOW LONG ISLAND\n\n141\n\nslowly in the widening bay, pushing a dark ripple before her. A sampan with three powdered and giggling girls drifts by, and as it passes, one sings in high quavering falsetto the first verse of a love song; then the second is sung by her companions. A young man sitting in his boat in the deep shadow of a junk's high stern answers the call, singing the third verse of the song, and the two boats glide together, and disappear towards the shore. \"Another silly fish caught and ready to be landed!\" But here is our little yacht with the cabin lit up and the wrinkled mahogany face of our boat boy gravely smiling a welcome. We tumble aboard and form our own animated group about the rice bowl while he withdraws to the bow, and sits there silent, still, waiting for the night wind and the tide.\n\nThe Mooncake Festival\n\nThe historian of Long Island has not yet appeared. He must be a Chinese, for no European can be sure of understanding the real meaning of the institutions and customs of a Chinese community. But until that historian appears, and perhaps to induce him to come forth and correct the presumptuous foreigner, here is an eye witness's account of a spring feast at Cheung Chow written from memory and the notes of a careful observer, Mr. A. C. Franklin.* It must be understood that the latter is not to blame for any inaccuracies in the following account.\n\n+\n\nOn a day in May, looking from Hongkong towards the Island, through a good pair of glasses we see a new building towering above the houses and temples, and we decide to visit the island and investigate. The ferry starts from the immediate and unsavoury neighbourhood of a loading shoot for the town garbage. The ferries are crowded and frequent to-day, gaily flagged and decorated. Everyone on board is in holiday mood, laughing, eating, talking, and behaving rather like a good-tempered Bank Holiday crowd at home. There seem to be parties of visitors, teams of some kind, and there is an image in a chair on the lower deck. It is not being treated with any particular awe and reverence, indeed it seems more like a mascot than a holy thing.\n\nOnce out of the harbour we encounter nothing of special interest until we turn into Cheung Chow Bay. Here is a cheerful sight. The whole fleet is in and the bay is full. The heavy brown mat\n\nMr. Franklin followed the author as Registrar, University of Hong Kong, 1913-18. — Ed.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208126, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 165, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "MEMORIES OF THE DISTRICT OFFICE SOUTH \n\n149 \n\nin demand, part of the foreshore was reclaimed, and houses of reinforced concrete began to appear in the village, modelled on Hong Kong tenement houses. A great difficulty with this development was the problem of ensuring proper inspection of buildings of this type, as the Buildings Ordinance of 1903 did not apply, and there were one or two rogue architects about who would run up such houses cheap, and make their profit by deviating from plans: swindles that can, as I saw in Hong Kong later, cost lives. The best way of controlling knavery of this sort is to refuse permits to erect any more houses to the architect responsible: that, I was told, is London practice.\n\nThe Cheung Chau Kaifongs, who in my time were led by a Mr. Lo Yip, a prosperous shopkeeper, were certainly enterprising, and had not only started a ferry to Hong Kong on the funds obtained from the Pak Tai Temple at the north end of the town, but had renovated the Temple and set up an electric light installation for the village on the raised ground in the middle of the isthmus. The Ferries Ordinance was passed about 1917 and replaced the ancient launches plying to Yaumati and Kowloon City by much more suitable craft — some of them second-hand Star Ferry boats — far less likely to turn turtle than the overloaded, overcrowded craft which daily imperilled their passengers in the old days, the disasters to which brought about the new legislation. About 1925 the Ordinance was applied to the New Territory, which meant that the existing ferries had to be thrown open to public tender and their boats brought up to a higher standard. The Cheung Chau Kaifongs were encouraged to bid, and as theirs was the only one, and not unreasonable, they got the concession. The old pier by the former police station had sometime before been supplemented by a new wooden pier some 150 yards further north, and this was the Cheung Chau Terminal of the ferry. The concession expired in 1928, and under my successor, Mr. Wynne-Jones, new ferry concessions were made, which according to Mr. Lo Yip had caused great trouble to the Kaifongs. The timetable was certainly improved from the Hong Kong point of view, and day trips to the island became possible. I once discussed with the Kaifongs the question of making the ferry call at Nei Kwu Chau or Ping Chau, but they never agreed to letting the boat go there or to any other island, though a call at Nei Kwu Chau would have solved the education question there by enabling its children to attend school on Cheung Chau. I once spent a\n\nPage 165\n\nPage 166", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208145, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "168\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY VISIT TO TAI MO SHAN,\n\n3RD APRIL 1976\n\nHISTORICAL AND GENERAL NOTE\n\n1. Tai Mo Shan is 3,140 feet (957 metres) in height, the highest mountain in Hong Kong territory.\n\n2. It is a curiously unimpressive mountain at close quarters. Viewed from Tsuen Wan, the former small market town at its foot on the southern side, the visitor could be forgiven for not noticing the mountain at all. It is, from there, only part of a large hilly area that arises quickly from sea level and extends in all directions, with occasional higher points of which the Tai Mo Shan summit is only one, in no way outstanding or separating itself from its neighbours.\n\n3. From a distance, however, the true splendour of its peak and general mass is revealed. A visitor looking north from Magazine Gap or Wong Nei Chong Gap on Hong Kong Island, some 10-12 miles distant, cannot fail to notice, to the north, the bulk and height of the mountain, overtopping all around. The Lion Rock range of hills behind Kowloon Peninsula, closer to the viewer and usually so impressive from low ground, then appears in its true and diminished scale.\n\n4. Mountains figure prominently in Chinese historical geography. There is, in every district, prefectural, provincial or general gazetteer, a section devoted to Shan-chuen - 'Hills and Streams'. As befits its size, Tai Mo Shan always receives a notice in the local works. The earliest mention I can find so far is in the 1688 edition of the Sun On District Gazetteer. This is repeated with much the same text in the 1819 and last edition, and in the 1822 and 1879 editions of the provincial and prefectural gazetteers respectively. The 1688 notice may be translated as follows:\n\nTai Mo Shan is 50 Chinese miles east of the District City. It has the shape of a big hat. It extends south and west from Ng Tung Mountain. Its peak measures 2,000 Chinese feet. It is a big mountain in the Fifth Division, with a stone pagoda and many tea plantations.\n\n5. So far as I know, there never has been a separate gazetteer of Tai Mo Shan such as has been provided for the more famous mountains of the Province; e.g. the White Cloud Mountains near Canton or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208187, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "210\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nritual obligations for Kam Tin, officiating at the Kam Tin ta chiu ceremonies.\n\n21. d. The changing of the name of Sham Tin to Kam Tin dates from 1587. We collected a variant of the tale related by Sung. In this account, the magistrate never leaves San On at all, but is moved to praise the delicious quality of their rice. Hence, the name Kam Tin. In general, this tale illustrates the extent of the wealth and power of the Tangs, and their intimate relationship with the local magistracy.\n\n22. Expansion out of the Pat Heung basin into neighboring heung of Yuen Long Valley, Kowloon Peninsula and Hong Kong Island continued throughout the early years of the 16th century. Sung (p. 205) notes that the appropriation of Hong Kong island was completed by the Wan Li reign of Ming Dynasty (app: 1573-1620), as references exist in the Tung Kwun Leung Chak (ĦM) of that date. Our own evidence (see San On Land Dispute below)* suggests an even later date. In any case, the oft-made assertion that Tang land holdings steadily decreased from large Sung grants is clearly in error.\n\n23. The period coinciding with the fall of Ming and the establishment of Ch'ing [especially the K'ang Hsi reign] although devastating in its consequences for most of the lineages of the present day New Territories (southern San On), left untouched—indeed enhanced—the basis of Tang power in the area.\n\n23. a. Sung spends quite a bit of time (as does O'Dwyer) on the tales surrounding Tang Man-wai (*)† This man was a large landowner and eminent scholar who is remembered for 1) his relationship with the rebel Lei Man-wing (‡✯✯), 2) the building of Tai Hong Wai (✯✯✯) dating from 1647-1656, and 3) the establishment, in his pen-name (*) of the Tong which financed and operated the Yuen Long Old Market. It is clear that, throughout the imperial era, whenever the central government was threatened or weakened by rebellion, the Kam Tin Tangs accommodated and shared power with rebel forces. [The extent to which this fact justifies its characterization by surrounding lineages as a \"bandit clan\" remains in doubt.]\n\n23. b. As Hugh Baker notes in Sheung Shui A Chinese Lineage\n\n* See paras 24-29 below.\n\n† JHKBRAS 14 (1974): 172 - 174.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208195, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 234, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "218\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nOnce this trade was taken up, not a single family member could sit idly by. If the family consisted of only five members, all five had to be mobilized: first of all, to grind the beans and then boil the paste. After the paste was hot enough, one member had still to keep heating it to produce the layers of bean skim. Another member carried the products prepared the day before to Kowloon where he sold them to the shops and bought more beans. The remaining members, after finishing their breakfast, had to climb the hills to look for dry grass which they fetched home for fuel. This was the hard way by which our ancestors managed to make a hand-to-mouth living and rear us.\n\nNowadays, we have electricity, motor and transport facilities and the manufacturing process has mostly been mechanized. The kind of hard life that our ancestors once led will never be repeated.\n\nADDENDUM\n\nThe brief account that follows is taken from Peng-chun Chang's China at the Crossroads (London, Evans Brothers, 1936) p.145.\n\nAn example of a type of manufacturing common in the villages is the preparation of tofu, or bean curd. A tofu shop may be seen in nearly every village. In this shop is the mill used for crushing the beans. This mill is run by human or animal power. The beans are ground in the mill and then mixed with water. The liquid, called bean milk, is squeezed from the mass and boiled in a boiler which is part of the shop's equipment. This boiled milk is frequently eaten. If, however, certain chemicals are added to the boiled liquid, it solidifies and is known as bean curd, or tofu. The tofu manufacture represents a rough, everyday type of manufacture common in the villages. It exhibits the skill of accumulated experience, for this food has been common in the diet of the Chinese people for centuries.\n\nTofu is high in protein and takes the place of dairy products and meat in the diet of the people. Recent scientific experimentation in China is endeavouring to find a commercially profitable way of reducing the bean milk to a powder to take the place of imported powdered milk.\n\nChang was a native of Tientsin and presumably is referring mainly to North China. For a recent detailed account from Hong Kong based on field work in 1961 and 1963 see Vol. One, Part III, 27, \"The Bean Curd Maker\" of Cornelius Osgood's The Chinese. A Study of a Hong Kong Community (Tucson, Arizona, University of Arizona Press, 3 vols, 1975), pp. 393-404. These volumes contain a wealth of information on many traditional economic undertakings.\n\nFOUR CHINESE ‘BANKS' FAIL, PARTNERS BLAME HEAD\n\nThe following is extracted, in part, from a report in The Washington Post Metro for Sunday 26 February, 1978.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208197, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1977", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1977", "content_text": "220\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nThe borrower then pays that amount weekly until his loan is paid off, while the other depositors reduce their weekly payments by the amount of interest. However, their share value remains.\n\nThe bidding occurs at a meeting to which all depositors are invited. If no one bids, the banker finds a single borrower from the list of depositors and the funds are thus dispersed. Borrowers must have another person vouch for their integrity and be considered solvent themselves, but no loans are secured by property or recorded in courthouse files as liens.\n\nAfter the loan is made, regular deposits resume until a new round of bidding occurs. After a period of time agreed to by the group, the \"bank\" stops making loans. After all loans are paid back, the depositors receive their money, and the bank is closed. Then a new one is formed and the process begins again.\n\nIn this system there is no policing as such. The operation is run by a \"banker\" chosen by the organizers. The banker accepts deposits, keeps the books (usually handwritten in Chinese characters), keeps the money in a safe place (invariably cash, never in a regular bank account), dispenses the loans and ultimately pays the depositors.\n\nWhen it came time to close the four banks in late 1976, the money was not there to pay the depositors. The lack of that money, according to those involved, is related to the financial difficulties of [name] one of the bankers and head of the local Chinese Free Masons.....\n\nThis interesting piece was supplied by one of our Members, Captain Charles S. Mill, United States Marine Corps. The account by Eugene Meyer, Washington Post Staff Writer, clearly relates to the traditional Chinese money loan association, not something \"created long ago in this country by enterprising Chinese immigrants\" as Mr. Meyer supposed. Accounts of it as practised in China may be found in J. Dyer Ball's Things Chinese, 4th edition, Kelly and Walsh, Hong Kong 1903: 632-645 and as Appendix E to G. N. Orme's Report on the New Territories [of Hong Kong] for the years 1899 to 1912 in Hong Kong Government's Sessional Papers, 1912.\n\nTWO LETTERS FROM WARTIME CHINA\n\nThe two letters which follow were passed to me by the late Walter Schofield (Hong Kong Civil Service 1911-1938) They are from the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1977.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/np198x23n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208379, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 103, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "POLITICIZATION OF CHINESE CRAFT ORGANIZATION\n\n87\n\nImplicit in the actions of the nationalist group was the desire to prove the superiority of its political stripe by winning greater gains for its constituents. Capital may indeed have been receptive to nationalist attempts to upstage the Communist rival.\n\nDespite its divisions, organized labor had signalled the end of what had been an era of relative industrial peace during the 1950's. Not to be caught unawares in the future, the art carved furniture shop and factory proprietors organized the Art Carved Furniture and Camphorwood Chests Merchants Association as the bargaining agent for capital within the year. When the next strike occurred in the industry in 1964, the merchants were prepared to take full advantage of both the traditional as well as political divisions within the ranks of their workers. As the strike of 1964 dragged into its second month, the Merchants' Association succeeded in wooing a group of painters away from the main body of striking workers and concluded an agreement with them which successfully broke the back of the strike. Next, they were able to isolate the Communist Woodwork Carvers' Union by continuing negotiations with the nationalist unions after their workers had returned to work. The Woodwork Carvers' Union never came to formal terms in 1964, claiming in the local press that it had succeeded in exacting more favorable terms for its members from individual employers.\n\nThe center stage of the 1964 dispute was clearly occupied by the Merchants' Association in its manoeuverings and dealings with separate groups of its divided labor force. The merchants were waxing strong as power-driven machinery had by that time been introduced into production, increasing the capital required to operate competitively in the industry, widening the income gulf between worker and boss and increasingly alienating the workers from the tools of their trade. Labor's position was still being undermined by the persistence of a labor force divided along craft occupational lines, although politics had by now been established as the dominant divisive factor.\n\nAnother work stoppage occurred in 1967 when communist workers answered the call for a general strike put forward by the communist Hong Kong Federation of Trade Unions, the umbrella labor organization charged with implementing the Maoist political line radiating from Peking at the local Hong Kong level. The call for a general strike and the large-scale rioting which precipitated", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208393, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "SHIWAN POTTERY EXPLORED\n\nFREDRIKKE SKINSNES SCOLLARD*\n\nIn April of 1977 I had the opportunity to visit the pottery-producing town of Shiwan for the first time with the Oriental Ceramic Society tour. At that time for foreigners, group travel to China from Hong Kong still involved months of waiting for approval, and the individual trip needed for my own research of Shiwan pottery was an impossibility. The day spent in Shiwan however, was sufficient to establish a few acquaintances and to discover that fundamental archaeological research was in progress.\n\nIn May of the same year I gave a talk to the Oriental Ceramic Society titled \"Shiwan Reverberatory\". The reason for the choice of that title was that in ten years' experience studying Shiwan pottery, I have met with a great deal of resistance to the study of these wares. Art historians feel they are a coarse and unimportant local product with little esthetic merit, and even most non-specialists more often than not react with \"I just don't like it.\" In a first lecture on Shiwan pottery, I therefore did not expect to gain immediate converts to this art with a very different and unfamiliar esthetic. Rather, the choice of the title indicated that I felt the subject was worthy of much more attention, and that I hoped, over the next few years, my audience would have repeated opportunity to see and study Shiwan pottery, thereby slowly gaining familiarity with its esthetic.\n\nIndeed, over the last two years, more attention has been paid to these wares. In October of 1977, the Hong Kong Museum of Art in cooperation with the Leal Senado of Macau, staged an exhibition of 139 pieces and published a full colour catalogue. Mr. Lawrence Tam delivered an excellent talk to this Society on the subject, and Mr. Nigel Cameron critiqued the exhibition with his \"Second Thoughts on Shekwan\" in the South China Morning Post.1 At present, the Fung Ping Shan Museum of the University of Hong Kong, in cooperation with Guangzhou museums, is preparing a joint exhibition on Shiwan pottery for the fall of 1979.\n\n* Ms. Scollard holds Masters' degrees in the History of Art (Hawaii) and Chinese Literature (Chicago). She is Associate-in-Research, Centre of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "106\n\nFREDRIKKE S. SCOLLARD\n\nnone of the human warmth characteristic of Shiwan sculpture. (Plate 18).\n\nWith familiarity, this very human art then becomes so charismatic that it is often referred to as loveable. The sentiment was well expressed by one of the potters of the Republican period who styled himself “Liang Zui Shi” (#45) (literally Liang drunken rock). Literally translated, Shiwan means \"rock bay\". As Liang's son explained, the style actually referred to the fact that his father was \"drunk\" with “Shi” wan.\n\nIn addition to its handicraft art, in the Qing period Fushan was also the pivot centre for Cantonese opera. Every year between autumn and summer, opera companies from all over the province would come to Fushan to hold auditions. This activity involved the whole community and especially the Shiwan potters who drew material from it for their iconography and figure sculpture, and who in their long rooftop friezes preserved and immortalized this evanescent drama which was so much a part of their lives. (Plate 15).\n\nAccording to Fushan archaeologist Mr. Chen Zhiliang (陈志亮), these ceramic rooftop friezes had two meanings. On the one hand the gala opera scenes such as Jiang Tai Gong deifying the gods (姜太公封神), and Guo Ze Yi celebrating his birthday (郭子仪庆寿), unfolding on the rooftops were auspicious symbols. On the other hand they disguised the anti-Manchu sentiments of \"overthrowing the Qing and restoring the Ming\" (†). In his short history of Guangdong opera, one of Mai Xiaoxia's major thrusts is to reconstruct scattered evidence in emphasizing the opera's role, and especially that of the Guangdong branch, as a disseminator of revolutionary thought. With the fall of the Ming and the advent of the Qing dynasty, heads were shaved, dress and language changed, and the civil service examination system was proclaimed open. But actors and actresses were despised as people of the lower nine grades of society and were prohibited from taking the examinations. Mai describes the opera as being the one loophole in one hundred prohibitions in which everywhere was hidden significance of national revolution. Ming costumes were preserved, except for non-Manchu enemy barbarians who were dressed in Manchu clothing; themes of Song loyalists such as the Yang Family Generals were common. One thousand pieces, Mai says, shared", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208501, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1978", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1978", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES \n\n209 \n\nNOTES \n\n1 Ip Lam-fung's Legends of Cheung Po-tsai. \n\n2 Lo Hsiang-lin's Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842, Chapter 7. \n\n3 'Ching Hoi Fan Kee', recorded in Chapter 33 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi. \n\n4 'Ching Hoi Fan Kee' #2, recorded in Chapter 33 of the Tung Kwun Yuen Chi. \n\n5 Yik Shan, General of Border Pacification, by Imperial Appointment before 1841. \n\n6 Choi Sheung-ah, Minister of Constant Support from the 21st year to the 25th year of Tao Kang (1841-1845). \n\n7 Kay Kung, Viceroy of Kwangtung and Kwangsi from the 21st year to the 23rd year of Tao Kang (1841-1843), \n\n8 Leung Po-shcung, Governor of Kwangtung from the 21st year to the 22nd year of Tao Kang (1841-1842), \n\nHong Kong, March 1979. \n\nANTHONY K.K. SIU \n\nTHE FAT TONG MUN FORT (OR THE TUNG LUNG FORT) \n\nFat Tong Mun ¶ is a main waterway which lies to the east of Hong Kong. The north part is occupied by the peninsula of the Tin Ha Shan 田下山半岛, known as the North Fat Tong 北佛堂; and the South Fat Tong is an island called the Tung Lung Island today. It is the main waterway for entering Canton (Kwongchow). During the early Ch'ing Dynasty, a fort known as the Fat Tong Mun Fort was erected on the south Fat Tong. We now call the fort 'the Tung Lung Fort', after its present name. \n\nThe fort lies on the NW of the island; on a promontory, with cliffs facing north, south and east. To the west, the promontory slopes gently towards the post-war Nam Tong village settlement, with paths linking the fort with the village. \n\nThe fort occupies an area of about two thousand square feet. It is formed by four rubble walls, about eight feet high. It has an entrance which faces north. According to Mr. JAO Tsyng-i's record, the arch of the entrance could still be seen during his visit to the \n\nThe author's photographs illustrating this note are at Plates 41-42. \n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1978.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8g84t8593", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208550, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 7, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "196\n\nDAVID FAURE\n\nWong Keng Tei, his village, where his family continued to live. In 1944, the rules were changed so that only he himself would receive the ration. He then resigned to return to the village. But the village did not produce enough rice even before the War. Life was very hard without the supplement from the city income, and they lived on sweet potatoes and even leaves plucked from trees.94\n\nHowever, in the last few months of the occupation, city people went out even to villages as remote as Tai Long to buy sweet potatoes. This must be an indication that food was even more short in the city than in the villages.95\n\nTo some extent, food shortage was imposed on Hong Kong by external circumstances beyond the control of the Japanese authorities.\n\nThe greatest failure of the Japanese Government in occupation, the single factor that alienated it most from the local population, was brutality, and its apparent inability to restrain its soldiers.\n\nMr. Chau T'in Shang's first exposure to the Japanese Government when its forces returned to Sai Kung after the fall of Hong Kong was when he was taken with a number of other people to a house in the Market, and made to squat on the floor, while the soldiers singled out those who were supposed to be guerrillas. These men were taken to a jail in Kowloon. Some never returned. Those that did told horror stories of torture. Mr. Uen Tak Faat's father was beaten cruelly by Japanese soldiers when they came to Mok Tse Che after one of them was killed by the bandits (or the guerrillas). He was punished not for the killing, for which he was not responsible, but for speaking rudely. He finally died of his wounds. In Wong Mo Ying, on an expedition to find the guerrillas, the Japanese tied two men to a tree and tried literally to burn them alive, killing one and seriously wounding the other. Sai Kung villagers retain very vivid memories of these acts of brutality that they saw or heard about. Nevertheless, it seems to be the general impression that the most brutal were not the Japanese nationals, but the Koreans and Taiwanese working in the Japanese forces.96\n\nVillagers also remembered the tension during the curfew that was imposed on Sai Kung Market when two interpreters", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208580, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "10\n\nCHAN KIT-CHENG\n\nhad, according to Hopkins, urged Britain on more than one occasion to give up Hong Kong as a gesture of “good will”. To this suggestion Eden, who had originally objected to agreeing to the return of the New Territories on terms after the war in connection with the extraterritoriality negotiations with China but eventually bowed to the majority opinion of the Foreign Office, returned a cold shoulder.41\n\nBritain's attitude regarding Hong Kong steadily stiffened in the course of 1943. She talked less and less about returning the colony on terms. It was partly because pressure from China decreased markedly since the beginning of the year, presumably because she assumed the retrocession of Hong Kong as a matter of course judging from Britain's behaviour in the extraterritoriality negotiations and at the Institute of Pacific Relations' Conference. More significantly, perhaps, Britain became increasingly confident in her relations with the United States and China with the improvement in the European war situation. By the end of the year a final Allied victory in Europe was no longer seriously in doubt.42\n\nIt was under such circumstances that Stanley Hornbeck's visit to London, as a return gesture to Ashley Clarke's visit to Washington the previous year, took place in November 1943. Hornbeck spent much of his time in London on consultation with the Foreign Office and other offices concerned with Far Eastern affairs. At the final conference at which most interested British officials were present, Hornbeck, “entirely on his own responsibility”,43 remarked as follows: \"I felt that we had covered much ground and had explored a good many subjects, [but] there was one additional matter to which we perhaps might need, not at the moment but as the situation unfolded, to give thought. That matter was ... the future of Hong Kong.\" \"The effect was electrifying\", observed Hornbeck. He immediately regretted it: \"I had had no thought of injecting a discordant note. I felt at once that discretion in that context would be the better part of valour.”44\n\nHornbeck's regret came too late. That very evening the British arranged that he would, before his departure for home, call on Churchill the following morning. At the meeting Hornbeck received a long and emphatic lecture from the Prime Minister on Hong Kong: \"What about Hong Kong? I will tell you. [The rest retold in Hornbeck's words] He then described the acquisition by Great\n\n+ + + +", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208607, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n37\n\nSecretary, Procurator, and all his priests in the other parishes of the City were interned, he did not know where at that moment, but later on he was informed that they were at Stanley, in the prison. That evening our belated supper was eaten in more or less silence, as with guns booming in the distance and the suspense in the air, we did not have much heart for conversation. We retired early, but about eleven o'clock were awakened by the air raid siren, only to find that it was a false alarm. Incidentally, during the hostilities of Hong Kong there were no night air raids. However, after that false alarm, Father Downs in the city, at the Cathedral Rectory, could not get to sleep, and heard the clock strike every quarter of the hour until daybreak. And the next morning at about eight o'clock, the fun began! At that time planes appeared overhead, bombs were dropped at various points and wherever these bombs fell, anti-aircraft guns in the vicinity started barking. A couple of these anti-aircraft guns were set up in a small depression just below the Italian Sisters' Hospital on the hill to the east and south of the Cathedral, and when they began popping we thought they were in our backyard. During the day and those that followed, there were perhaps an average of four or five daily air raids, the targets being mainly gun emplacements, shipping and forts.\n\nHowever, on the very first day, as narrated by Fr. Downs a couple of bombs hit a portion of the Central Police Station, a block or two just west of the Cathedral. Guns were booming over on the Kowloon side and out in the New Territories along the Pearl River estuary where the Japanese landed, having come down the river from Canton. Whether these guns were land or naval batteries, of course we could not judge, but no doubt the shells came from both sources at times. On the night of the second day, after we had retired, the booming of guns seemed to be nearer, and finally we were awakened by a crash which seemed to be in the Rectory. As the booming kept up we were not desirous of making any personal investigation, and as we waited, another crash shook our building, and then another, a little farther away. The next morning we learned that the Japanese were evidently trying to get the range of the anti-aircraft guns just above us near the Sisters' Hospital, for the shells seemed to fall in a straight line; the first struck to the west of us, the second hit the edge of the roof of the house next door, the third crashed through the roof of the Cathedral, cutting a neat hole", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208609, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n39\n\nmattresses. As the Bishop's house is built on the side of a hill, as are in fact practically all the houses in Hong Kong, the outer wall of our dugout, facing north, was on a level with the garden, so as an extra precaution against bomb fragments, a heavy loose stone wall had been built up outside as high as the ceiling. There was but one small window and this we covered up in accordance with the blackout regulations. In this emergency dugout, His Excellency, Fathers Craig and Downs slept a little more securely than in the upper rooms. Father Rosello, however, kept to his upper room. One night, during the early days of the war, we were rudely awakened by a terrific blast, which must have shaken the whole island. We could hear fragments of shells or bombs falling just outside of our improvised loose stone wall, and it seemed as if the Cathedral had been hit with a salvo of shells. We could learn nothing that night and after a while returned to our couches.\n\nLater we heard the story. It seems that the British had a large store of dynamite or TNT on Green Island and it was decided to transfer this explosive to the Hong Kong shore. For this duty a squad of volunteers was chosen, comprising some British and Chinese police. As the story goes, they were instructed to leave Green Island at a certain predetermined time, but in some way or other, they started earlier. As their boat containing this high explosive neared the Hong Kong side, someone, fearing it was an enemy vessel, fired on it, and that was the tremendous explosion that shook the whole island, and which blew all those brave volunteers into eternity.\n\nAs was remarked above, the Bishop's house is situated on quite an eminence overlooking the harbor, and consequently we had a real grandstand view of the attack on Hong Kong. From our vantage point we saw shells fall in various parts of Kowloon; saw them encircle and finally land directly on Stonecutters Island, a fortified zone in the harbor; heard them whistle over our heads and strike the Navy Yard and other points to the east, and the Peak to the South. We could not see the shelling and bombing of Mount Davis, another fortified zone, but we could hear distinctly enough. From our vantage point we watched ships burning and scuttled in the eastern approaches to the harbor; we saw planes circling over Lyemoon forts, we saw the feeble anti-aircraft actions against the marauding planes. The fire from these ack-ack guns seemed brisk", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208613, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 70, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n43\n\ninto the harbor fairway. Our first thought was that the Japanese were attempting a landing on Hong Kong, especially as soon after the barges left the docks, shells began falling all around them. One or two of the barges were hit and immediately the same kind of smoke came from the burning barge. Shells kept falling all around, but few of the boats were hit or sunk and they continued drifting until they came to a standstill some hundreds of yards away from the docks, and where they remained for several days. Apparently the British were trying to destroy their own supplies lest they fall into the hands of the Japanese.\n\nFriday, bringing the news of the Japanese occupation of Kowloon, was a tense day for the citizens of Hong Kong. Many of the Kowloon residents had already moved over to Hong Kong, others were caught in Hong Kong and now could not return to their homes or families on the other side. From our vantage point in the Bishop's house we could look across the harbor and pick out familiar buildings and spots, but all along the dock area and at the Kowloon Ferry wharf there was not a sign of life, and Kowloon seemed a wholly deserted city. However, at one time, a few British shells from Hong Kong batteries spattered against the buildings near the Star Ferry, but nothing could be seen moving in that area. Later on we learned that the Japanese were setting up big mobile guns in the streets just back from the Ferry. We also learned later that when British lorries tried to move through the streets of Kowloon, Fifth Columnists often obstructed their passage, and as soon as the Japanese began to infiltrate into the city, looting began. It was also said, but we cannot vouch for the truth of the statement, that a number of British and Chinese police remained in Kowloon to attempt to maintain order, even when the Japanese had arrived. The regular troops, of course, had all crossed to Hong Kong. During all this time the daily papers were printing communications from the Governor's Office that the situation was well in hand and that there need be no anxiety for the future.\n\nThe next day, Saturday, there was a lull in fighting, and out of the silence and gloom which had settled over Kowloon a lone ferry or tug boat could be seen slowly leaving the Star Ferry Wharf and heading for Hong Kong. At its mast was a white flag, and it bore a peace mission, consisting of a few Japanese officers, who had with them as hostages, two British women. They were met at Blake Pier", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208614, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 71, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "44\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\nand apparently their proposals were rejected, as upon their return firing recommenced, and in earnest. Shells again came whizzing into Hong Kong and onto the Peak. Looking out of our rear windows, we could see these shells strike the bald rocky face of Hong Kong's famous Peak, and amid a cloud of smoke, rocks began hurtling down the sheer sides of the mountain.\n\nThe Bishop's letter of appeal to the Governor evidently bore fruit, for today four of his priests, Fathers Spada, Grampa, Riganti and Ziliolli were released from their internment. And they had their own tales to tell. As they were hustled off on the outbreak of the war, they were taken to Stanley Prison and placed in the southernmost block of cells, with a garden space attached, in which they were allowed to walk. For the first day or so their food rations were very meagre and some were treated rather roughly, but as things began to get organized their treatment improved. At one time a bomb fell quite near their quarters. With them also interned were about thirty Japanese civilians, The Bishop rejoiced at their return, but was much concerned with the others still detained.\n\nWith the return of these priests to the Cathedral, Father Downs began to think of ways and means of getting back to Stanley. He had come to the Cathedral at the request of the Bishop, mainly to take over the procurator's work in the absence of Father Bruzzoni, but with conditions as they were, there was little business to be transacted, and at best, Italian bookkeeping was a terra incognita to him. But how to get to Stanley, in these days of topsy-turvy. Application was made to the Food Distribution Bureau, but they had no immediate solution. Father Toomey was consulted by telephone as to the possibilities from his end, but to no avail. Finally, on the sixteenth, Father Toomey did arrange with a Mr. Brown, a civil contractor working with the British Royal Engineers, who were in fact living in our House at Stanley, to call for him at the Cathedral and take him and his handbag to Stanley. They left after tiffin, and what a ride! It was during an air raid, and our car was the only one in motion. We literally tore through Wanchai and up the torturous Happy Valley Road, with brakes screeching at every turn, and occasionally we had to retrace our steps in order to make a turn properly. Just over the top of Wongneichong Gap we came upon a spot in the road covered with dirt and debris. Just a few moments previous a bomb had landed on the hillside just above", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208619, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 76, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The next day, the twenty-third, snipers' bullets began pelting our house from the north and we promptly retreated to the south. A couple of these bullets came in through the glass windows in our front hall, and our only casualty was Father Meyer who received a very slight scratch on the cheek evidently from a piece of flying glass. Artillery shells now began coming our way, apparently from the west and north, proof enough that the Japanese had succeeded in getting on the island of Hong Kong. The targets of these shells were evidently gun emplacements in and around Stanley village and near the Prison, for the shells struck along the water's edge—sometimes in the sea itself—and along the military road leading to the fort. A number of these shells actually hit the Anglican School and the Police Station in Stanley village. Some also struck buildings of St. Stephen's College and the various buildings on the Prison Compound. Many shells seemed to fall just between the buildings on St. Stephen's campus, one building of which had been turned into a hospital. From our own hilltop we again had a grandstand view, but our interest was not exactly that which one has when viewing a competitive game.\n\nBombs also dropped out of the sky on the fort and attempts were made to cripple \"Big Bertha\", but she came out of the fracas unscathed and continued to hurl her deadly missiles over the hills until the end. One Japanese bomb fell at the foot of our hill, striking a portion of the village market and killing eight or nine people. All around our hill the British had constructed trenches and machine gun nests, and we were in momentary fear of the shells finding these objectives. British soldiers could be seen moving steadily in among the trees, and many came in to our house occasionally for a drink of water.\n\nAs a further safeguard against snipers' bullets we barricaded the exposed doors and windows. We also moved our provisional recreation room from the lower chapel to the refectory, this latter being on the south side. During these hectic days we could do nothing but huddle downstairs in the corridors while air raids and shelling were in progress, and look forward to the night time when the din (except from \"Big Bertha\") was silenced. As we had no electricity we retired early and rose late.\n\nOccasionally we could observe a few straggling soldiers on the mountain just across from us, but could not distinguish whether", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208621, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 78, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n51\n\nnest from the spurt of British fire at that point. Then almost instantly a Japanese shell could fall dangerously close, but the machine gun would continue to sputter. But the time came when they ceased to sputter. Perhaps they had moved their positions, or perhaps were silenced. The British had some mobile guns in the roadway leading to the Prison, and the flash from their muzzles could be easily seen. Fortunately, all during this time no bullets struck our house, it being on an eminence out of the range of fire, but the Carmelite Convent below was in the very midst of the battle. Its walls were pelted with machine gun and rifle bullets, but by the great mercy of God no one was either injured or molested, save Father Hessler, and the extent of his punishment was merely a slap or two in the face on Christmas morning.\n\nAt midnight, the battle seemed to be raging fiercely, and we could hear distinctly the blood-curdling yells of the attacking Japanese as they swarmed down the road past the Convent and reached the defending positions. So it must have been when the American savages attacked a frontier outpost when the world was not quite as civilized as it is supposed to be today. As the night wore on, the din of battle seemed to grow less and less. The defenders were slowly yielding ground, and the Japanese advanced towards the Prison and the Fort, so that when dawn began to break, the firing became more desultory, and the Japanese were in possession of Stanley Village and St. Stephen's Hill. They were not yet in the Prison, nor had they attempted the assault of the Fort, some distance out on the Stanley promontory.\n\nOn Christmas Day, needless to say, there were no Midnight Masses at Stanley to herald the birth of the new-born King, but as there seemed to be a lull in the battle raging all around us, we began saying our Masses at about five o'clock, on the portable altars in the corridors. We used but one candle, and even with that, we were in trepidation lest that tiny flame draw the fire of some lurking soldier. Some of us managed to say our three Masses, others two, and still others but one, while a few never got the opportunity, for about seven o'clock in the morning, there was a great hubbub at our front entrance, and we soon heard the sound of crashing glass. Most of us got as far as the second floor and tried to figure out what was happening. Finally, Father Meyer went down to the front entrance and there saw a group of Japanese soldiers who had gotten", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208636, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "66\n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS\n\n1942\n\nNew Year's Day. The cleaning up process continues and we have little heart in celebrating the day. We are allowed to walk down to the village at the foot of our hill, but no farther, without special permit. Japanese gendarmes have taken up quarters in some of the rich Chinese houses in and around Stanley and soldiers occasionally visit the top of our hill and walk through our house. As Carmel is within our limit of walking, we visit the Sisters, and find them and Father Hessler well. During the hostilities, a portion of their garden wall was broken down, and soldiers demanded admittance from time to time, but otherwise they were not molested. Besides the three Belgian Sisters, there are some twenty Chinese Carmelites and four Italian Canossian Sisters with a number of orphan girls in the convent. These latter had been sent out by the Bishop with the hope that, by reason of their residence in the convent, the Belgian Sisters might not be interned.\n\nThe next few days are uneventful, and we continue our work of cleaning up and getting back to normalcy as best we can. There is still no electricity so we burn vigil lights and candles. We have managed to get a little kerosene oil and found two Aladdin lamps in the attic. We use these on our dining room table and recreation room, but have to be very sparing of oil. As before the war, we retire early and rise late, and each day expect to hear something concerning our fate.\n\nOn the fourth, Father Toomey pays a courtesy call on an officer in one of the Chinese houses below us, and is received very well.\n\nThe next day we were agreeably surprised to see His Excellency, Bishop Valtorta, who had walked the eleven miles from Hong Kong to see what had happened to us. He shares our rice and beans and stays overnight. He tells us that food is very scarce in the city and the priests in the Mission House are on rations, so we decide to do the same. Accordingly, we get one dish of rice, a ladle of stew (meat, vegetables and beans) and an ounce of sugar per day. For breakfast we have three prunes, a little oatmeal and a cup of coffee, with a portion of that ounce of sugar allowed. Tiffin and supper are much the same, with rice, stew and a little Jello occasionally. In the village below, it is becoming increasingly difficult to buy meat or vegetables. The porkers are gradually being killed off, and the price is rising, and our supply of money rapidly diminishing.\n\nT", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208641, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n71\n\nOn the eighteenth, two Japanese officers called and we entertained them with tea. They were pleasant enough, but had little to say. Soldiers and officers have come almost every day, either for a courtesy call or out of mere curiosity. One officer especially has been very friendly with Father Toomey, and has brought him cigarettes and milk. Others seem rather arrogant and haughty. Of course, we in turn are mild and meek for we don't like bayonets. Today, finally, our Ford V-8 was towed away down the hill.\n\nShortly after our return from the garage, we witnessed a rather sorrowful scene and one which will long remain in our memories. It was when, a few days after the signing of the armistice, the British and Indian soldiers marched out of the fort on the hill and took the winding road down through Stanley and to Hong Kong and to internment in Kowloon. There must have been at least a thousand, if not more men, disarmed and dejected, and passing just below our hill we watched them as they went by under the victorious Japanese flag hung across the road. As we stood on our hilltop and saw that mournful column passing along silently, we thought of the glories and peace of Hong Kong which had been and now everywhere is desolation and despair. The victors are despoiling the city; they have ruthlessly dethroned the foreigner and humiliated him in the eyes of the Chinese; they have destroyed overnight, as it were, the work of decades; they have completely disrupted the organization of a huge modern city, and starvation faces the populace. The Japanese have learned their lessons well from the West, and the West is now reaping the harvest of what it has sown. Poor Hong Kong! which had to be one of the first victims.\n\nAfter tiffin on the 20th, we received final word to leave Maryknoll House, now His Imperial Majesty's property, for our new home in the Prison Warders' Apartments attached to the Prison at Stanley. We are to be interned, not as the Italian Fathers were, in the Prison itself, but in modern apartments, these having been built only a few years ago. We hastily summoned our coolies, and the vanguard soon got under way. We walked in advance, each with a suitcase or bag in each hand and a bundle of bedding on his back, the coolies bringing up the rear with the heavier and more awkward bundles. Twenty-four priests and Brothers, and as many more coolies made quite a cavalcade, and looking back, it seems that we have been able to move all that Father Troesch and Father Meyer", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208643, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n73\n\nand soon the Holy Sacrifice is being celebrated on four makeshift altars, each of us taking his turn. After Mass, Father Troesch manages to get a little fire going in our kitchen and soon we have a cup of coffee and a dish of oatmeal. We have already been informed that the Japanese authorities will give us rice, meat, vegetables, tea, salt, and sugar—all of which will be strictly rationed and that we may be allowed to purchase other foods, such as fish and vegetables from hawkers who will come into the Camp. We are to have two meals a day, from the Camp kitchen, now merely a large rice caldron set up on some cement blocks in an area-way on the ground floor of our Block. Our cooks in this general kitchen seem to be some stranded American sailors, whose captain scuttled his ship when the war began.\n\nAs we take stock of our surroundings, we find that there are already some two hundred Americans here, and more expected. Some of these who arrived early began, with typical American aggressiveness, to clean up the place, and when we arrived, our rooms were in a very presentable state. In the other Blocks, there are over a thousand British, and more arriving, in trucks and buses, with more or less baggage. We likewise find five Maryknoll Sisters in Block \"G\". These are the Holy Spirit School staff, who in the beginning of hostilities had been evacuated to the Queen Mary Hospital, where they also served as nurses. The Japanese have taken over the Queen Mary Hospital, also all the other British Hospitals in the Colony and the staffs are rapidly being brought to Stanley. Our sick, Father Bauer and the two Brothers, have also arrived in Camp, Father Bauer being not much improved. In the course of this afternoon, nine Canadian Immaculate Conception Sisters arrived, and were given quarters in one of the British Blocks. We suppose the Kowloon contingent of Maryknoll Sisters will soon appear as well, along with Father Feeney. We are saving a cot for him.\n\nImmediately upon our vacating the House, the Japanese Gendarmerie moved in, and at night, we can see a few lights in the building.\n\nJanuary 22nd—A call for able-bodied seamen on deck for manual labor; some to help in the kitchen, cutting wood and preparing food, others for carrying baggage of new arrivals, and others are set to work carrying cement blocks for the construction of a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208645, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n75\n\nAh Fung and Ah Chin return but bring us the sad news that they cannot stay in Camp with us. We are sorry to see them go, as they had been of great help to us, and Ah Fung especially, thoroughly loyal. So from now on, we wash our own dishes, wash our own clothes, and keep the deck in ship-shape condition ourselves. Our newly elected Council decides on having patrol duty around our building. Our new kitchen stove, built of brick and cement blocks, is nearly finished, thanks to the engineering and spade work of Brother William and his co-workers. Just in front of our building, there is a fourteen-car garage, and we hope to fix this up for our needs, one of which is said to be a Community Dining Room. A few more arrivals from Hong Kong. Smokers queue up for cigarettes and pay $1.00 a pack.\n\nJanuary 30th — Father Raymond Quinn celebrated a Missa Cantata of Requiem for the fallen soldiers in Hong Kong. Some two hundred people were present in the Club rooms and Bishop O'Gara spoke. Father Allie and his choir rendered the music.\n\nJanuary 31st — A canteen opens on the \"Hill\"—the distributing center for our Camp supplies—and canned milk is offered for sale to those who have the wherewithal. We Americans are living in four blocks, and today we elect our Block representative. We occupy Block \"A\" and we elect Mr. Paul Malone. Beans for supper.\n\nFEBRUARY\n\n1-Sunday-Three Masses as on the previous Sunday, and there were from 70 to 80 Communions. We play baseball, or rather soft-ball, as we find enough material for the game. Result, Maryknollers 14, the rest of the Americans, 13, in a ten-inning game. While we have Sunday Mass in the former Prison Warders' Club (now re-named \"The American Club\"), we have also made arrangements for an afternoon service in St. Stephen's Hall, consisting at the present of Rosary, Litany and discourse by Bishop O'Gara. At six o'clock, Americans and others gathered in the new American Club for a song-fest. The Rev. Mr. Higgins led with his cornet and everybody sang various popular songs. Father Allie presided at the piano, and all voted the occasion a happy one. In a letter received from Bishop Valtorta, Bishop O'Gara is appointed his Vicar General in Camp.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208647, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n77\n\n5-We understand that Bishop Valtorta has tried to get permission to enter the Camp for a visit, but has been refused. Breakfast of fish paste and pancakes. We have been informed that there will be a \"blackout\" until the tenth, and we hurriedly get out our vigil candles and makeshift lights for the emergency. Brother William finishes his large kitchen stove and we now have better facilities for cooking our rice. Occasionally, it has been uncooked, or rather not thoroughly cooked. We are allowed to send three postcards out of the Camp. Since we arrived in Camp, a Red Cross truck has been coming in from town occasionally, and bringing odds and ends of goods and supplies for individuals and the American community. Today it was hijacked on the road.\n\n6-First Friday. Father Downs gives Holy Hour at the Sisters' Chapel. One of our American policemen was detained today by the Japanese, but later released. Father Reardon goes to the Camp Hospital, an emergency affair in one of the Indian Quarters. In addition to our daily patrol, which means a two-hour shift during the day and night, we also have other activities. Some work a few hours at manual labor, helping in the kitchen, carrying cement blocks, cutting wood, getting the daily rations from \"The Hill\" and general cleaning up around the place. In addition to our kitchen in one of the garages, it is now planned to partition off a few more spaces for storerooms, etc., also a large dining room, if and how. At the present time when the clarion call for \"chow\" sounds, each one picks up what container he had managed to get and proceeds to the kitchen where he stands in line with about two hundred others and waits his turn until he reaches the table where the cooks dish out the rice, gravy, and vegetable. Each gets the equivalent of a bowl of rice, about a cupful of, or rather ladleful of, gravy and another large spoonful of vegetables. And this, twice a day. This he takes back to his room and sits on the edge of his camp cot, if he happens to have one, and with a spoon or his fingers, does justice to his meal. Today all the children gathered on the lawn for play.\n\n7-It is estimated that now there are some 2,400 British, 325 Americans, and 42 Dutch in the Stanley Internment Camp. We also understand that there are quite a number of British and Americans still in Hong Kong, carrying on in banks and various departments of the city service. Also, a number of British nurses in hospitals.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208650, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 107, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "80 \n\nREVS. J. SMITH AND WM. DOWNS \n\njam, butter, sausage (canned) and canned milk, but the prices were rather expensive. Our Procurator, Father Troesch, managed to borrow some money and bought a few cans of pineapple, sausages and jam. We had the pineapple for supper and the Sisters made us a cake. Father Reardon much improved. As we have no communication with the outside world, or even with Hong Kong for that matter, rumors are rife and often fantastic. Today's prize one is that we are to be free by the 15th! \n\n12—In addition to our two Camp meals, we Maryknollers (while our limited stock of food lasts) have a breakfast of coffee and oatmeal, the latter very often mixed with left-over rice (not that we have more rice than we can eat at our evening meal, but some cannot eat their portion). This morning for breakfast, however, we had a little sausage as an appetizer. Tiffin—boiled rice, a very little meat and one doughnut. Supper, Father Meyer makes some buns. Some cases of grippe appear in Camp. \n\n14—Just as we were preparing to eat our morning meal, word came that everybody had to proceed to the ball field for search and inspection. Leaving the food still on the stove, we left our quarters and assembled in the field. After considerable delay, we were segregated according to nationalities, formed in line and made to walk past Indian or Japanese soldiers, who searched each internee. While waiting, and during the search, it began to drizzle and among that crowd of almost three thousand, there were hardly a dozen umbrellas. In the meantime, our quarters were also searched, and upon our return, we found our typewriters had been confiscated, as being instruments of propaganda. Fortunately, I had loaned my \"cement mixer\" to the Sisters, and a little later, Sister Famula, who speaks Japanese, managed to get it back from the Japanese. Father Troesch somehow or other managed to save his, but Father Meyer's was gone. We returned to our quarters about twelve noon, and had our belated morning meal, which now consisted of three small pancakes. \n\n15—Sunday. In accordance with a new plan, Father Allie preached at the three Masses today. This will be followed by others in turn. Sister St. Dominic finally gets permission to leave Camp in order to go to the Civil Hospital at Hong Kong for treatment. Songfest at 6 p.m. of which Father Quinn takes charge. \n\nFathers Quinn and Madison give a rendition of \"The March of Time.\" Father Reardon returns from Tweed Bay Hospital. A Mr.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208657, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 114, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n87\n\nthey may not visit or talk to us. We understand they have been allowed to retain their servants, and have a good supply of food. They have a very small compound in which to recreate.\n\n12-A Mrs. Greensburg, Catholic, died at the Hospital today. No bread today.\n\n13~~One slice for supper. First meal, rice and raisins only. More British internees arrive from Hong Kong; namely, the telegraph and radio men; also the Colonial Secretary. Rumor of a Red Cross ship bringing food to us. It has, in fact, already left San Francisco!\n\n14- Father Quinn leads the songfest. More British arrive in Camp.\n\n15- Sunday. Father Allie preaches in the morning and the Bishop in the afternoon. If you want the impossible done, go to the Maryknoll Sisters. No one may leave or enter this Camp under any consideration, yet today, Sister Paul and two other Sisters wangle permission to do so, from the Japanese officer in the Prison, in order to go to Carmel for vestments and other things for our coming Holy Week ceremonies. They almost get permission to go to the Cathedral in Hong Kong, but were stopped by the gendarmes, who were quite incensed that they had gotten out of the Camp.\n\n16-Father Vincent Walsh quite ill, with some former intestinal trouble. He does not go to the Hospital, but the doctors attend to him in his room. At present we have two British doctors, Dr. Hackett and Dr. Talbot, assigned to take care of us Americans. More English arrive. Father Haughey gets his face slapped for some infraction of some kind of a rule. Curfew and roll call now the order of the day.\n\n17-St. Patrick's Day brings us some sunshine. In the evening at St. Stephen's Hall, Father Charles Murphy directs an Irish entertainment, featuring Father Madison in an Irish history skit. After the show, dancing was permitted by the Japanese authorities, in other words, the gendarmes, for they are our keepers. Brother Anthony returns from the Hospital. Mr. Tcheng, the Chinese comprador in charge of our rations, is reported to be seriously ill, and leaves. A Japanese, Mr. Yamashita, now takes charge. This, we hope, augurs an improvement in our food rations.\n\n18 No soya beans since February 24; no salt for three days, and the ration of milk for babies has been reduced. Evidently the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208673, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n103\n\nCanadian Sisters having prepared them. The entertainment sponsored by the British for tonight was called off by the authorities for no apparent reason. It does seem as if the Americans are favored just a bit in this Camp by the Japanese or at least the British get more knocks. Mr. Bennett, American, chosen to act as purchasing agent for our allotment of food, goes to Hong Kong and on his return announces that while in the city he got himself married.\n\n10 Sunday. As usual. There was no fish for tiffin, it having been rejected as unfit for consumption. It is bruited abroad that non-American wives of repatriates will not be allowed to return to America because of lack of space on the vessels, but preferential treatment will be given to Chinese-Americans. A movie tonight at St. Stephen's, and quite a good one, with a few cartoons.\n\n11— At an American communal meeting, Messrs. Bourne, Rankin and Stanton were elected Chairman, Vice-Chairman and Treasurer respectively, to take the place of those resigned. American patrol resumed, but entirely voluntary.\n\n12— A Russian orchestra arrived in Camp today, and we thought for a while that we were going to have a concert, but it did not materialize. Father Meyer is still experimenting with his bread, and it is now much better. Canteen opens again.\n\n13— Sister Paul advises that 16 of the Maryknoll Sisters now in Camp be repatriated; with 3, Sisters Clement, De Ricci and St. Dominic, as third nationals, to stay in Hong Kong. The rest will remain in Camp for the time being.\n\n15— Ascension Day. Masses as on Sunday. Brother Anthony is indisposed again. Father Benson at length is able to leave the hospital. He had a very long stay within its confines. In the American Blocks we now have had, for some little time, a diet kitchen operating to take care of convalescents and children. This does not mean that the convalescents get any different or better food, but it is more carefully and tastily cooked. Many cannot stomach the ordinary white rice and in this kitchen it is browned first and then cooked.\n\nA Mr. Engdall, member of the American Consular staff, died suddenly in Camp, as a result of a fall. Only a very few from our Camp were allowed to accompany the body to the cemetery, Bishop O'Gara and Father Toomey being among the number, as Mr.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208683, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 140, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "THE MARYKNOLL MISSION, HONG KONG 1941-46\n\n113\n\nChen is a model of cleanliness and order, and everything is absolutely shipshape. No one is allowed in the galley and he takes great pride in his work. It is easily seen he has had Navy training. His clarion call for meals is: \"Come and get it or I'll throw it on the deck!\" and that brings us all running with our plates and cups.\n\n5—Another rumor that our papers for release have arrived on \"The Hill\".\n\nWe are just getting on to Mr. Gingles' method of feeding us. Our ordinary fare seems to be just rice with a thick gravy or soup, but every few days we get quite a delicious meal. It seems he saves up the best pieces of meat and vegetables for a few days and then gives us a square meal, served in an appetizing manner. Today we had such a meal, with a real slice of meat, a whole sweet potato, some spinach, cooled in the refrigerator, and, of course, rice. For supper just rice and stew but stew with a flavor. It seems he darkens the gravy by the addition of a little burnt sugar.\n\n6-Rice and gravy for both meals, and there are “seconds” for those who wish, Mr. Gingles is certainly generous with what he has. We try a little mint in our tea. Today, Mr. Gingles, Dr. Molthen, Mr. Salmon and Miss Dorrer, all Americans, sign papers for release, so we are going to lose our good cook! We also understand that a number of Britishers are also on the list for release. No more word about our own papers! The British at length begin to use our large community kitchen and marvel at its completeness, considering all Camp conditions.\n\n8-Another good meal, with meat balls, spinach, a few beets and delicious gravy. Another report about our papers being on \"The Hill.\"\n\n9-Mr. Gingles gives us a treat in the way of cinnamon buns. A little extra flour also gives us an extra piece of bread. High wind and plenty of rain. Perhaps there is a typhoon in the offing. We have had some pretty heavy rain storms so far, and as a consequence, the summer has not been too hot.\n\n10-Wind and rain keep us indoors. The American Club Library is open again for Americans so we have some reading matter for these rainy days. Coffee cake for tiffin,\n\n11-The Maryknoll Sisters make us some doughnuts and occasionally they give us a piece of chocolate candy.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208689, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 146, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "The Maryknoll Mission, Hong Kong 1941-46\n\n119\n\nwith a tie game between the Americans and the Police, with a score of 5 to 5. Darkness and the eight o'clock curfew prevented the game from being played out. Some of the British teams are beginning to get quite good and the Americans will have to look to their laurels! Before the Americans left on the Asama Maru, since they were not allowed to take much U.S. currency with them on the boat, Father Troesch very wisely arranged to take their cash and gave them a note to Maryknoll, New York. This gives us some ready cash for our living in Hong Kong, and for our travel expense to the interior if we shall be allowed to leave the Colony.\n\n22----Minstrel show on the Green—quite good. The evenings are beginning to get cool and blankets are brought out,\n\nSunday - uneventful.\n\n24 — Americans, 5; Police, 3. More packages from town, via \"The Hill\". This extra food, which Sister Paul is sending in for us and for the Sisters, is very much appreciated.\n\n25-Usually after signing one's papers for release, one is allowed to leave within four days, but to date we have received no further word, so we sit and wait until the Foreign Office gets good and ready to allow us to walk the streets of Hong Kong as free men again.\n\n26-29 Police, 34; College, 10; a very good crowd and lots of fun. Entertainment in the evening on the Green.\n\nSunday Weather cool. Swimming still popular, though the crowds are thinning out on the beach. From two to five hundred at one time.\n\n31-High wind and quite cool. Against the uncertainty of our departure, language school classes begin again. Our rations continue as hitherto, though our cooks are striving valiantly to dish it up in as appetizing a style as possible with the material to work with. Water spinach is still our standby, and has been dubbed by someone \"rubber plant.\"\n\nSEPTEMBER\n\n1-The wind and the rain continue, playing havoc with the soft-ball schedule. More speculation about British repatriation. The days continue to come and go, and yet we have no word about our departure.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208804, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1979", "page_number": 261, "title": "RAS-1979", "content_text": "234\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nIn providing this detailed and thoughtful account, the writer has done an immense service to the present governments of Malaya and Singapore — indeed of the region — as well as to students of Chinese society old and new. It is of greater value because of his own personal involvement in the business of government and in the fact that, as stated in his preface (p. xiii), he had the enthusiastic support of police officers of all ranks and officers of the Chinese Affairs Department throughout Malaya and Singapore who conducted enquiries, collected information and translated documents. It is doubtful whether this work could be done again — it is mentioned that many of the police documents of the last colonial period have been destroyed and we should be deeply thankful that Blythe was available to undertake it at the time he did.\n\nT\n\nThe book is well produced, on good quality paper with solid binding and clear large type. The 18 illustrations are as notable as the contents.\n\nHong Kong, May, 1980.\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n'Friendly Societies are very good,' said Mr. Van Dyke. “But I am referring to secret and dangerous Societies.\"\n\n'These qualifying names are purely arbitrary,' said Tek Chiu. “All Chinese Societies are professedly good, and they, all of them, are just what members choose to make them. There is no fixed principle according to which you can draw a distinction between those that are exclusively benevolent and friendly, and those that you call secret and dangerous societies.'\n\n'Is the Broken Coffin Society entitled to be called friendly, or is it justly designated secret and dangerous?'\n\n'It is justly designated secret and dangerous. It is the fault of our Triad Society, certainly, that such a dangerous and criminal clique is not exterminated at once. Such bad sets of men are like bad teeth that ought to be pulled out. But because a man has a bad tooth in his head, he should not be prohibited from eating.\"\n\nLamont continues: A Chinaman is a social being—a tool rather than a member of his community. If he were to cease living a social life, he would cease to be a Chinaman. The Chinaman abroad lives a large part of his being in the 'hoey. The hoey unites men more closely even than the sons of one father in a family. So powerful is the bond of this Freemasonry of China, that if two brothers in a family belong to different hoeys their relationship in such a set of circumstances is more distant than is that which subsists between those members of one hoey who are not relatives in the ordinary sense at all.\n\nTek Chiu's view, that Chinese societies are what members choose to make them, can also be found in Leong Gor Yun's Chinatown Inside Out (New York: Barrows Mussey, 1936), especially Chapter Two.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1979.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2801w5938", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "to be a particular casualty, and regret that I did not get round to acknowledging his work, which I now have pleasure in doing. By the same token, I wish to thank Ed Wickberg for very kindly proof-reading much of the 1979 Journal during his sabbatical year at the Centre of Asian Studies. After my 1978 experience, I hardly dared to acknowledge his help, but am glad to do so now!\n\nOne regret is that I hardly managed to get a good book review section going during the whole period, and never did get down to producing a local publications section. It shows up the weakness of my \"one man approach\" to the work. This was occasioned partly by the scrappy way in which I got the work done as time and energy left from my labours in Tsuen Wan and elsewhere allowed, and partly by my own liking for doing the whole job.\n\nTaking a broader and more impersonal view of the Journal over this period, and indeed since its inception twenty-one years ago, it has made its own unique contribution to the research and recording of Hong Kong history and society. In this sense, it has surely helped what one might call the Hong Kong balance sheet. Despite the devoted intentions of the Hong Kong Heritage Society and other bodies, it is simply not possible for Hong Kong to keep many of its historic buildings, given the rights attached to private ownership, the exceedingly high value of land, and the formidable cost of running a business enterprise. The recording work done by the Society and others of its kind helps in some measure to offset the losses that occur through the destruction and replacement of old buildings.*\n\nBeside being my final Journal, this is also the last for our Honorary Life Member and printer, Mr. Y. F. Lam (***) of Ye Olde Printerie. It is fitting that he and I finish our joint association with the Journal together. I cannot imagine editing and producing it for all these years without his enthusiastic persistence, patience, and, above all, friendship.\n\nFinally, I have handed over to David Faure, whose knowledge, energy, zeal and efficiency are of a high order. He has proved this by getting out the 1981 issue before I had finished this one! The Society is fortunate to have enlisted his interest and services.\n\nSeptember 1982\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\n* Our published work includes Hong Kong, Going and Gone, 1980.\n\nix", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208864, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 26, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "# THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY HONG KONG BRANCH\n\n## BALANCE SHEET AT 31ST DECEMBER, 1979\n\n### ASSETS\n\nQUOTED INVESTMENTS (see note 2 below)\n\nCost at 1st January, 1979 $57,415.00\n\nAdd: Purchase of Rights Shares:\n\nChina Light & Power Co., Ltd. $3,330.00\n\nPurchase of Reg. Warrants:\n\nHong Kong Electric Co., Ltd. $8,465.00\n\n$69,210.00\n\nDeduct: Cost of shares sold:\n\n3,025 shares of Lane Crawford \"A\" $(6,366)\n\n$62,844.00\n\n### QUOTED INVESTMENTS AT COST\n\n \n Lane Crawford \"A\"\n $8,638.74\n \n \n 38,115 shares of Lane Crawford \"B\"\n $2,453.55\n \n \n \n $16,200.00\n \n \n \n $24,838.74\n \n \n \n $88,367.00\n \n\n### BALANCE AT BANKS\n\n \n Fixed Deposits\n $88,906.32\n \n \n Deposit at Call\n $5,545.63\n \n \n Current Account\n $1,359.28\n \n \n \n $95,811.23\n \n\n### LIABILITIES\n\nSUNDRY CREDITORS $24,000\n\nPrinting Charges for Journal $27,000.00\n\n$14,952\n\n$112,367\n\n$40,000\n\n### ACCUMULATED FUNDS\n\nBalance as at 1st January, 1979 $88,367.22\n\nAdd Surplus on Sales of Shares:\n\n1978 $94,733\n\nLane Crawford \"A\" $12,494.96\n\n38,115 shares of Lane Crawford \"B\" $9,866.85\n\n$22,361.81\n\nExcess of Income over Expenditure in 1979 $24,838.74\n\n$113,182.58\n\nBalance of Accumulated Funds at 31st December, 1979 $44,371.35\n\n$140,182.58 $112,387\n\n$140,182.58\n\nD. A. GILKES, Hon. Treasurer\n\n## NOTE:\n\n1. Incomes from subscription are accounted for on cash basis.\n\n2. Quoted Investments held at 31st December, 1979.\n\n \n £700 Stocks 6% Commonwealth of Australia_1977/80\n Cost HK$11,488.38\n Market Value HK$7,063.35\n \n \n 1,781 Shares China Light & Power Co. Ltd.\n $9,291.17\n $38,647.70\n \n \n 16,934 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co. Ltd.\n $15,126.80\n $104,144.10\n \n \n 1,693 Shares Hong Kong Electric Co. Ltd. Reg Warrants HK$10 1988/92\n $8,465.00\n $8,465.00\n \n \n \n $44,371.35\n $158,320.15", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 35, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n7\n\nA shrine and two Chaozhou squatter temples on a hillside at Wong Chuk Hang on Hong Kong Island were removed during 1979 to permit road widening and the building of new housing estates. Temples, seemingly built to last forever, also disappear. A long destroyed and unidentified Cantonese traditional temple depicted in an old photograph in a published collection of photographs of old Hong Kong, may well be the temple which used to stand in Wong Nei Chong village approximately in the area of the present day King Kwong Street.13\n\nThe population explosion in Hong Kong has surrounded on all sides some of the originally relatively isolated temples by high-rise blocks of flats. Some recently opened temples have even been established in shop houses, in ordinary flats in the high-rise blocks, and in flats and huts in resettlement areas.14 Geomantically such accommodation may be adequate for their purpose, but for ideal conditions the exact orientation of all temple buildings should be determined by geomancy and the feng shui expert's calculations. Traditional temples are often on the best feng shui sites in the vicinity.\n\nAccording to Chinese laymen, temples should, as far as possible, face south. This south-facing orientation would mean that the main god or gods on the altar would also face the \"geomantic South\" which approximates to due south, and thus places the auspicious Yang on the east, and Yin on the west. However, even a casual examination of the temples in both Hong Kong and Macau shows that they can and do face in all directions. The two immediately obvious criteria in the siting of traditional temples, as can be seen from any large-scale map, are that either they back onto a hill (presumably having a powerful and beneficial geomantic influence), or face the sea. Many, of course, do both.\n\nTemples and monasteries are open from around 8 am to 8 pm, the exception being for those individuals whose need is great, and they may call at a monastery at any hour.\n\nBuddhist temples\n\nThere are some one hundred and thirty-five Buddhist temples or monasteries in Hong Kong built or funded by individual monks or nuns, or by individual devotees or groups. In addition to Buddhist temples, there are organizations and services in Hong Kong which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208878, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "12\n\nKEITH G. STEVENS\n\nA typical Daoist temple is the very bare flatlet on the fourteenth floor of a high-rise block in crowded Shamshuipo, established by a widow from Fujian province in about 1965. Now in her early eighties, she lives alone in the flat, which has a resounding Daoist temple name, and has services performed once a week by a visiting lay priest. She recalled eight occasions when near death, she was saved by a specific Daoist Immortal, Lou Da Zhen Jun (**★**IA) who died late in the Ming dynasty, in Fujian, but who appeared again in spirit form in the twenties of this century in Amoy successfully to persuade a Bank of China manager to stop gambling. Lou's likeness is the only icon in the temple, and before it, services are held and sand-table prognostications obtained.\n\nA modern major religious complex above Lo Wai, Tsuen Wan, has on its main altar large images of Confucius, Lao Zi, and Sakyamuni, representing the three religions: Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. Above the altar hall, which is a modern pagoda, there are several buildings dedicated entirely to memorials, and in two of these halls, Daoist services for the dead are frequently performed.\n\nFolk Religion Temples\n\nThere are some two hundred and forty-six folk religion temples in Hong Kong. When sub-divided into architectural groups, approximately two-thirds of them are traditional buildings, two-ninths are modern constructions, legally built with the Hong Kong Government's permission,18 and one-ninth resettlement shacks, huts, or other illegal constructions. These latter fall into those tolerated by the Hong Kong authorities and those not tolerated.* The latter are regularly pulled down, often to be built illegally again nearby.\n\nTraditional temples in rural areas tend to have flourished around a catchment area of a village or two and have been built on the outskirts of one of the villages. Frequently, there is an adjacent open space used primarily for holding elaborate festivities on the main deity's annual feast day.\n\nAlthough most traditional folk religion temples built before World War II have a similar plan and general layout, no\n\n* To be explained by the periodic amnesties given to older, but still not tolerated illegal structures. 1976 saw the last to date, the purpose being to provide a new, realistic baseline for demolition of new structures (Hon. Editor).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208887, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n21\n\nbefore them in both rural and urban areas. In round terms, they are miniature unmanned temples or open air altars often called in Chinese \"small temples” (1). They fall into two categories. The first is the roofed, open-fronted, doorless structures which protect a public deity or deities. The second is an unroofed area surrounding a natural rock, tree, stone or marker which is considered a spirit and is offered incense and other minor offerings. (Illustration 13).\n\nThe first can be as large as a single room the size of a small garage (but with a low roof), as small as a dog kennel or even smaller, a miniature temple some 1'6” high, 1' wide and some 2” to 3\" deep. All shrines house a deity and an incense pot. A wooden plaque, a framed print or an uncut or undressed rock or stone may represent the deity. In the case of shrines dedicated to the Earth God, probably the undressed rock is the most common representation. Very occasionally the Earth God is joined by his consort, and quite frequently by one or two unidentified and usually unconnected images placed there by devotees.\n\nLarge street shrines (Illustrations 14 and 15) of a more temporary nature are now few and far between in Hong Kong21 and are referred to officially, as we have already seen, as “illegal temples\". They generally consist of a large altar with numerous often unconnected folk religion and Buddhist images and several dozen framed prints of various gods. The jumble is arranged in an open-fronted shed, or in an open-fronted lean-to in a side alley and is cared for by one or two very elderly, often infirm men or women. In Macau none have been found however, though there are some two to three dozen in Hong Kong.\n\nSmall shrines are to be seen at the side of streets, footpaths, at crossroads or outside temples and monasteries, inside temples and monasteries in ones or groups of two or more, in homes and also in shops and factories.\n\nHousehold or family shrines, very common in Hong Kong, particularly in peasant and urban working class homes, are probably not always quite what foreigners expect. They often consist of a tiny shelf or alcove, painted vermilion, bearing or containing an incense pot (often the ubiquitous red-painted cigarette tin), before a representation of one or two deities.\n\nThe more elaborate household shrines have miniature doors,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208895, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 57, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "CHINESE MONASTERIES, TEMPLES, SHRINES, ALTARS\n\n29\n\nZhi Gong and over Lunar New Year, and has a \"red-pig\" fund30 for the feast at each occasion.\n\nCertain lands in rural areas in Hong Kong are designated as 'temple property',() and the income from them is devoted to the upkeep of the temple and its deity as well as providing financial support for the temple keeper. In many cases the deed of ownership is made out in the name of the principle deity, whilst selected elders of the village act as trustees.\n\nA foreign missionary once described how funds were raised in China for religious purposes.31 An old Buddhist temple to the north of Tak Hing, west of Guangzhou which had been allowed to fall into ruin, was to be rebuilt in 1903 because a geomancer discovered that the floods and crop failures of 1902 were due to the neglect of the deity who formerly had occupied the temple. The deity had come back, according to the geomancer, and had been seen in the form of a woman. Villages and cities even as far distant as forty miles sent processions to help subscribe towards the rebuilding. The missionary described the local collections as \"frequently barefaced extortion”. He explained that \"women went round to collect the money and asked every man for a sum based on what they knew him to be worth. If their demand was not complied with, they would refuse to take anything at all and threatened to post the family name all over the city walls as niggards who refused to help towards the public weal\". Perhaps too, in Hong Kong this may still go on to some extent.\n\nStatistics — Temples in Hong Kong and Macau\n\nHousehold altars and unmanned sea-side and streetside shrines have not been included in the statistics, except in the case of the streetside shrines which are roofed buildings large enough to entertain several humans standing up. These have been included under temples. The unmanned smaller public shrines run to about several hundred in Hong Kong with a further eighty in Macau.\n\nThere are about three hundred and ninety-six temples and monasteries in Hong Kong. Of these as many as ninety-eight are (or were before reclamation projects were completed) coastal temples dedicated to gods or goddesses of the seas; one hundred and thirty-five are Buddhist monasteries or nunneries; two hundred and forty-six are folk religion temples and two dozen are Daoist temples", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208925, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "HONG KONG RIOTS OF OCTOBER 1884\n\n55\n\nhave not considered that history to be of any great significance to anyone outside the Colony it is hardly surprising that it has not received the attention which it really deserves.\n\nThe lack of appreciation for Hong Kong's importance is especially evident when we look at the events of the Sino-French War. The Hong Kong Volunteers were expanded and rearmed in the years before and after the War. No doubt the 1884 riots3 assisted the process but James Hayes' \"Short History\" does not give the period of the war more than a passing notice indicating that the Sino-French War occurred and had some side effect on Hong Kong.* In his Laws and Courts of Hongkong James Norton-Kyshe did briefly discuss the riots, but he paid surprisingly little attention to the Peace Preservation Ordinance which was inspired by them.\n\nSince the secondary material for this period in Hong Kong's history is so limited, any study of the period of the 1880s has to lean heavily on the equally scarce primary materials available outside the Colony. In this area the records of the Public Records Office in London are most helpful, but they can provide only the official version of the events. They seldom contain information on the motives of the participants, and are severely limited by the nature of government reports.\n\nThough newspapers are frequently very poor sources of primary information, in this case the firsthand reports of the English language Hong Kong Daily Press are probably the most valuable source of information about the events which occurred there in the fall of 1884. Unfortunately the English press in Hong Kong, because of the prejudices of the reading public for which it was produced, is not a very good source of information about the Chinese community in the Colony. Many of the reports in the English press were colored by the prevailing attitudes of the European community toward the Chinese. However, this prejudice makes it just that much more important when the papers depart from those attitudes because that departure should indicate that something had occurred to alter the opinions of the reporters. As we will see, that is precisely the case with the editors of both the Shanghai-based North China Herald and the Hong Kong Daily Press in 1884.\n\nWhat is really needed, and what is simply not available outside Hong Kong, is primary material which would enable us to ascertain what really were the motives of the Chinese participants in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208927, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "HONG KONG RIOTS OF OCTOBER 1884\n\n57\n\nWhat happened in Hong Kong in the fall of 1884 to make this study necessary? According to the local newspaper and official reports of the colonial administration, the boatmen engaged in the servicing of ships in Hong Kong harbor refused to provide their services to ships flying the French flag. When the boatmen were taken to court and fined for refusing to work, they claimed that they were being coerced by the Chinese authorities at Canton who threatened their relatives with harm if the boatmen did not boycott the French. France and China were engaged in an undeclared war, and the Cantonese authorities were using the Hong Kong Chinese to put pressure on the French—or so the boatmen were reported to have claimed in court.\n\nWhen at last the boatmen were prepared to return to work, they could hardly have been able to afford to remain out forever—they were prevented from doing so by local Chinese mobs. Attempts by the police to break up those mobs led to serious street violence in which at least one Chinese rioter was killed and a number of Sikh police injured. Troops had to be called out, and for several days, the situation was serious enough for the authorities in London to wonder if an Indian regiment might be needed to keep order in the Colony. Fortunately, the disturbances ended before this extra measure became necessary.\n\nAs matters turned out, though no troops were needed, the colonial administration felt that a new peace preservation ordinance was necessary. It was hurriedly passed and required the collection of all arms from the Chinese population. Large quantities were collected, and a number of people believed to be agitators were ordered banished from the Colony. The belief that one of those banished, seventy-year-old Yau Poot-in, had been sent to Hong Kong with three thousand dollars to stir up trouble against the French eventually led to official protests to the Imperial Government by the British Legation in Peking.3\n\nYet, in spite of its many implications, the incident is comparatively unknown. Its underlying causes, as well as the truth about its origins, remain obscure. Was it, as the colonial administrators and the press believed, merely the result of intimidation and agitation from Canton with the support of anti-foreign and criminal elements within the Colony? Or was it an example of the growing sense of nationalism among the Chinese, which is more clearly seen...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 208986, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "REDISCOVERING OUR SOCIAL AND CULTURAL HERITAGE IN THE NEW TERRITORIES\n\nBARBARA E. WARD*\n\nAn audience composed mainly of Chinese residents of Hong Kong may well ask by what right a non-Chinese such as myself dares to speak on the subject of this symposium? My justifications are very simple: I am human, I am a scholar, I am a social anthropologist, and I passionately love Hong Kong, which is, after all, a place with which people from my country have been closely identified for more than one and a half centuries and which for more than thirty years I have regarded as my second home. There is, moreover, the further point that, as my husband is never tired of reminding me, I am a village woman by origin and rural society is familiar to me.\n\nI have just said that I am a social anthropologist, but some of you may wonder about this as you know me here as a member of the Department of Sociology. There is not really a problem here. In England, which is where I come from, and in many parts of what we here usually call \"the West\", the distinction between social anthropology and sociology is made primarily in terms of methods and approaches and general topics of interest, rather than in terms of who studies what societies. Perhaps you will understand this better when I tell you that although many of the courses I went to when I was a graduate student at the London School of Economics many years ago were indeed about so-called \"primitive\" peoples in parts of Africa and the South West Pacific, yet many others were about the complex civilizations of India and South East Asia, and the most memorable of all were the ones about China that were given by Professor Fei Hsiao-t'ung in 1947. Moreover, the first anthropological fieldwork I ever did was in London, and our subjects were English Londoners.\n\n* A paper read at a symposium held at New Asia College, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, 10th June 1981. The author, who is well known to readers of this Journal, was then Visiting Reader in Anthropology at the Chinese University, on leave of absence from Newnham College, Cambridge.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209024, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1980", "page_number": 186, "title": "RAS-1980", "content_text": "154\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nnumerous minor grades excel those of other places in their colour, fragrance and taste. Chu Yi-chuen of Sau Shui remarks, \"There is no fixed standard as to which place in Fukien and Kwangtung produces the best quality of lychee, but in my opinion “Kwa Luk” from Kwangtung tops all.\" The three most outstanding selections of \"Kwa Luk” are \"Siu Fa Shan”, “Luk Law Yi” and \"Kau Kei Wan”.\n\nA species named \"Sheung Shu Wai\", literally \"being carried (wai) by the Minister (Sheung Shu)\", originated from a minister Cham Man-kang who brought back a pip of lychee from Windy Pavilion. Most lychees fall into this category. The most valuable lychee tree whose fruit is priced scores of times more than others is the one growing in the West Garden located outside West Gate of the County Seat. In fact, there were other lychee trees which were as good as, or even better than, that tree. Another species called “Crystal Ball\" of Cha Kong is of the same grade as \"Kwa Luk”, and also on the list of the delicious lychees are \"Sai Kok\" (rhino's horn), \"Kwai Mei” (taste of osmanthus), \"Nor Mai Chee\" (like glutinous rice), \"Sung Ka Heung\" (fragrance of Sung Family), \"Chun Fung Yuk” (jade offered to emperor) and Ho Pau (wallet).\n\n(translation by District Office, Tsuen Wan)\n\n3. By chance, I heard recently of the existence of at least one tree of the special type of “Kwa Luk” mentioned in the opening paragraph from the father of a friend. This gentleman, a Hakka from Ng Wah District, served pre-war in the provincial administration of Kwangtung at Canton. He had a friend Mr. Wong Ping-kwan (*A), who was the district magistrate (*) of Tsang Shing at that time (about 1937-38). This official used to send a parcel of this special lychee to his superiors in Canton. The fruit came from trees in the courtyard and gardens of his office in Tsang Shing. It was not for sale, and although my friend said he had heard of some being available on the market in recent times, he was sure they were not the genuine article.\n\nHong Kong.\n\nDecember, 1979.\n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1980.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/kh04md207", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209119, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 22, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "$270,461\n\nD.A. Gikes\n\nHon. Treasurer\n\nBALANCE SHEET AT 31ST DECEMBER 1981 (CONT'D)\n\n$256,021\n\n$12,292\n\nBalance at Banks and Registered Deposit Taking Company\n\nFixed Deposits $135,750.08 Deposits at Call $271,464.15\n\n$2,148 $270,461\n\nCurrent Account 4,566.47\n\n...160,316.55\n\n$271,464.15\n\nNotes. (1) Quoted investments at 31st December 1981\n\n300 shares Hang Seng Bank Limited\n\n4,200 shares Hong Kong Electric (Holdings) Co. Ltd.\n\n1,680 shares Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation\n\n2,500 shares Hong Kong Land Co. Ltd\n\n(2) Incomes from subscription are accounted for on cash basis\n\n \n Cost\n Market Value\n \n \n $34,272.00\n $37,200.00\n \n \n $24,192.00\n $22,470.00\n \n \n $28,893.60\n $24,360.00\n \n \n $23,790.00\n $23,625.00\n \n \n $111,147.60\n $107,655.00\n \n\nREPORT OF THE HON. AUDITORS TO THE MEMBERS OF ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, HONG KONG BRANCH\n\nIn our opinion, the above Balance Sheet is properly drawn up so as to exhibit a true and fair view of the Society's affairs at 31st December 1981 and of its Income and expenditure for the year ended on that date.\n\nDated: 29th March, 1982.\n\nKWAN WONG TAN & FONG\n\nHon. Auditors\n\nChartered Accountants Certified Public Accountants, Hong Kong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209184, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 87, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE PUBLIC RECORDS OFFICE OF HONG KONG\n\n73\n\nA comprehensive listing of the contents of CO129 has been undertaken by the P.R.O. and at present this work is complete from 1841 to 1916 and from 1926 to 1943.\n\nRecords received by the P.R.O. on transfer are first examined to distinguish the various record series into which they fall. The series are then arranged in correct order and the items comprising them are listed. For each series a Series Identification Sheet and an Accession Record Sheet is prepared.\n\nThe first of these contains particulars of the origin, chronological coverage, quantity, etc. of the material in the series, a general description of its subject matter, methods of arrangement and control and notes on the history of the series before and after its transfer to the P.R.O. The second, the Accession Record Sheet, summarises the information in the Series Identification Sheets.\n\nThe Records Transfer Lists and their related Series Identification and Accession Record Sheets together form the main guide to the contents, origins, structure and relationship of records held by the P.R.O.* These documents are supplemented where necessary with guides, calendars and indexes produced by P.R.O. staff.\n\nProtection and Restoration of Records\n\nFor the protection of records stored at the head office, the repository is equipped with a CO2 automatic fire extinguishing system and 24-hour filtered air-conditioning adjusted to maintain optimum levels of temperature and relative humidity, and a methyl-bromide fumigator. The sub-office records repository is air-conditioned and equipped with a sprinkler fire control system. The microfilm repository is fitted with a CO2 extinguishing system.\n\nA document repair section and bindery was established in 1974 and is staffed by two technicians with training and long experience in document restoration.\n\n* The Accession Record Sheets and Records Transfer Lists provide the symbols necessary for the location of any document. These are the H.K.R.S. (Hong Kong Record Series) number and the D & S (Deposit and Serial) number — e.g. H.K.R.S. 31, D & S 1/1431. No other identification of an item is required for its location, although in citing documents researchers may wish to add elaborations in published works for their readers' information.\n\nPage 1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209214, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 117, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "THE CHINESE CHURCH, LABOUR AND ELITES AND THE MUI TSAI QUESTION IN THE 1920's 103\n\nto England had continued the campaign to bring the Hong Kong situation to the attention of the British public. The Haselwoods and other interested people had enlisted the support of the Anti-Slavery and the Aborigine Protection Society, the Industrial Committee of the National Council of Women of Great Britain and Ireland, the Women's Committee of the Fabian Society, the International Woman Suffrage Alliance, the League of Nations Union, as well as Members of Parliament.\n\nIn Hong Kong a team of volunteer lecturers had spoken in churches, schools, the YMCA, the YWCA, and labour unions. One of the members had paid for the services of a professional lecturer to address passengers on boats travelling between Hong Kong and Canton.\n\nLiterature was produced both in English and Chinese. All the Parliamentary questions and answers were translated and sent to the Chinese press, along with original articles and correspondence with Members of Parliament, philanthropists and societies abroad. Locally, a literary competition had been held. The winning entry, a ballad, had been published and distributed both in Hong Kong and throughout China. The cost was underwritten by two wealthy contractors, Mr. Li Ping (probably a Roman Catholic) and Mr. Lam Woo (1869–1932) a founding member of St. Paul's Anglican Church and an Executive Committee member of the Society. A magazine of some 400 pages published by the Society contained articles treating the question in various literary forms.\n\nAt the time of the meeting 1,370 members had enrolled in the Society.\n\nOn instructions from the Colonial Office the Governor of Hong Kong issued a proclamation on April 14, 1922 stating:\n\nSlavery is not allowed to exist in the British Empire, and therefore it must be understood that mui tsai are not the property of their employers. Those of them who wish to leave their employers and who have reached the age of discretion must be allowed to apply to the Secretary for Chinese Affairs who will consider their cases.\n\nGirls are warned that they must not leave their present employment until they have some employment to go to for fear they should fall into the hands of procuresses.\n\nMasters and mistresses are specially warned against any attempt", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209240, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "EDUCATION AS A BY-PRODUCT OF FISH MARKETING\n\n129\n\nwork organisation in 1978; it was found that of 263 respondents living in 4 large typhoon shelters, even though only 17 percent were active fishermen still, only 13 percent were not from fishing families. ** In my conversations with long-term boat-dwellers in Yaumatei and Castle Peak, all of Shui-sheung-yan origin, the problem appeared to be that many had not registered for public housing until their boats were about to fall to pieces, many had for years not even bothered to register as Hong Kong residents.\n\n++\n\nSuch organisation as has arisen among the poor ex-fishermen has been very different to that promoted by the F.M.O. Its main aim has been to secure public housing on land for the poor boat-people (not private housing, as is the case with the \"Better-living societies\"). Methods used have been classic oppositional pressure group tactics: petitions, demonstrations, press conferences. 35 Government reaction, using the extraordinarily wide powers of the Public Order Ordinance, has been uncompromising and often unyielding. \"Nevertheless, some groups have succeeded in being rehoused and as they have, of course, so they have ceased to organise and agitate. In consequence, this type of organisation is episodic and ephemeral. Such continuity as it has is given by outside community organisations, especially SoCO, the Society for Community Organisation, a Christian-inspired, privately funded community work group, founded in 1970, which first obtained re-settlement for a group of boat people as early as 1972. They used 200 student volunteers to carry out the survey referred to above. They found in the whole territory some 2,266 boat-people residences: possibly an under-estimate, but well within the limits of the population forced out of the fishing industry since 1971.\n\n37\n\nThis survey found many social problems among the boat people. They had to live in dark, difficult and insanitary conditions, without running water, overcrowded because new boats were not allowed. There was usually no electricity. Children were unsafe, and from time to time drowned. Typhoons were an especially dangerous time. Poor educational achievement and low aspirations were also identified as a problem. Attendance at nearby schools was poor. Parents tended to want their children to start earning at an early age. 32.5 percent of the respondents bluntly declared they wanted only primary school education for their children. Another 42.9 percent indicated that it would be impossible without financial help and provision of study facilities for children. (i.e., the “study rooms\" which are located in the basements of many Hong Kong public housing estates, which are filled every evening with", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209257, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 160, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "146\n\nWEI PEH-TI\n\nNavigation channels were so situated that the passage into Canton foreign ships had to take because of their deep drafts was well protected, Juan Yüan thought. \"The western channel of the Pearl estuary from Macau [where the barbarians live] to Canton is too shallow for foreign vessels because they have a deep draft. They, therefore, must use the Lantao Channel into the estuary, then proceed northward between Lintin Island and the Nan-t'ou Peninsula, straight up to the Boca Tigris and into the Pearl River.\"8\n\nJuan Yuan had found the military installations outside the Boca Tigris generally satisfactory. Fortifications inside the Boca Tigris, on the other hand, were found by Juan Yüan to be less than tolerable. Immediately upon his return to Canton, he sent a memorial requesting the Emperor's approval for construction of several forts. Apparently he was so impressed with the forts at Macau, especially Fortaleza da Santiago, built in 1629, that he copied its design for a fort on Tiger Island, situated at the entrance to the Bogue.\"Juan Yuan was proud of this fort, financed by the merchants of the co-hong to the tune of 60,000 taels, both for its strategic location and for its equipment.\"\n\nThe Co-hong (kung-hang) was a guild organized in 1720 by the hong merchants of Kwangtung and Fukien. It adopted a code of thirteen articles to regulate trade at Canton. After 1782, its members controlled the foreign trade at Canton altogether. Business firms engaged in foreign trade, the hong (yang-hang), as well as individual hong merchants (yang-shang), rose and fell during the era when Chinese foreign trade was confined to Canton.\n\nThe unique functions served by the hong merchants gave them certain privileges. These privileges carried with them certain obligations without necessarily exempting them from government prosecutions should they fall afoul of the law. Several hong merchants had been awarded honorary official ranks with all the attendant status symbols. In addition to subscribing to programmes usually expected of members of the gentry, these hong merchants had to assume financial responsibilities for other public projects during this period as well, such as coastal defense. Even more than the officials, they were subject to imperial pleasure and ire. The second merchant by the name of Howqua, also known as Puiqua, Wu Tun-yüan, for instance, enjoyed the honoraria of a third-rank official in happier days, including the status symbol of wearing the sapphire (clear, blue stone) button of the third rank on his hat.1 He had worked closely with Juan Yuan on several controversial cases involving jurisdiction over foreigners from 1820 to 1823. Even then,\n\n12", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209265, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "154\n\nWEI PEH-T'I\n\nthe Chinese point of view, Juan Yuan reported Barrowcliff as the guilty party in his memorial to the Emperor dated 12 December 1820. It was at this time that he wrote the secret memorial proposing strong measures to control the British, and receiving in return instructions from the Emperor to hold to a more moderate line.**\n\nPerhaps Juan Yuan only displayed the willingness to make the best of a situation in the Barrowcliff case, the kind of co-operative spirit that led the British to refer to him as a “man of singular moderation and wisdom”35 only because no opium was involved. The next major crisis over jurisdiction took place not quite a year later. By then, the new Emperor had proclaimed a policy to strengthen the law prohibiting importation of opium and exportation of silver. In October 1821, Terranova, an Italian seaman serving on an American ship, the Emily, accidentally killed a Chinese boat woman. He was sacrificed to Chinese justice in order to prevent the Canton government from investigating further into the cargo of opium that was on various foreign ships in port at that time. This is a well-known case in the West and is often cited as an example of the barbarity of Chinese justice. Terranova, who had been turned over to Chinese officials, was strangled to death as punishment for having taken a life.\n\nThe incident arose when on 29 September, a boat woman, Kuo-Liang shih (surnamed Kao née Liang), who spoke \"pidgin\", sculled her sampan to the Emily, peddling fruit. Terranova, leaning against the railing of the ship above her, lowered her five copper cash in a basket. Not satisfied with the number of oranges and bananas he had been given by the woman, he negotiated further. Somehow, the argument became heated, ending with Terranova throwing a pottery jar at the woman, hitting her on the head, cracking her skull, causing her to fall into the water, and resulting in her death. This was a serious matter, for, in addition to murder, there were other violations. Terranova, as a foreigner, was buying goods from a Chinese directly without going through the regular channel of the hong merchants. The security merchant of the Emily was Exchin, but, as in other serious cases over jurisdiction, Puiqua, as head of the hong merchants, was also involved.\n\nJuan Yüan's investigations showed that the act of the jar striking Kuo-Liang shih on the head had been witnessed by another woman, Ch'en-Li shih, who had shouted for help. A worker for the Canton customs, Yeh Hsia, in a boat nearby, attempted a rescue, but failed. The body of the dead woman was not pulled out of the water until her husband arrived at the scene of the accident. The injury on the woman's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209313, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1981", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1981", "content_text": "202\n\nNOTES AND QUERIES\n\nto put these fields down to peanuts or other crops, sell them, and buy rice with the cash than to labour to grow rice directly from them.\n\nSeeds and Rice Types\n\n-\n\n3 types of rice were grown dryland rice for fields that could not be flooded, ordinary rice, and rice for land that was permanently under water and could not be drained. Each required slightly different treatment, eg. ordinary rice required to be dried on the wo t'ong for 1 day, permanently flooded land rice required drying for 3 days. The rice in flooded fields would grow 4 feet high.\n\nLand\n\nThe best land was of 2 types: permanently flooded land and land floodable at will. Permanently flooded land with water welling up from the soil, but with water no more than 3 or 4 inches above the mud level was of high quality producing 8 piculs a year, but required great care. Because of the sodden ground, the rice as it came to ripeness would fall over and become ruined on the mud. It was necessary to stretch strings across the field to support the rice. It was also necessary to cut the rice 2 or 3 days before complete ripeness, which would only be reached by the 3 days' drying on the wo t'ong. These fields could grow water chestnuts or other high value crops for the third harvest. Almost as good were the ordinary flooded fields, floodable at will, but drainable at will. Because the ground could be drained before harvest the crop was less likely to collapse, and less likely to rot if it did because the ground beneath was dry. The yield was slightly less than for the permanently flooded \"Baan\" fields, but less troublesome. In Tai Wai the fields along where the Hong Shing Restaurant stands were \"Baan\" fields, the fields where the Winner Industrial Building (Po Ha) and the Temp. Bus Terminus (Tai Leng) stand were top quality floodable-at-will flooded fields.\n\nField names\n\nEvery group of fields had its own local name (to meng ±₺ ),\n\nHarvest\n\nThe first harvest rice was cut about 1 foot above the ground. The stubble was then ploughed in; it rotted quickly in the flooded water for the second harvest and was a valuable fertiliser. The remainder", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1981.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ff36bt18m", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209359, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 16, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "position in the community and long record of public service, was better able to perform this part of the preparatory work and to act as our first President.\n\nI turn now to Marjorie's more recent contributions to the Society. It is in the nature of things that most societies rely on a few persons for their inspiration and direction. We have been fortunate indeed in having Marjorie to guide our fortunes in the 1970s. Her scholarly reputation is international and it is no accident that we have always been able to attract speakers of high academic calibre for our lecture programme. We owe to her, too, the inspiration for many of our symposia. Seven of these are now in published form, three of them under her editorial pen. These symposia volumes deserve to be more widely known, especially at this time when interest in Hong Kong, its past, present and future are at a high peak, and when knowledge and appreciation of Hong Kong and its achievements and potential are, in a very real sense, crucial to that future.\n\nThose of us who have lived in Hong Kong these past 25 to 30 years cannot fail to have a keen sense of historical progress. In this time Hong Kong has progressed from being a \"left-over\" from history to a place with, if I am not mistaken, a mind and identity of its own, above all a place which deserves a future. In its own way our Society has assisted towards this development. We care about Hong Kong, and because of this have helped to document both its past and the change referred to above. Our contribution to the greater public knowledge and awareness of Hong Kong is surely a valuable one. It is certain that Dr. Topley has greatly assisted in this work.\n\nThus, in thinking over what might be an appropriate parting gift from the Society, we considered that a bound set of the Symposia might be the most fitting and perhaps most appreciated gift that the Council could contrive. On your behalf, I now present them to Dr. Topley with every sentiment and appreciation of goodwill.*\n\n* Plate 1.\n\nxvi\n\nJAMES HAYES", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209441, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "76\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nthe answers necessarily involve conjecture, but it is hoped that, with care, we can get near the truth.\n\nThe first question is, what caused the initial strike against the French? Marsh insisted that it was Chang Chih-tung's proclamation, though it was not published in Hong Kong until 17th September while the strike against the La Galissonière had actually begun on the 11th. In fact Marsh was not far wrong because the proclamation once issued in Canton on the 5th could easily have reached Hong Kong by channels other than formal publication in the local newspapers. Neither, for that matter, did the Canton Authorities have to make known their wishes only by way of proclamations.\n\nHowever, Chang Chih-tung, answering the Tsungli Yamen's queries about his part in the strike and riot in Hong Kong, protested his innocence. He had not published proclamations in Hong Kong as the Hong Kong Government had charged, he claimed, and since going on strike meant loss of income for the workers, he reasoned, no official could have induced them to do so. They had gone on strike voluntarily, out of patriotism.47 He did not however say what he had hoped to achieve by the proclamations he admitted publishing in Canton.\n\nIn another despatch to the Tsungli Yamen after the strike in Hong Kong ended, he wrote that he had secretly telegraphed Chinese merchants in Hong Kong to try to end the strike. The phrase he used in instructing the merchants was \"shih-k'o chi-chih\" 可即止 to stop immediately when the time was appropriate.49 The implication of this phrase is that some disturbance was permissible as long as it did not get out of hand, and a further, more incriminating, implication was that the situation had been started by the Chinese merchants and was in their control so that there was no question they would be able to reverse the situation when and if they so wished.\n\nChang Chih-tung thus contradicted himself. He was clearly not as innocent as he so vehemently claimed to the Tsungli Yamen. He had issued a provocative proclamation, had relied on local leaders to appeal for an anti-French strike, and had relied on the anti-French feelings of the Chinese to rally to his call.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209443, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "78\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nThere can be no doubt that there were anti-French feelings among local Chinese of many different classes, feelings which existed independently of any initiative from Canton, but which were likely to rally to any call for patriotism from China.\n\nThe choice of the La Galissonière as the first target to boycott is significant. It had taken part in the storming of Keelung and at the attack on the Foochow fleet, and it had carried Admiral Courbet, the man in charge of these operations. It was a symbol of French aggression and a natural focus of Chinese hatred.\n\nPatriotism was recognized as an important factor in the initial strike not only by the Chinese. The Foreign Office in London sympathized with Chinese workers who refused to do work which would further French war efforts, and it implicitly raised the question of whether it was morally right for the Hong Kong Government to fine them for that.55 Questions raised in the House of Commons over the riots in Hong Kong reflected similar views, and the suggestion was made in the House that directions be sent to authorities in Hong Kong and Singapore to refrain from forcing to work Chinese who refused to do so for patriotic reasons.56 When the strike was over, Governor George Bowen identified the feelings behind it as a \"common national spirit\", and saw its rise as an important turning point of modern Chinese history.57\n\nOf course, the ties between the Canton authorities and local Chinese were not confined to the noble feelings of patriotism. The other forces at work included an assortment of interests. Many local Chinese had business and family ties in China which were vulnerable to retaliation. There was also the incentive of winning rewards from the Chinese Government which could greatly enhance status in Hong Kong. The Canton authorities exerted, therefore, by use of this carrot and stick approach, great influence on the Chinese in Hong Kong who while living and working there, still had their social, political and cultural frame of reference in China.\n\nIn many instances, local Chinese were eager to carry out official Chinese instructions. When the problem of finding agents in Hong Kong was brought up among Canton officials in 1884, Chang Chih-tung confidently declared, “All the civil and military", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209445, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "80\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nChinese patriot. This complex mixture of material interests and ideals may in fact have been shared by many Chinese leaders in Hong Kong, and is an important element in our understanding of this group in their role in Hong Kong's history.\n\nWorkers were ready to strike, and social leaders were ready to encourage and abet them. It was this combination of fears, aspirations and national fervour which responded to Chang's call for anti-French actions, and caused the initial strike. And it is very important to note that even while the general strike ended on 5th October, as late as November no one would work for the French.\n\nThe fining of the cargo boats brought the confrontation to a new level, and being unanticipated it led to a new twist of events. Most contemporaries recognized the fines as the cause of the general strike. The notice by the boat people testifies to this. First of all, it represented a miscarriage of justice; we have seen the Ordinance did not apply to workers who refused employment for whatever pay. Moreover, as Marsh himself admitted afterwards, the fine of $5 was exceptionally high.*2 It is therefore likely that in Hong Kong there was among the Chinese population a feeling of being more sinned against than sinning. True, most Chinese would not have understood the fine points of English law, but it did not take that kind of legal knowledge to have a gut-feeling of being wronged.\n\nFining Chinese who refused to work for the French who were at war with China also gave the appearance that the British were being pro-French. Chang Chih-tung certainly thought so. A few days before the strike began, the French admirals had been received in Hong Kong with great pomp. Dissatisfaction was expressed against the Hong Kong Government for its inability and unwillingness to prevent French ships from stopping and searching junks around Hong Kong waters. Moreover, the Hong Kong Government, upon hearing of Chinese plans to burn French ships, immediately despatched patrol boats to prevent this. To Marsh, it might be the most natural thing to protect the ships of a friendly power from attack. To the Chinese, it probably seemed over-zealous. To them, at this moment of national crisis, it was much easier to be irritated by the Government's actions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209452, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 109, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "87\n\nGovernment and people in Hong Kong culminated in the E-Sing bread poisoning case which found the whole Colony in a state of siege. During the strike-boycott of 1925-26 which resulted from Anglo-Chinese hostilities, a large portion of the local Chinese identified themselves with China and left, leaving many aspects of life in Hong Kong paralysed.\n\nEven when China was not at war with Britain, Chinese hostilities with other countries could also lead to complications. The 1884 events are a fine example of this. The anti-American boycott in 1905 and anti-Japanese boycott in 1907 and anti-Japanese activities after 1937 are others. From the local Chinese point of view, the Hong Kong Government reaction to these events showed that it was insensitive to the feelings of the majority of the population, and showed favouritism to the enemy. From the British point of view, such activities were causing undue embarrassment with friendly nations, infringing upon British territorial rights and breaking International Law. As often as not, the blame was laid at the doorstep of the Chinese Government.\n\nIn 1884, we find Marsh rushing letters and telegrams off to Parkes in Peking, claiming the Chinese Government was responsible for all the troubles and demanding redress.84 Needless to say, it led to much correspondence, charges and counter-charges. One instance is particularly revealing. The Tsungli Yamen, faced with charges by Parkes, defended the rioters in Hong Kong, attributing, ironically and tongue-in-cheek, no doubt their reluctance to work on French ships to their desire to observe the British neutrality laws! It further attributed the riot to precipitate action on the part of the Hong Kong Government. It disclaimed any control over Chinese in Hong Kong as they had long been under the control of the British, and it was not possible for the Chinese Government to prohibit or prevent any action these people might take. The argument may not have been very convincing, but it did get the ball back into the British court. This reply, and the 1884 events in general, demonstrates some of the difficulties Hong Kong created in Sino-British relations.\n\nOn the other hand, the presence of a \"native\" population led to the emergence of Chinese leadership groups. The Hong Kong Government had from the beginning relied on native leaders", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209455, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "90\n\nELIZABETH SINN\n\nthe Canton Government. It responded to Canton's call to strike and then terminated it when it had gone too far because each, in its judgement, was the appropriate thing to do at the time. In my opinion, it did what it believed to be right, and commensurate with the Committee's status as Chinese gentry. And the 1884 episode, we must admit in all fairness, demonstrated its effectiveness.\n\nNo doubt individual members had personal ambitions and motives, and in a sociological sense, these were what made the Tung Wah Hospital tick. What we must not overlook however, are the ideals and nobler feelings men had, and in 1884, in particular, I think these played an important part. It is too easy to be cynical; perhaps it is time to review the past with more sympathy.\n\nThe ease with which the Tung Wah and other Chinese leaders could rally cargo boatmen and coolies to strike stemmed not only from their prestige and influence but also from a common national feeling. Merchants and coolies alike suffered losses from the strike, but nationalism and a sense of moral righteousness against the fines made them accept these losses and join in common action. It is perhaps this ability on the part of the Tung Wah to identify with local Chinese of various classes through an incipient nationalism that made it so formidable in 19th Century Hong Kong. And one may speculate that the later decline of the Tung Wah Hospital as a political force was partially due to the rise of a newer, more complex and more narrow brand of nationalism in the 1920s which emphasized class lines and class struggles and thus made it more difficult for any single organisation to build on the joint allegiance of different social groups.\n\nBut what the average European contemporary saw was not the social, political and psychological vacuum that the Tung Wah Hospital could fill. He saw only dark conspiracies growing out of the ambition of its Committee members to usurp power from the Administration. European newspaper editors and correspondents alike lost no opportunity during the episode to vilify the Chinese leaders. European opinion reflected envy and hostility at every turn, envy for Chinese who rose to power and influence, and hostility against those who dared to demand a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209497, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "132 \n\nH. J. LETHBRIDGE \n\nLondon, on November 19-20, 1928. Miao's counsel (J. C. Jackson) withdrew from the case when Miao insisted on addressing the Court himself, but was allowed, should any question of law arise, to make a statement later as amicus curiae. Miao argued his case before the Court for over four hours and called three new witnesses who deposed that other Orientals had been seen near the scene of the crime on the day it took place. The Court, remarking that special indulgence had been shown to the applicant as he was a foreigner, dismissed the appeal. Dr. Miao Chung-yi was hanged at Manchester's Strangeways Gaol on December 6, 1928. Ironically, on that day his wife's body was shipped back to Hong Kong for re-burial in the Chinese Christian Cemetery, Hong Kong. No one has seriously disputed that Miao killed his wife, but the reason why he did so has baffled Sir Travers Humphreys and a number of other commentators. \n\nSir Travers Humphreys (1867-1956) was a product of late Victorian England, the era of British Imperialism. He was sixty-one when he presided over Miao's trial and eighty-six when he wrote an account in A Book of Trials (1953), a volume of legal reminiscence. Miao's story is to be found therein under the somewhat dramatic heading \"The Chinese Murder\". Travers Humphreys declares that \"The interesting feature of Miao's case is, perhaps, the fact that, in the absence of any direct proof against him, the circumstantial evidence was overwhelming, while the suggested motive for the crime, though proved to some extent, seemed to many people absolutely inadequate\". He comments, later on, that the trial was \"quite the most puzzling I have ever come across, on the question, why did he do it?\" and concludes, \"I am satisfied that Miao murdered his wife and was rightly hanged, but I was and still am unable to answer to my own satisfaction the question, 'Why did he do it?'\" \n\n37 \n\nIt seems that Travers Humphreys' perplexity owed much to the fact that the accused was a Chinese, whose mind therefore must be extraordinarily difficult to fathom. (Even a noted sinologist like Dyer Ball had argued that Chinese do everything in reverse, or eccentrically, compared with Europeans). This is further suggested by the quatrain containing the line \"The Heathen Chinese is peculiar\", which heads Travers Humphreys' chapter on the trial. Mrs. Miao, as we already know, was", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209507, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 164, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "PHONOLOGY OF A CANTONESE DIALECT OF THE NEW TERRITORIES: KAT HING WAI\n\nLAURENT SAGART*\n\nThe walled village of Kat Hing Wai (hereafter KHW) near Kam Tin in the New Territories of Hong Kong is inhabited by a lineage of the Tang clan, whose founding ancestor is believed to have settled there in the 10th or 11th century, coming from Jishui in Jiangxi1. Their dialect, which they refer to as way2 t'aw2 wa4 or 'dialect of the (walled) villages', differs from Standard Cantonese (SC) in a number of respects, and some of its speakers have formed the notion that it is really a transplanted Jiangxi dialect. It is not, however, only in use among members of the Tang clan, or in the village of KHW: I have heard a very similar dialect spoken in the Lau Fau Shan peninsula. Furthermore, Dr. P. H. Hase informs me that most, if not all indigenous Cantonese speakers of the New Territories call their dialect 'dialect of the (walled) villages' or 斗話. While there seem to exist differences between the different branches of this dialect, especially between the varieties spoken in the N.W. plains around Yuen Long and in the Eastern N.T. around Tai Po and Kowloon, the nature and extent of such differences are not known. Consequently, the scope of the present paper is limited to the phonology of way2 t'au2 wa4 as spoken in KHW.\n\nSha Tin\n\nI undertook a survey of the phonology of this dialect, which I believe has not so far been described, in October and November 19822. The informant, Mr. Tang Sau-man XXX, a 66-year-old native speaker of the 'dialect of the walled villages', was born and had always lived in KHW. He went to school in Kam Tin until the age of 18. The school was in the traditional Chinese style, and the courses were given in the local dialect by a teacher, himself a 'person of the walled villages' from 圍頭人.\n\n* Dr. Sagart (Doctorat de 3o cycle Paris 7, 1977) is a full-time researcher with the Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209582, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "CARL T. SMITH\n\nTHE HONG KONG AMATEUR DRAMATIC CLUB AND ITS PREDECESSORS\n\nTHE PROLOGUE\n\nTo set the mood for an article on Amateur Dramatics in Hong Kong, I quote a prologue to the performance of \"the screaming farce\", 'I've Written to Brown' presented on 21 April 1871 by the Hong Kong Amateurs.\n\nLadies and Gentlemen, the pleasing task\n\nIs mine tonight your kindly smiles to ask,\n\nFor those who now behind the curtain wait,\n\nWith biding, anxious hearts to learn their fate.\n\nSo let your verdict generous be, the while\n\nWe strive a pleasant hour to beguile.\n\nBut who can now a pleasant hour boast,\n\nWith thirteen steamers daily up the coast\n\nSharebrokers pressing one to sell or buy\n\nWith telegrams cach minute from Shanghai\n\nWith stern Welsh witnesses, who'd rather brook\n\nA Judge's ire than kiss a dirty book,\n\nAnd, by their word prepared to stand or fall\n\nSay they'll be if they will swear at all!\n\nWith piece goods market all to pieces gone,\n\nThrough sales of damaged shirtings ex the Don,\n\nAnd, piling agony, beyond endurance\n\nWith Oily Phantom's new Chinese Insurance;†\n\nWhere, of our interests most august protectors,\n\nThey've such a crushing army of Directors!\n\nSince last we met, though some enlivening rays\n\nOf social light have cheered our nights and days,\n\nA quiet Picnic to Victoria Peak\n\nPhotos in High Life, taken once a week\n\n†The American firm of Olyphant and Company organized in 1871 at Hong Kong the Chinese Insurance Company. It was the first insurance company on the China coast to cater especially to Chinese shippers and merchants. Its Board was composed of both Chinese and foreigners.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209593, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 250, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "228\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nand 1877. The burlesques were particularly popular because local references could be injected into them. For instance in the 1877 performance of Alladin, the following takes place in the Sultan's Palace:\n\nWe ha'n't been asked to Government House; perhaps Sir Arthur's busy packing up his traps.* The time, alas, is drawing very nigh\n\nWhen I shall have to call and say goodbye\n\nAdding, 'Good voyage, and good wind, good water”\n\nBoth to Sir Arthur and his charming daughter.\n\nI'm sure that everybody here who knows him\n\nIs very sorry we're about to lose him,\n\nAnd when he leaves as I can only hope\n\nThat we may job along as pleasantly with Pope†\n\nFree from disasters, typhoons and tornados\n\nOr \"rows\" like those which happened in Barbadoes.=\n\nThe musical finale was composed by a local music teacher, Professor Felix Panizza. The scenery was painted by Mr. Kerr (probably Charles Morland Kerr, accountant at the Oriental Bank) and Mr. Marciano Baptista, Junior, whose father had been a pupil of Chinnery at Macao. In the second act Queen's Road was depicted as a thoroughfare in the capital of China.\n\nENTER THE LADIES\n\nBefore 1879 there were no ladies in the productions of the A.D.C. Female roles were taken by men. This was acceptable for farces and burlesques but not so suitable for realistic love-scenes. A review of a production in 1870 noticed, however, that \"Miss de la Courcy has certainly the happiest way of performing female parts. Her performance showed her knowledge of the woman's character\".\n\n* Sir Arthur Edward Kennedy, Governor of Hong Kong April 1872—March 1877.\n\n† Sir John Pope Hennessy, Governor of Hong Kong April 1877—March 1882.\n\nThere had been disturbances during Governor Hennessy's administration at Barbadoes.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209616, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 273, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "251\n\n1932/33\n\n1933/34\n\n21 Feb. 1933 \"Nine to Six\" all female cast (Aimee and Philip Stuart, 1930) performance at Kings Theatre.\n\n—\n\n11, 12, 13, 14 Apr. 1934 \"The First Mrs. Fraser\" (St. John Ervine, 1929) performance at China Fleet Club to 1941.\n\n17, 20, 21, 23, 24 Feb. 1934 Armstrong)\n\n1934/35\n\nJ\n\n5, 6, 7, 8 Dec. 1934\n\n1935/36\n\nvenue\n\n\"Ten Minute Alibi” (Antony Mackenzie)\n\n\"Fresh Fields\" (Ivor Novello)\n\n18, 19, 20, 21 Dec. 1935\n\n1936/37\n\n4, 5, 6, 7 Nov, 1936\n\n—\n\n1937/38\n\n7\n\n\"Musical Chairs\" (Ronald Rattigan)\n\n\"Night Must Fall\" (Emlyn Williams)\n\n7, 8, 9, 10, 11 Dec. 1937 - \"Outward Bound\" (Sutton Vane)\n\n23, 25, 26, 27 Feb. 1938\n\n—\n\n\"French Without Tears\" (Terrence)\n\n1938/39\n\n8, 9, 10 Mar. 1939 \"The Shining Hour\" (Keith Winter)\n\n1939/40\n\nT\n\n22, 23, 24 Feb. 1940 \"The Circle\" (Somerset Maugham)\n\n(Note: all notices are taken from the English newspapers in Hong Kong, in most cases from editions of the dates given).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 291, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "269\n\n[Liu Yun Sham] Shang Shui [Sheung Shui] Hsiang Hsiang-kung-so kai-mu te-k'an 1:03, Hong Kong, 1981, pp. 31-32, 51.\n\n* The estimated population was given in \"Report by Mr. Lockhart on the Extension of the Colony of Hong Kong\", Sessional Papers, 1899, p. 204. * The figure is worked out on the estimate that about half of the population were males, and 20% of them were within the age group 7-14,\n\nHugh Baker op. cit. p. 73.\n\nHsin-an Hsien-chih, pp. 100, 156-157.\n\nG. P. Late, \"Report on the Survey of the New Territories, 1900-1901\" Hong Kong Government Gazette, 1902, p. 708.\n\nThe description was given by a late Ch'ing sit-tsai, Liao Chun-nan in a poem (undated) found in a hand-written collection of poems and verses kept by a retired school master in the village.\n\n*G. N. Orme, \"Report on the New Territories, 1899-1912”, Sessional Papers, Hong Kong, 1912, p. 56.\n\n14 Ibid., p. 59.\n\n15 \"Report of the Director of Education for the year 1912\", Hong Kong Administrative Reports, 1912, p. N 14.\n\nG. N. Orme, op. cit., p. 57.\n\n17 Ibid.\n\n\"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1911\" p. 103(26) and \"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1921\", p. 173. Table XVIII of the 1911 Census gives 94,246 as the total population including the N.T., Kowloon City and Sham Shui Po. From this, we have to subtract the numbers for the last two districts, which were placed administratively under New Kowloon. Hence population figure of what we now call the N.T. in 1911 was 80,622.\n\n\"Report of the Director of Education for the year 1913”, Administrative Reports, 1913, pp. N16-N17.\n\n* \"Report of the Education Department\", Administrative Reports, 1926, p. O5.\n\n* Annual Report of the Hong Kong and New Territory Evangelization Society, Hong Kong, 1912, p. 6,\n\n** Annual Report of the Hong Kong and New Territory Evangelization Society, 1918, p. 4.\n\n* \"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1921\", Hong Kong, p. 189.\n\n\"Report on the Census of the Colony for 1931\", Hong Kong, pp. 138-139.\n\n\"Dr. David Faure and Dr. Patrick Hase discovered last year at the home of a former village school teacher (born about 1875), a villager of Hoi Ha and resident at Pak Sha O Ha Yeung some 365 books of immense interest for the study of traditional village life and scholarship in the area of the New Territories. Amongst these books are a substantial number of textbooks used in the village from about 1875 to the eve of World War II. The books include the standard primers and their revised editions with additional commentaries, a set of three-four-five character primers composed in the late Ch'ing designed for women and children, simple readers, semi-modern texts on history, geography and hygiene, etc. The collection is of great value for further research.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209684, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 341, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n319\n\ndespite provision of a conversion table printed in very small characters.\n\nDespite these shortcomings, however, this is a useful handbook which will be of value in its field.\n\nP. H. HASE\n\nA Cadre School Life: Six Chapters Yang Jiang, trans. G. Barmé Joint Publishing Co. Hong Kong 1982, 91 pp.\n\nMadam Yang Jiang's \"Six Chapters on a Cadre School Life\", a book well received and translated into English, French, Japanese and other languages, is an epitome of life in the 'May 7 cadre schools' that could be found all over the country during the Cultural Revolution. This book provides food for thought for those free from any bias or prejudice, who will surely be enlightened after reading it. Like Madam Yang, I was an ordinary \"fighter\" of one of these schools. That experience should have made a greater impact on me as I had spent more time in a cadre school than she did. But for lack of literary talent and eloquence, I cannot vividly record this noteworthy episode of history in any way as well as she did.\n\nIn the Foreword he wrote for the book, Mr. Qian Zhongshu said he thought there might well have been a seventh chapter called \"Politics Chapter on Shame\". I, too, have the feeling that there is still so much more worth narrating. We, of course, cannot expect everyone to feel exactly the same because different people have different experiences and also because cadre schools were not entirely identical although they had much in common. So different people will have different things to narrate and appraisals will not be quite the same from the readers.\n\nSo far as I can remember, what struck me most was the damaging effect this period of history had on people of talent. If I were to add a chapter to this book, I would call it \"Transformation Chapter on Fei\". The word 'fei' is used mainly to denote 'waste' as in the term langfei'. It also has the meaning of 'tuition fee' as in 'xuefei'.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209706, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 363, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n341\n\nmight threaten the Brookes' autocratic rule. Again, on page 43 the author describes Rajah Vyner as \"resisting change\" yet in the following chapter (IV) we find the last rajah pressing strongly for a most drastic change of direction to a constitutional monarchy. Given the idiosyncracies of Rajah Charles's rule and the weakness and downright boredom with official obligations of Rajah Vyner perhaps this is an unfair criticism. It may just be impossible to label either ruler so precisely.\n\nThe book is the most exhaustive study of the last few years of Brooke rule that has yet appeared.\n\nLEIGH WRIGHT\n\nStudies in Chinese Archaeology, Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. 1982. Xii, 148 pp., 45 plates, 3 maps, bibliography, index.\n\nCheng Te-k'un. \n\nThis book is a collection of nine articles previously published in various journals by Prof. Cheng Te-k'un, formerly of Cambridge University and now with the Chinese University of Hong Kong. It is the third in a series published by the Centre for Chinese Archaeology and Art, and the reader is informed fully about the financing of the Centre's publication programme on the page just after the title page. Unfortunately, one searches in vain for biographical information or even an identification of Prof. Cheng himself. The editors have also neglected to include a map of China, a map of Szechuan province (subject of four of the nine articles), or a map of Fukien province (two articles). One minuscule map of \"The Coast of China\" measures 1 x 4 inches, and is useless. There is, on the other hand, a good map of the Santubong region of Sarawak, also showing Sarawak in its Southeast Asian context.\n\nThe articles fall into three groups: general surveys, field reports, and miscellaneous notes. Seven of the articles were written in the period 1933-1949, the other two in 1969 and 1982. As basic descriptions of excavations and field survey results, the earlier articles contain hard data, and have not been rendered obsolete by more recent work, apart from some points of interpretation offered by Cheng. However, the articles do not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209709, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 366, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "344\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nbegan to develop around 4000 B.C., that iron metallurgy was practiced in the Shang dynasty, and that the Hsia dynasty existed as described in much later texts—all highly controversial views—but the reader does not glean this information from the essay. Cheng's concluding sentence typifies his approach, with confident optimism and will to believe displacing scholarly caution: \"and what an exciting day it will be when the discovery of a Hsia capital site is announced to the world!!\" (emphasis added).\n\nWILLIAM MEACHAM\n\n+\n\nOxford Reprint Series: Things Chinese J. Dyer Ball (reprint of Kelly and Walsh 1925 Edition, Shanghai) 766pp inc. index, Peking J. Bredon (reprint of Kelly and Walsh 1931 Edition, Shanghai) 571pp inc. index, The Moon Year J. Bredon and I. Mitrophanow (reprint of Kelly and Walsh 1927 Edition, Shanghai) 514pp + index, The Hong Kong Guide 1893 (reprint of Kelly and Walsh 1893 Edition, Shanghai) 137pp + 36pp of advertisements, Kwang Tung, or Five Years in South China J. A. Turner (reprint of S. W. Partridge and Co. 1894 Edition, London) 194pp inc. index. All Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1982, all with introduction by H. J. Lethbridge.\n\nThe Oxford University Press is to be wholeheartedly congratulated on their courage in deciding to reprint many of the classic western texts on China dating from the last decades of the Ch'ing and the first years of the Republic. These works have become increasingly difficult to buy in recent years, and their reappearance on the market is most welcome. The reprints of this year do not represent the end of OUP's hopes in this field; also under consideration for reprinting are, it is understood, among others, Couling's Encyclopedia Sinica, Eitel's Europe in China, and Montalto de Jesus' Historic Macau.\n\nThe last decades of the last century and the first years of this are usually considered a period when Europeans either merely had contempt for the Chinese or else, at best, regarded them with patronising condescension. Surely, it will be thought, books on Chinese religion, society, or customs written by Europeans in China in this period would have nothing of value to tell us today. There are, certainly, remarks in almost all these books which", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209710, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 367, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "BOOK REVIEWS\n\n345\n\nseem to arise from an invincible conviction of the superiority of some western ways, of the inferiority of some Chinese practices, and of the inevitability and desirability of a general westernisation of China in at least religion, and some social customs. Lethbridge rightly draws attention to these remarks in his short but clear introductions. At the same time, it is abundantly clear from all these books that these remarks arise only from routine acceptance by the writers of the common assumptions of their time and class. Bredon's Peking, indeed, makes it abundantly clear that some of these beliefs, and particularly the belief that traditional religious practices were \"superstitious\", were also held by many Chinese at this time, particularly by the new revolutionary groups. In most of their work these western writers were recording facts, from a depth of personal acquaintance with the Chinese that few modern writers can even begin to emulate. What is more, the China these writers knew was the traditional, pre-modern society of the late Ch'ing: the society that so many modern scholars labour so hard to comprehend was lived and breathed by them.\n\nFor me at least, my first introduction to Dyer Ball's Things Chinese has led to a very real admiration for a work which is still of the greatest value as a prime source for traditional China. Similarly, I have never been to Peking, but Bredon's Peking is so well and clearly written that the later Imperial capital now seems very real and vivid to me. Again, there can be little doubt that Bredon and Mitrophanow's The Moon Year represents, for all time, the fullest, clearest, and most sympathetic treatment of northern religious practices: these differ markedly from those in the Cantonese speaking parts of China. Reading The Moon Year leads me to regret that no writer of similar stature was moved to record southern ritual practices at the same date.\n\nIt would be invidious to attempt to judge between these works. Peking and The Moon Year are clearly classics which will stand for all time as the best statement obtainable of a vanished world, but Things Chinese will almost certainly be the most consulted of the three, at least from my bookshelves. This is for two reasons. First is Dyer Ball's clarity, lack of bias, common sense and accuracy: his articles spell out well the traditional attitudes of the Hong Kong area. His comments are, indeed, a better insight into traditional practices than almost", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209719, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1982", "page_number": 376, "title": "RAS-1982", "content_text": "354\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\nsources. For such purposes we could use dozens of studies like Sagart's in all the Chinese dialects.\n\nOf course there is much more that one can do with materials such as these. The synchronic description of this particular subdialect at this particular time is useful in many ways. For example, Sagart's lexicon leads us into the interesting area of borrowed words in Hakka, loans from both Cantonese and English. We might hope for a future study of the phonology and semantics of loans in this subdialect along the lines of Samuel Cheung's chapter on loan words in Cantonese (Zhang Hóngnián 香港粵語語法的研究, Hong Kong 1972).\n\nThe few references in Sagart's study to syntactic details are intriguing and suggest the possibility of a fruitful expansion in that area. Although syntax and phrase construction are treated only cursorily in a section entitled Grammaire in the lexicon, we see some interesting details of usage that call for elaboration, hopefully at an early date. Page 20, entry 475 has a locative coverb phrase after the main verb in a construction that would require special explanation in other dialects. (cf. Cantonese phak gà chè hài nī douh 泊喺呢度 and also hài nī douh pāak chè, ‘park here' with a difference of nuance that needs fuller explanation). Also, I am fascinated by a dialect that uses throughout (Mandarin zhī) as the classifier for humans, monsters, deer, and other creatures. In some parts of China the use of this classifier is an insult when applied to people, but in this subdialect it seems to be the standard form for human beings. Divergent usages of this kind could constitute the base for an interesting study in its own right.\n\nWe also find Sagart's teu: kjius ‘les chiens', suggesting a plural form alternating with ais kjius 'le chien'; one wonders if teu, is equivalent to the Cantonese form dī in post-verbal position.\n\nIt is just in these areas of syntax and semantic shifts that one would like to see an expansion of Sagart's work. For too long we have taken it for granted that syntactic features are so similar among Chinese dialects that they are seldom worth separate study. In detailed studies of the kind Sagart has done we begin to see", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1982.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mk61z420p", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209781, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 40, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "DISFUNCTION OF CHINESE RURAL SOCIETY\n\nRAMON H. MYERS\n\nA talk presented to the Royal Asiatic Society,\n\nApril 6, 1984, Hong Kong\n\nThe title of this talk, essentially, derives from an analogy with the human body. Just as the skeletal structure, nervous system, etc. must have their functional elements working so that the human body can perform normally, so too must a society have its fundamental organizations and transactional relationships performing effectively as in the recent past. If not, certain dysfunctions emerge which are soon associated with social breakdown, disorder, and even misery.\n\nThe land tenancy issue in the twenties and thirties elicited great controversy in China, and indeed many studies indicated that tenancy had worsened and rural misery had deepened in those years. The causes of these developments were blamed on different factors, and the policies ultimately proposed called for major programs to restructure rural property rights and redistribute incomes. I want to raise two historical issues in this regard, propose an answer, and present a very different argument for interpreting the land tenancy issue of these years.\n\nWhy was it possible for the British Government and the Japanese colonial regimes to virtually double land tax revenues when they began to administer their respective territories in Ch'ing China? Why did the KMT fail to reduce tenant rents in Chekiang province in 1929-30 and then never try to carry out a land tenure reform thereafter? I believe the answer lies in the type of land tenure arrangement in central and southeast China which was then very prevalent,\n\nThis unique arrangement had two different claimants to the land: one claiming the sub-soil rights, the other claiming the top-soil rights. Both parties had different rights and obligations. The former paid a tax to the imperial state and collected a fixed rent, usually in kind, in perpetuity or re-negotiated rent terms.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209793, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 52, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "30\n\nThus, the written rules for community living are considered perfect and valid for all times and places. However, in common with all traditions which rely on the written word as the sole authority, difficulties in interpretation arise as soon as conditions and environmental customs change. The built-in weakness of written rules is that they can never hope to provide solutions to all situations and yet they have to claim perfection in order to boost their authority. With changed conditions and times, many Buddhists have asked themselves: Should the letter of the law be kept or should the spirit of the founder be preserved when the letter is no longer seen as embodying the spirit? If the spirit is considered the more important thing, how does one know that one has the founder's spirit? Would knowledge gained aside from the rules be mere guessing? These tensions have plagued the sangha throughout its 2,500 years' of history. There are situations where the rules are verbally recited and yet only certain ones are kept, while the others are tacitly ignored. Such has been the practice of the sangha in China. The monks verbally received 250 precepts at their ordination ever since the introduction of Buddhism into China and yet many of these precepts were never kept. The inherent difficulty in adapting the written law to suit the situation of a different time and place so that the true Buddha spirit may be readily lived is the lack of a central Buddhist authority which is strong enough to effect such a change. The result is a schizophrenic verbal adherence to the law with constant deviation in practice. Conscientious monks realize the unsatisfactoriness of such a situation but there is little they could do to alter the situation. Recent discussions of the re-organization of the sangha fall readily into this familiar pattern.\n\nThe biggest recent discussion of the re-organization of the sangha was initiated by an agenda of proposals to be discussed at the conference of Chinese monks in 1977. The agenda was presented in the context of an open letter which called for responses to matters concerning the sangha system, dress, ranking of monks, education etc. The initial reaction was collected in volume 209 of the magazine Buddhism in Hong Kong. Unfortunately, the media got hold of the report and rightly or wrongly, made a sensational report that monks were contemplating marriage. The scandal, real or imaginary, killed any further", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209803, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 62, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "40\n\nOn the point of the monks' helplessness to alter anything themselves one can call to mind a monk's cynical remark that with respect to the reformation of the sangha, nothing would come of it unless it is passed into law by the government. 法輪,「華僧大會七大提案之剖親」香·V. 209 (1977), p. 20: 「如何改革僧伽制度, 這一點, 我覺得沒有通過政府立法程序, 是辦不通的。」Is this lack of a Buddhist central authority one of the contributing reasons why the government exerted control over the sangha by its institutions of monk-officials, ordination certificates and examinations?\n\n5.\n\n* op. cit., p. 19\n\n大頭儈, 「但寶延續問題, 十四」, 香, V.221 (1978), p. 5.\n\n11 白聖, 「我對佛制改革的意見」香, V. 209 (1977), pp. 11-15.\n\n1* 覺光, 「華僧革新勢在必行」, 香, V. 209 (1977), pp. 8-9, 21.\n\n1 火頭會「惟實延續問題, 十四」, 香, V. 221 (1978), p. 5.\n\n34 永惺・「佛教的延續問題」, V. 209 (1977), p. 16.\n\n* 源慧, 「有關華僧問題的討論」, V. 209 (1977), pp. 25-28.\n\n14 王聯章, 「培養後繼的我見」, V. 209 (1977)、pp. 36-37.\n\n** op. cit., p. 9.\n\n** See 廣義法師, 「慶祝衛塞節聲中勿忘(尼)的出路」, 香, V.164 (1974)、p. 6. and \"#98#, · 6 · V. 170 (1974) p. 8. See also the report of the activities of the Hong Kong Buddhist Association in 'SMWUA& IR ̧ · Ñ · V. 227 (1979), p. 36, and the Hong Kong Buddhist Journal, Hong Kong: The Hong Kong Buddhist Association, 1978. Although the Hong Kong Buddhist Association includes a significant contribution from laymen, monks also take active part in its work.\n\n* For example, see, ##4#RTIí, · ✯ · V. 225, p. 14, and★ · BEANS, · · V. 233 (1979) · pp. 3-6.\n\n30\n\n1 正安, 「佛學的新認識」, 香, V. 230 (1979), p. 4, section on 「鬼神思想的混合」.\n\n1 金明, 「佛教在太空時代扮演的角色」, 香, V. 230 (1979)・p. 12.\n\n22 Ibid. p. 13.\n\n18 Ibid.\n\nE op. cit., p. 4.\n\n26 op. cit., p. 4.\n\n20 歸耕盛, 「淨土宗的哲學觀和科學觀」, 否, V, 230 (1979), pp. 6-11 and 張通文, 「佛陀的正確宇宙觀」, 香, V. 232 (1979), pp. 6-8.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209829, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 88, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "66\n\nfor the familiar object and adapt it to fit the new object by adding a prefix indicative of its Chinese origin. Examples are Chinese cabbage, Chinese mushrooms, Chinese boxing and Chinese frying pan (later simplified to wok, a phonetic loan.)\n\n(iii) A third method by which the users of the English language deal with the naming of new 'things' through reliance on native resources is the very common method of loan translation. This appears to take place especially when either the Chinese term is self-explanatory or when it is itself metaphorical and has been taken over because of its picturesque qualities; for example 'The Middle Kingdom' from is well-established. We have a great deal of work on this aspect of lexical borrowing, and the findings are to be included in a second Centre of Asian Studies Monograph. One example of a recent loan translation which has captured the imaginations of local expatriates and bilingual speakers,\n\nspeakers, and which has gained considerable currency is snake as a premodifier for boat or head. A snake boat translated from A and a snake head translated from M are respectively metaphorical expressions for a boat carrying illegal immigrants and a person in charge of such an illegal operation. (e.g. The Star, Hong Kong, 13/7/81). An even more recent loan translation is fish-ball from the Chinese literally ‘fish-ball', the name of a concoction made from chopped fish and spring onion, and which developed a metaphorical sense in local Chinese and refers to vice dens and illicit sex as in 'fish ball stalls' and 'fish-ball girls'. (e.g. S.C.M.P. 2/3/82, S.C.M.P. 9/7/82).\n\n(iv) The fourth method is to borrow the Chinese term as a phonetic loan and phonetic borrowing is the main focus of interest in our study.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209833, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "70\n\n(2) they are understood by at least 50% of the respondents to our questionnaire (In some cases the percentage is much higher).\n\n(3) they are found in at least one of the dictionaries we have consulted viz. O.E.D., Webster, Collins' Random House (In many cases they are listed in more than one dictionary).\n\nAll the words listed in the Appendix which will be included in our study, fulfill the first of the three criteria mentioned above. A large number also meet the other two criteria. A small group of words fail to meet the third criterion. This last group consists of more recent borrowings, and includes terms with restricted currency within Hong Kong, e.g. tai tai and pak pai, and terms originating from contacts between China and the west after 1950, e.g. Renminbi and Putonghua, of which there are twenty-five in our Appendix.\n\nIn general, meanings and etymologies given are based mainly on the various editions of the Oxford English dictionaries; whenever useful, this information is supplemented by explanations taken from other dictionaries, but since a word in the lending language may be changed beyond recognition once it is borrowed into another language, the origins of some loan words are shrouded in mystery, and their etymologies may be based on conjecture rather than fact, e.g. ketchup and also gung ho. According to the O.E.D. and Collins ketchup is derived from Amoy koê-tsiap or kê-tsiap or 'brine of pickled fish', but it would be virtually impossible to find the Chinese words which would convey sound and alleged sense. Gung ho allegedly is derived from the Chinese for 'work together', possibly 工合, but the etymology is dubious.10 Also, over a period of time, mutual borrowing among a number of languages and related dialects may take place, so that it is often difficult to discover the path through which a loan has travelled, and the changes which have taken place through the varying intermediate stages. We have made every effort to discover the true etymologies of the loan words. Many ‘old China hands' and indeed 'new' hands know cumshaw as a loan word. But at least two theories exist concerning its origin. It is either derived from the Amoy pronunciation of 'thank you' or it", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209834, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 93, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "71 \n\nis a perversion of 'come ashore\", the call used to entice Western sailors ashore. In the majority of cases there is little controversy, especially when we are dealing with the more recent borrowings.\n\nWe have noted the relatively small number of phonetic loans from Chinese, but of course the process is a continuing one, with new loans being added from time to time. And I ought at this point to consider the possible forces militating against the large-scale borrowing of phonetic loans from Chinese into English. There would appear to be some rather obvious factors, while others are put forward much more tentatively, confirming the theory that there are no hard and fast rules governing word borrowing.\n\n(1) The Disparate Nature of The Two Languages. Unlike related languages such as, for example, French and German, the structures of English and Chinese are very different, and this tends to discourage borrowing and assimilation.\n\n(2) The Absence of a Very Large Group of Persons Proficient in Both Languages. In order for large-scale borrowing to take place a considerable group of bilinguals has to be assumed. In Hong Kong, as people living here are aware, the vast majority of those who have any degree of bilingual mastery of Chinese and English are in fact Chinese, and the type of bilingualism consists of what has been described as 'additive' bilingualism11 and is rarely ambilingualism. Only a rare few among the English-speaking community speak any dialect of Chinese, and fewer still are able to write Chinese. The lexical borrowing therefore naturally tends to be more in one direction. And this leads us to a third possible factor for the relative smallness of the number of phonetic borrowings,\n\n(3) Lack of Integration by the Majority of the English-speaking Expatriate Community. Leonard Bloomfield has written, 'Cultural borrowing of speech-forms is ordinarily mutual. It is one-sided only to the extent that one nation has more to give than the other.'12 I am certainly not saying that the Chinese language or", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209846, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 105, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "83\n\n* For example, Aeneas Anderson, A Narrative of the British Embassy to China in the Years 1792, 1793 and 1794, London, 1795.\n\nJames Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, 4th edn., Hong Kong 1903. John Barrow, Travels in China, London, 1806.\n\nJ.F. Davis, Chinese Miscellanies, London, 1865.\n\nC. Toogood Downing, The Fan-qui in China in 1836-1837, London, 1838. James Bromley Eames, The English in China, London, p. 82.\n\nMary Gertrude Mason, Western Concepts of China and the Chinese 1840-1876, New York, 1938.\n\n+ * See H. Kwok and M. Chan, \"Where the Twain Do Meet\", General Linguistics, Pennsylvania, Vol. 2, #2, 1972, pp. 63-82.\n\nK. Luke and J. Richards, \"The Role of English: Status and Function\", paper for RELC Conference held in Singapore, 1982.\n\nA survey on English Language Use in different fields is being undertaken in the Department of English Studies and Comparative Literature by K. Luke and K. Bolton with the aid of a research grant from the University. Findings should be published shortly.\n\n* Charles F. Hockett, A Course in Modern Linguistics, New York, 1965, pp. 393-423.\n\nPartial Listing: David Bonavia, The Chinese, London, 1981.\n\nJ. Clavell, Taipan, London, Joseph, 1966.\n\nNoble House, London Hodder and Stoughton, 1981.\n\nEric Cumine, Ways and Byways, Hong Kong, 1981.\n\nR. Elegant, Dynasty, New York, Fawcett Crest, 1977. Manchu, New York, McGraw Hill, 1980.\n\nR. Hughes, Borrowed Time, Borrowed Place, London, Deutsch, 1968. Maxine Hong Kingston, China Man, London, PAN, 1981.\n\nWoman Warrior, New York, Knopf, 1976.\n\nT. Mo, The Monkey King, London, Deutsch, 1978.\n\nSour Sweet, London, Deutsch, 1981.\n\nIan Steward, The Peking Payoff, Middlesex, Hamlyn, 1978.\n\n10 In Webster we find this definition: 'enthusiastic, cooperative, enterprising, etc. in an unrestrained, often naive way.' Collins gives the definition: 'U.S. slang, excessively, or foolishly enthusiastic (c. 20th Century — pidgin English from Mandarin, Chinese kung work + ho together.)\n\nThe Chinese morphemes involved would seem to be [gung] 'work' and [ho] 'together'. The term may well be pidgin English, as Collins suggests, since the expression [gung ho] does not in fact occur in Chinese.\n\n11\n\n* K. Luke and J. Richards, op. cit.\n\n**L. Bloomfield, Language, New York, 1933, p. 461.\n\nThis is the O.E.D. spelling of the word derived from Chinese. In Hong Kong the word is usually written wui, reflecting the Cantonese pronunciation. Wu is used with this spelling as a technical term in the New Territories Ordinance.\n\n\"The Stanford Dictionary of Anglicized Words and Phrases, compiled by C.A.M. Fennell, C.U.P. 1982.\n\n15 A.J. Bliss, op. cit.\n\n16 R.W. Langacker, Language and Its Structure, Some Fundamental Linguistic Concepts, New York, 1968, pp. 177-194.\n\n17 Eric Cumine, Hong Kong Ways and Byways: A Miscellany of Trivia, Hong Kong, 1981, p. 177.\n\nPage 105\n\nPage 106", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209856, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 115, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "Chinese call District Officers \"father and mother officers\" because they are in direct contact with the people, and in China carry on nearly every function of Government, except the making of laws. In Hong Kong the District Officer is a land court judge, magistrate, public auctioneer of land and property, director of small public works, county judge for small debts, land tax collector, registrar of land deeds, rates collector, matrimonial disputes officer, forestry officer, agricultural \"expert\" (so called), land resumptions officer, and six or seven other things I can't now remember.\n\nThe District Officer's chief function is certainly to adapt the new 20th century conditions to the ancient agricultural environment of the people he rules. More clearly than anyone he sees the need of going slowly, so as not to break up the rural economy and the whole social order with it, in the name of a badly-thought-out \"progress\".\n\nEconomics of the Islands\n\nFarming, fishing and forestry are the three chief occupations. Rice is the main crop. Owing to the rainfall coming in summer, two crops a year are raised on most fields, with a third crop of sweet potatoes or vegetables in the winter: the first seedlings are planted in February; in March they are planted out; in July this crop is reaped and the second crop sown; in August that is planted out, and in October and November it is reaped and the winter crop planted.\n\nHeavy manuring with everything available alone keeps the soil fertile, and as there is neither meadow nor pasture as we understand it, there is not much animal manure to be had. Milk is not produced except in modern dairy farms, so that very little land is used to support animals. All the conditions favour the production of a dense human population; and this in fact is the object of the whole of Chinese civilisation: not the making of money, but having enough sons to ensure that the father's ghost, and the ancestors, shall always receive due honour and offerings, and so will send prosperity and good luck to their descendants; they can if neglected send the reverse.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209870, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 129, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "107\n\nfamous for the 8½ tons of Persian opium found there about 1921, guarded by an armed sampan and hidden in a cave. Kau Yi Chau (“Armchair Island\") is larger and higher. The sea all round is polluted with Hong Kong refuse tipped from sanitary barges.\n\nFurther on to the east is Lamma: also rendered \"Nam A” (\"Southern Forked Island”). This is an island of remarkable shape. Its best harbour is in the north-west, Yung Shu Wan (\"Banyan Tree Bay\"): all the others have defects: Luk Chau Wan (\"Deer Island Bay\"), Sokkwu Wan (\"Dragnet Bay\") or Picnic Bay, and Tung O (“East Haven”) are all too exposed in winter, Tai Wan (\"Big Bay\") and the other landing places on the west coast are surf-beaten in summer, and Tung O is more liberally supplied with reefs than any other bay in the islands except Ma Wan. Sham Wan (\"Deep Bay\"), a beautiful, deep, drowned valley, gets the swell nearly all the year round; besides, there is hardly any cultivated land by it. Hence Yung Shu Wan, with well-watered plains, villages, and low hills behind it, is the island's only commercial harbour: it has a sampan ferry to Aberdeen, the island's real commercial centre.\n\nLamma specialises in orchards, chiefly of papaya; water buffaloes, tigers and other evil beasts are unknown there, and the island seems prosperous, though animal diseases and shortage of water often cause losses. An interesting point is that some of the land here was used as endowments for what we would call \"fellowships\" for scholars in Namtau under the old order of things.\n\nSince 1932 Lamma has attained much fame as the leading site of the prehistoric culture of the South China coast, as the result of my finding large quantities of ancient pottery in good condition, and the later researches of Father Finn, who published his results in detail in the \"Hong Kong Naturalist\".25 The earliest glazed pottery in China comes from here. Another site nearby has rougher, more primitive objects than the bronzes and ornaments of Tai Wan; and a hill near Yung Shu Wan forms a third site closely related to the other two. At least four other sites have been found on the island, besides stone axes on the hills. The modern population probably does not exceed 1,000,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "In fact it has almost as many people as Lamma, nine times its size and close to Hong Kong. Its average elevation is about 100 feet, and there are three villages.\n\nMany other islands lie outside the British boundary. Of them I can say practically nothing, as I have never visited them, and there are no large-scale maps of them. They remain a rich field for enquiry and research in every direction.\n\nIn conclusion, I can only hope I have not bored you unduly; if I have, I can only say that having known and visited the islands for twenty years, I find them more interesting every year, and if I have interested some of you, I shall feel this afternoon has not been spent in vain.\n\n9th August 1937\n\nI\n\nNOTES\n\nSee J. Dyer-Ball's Things Chinese or Notes Connected with China fifth edition, revised by E.T.C. Werner (1925), re-issued by OUP, Hong Kong, 1983, pp. 297-8.\n\n* Yuen Chau Tsai, (\"Little Round Island\"), where the residence of the District Officer was is now the home of the Secretary for District Administration. The adjacent anchorage was reclaimed a few years ago.\n\n* Naikwuchau is now called Hei Ling Chau (\"Happy Island\"). This followed its early postwar lease to the Leprosy Mission (Hong Kong Auxiliary) which resulted in the change of name, intended to reflect the \"healing\" nature of the work and the improvement in the patients' lives.\n\n* Now the Rural Committee Offices.\n\n* Tai Ho at present uses for its name characters meaning \"Big Oyster\".\n\n* The yamen is usually now called the Tung Chung Fort, or Tung Chung Walled City.\n\n* At Tei Tong Tsai (\"Little Pits\").\n\n* Ngong Ping (“High Plain\").\n\n* Dedicated to Yeung Hau Wong.\n\n* Tsin Yue Wan at present uses for its name characters meaning \"Fried Fish Bay\".\n\n* Now usually called Fan Lau (\"Divided Streams”).\n\n* This fort is known as Kai Yik Kok Fort (“Chicken's Wing Point\"). On it, please see A.M. da Silva Fan Lau and its Fort, an Historical Perspective, in Vol. 8 (1968) of this Journal pages 82-95.\n\n* Tai Long Wan (\"Big Wave Bay\").", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209877, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 136, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "114\n\n$\n\ntemple's immediate vicinity take their place? Practically from the start, for example, the Man Mo Temple in Hollywood Road, Tai Ping Shan, became identified with a city-wide group of merchant and trade guild elite figures that, by 1870, had been further elevated by its incorporation into the management of the newly established Tung Wah Hospital, an institution that could speak for all Chinese in Hong Kong. But was this to imply that all new urban and suburban temples and shrines were subject to merchant and trade guild elite control? Was a new, elite-leadership pattern imposed from the outset in all localities by the leaders of the merchant community in what, after all, was not a very large or widely dispersed population, given the tendency to congregate near the workplace in the central districts of Victoria? Or did any new urban and suburban village-type shrines and temples emerge according to the well-established self-managing patterns of the countryside from which most of the new population had come? And did the older, pre-British temples also fall under the sway of this merchant elite, or did they continue under their own local management?\n\nThis article endeavours to answer these questions, being mostly concerned with the new communities of British Hong Kong, established after the island passed under British rule in 1842. The first of the communities studied was located on the small island of Ap Lei Chau, a coastal market centre and boat people's anchorage on the south side of Hong Kong Island and was centred on a long-established temple. Five others were geographically organized inter-dialect communities organized to arrange the worship of street shrines serving their localities. Three of these shrines were located in the older and well-populated western part of early urban Hong Kong; the others were in the Shau Kei Wan area on the eastern part of the island, in what were originally scattered small communities of vegetable farmers, stone cutters, boat builders and shopkeepers settled along the shore and on the hillsides, just outside the long-established fishing port.\n\nIn every one of these cases the inspiration and continuance of these shrines was due to local initiatives and local management, perhaps because their universally desired end — namely, communal good fortune and prosperity under the protection of the gods was the concern of residents in each place.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209922, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "159\n\nof a large corporation or the owner-manager of a smaller firm. The immediate financial rewards of both were more or less the same. Which option would you choose?\n\nAs Table 8 indicates, nearly two-thirds of those who indicated a preference chose to become owners.\n\nThis pattern of choice might be considered as natural if all of the respondents were owners themselves. It is logical to assume that a process of selective recruitment to the entrepreneurial role is at work, i.e., individuals who have the early ambition to be their own boss will try harder and thus have a greater chance to attain that goal. Fortunately, among my sample there were persons who derived their income mainly from salary and not profit. I shall call these non-proprietary directors as distinct from owner-directors. By non-proprietary I mean that these directors had been appointed directors before they held any company shares in their name, and that any shares they might possess subsequently were less than the average holding of individual shareholders. Eleven of the respondents, or a quarter of the sample, fell within this category. With such a distinction, we can pursue the question of selective recruitment. Did non-proprietary directors tend to favour salaried employment while owner-directors would choose to be self-employed? Table 9 demonstrates that this was not the case. There is no significant correlation between the employment status of the respondent and his preference for independent ownership.\n\nTable 8: Hong Kong Cotton Spinners' Preferences for Employment Status\n\n \n Choice\n Number\n Percentage\n \n \n Owner-manager\n 21\n 62\n \n \n Senior executive\n 11\n 32\n \n \n No preference\n 2\n 6\n \n \n No answer\n 6\n \n \n \n TOTAL\n 40\n 100\n \n\nSource: Interviews, 1978.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209929, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 188, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "166\n\nmanagerial succession is made more difficult. Patronage cannot easily be transferred to ensure the perpetuation of the enterprise.\n\nThe ideal of self-employment is not uniquely Chinese. It is also found to be an essential part of the American 'dream' in a land where social ascent is similarly treasured, (Mayer 1953: 160-180). How is this dream reconciled with the need for stable and dedicated corporate personnel? The chairman of Mill 22 was aware of the Western solution to this problem, but he did not think it practicable in Hong Kong:\n\n'In the West, there is a contract system to control the subordinates. Contracts are made for, say, two years and then renewed. This will check the managers, and they will watch their step because of the uncertainty. I am sure you have read the news recently of the dismissal of the top executive of Ford. I saw it work in the West. In the Brussels' Fair in the 1950s, I was struck by the maxim written on the banner of a display counter: \"If Heaven should fall tomorrow, I would still plan today\". But the Chinese don't act like that. If you don't know whether you will be fired next year, why should you work like hell? This is a difficult management problem.'\n\nThe Western system of contracts for senior executives is often accompanied by a profit-sharing scheme as an incentive for the executives. This tends to reduce the attraction of self-employment and enable the firms to recruit and keep ambitious and capable employees. How did the spinners regard the admission of senior executives to the circle of owners in their companies?\n\nProfit sharing\n\nThe desire to confine ownership rights to a chosen few emerged when I asked the spinners on their preferences for the public and private form of company organization. They were evenly divided in their opinions on the relative merits of these two forms, as shown in Table 10. The reasons they gave for their decisions indicated that the notion of a diffused 'public' as owners and the related idea of a 'corporation' as an independent and enduring entity have not taken hold among them. Those", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209930, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "Table 10: Hong Kong Cotton Spinners' Attitude Toward Private and Public Forms of Company Organization\n\n \n Company Organization\n Number\n Percentage\n \n \n Private company\n 16\n 46\n \n \n Public company\n 15\n 43\n \n \n No preference\n 4\n 11\n \n \n No answer\n 0\n 0\n \n \n TOTAL\n 35\n 100\n \n\nSource: Interviews, 1978.\n\nThose favouring the private mode believed that it was best to raise industrial capital from their own resources so that profits would return to them. They were suspicious of the motives of the companies that have gone public. Listen to the younger brother of the major owner of Mill 32:\n\n'Whenever the question of going public is mentioned, tears will fall from my brother's eyes. \"Why should we give away our hard-earned money\", he says. For the ambitious, they should have their shares floated. But most of them just want to take advantage of the public. We don't want to do that.'\n\nSome directors of public spinning companies would rather revert back to private ownership. As B17 said,\n\n'In Hong Kong's environment, the private form is better. The stock market is very abnormal with too much speculation. We try to avoid people who are after a quick buck.'\n\nHis underlying concern, I suspect, was the risk of take-over by other companies so that the original owners' assets could not be preserved. Spinning mills usually went public as an expediency mainly because bank loans will be more forthcoming. Banks were eager to have a closer watch over the operations of their clients, and the published accounts of public companies are a useful means of control. Partnership and joint ventures also frequently adopted the public form for greater legal protection and mutual supervision with the help of independent accountants.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209959, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 218, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "196\n\nthe vessel appointed to receive us, in the 10th month of the year Yeh-sze.\n\nLike Kong-heang my renown is small; like Lea-heang I have taught the classics, but profited little by the examples found in them. My attainments are slender, and I can only be compared to a ragged colt that has no real substance.\"\n\nIn view of Cree's mention of Charles Gutzlaff being on board the Vixen, and of the dearth of translators in Hong Kong at that time, it may be that the translation of the poem was made by Gutzlaff himself.\n\nNOTE\n\nThis is probably Liu Kai-yü (M), a native of Shun-Tien, Prefect of Canton (AHA) from 1843, or Liu Hsin (2), a native of Hsiang Fu, Honan, who succeeded him as Prefect of Canton in 1845 c.£. ƒƒƒ± (+M/2## Vol. 1), p. 405 (Note from Rev. C.T. Smith).\n\nRELICS OF HONG KONG AND CHINA IN BRITISH ARMY AND REGIMENTAL MUSEUMS\n\nP. BRUCE\n\nWhile in the United Kingdom in 1983 I visited a number of army museums in search of items related to China. There is, in fact, quite a lot to see, though the museums are scattered the length and breadth of the country and considerable travelling is involved. However, members of the society may like a brief note on what I was able to find and it would be interesting to hear of anything additional which is known of.\n\nI started at the Royal Marines Museum, at Southsea, Hampshire, which is, in effect, a part of Portsmouth. There is an interesting collection of China items here.\n\nThe oldest items are several assorted rifles and swords and an impressive Chinese cannon which looks as if it would have fired a shot about the size of a tennis ball. It is crafted to include a ferocious dragon's head at the muzzle from which the ball would roar forth. These were picked up in 1842.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209988, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "225\n\nHayes, James, The Hong Kong Region, 1850-1911, Hamden, Conn., 1977.\n\nHerrman, Albert, An Historical Atlas of China, Edinburgh, 1966.\n\nHook, Brian (ed.), The Cambridge Encyclopedia of China, Cambridge, 1982.\n\nHsiao Kung-chuan, Rural China: Imperial Control in the Nineteenth Century, Seattle, 1961.\n\nLethbridge, H. J., Hong Kong: Stability and Change, Hong Kong, 1978.\n\nNeedham, J., Science and Civilisation in China, Cambridge, (series still in progress). 1953-\n\n+\n\nNg, Peter Y. L., New Peace County: a Chinese Gazetteer of the Hong Kong Region, Hong Kong, 1983.\n\nWatt, John R., The District Magistrate in Late Imperial China, New York, 1972.\n\nWu Ching-tzu, The Scholars, Peking, 1957.\n\nOf all the books I have quoted from, three stand out as my clear favourites. J. J. M. De Groot's Religious System of China is such a mine of information and so well supported with Chinese quotations that it could, I think, have supplied almost everything I wanted on the religious side. J. Dyer Ball's Things Chinese, with its idiosyncratic treatment of Chinese culture under such headings as 'Topsyturvydom', 'Forfeits', 'Mendicants' and 'Lighthouses', betrays a sound knowledge and excellent if cynical understanding. And the Rev. Justus Doolittle's Social Life of the Chinese, based mainly on observations in Fukien province, gives a broad coverage of Chinese society in a systematic and very readable way. Happily, all three of these books have recently been reprinted, two of them in Taiwan, and Ball in Hong Kong. Between them they have delighted readers for over 270 years and there seems no reason to suppose that they will not continue to do so for centuries to come. I dare to hope that all the titles listed in this note will serve to spread that delight even further, by encouraging the reader to wander further into the mysteries of Chineseness.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209989, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 248, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "226\n\nQUOTATION REFERENCES\n\nAncestral Images\n\np.\n\np.\n\np.\n\np.\n\nv. De Groot, J. J. M., The Religious System of China, Leyden, 1892-1910, Vol VI, pp. 945-951.\n\n2. Werner, E. T. C., A Dictionary of Chinese Mythology, Shanghai, 1932, pp. 96 and 528.\n\n5. Lamb, Charles, The Essays of Elia, London, 1823.\n\n8. Osgood, Cornelius, Village Life in Old China: a Community Study of Kao Yao, Yünnan, New York, 1963, p. 101.\n\np. 21. Douglas, R. K., Society in China, London, 1901, p. 139.\n\np. 22. Macgowan, Rev. J., Sidelights on Chinese Life, London, 1907, p. 309.\n\np. 26. Williams, C. A. S., Outlines of Chinese Symbolism and Art Motives, Shanghai, 1941, p. 128.\n\np. 33. Doré, Henry, (translated by M. Kennelly), Researches into Chinese Superstitions, Vol. X, Shanghai, 1914, p. 24.\n\np. 37. Ball, J. Dyer, Things Chinese: or Notes Connected with China, London, rev. ed. 1904, p. 462.\n\np. 37. Waley, Arthur, The Analects of Confucius, London, 1938, p. 68.\n\np. 49. Werner, Dictionary, p. 518.\n\np. 50. Cormack, Mrs. J. G., Chinese Birthday, Wedding, Funeral, and Other Customs, Peking, 1927, pp. 107-108.\n\np. 52. Geddes, W. R., Peasant Life in Communist China, New York, 1963, p. 49.\n\np. 53. Ball, Things, pp. 264-265.\n\np. 68. 7, Book IV, Part 1.26.\n\np. 70. Ibid, Book IV, Part 1.19.\n\np. 73. Creel, H. G., The Birth of China: a study of the Formative Period of Chinese Civilization, New York, 1936, p. 175.\n\np. 74. 7, Book I, Part 1.4.\n\np. 76. Watson, William, Early Civilization in China, London, 1966, p. 48.\n\np. 82. Werner, Dictionary p. 483.\n\np. 93. Smith, Arthur H., Village Life in China, New York, 1899, p. 21.\n\np. 94. Ibid, p. 22.\n\np. 94. Botero, Giovanni, Relationi Universali, Venice, 1593.\n\np. 97. Jones P. H. M., Golden Guide to Hongkong and Macao, Hong Kong, 1969, p. 284.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209990, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 249, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "227\n\np. 98. Granet, Marcel, (translated by Maurice Freedman), The Religion of the Chinese People, Oxford, 1975, pp. 144-145.\n\np. 98. Smith, D. Howard, Chinese Religions, London, 1968, p. 121.\n\np. 104. De Groot, Religious System, Vol III, p. 1061.\n\np. 106. Gray, J. H., China: A History of the Laws, Manners and Customs of the People, London, 1878, Vol I, pp. 150-156.\n\np. 108. Doolittle, Rev. Justus, Social Life of the Chinese, New York, 1865, Vol. I, p. 197.\n\np. 112. MAR·DISUHDALATAJAH•MM› Vol I, No. i, 15 Sept. 1936, pp. 88-89.\n\np. 114. Mayers, W. F., The Chinese Reader's Manual, Shanghai, 1874, p. 223 and pp. 95-96.\n\np. 118. Peplow, S. H. and Barker, M., Hongkong, Around and About, Hong Kong, 1931, pp. 17-18.\n\np. 120. Couling, Samuel, The Encyclopaedia Sinica, Shanghai, 1917, pp. 483-484.\n\np. 121. Doré, Researches, Vol VII, p. 281.\n\np. 126. WIC›Ief, pp. 84-85.\n\np. 130. Day, C. B., Chinese Peasant Cults: Being a Study of the Formative Period of Chinese Civilization, New York, 1937, p. 41.\n\np. 130. Gray, China, Vol II, p. 41.\n\np. 134. Ashmore, Rev. Wm., \"A Clan Feud near Swatow\", The Chinese Recorder, May 1897, p. 216.\n\np. 136. Sung Hok-pang, \"Legends and stories of the New Territories: Kam T'in\", Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol XIV, 1974, p. 169.\n\np. 138. Lin Yueh-hwa, The Golden Wing: a Sociological Study of Chinese Familism, London, 1948, p. 66.\n\np. 148. De Groot, Religious System, Vol. VI, p. 945.\n\np. 149. Leong Y. K. and Tao L. K., Village and Town Life in China, London, 1915, pp. 83-84.\n\np. 154. De Groot, Religious System, Vol V, p. 525.\n\np. 156. Ibid, Vol V, pp. 715-716.\n\np. 160. Grant, C. J., The Soils and Agriculture of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, 1960, p. 122.\n\nMore Ancestral Images\n\n5. Addison, J. T., Chinese Ancestor Worship, Shanghai, 1925, pp. 34-35.\n\n10. Couling, Encyclopaedia, p. 137.\n\n9. Ball, Things, pp. 359-360.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209992, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 251, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "229\n\np. 60. Day, Peasant Cults, pp. 107-108.\n\np. 60. Burgess, J. S., The Guilds of Peking, New York, 1928, p. 179.\n\np. 69. A Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories, Hong Kong, 1960, p. 138.\n\np. 69, Maugham, W. Somerset, On a Chinese Screen, London, 1922, p. 138.\n\np. 70. Broomhall, Marshall (ed.), Martyred Missionaries of the China Inland Mission, with a Record of the Perils and Sufferings of Some Who Escaped, London, 1901, p. 8.\n\np. 74. Burkhardt, V. R., Chinese Creeds and Customs, Hong Kong, 1953-58, Vol I, p. 106.\n\np. 81. Ball, Things, p. 75.\n\np. 86. Ibid. p. 668.\n\np. 90. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol I, p. 340.\n\np. 92. Ibid.\n\np. 93. Doré, Researches, Vol V, p. 533.\n\np. 94. Ibid, p. 535.\n\np. 97. Ball, Things, pp. 499-500.\n\np. 101. Barnett, K. M. A., The Peoples of the New Territories' in Braga, J. M. (ed.) The Hong Kong Business Symposium, Hong Kong, 1957, p. 265.\n\np. 102. Hashimoto, Mantaro J., The Hakka Dialect, London, 1973, pp. 1-2, p. 109. Obraztsov, Sergei, (translated by MacDermott, J. T.) The Chinese Puppet Theatre, London, 1961, pp. 27-28,\n\np. 110. Dolby, William, 'The Origins of Chinese Puppetry'. Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, 1978. Vol XLI. Part 1, pp. 109-110.\n\np. 112. Spencer, Cornelia, Made in China: the Story of China's Expression, London, 1947, p. 122.\n\np. 114. Burkhardt, Creeds and Customs, Vol I, p. 13.\n\np. 114. Clemens, John, Discovering Macau: a Visitor's Guide, Hong Kong, 1972, p. 121.\n\np. 114. Werner, Dictionary, p. 503.\n\np. 117. Lo Hsiang-lin, Hong Kong and its External Communications before 1842: the History of Hong Kong Prior to British Arrival, Hong Kong, 1963, p. 83.\n\np. 118. Peplow and Barker, Around and About, pp. 4-5.\n\np. 122. Ride, Lindsay, \"The Old Protestant Cemetery in Macao', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong, Vol III, 1963, p. 14.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209993, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "230\n\np. 130. Ho Ping-ti, The Ladder of Success in Imperial China, New York, 1962, p. 208.\n\np. 134. Bredon, Juliet and Mitrophanow, Igor, The Moon Year: a Record of Chinese Customs and Festivals, Shanghai, 1927, p. 341.\n\np. 141. Ball, Things, p. 316.\n\np. 142. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol I. p. 122.\n\np. 145. Ho Ping-ti, Studies on the Population of China, 1368-1953, Cambridge, Mass., 1959, p. 187.\n\np. 148. Anderson, E. N., Jr and Anderson, Marja L., 'Modern China: South', in Chang K. C. (ed.), Food in Chinese Culture, New Haven, 1977, p. 339.\n\np. 154. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol II, p. 293.\n\np. 156., p. 180.\n\nAncestral Images Again\n\nP. 3. De Groot, Religious System, Vol I, p. 30.\n\nP. 4. Johnston, R. F., Lion and Dragon in Northern China, London, 1910, p. 140.\n\n5. Cormack, Birthday etc. Customs, p. 18.\n\np. 9. Freedman, Maurice, Lineage Organization in Southeastern China, London, 1958, p. 64.\n\np. 11. Chen Han-seng, Landlord and Peasant in China, New York, 1936, pp. 37-38.\n\np. 16. Johnston, Lion and Dragon, p. 383.\n\np. 21. Werner, Dictionary, p. 557.\n\np. 22. Watters, T, A Guide to the Tablets in a Temple of Confucius, Shanghai, 1879, p. xv.\n\np. 22. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol I, pp. 525-526.\n\np. 26. Liu Y. C., Fifty Chinese Stories, London, 1967, pp. 36-39,\n\np. 28. Ibid, pp. 56-59.\n\np. 30. Williams, S. Wells, Middle Kingdom, Vol I, p. 30.\n\np. 33. Gray, China, Vol I, p. 391.\n\np. 36. Macgowan, Sidelights, p. 326.\n\np. 36. Hunter, William C., Bits of Old China, London, 1855, p. 194.\n\np. 38. De Groot, Religious System, Vol I, p. 43.\n\n40. 齊東野, 風水靈籤怪談\n\np. 40. F·AKAKEK Hong Kong, 1963, pp. 12-13.\n\np. 47. Sun Yat-sen, Memoirs of a Chinese Revolutionary, London, 1918, p. 5.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 209994, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 253, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "p. 49. Drage, Charles, Two-gun Cohen, London, 1954, p. 135.\n\np. 53. Addison, Ancestor Worship, p. 54.\n\np. 54. Mayers, Reader's Manual, p. 157.\n\np. 55. Buss, Kato, Studies in the Chinese Drama, Boston, 1922, pp. 75-76.\n\np. 57. Ibid, p. 62.\n\np. 57. Couling, Encyclopaedia, p. 148.\n\np. 60. Smith, D. Howard, Religions, p. 163.\n\np. 60. Teichman, Eric, Travels of a Consular Officer in North-West China, Cambridge, 1921, p. 148.\n\np. 62. Milne, Rev. William C., Life in China, London, 1857, p. 97.\n\np. 64. Cockrill, W. Ross, The Buffaloes of China, Rome, 1976, p. 32.\n\np. 65. Ball, Things, p. 125.\n\np. 65. Arlington, L. C., Through The Dragon's Eyes, London, 1931, p. 132.\n\np. 67. Johnston, Lion and Dragon, pp. 181-182.\n\np. 70. Teng Ssu-yu and Fairbank, John K., China's Response to the West, Harvard, 1954, pp. 24-25.\n\np. 72. Endacott, G. B., A History of Hong Kong, London, 1958, p. 109.\n\np. 75. Krone, Rev. Mr., 'A Notice of the Sanon District', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol VII, 1967, pp. 124-125.\n\np. 75. Wesley-Smith, Peter, Unequal Treaty, 1898-1997, Hong Kong, 1980, p. 191.\n\np. 78. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol II, p. 169.\n\np. 78. Lin Yutang, My Country, p. 98.\n\np. 82. Mayers, Reader's Manual, pp. 359-360.\n\np. 86. Doolittle, Social Life, Vol I, pp. 207-208.\n\np. 90. Bredon and Mitrophanow, Moon Year, p. 395.\n\np. 90. Williams, C. A. S., Outlines, p. 254.\n\np. 92. Broomhall, Martyred Missionaries, p. xii.\n\np. 98. Couling, Encyclopaedia, p. 328.\n\np. 98. Arlington, Dragon's Eyes, p. 125.\n\np. 100. Ibid, p. 100.\n\np. 101. De Groot, Religious System, Vol I, p. 14.\n\np. 106. Hong Kong Weekly Press and China Overland Trade Report, Hong Kong, June 1903.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210009, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1983", "page_number": 268, "title": "RAS-1983", "content_text": "246\n\nplough back as possible. The first rice crop was harvested as close to the soil as possible as the ploughed back straw was of less value; it was the straw of this harvest that was kept as cattle feed and for other similar purposes.\n\nFallowing of fields and crop rotation to permit natural regeneration of fertility was not regularly used, and seems to have been extremely rare in valley padi or even moderately good hillslope padi. Dry ground and poor hillslope padi was, however, fallowed intermittently, but with little regularity or customary detail.\n\nThe practices noted here represent the major, but by no means the only fertilisers in regular use in New Territories villages before modernisation. Other organic wastes were used as and when opportunity arose. They represent the practice of the New Territories area, but not necessarily that even of other parts of Kwangtung. In Swatow and parts of Waichow, for instance, feces and urine were, it would seem, stored up together and used as liquid fertiliser when they had broken down and matured into a black oily liquid; in these areas ashes are collected separately and form the only dry manure used. J. Dyer Ball, in his article quoted, speaks of slow burning of vegetable wastes in clamp fires under turf to form a charcoal-like rich ash used particularly to prepare seedbeds; this seems to be a practice of the Canton area and would seem to be unknown in the New Territories area.\n\nThese practices, which alone accounted for the continuing high fertility of rice fields even in the face of relentless year-in-year-out cropping, while unsavoury, are obviously important and warrant further study: this Note aims only at indicating the types of information to be found.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese, Oxford University Press, Hong Kong, 1982, (reprint of 5th Edition, 1925, Kelly and Walsh, Shanghai), pages 22-23, \"Agriculture\", partly quoted from other writers.\n\nVillagers from Sha Tin, North Sai Kung, and Sai Kung were questioned, with about 6 villagers assisting. The Note does not attempt to identify particular points with particular contacts: the points made represent the general consensus view. Most points were confirmed by several contacts.\n\n8\n\nPersonal observation of the author in 1982.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1983.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/j9607p61v", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210156, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 127, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "106\n\nJAMES HAYES\n\nNor did he mince his words. “You have disobeyed and neglected your instructions” he told Elliot. \"You seem to have considered that my instructions were waste paper which you might treat with entire disregard, and that you were at full liberty to deal with the interests of your country according to your own fancy.\" The Foreign Secretary accused Elliot of having settled with the Chinese for much less than he had been told to demand “without the full employment of that force which was sent to you expressly for the purpose of enabling you to use compulsion, if persuasion should fail”. He was not impressed by the cession of Hong Kong “a barren island with hardly a house on it” and clogged by conditions which made it doubtful if it was a cession in full sovereignty.\"\n\n196\n\nThis myth, for myth it was, has died hard. Indeed, I fear it is not yet dead. It has always been more striking to compare the glowing present with such an insignificant past, and this has been the case at all times in Hong Kong's later history. Over forty years after the British occupation of Hong Kong, Governor Sir G.F. Bowen, addressing the Legislative Council at the opening of the 1884-85 Session, stated that \"... the Island of Hong Kong... when annexed to the British Empire in 1843 (sic) was merely a barren rock, inhabited only by a few fishermen and pirates.” This view was expressed another forty years on by the American Consul-General, George E. Anderson, writing on the Hong Kong Consular District in an official publication of the American Department of Commerce. \"The island of Hong Kong consists of a broken ridge of lofty hills, the highest, Victoria Peak, being approximately 1,800 feet in height. There are few valleys of any extent and scarcely any ground for cultivation... In general, the hills and mountains are bare and the soil is poor.\" He added usefully, \"The island of Hong Kong, 28 square miles in extent, is about 11 miles long and from 2 to 5 miles broad; its circumference is 27 miles\".*\n\nIs this a justifiable description? Was Hong Kong ‘a barren island with hardly a house on it\"? Were its people, such as they were, \"a handful of fishermen and pirates\"? The answer is NO, on both counts. There were several villages of some size, as well as hamlets, and a few larger coastal villages which served as market towns for the villages and as home ports for a permanent boat population and visiting craft. The land people were settled, and as we shall", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210218, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "168\n\nR.A. BOWLER, D.S.C. YANG AND A.J.E. SMITH\n\nquota was fixed for a duration of five years so that oystermen would have a chance to recover. The Chinese oyster farms are in practice allowed to deal privately and individually with Hong Kong merchants after quota deduction to sell the remainder of the crop. In order to encourage farmers to deal with official organs in selling the remainder, however, they receive a better than normal exchange rate from the Chinese government for oysters exported through the customs. As another incentive to use the official route, farmers are permitted to import tax-free personal household goods and production gear.\n\nThe official tonnages of fresh oyster meat exported (i.e. those which have passed through customs) from China to Hong Kong are shown on Figure 2. The figures provided by the Shenzhen Aquaproduct Company included some oysters in shell. These have been converted to wet-weight in Figure 2, making the assumption that wet-weight is 10% of the total weight including the shell. About double the tonnage is exported unofficially directly via direct sales to Hong Kong merchants into Lau Fau Shan by boat despite the incentives to use the official route. The reasons for the \"unofficial\" trade may stem from the following:\n\n(a) Relatively loose enforcement of import/export control on both sides of the Bay;\n\n(b) Tedious and troublesome customs procedures;\n\n(c) Various surcharges have to be paid e.g. 10% tax to aquaproduct company, 0.2% handling charge to Bank of China, and possibly others;\n\n(d) a two months delay in receiving payment; and\n\n(e) selling direct to Hong Kong merchants provides foreign exchange at the best rates.\n\nThe Chinese administration is clearly aware of the unofficial trade but apparently not prepared to take any vigorous action yet.\n\nOyster spawning and spat collection\n\nThe life-cycle of the commercial oyster can be conveniently divided into three major stages: (i) spawning, spat fall and collection, (ii) growth from first year to three or four year age, and (iii)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210219, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 190, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "169\n\nfattening, and harvesting. The spawning and spat fall has been described by Mok, 1973. The minimum water temperature and highest salinity recorded in Deep Bay studies for minor spawning were 25.8°C and 19.5 g/kg respectively, and for mass spawning greater than or equal to 27.4°C and less than 14.9 g/kg. Spawning occurred from May to September with setting or spat collection between June and October, (Mok, 1973).\n\nThe views of Chinese oyster farmers were that water temperature from 21°C to 30°C and salinity 10 to 15 g/kg were necessary for spat fall, together with an appropriate wind direction. It is doubtful whether the wind has any direct significance, but the hydrography is influenced by wind and appropriate salinity levels and other factors referred to in basic literature on oysters are thus affected by wind vectors. Collection of spat was considered best in May and June for around 40 days only. Technicians from a research and culture station in Shekou considered the best period to be shorter, limiting it to about 20 days in May only. Cultch placed too early would be fouled with barnacles and other biota.\n\nThe cultch techniques are discussed in a later section. The typical growth period to achieve market size for Deep Bay oysters has been reported as 5 years, (Mok, 1974a). The life span of the oyster is about 7 years depending on growth rates, (Bromball, 1958). The Chinese oyster farmers consider 4 years as the average time to reach maturity and market size. The Hong Kong oyster farmers interviewed in 1984 indicated that 5 to 7 years is needed in Deep Bay depending on the area of culture. Figure 4 shows the relationship of length of growth period to area of culture suggested by the farmers. The farmers claim that the increased growth period is a result of increased pollution, but there is no direct evidence to support the claim. Neither are adequate hydrographical or chemical data available to examine whether some natural phenomenon is responsible. The Chinese farmers interviewed did not mention the problem.\n\nThe fattening process only takes a few months during the autumn prior to the main winter sales season. In the summer months the flesh is lean and watery as a result of the stress due to production of sperm and eggs but subsequently becomes thick and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210221, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "171\n\nfarmers as to whereabouts in Deep Bay is best for spat collecting although some claimed certain areas were better than others. Spat was collected at the mouths of the rivers and streams discharging into the north-east of the Bay before 1908, but since then spatfall has occurred throughout the Bay (Bromhall, 1958). Most oyster-men now assume that it is relatively random, subject to fulfillment of basic biological criteria, and consequently tend to operate a number of beds scattered throughout the Bay so that they would not be caught in any particular year without at least some spat. In all probability the variations in tidal currents have a substantial influence on the location of spat fall.\n\nIn occasional years when towards harvest time the Deep Bay oysters are found to be insufficiently fat (random samples are opened to check), they are barged to Shajing for fattening. About one third of the Hong Kong oyster beds in Deep Bay are devoted to fattening.\n\nShajing is about 27 km up the Pearl River estuary from Deep Bay. Although it is a place which keeps recurring in any discussions of the oyster industry, it is only used as a fattening area during autumn and winter when the salinity is around 20 g/kg. In summer, when salinity drops to as low as 1 g/kg on occasions, no oysters are to be found at Shajing.\n\nOysters are shipped from many locations along the South China coast outside of the Pearl River estuary to Shajing for fattening. There are no data to support the claim made by most farmers that very fertile waters exist at Shajing, but the place does serve as an oyster holding centre. Oysters are shipped from Shajing to market; Lau Fau Shan in Hong Kong being the main export market. The ultimate origin of oyster imports into Hong Kong whether by the official or unofficial route is thus not easily determined.\n\nThe oyster species\n\nChinese oystermen recognise two major types of oyster. The first is called Bai Hao (白蚝) or white oyster, which is also known by its Chinese scientific name Zhang Mu Li which means long", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210223, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 194, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "173\n\nOyster culture techniques\n\nTraditional oyster culturing technique using small lumps of igneous rock as surfaces for oyster spat attachment remained basically unchanged until the beginning of the 1960s, when oyster farmers started experimenting with different shapes of concrete block to replace rock. Bromhall (1958) reports that the oysters were removed from rocks, placed into sampans and the rocks thrown back into the water for further spat collection. The rocks would often be covered in silt or sedentary biota before the next spat fall, so it is not surprising that various forms of artificial substrate have been adopted which could be \"planted\" at appropriate times. Mok, 1974a reports that concrete tiles 250 mm × 130 mm × 15 mm were the most common form of cultch used. Morton and Wong, 1975 confirmed that concrete tiles and posts were replacing stones and old oyster shells as cultch, and considered that diminishing supply of rocks was one reason for their introduction. The concrete posts currently used are 40 mm × 40 mm × 450 mm. Chinese oystermen also use concrete blocks 150 mm × 150 mm × 150 mm. All concrete items are inserted to about 50% of their volume into bottom sediments.\n\nThe Chinese oyster farmers said that in shallow-water beds, tiles tended to be used in very shallow inshore water, and posts in deeper water. Inspection of some of the shallow inshore Hong Kong beds showed however that posts were widely used. Whether this was by design or because of some temporary supply problems could not be ascertained.\n\nThe landward extent of the shallow oyster beds is governed by exposure to air, which should be no more than 7 to 8 hours in a day. In view of the usual tidal cycle described earlier such duration of exposure is infrequent. The shallow water oyster beds extend to about 0m PD, at which depth farmers can wade in water and work if necessary.\n\nConcrete tiles are found in rows about 0.6 m apart and spaced at 35 to 75 mm intervals, (see plates 4 and 5). Concrete posts are spaced at similar intervals to the tiles, but in some instances double or treble the density is used particularly when oysters are being", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210341, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 312, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "Page 31\n\n2\n\n291\n\n1886: Returning Home\n\nHis work in Singapore concluded, Woods returned on the Flying Fish to Japan in September 1885 for a second, longer visit. (There is no mention of his passing through Hong Kong on the way.) Woods' stay in Japan was extended by epidemics and the resulting quarantine, and it was February 1886 before he could leave Japan and proceed to Hong Kong.\n\nThere are no available details of his last stay. He rejoined the Flying Fish, which left Hong Kong on 19 March 1886, and travelled on her, via Manila and the Celebes, reaching Port Darwin in Australia on 23 June 1886. Immediately he resumed his Australian researches.\n\nWoods seems to have used every voyage as an opportunity for research, and some sixteen of his scientific publications are based on his work in Asia. In one of these, we find his description of Hong Kong. It is obviously a composite, based on his various visits:\n\nI first visited the south Chinese coast in 1885, arriving at Hong Kong in the middle of January, or, as I may call it, the depth of winter. It was piercingly cold at the time. All the inhabitants who could afford them were wrapped up in winter furs. The air was cloudy, damp, gloomy and raw to an extent which recalled to my mind the melancholy fogs of London. Having come straight from the fervid temperature of Singapore, the change can be imagined. Three days after leaving the Straits, all our Chinese passengers came on deck swathed to the eyes in quilted silks or cottons. It was evident that we were in a new region. We were passing many fishing junks of the unmistakable Chinese pattern: the sails of palm canvas, with bamboo laths across them like Venetian blinds. These junks, with thin radiating ribbed sails, apparently lop-sided and conspicuously down by the head, are characteristic sights to be seen nowhere but in China. In their marine architecture, as in everything else, the Chinese keep distinct from all the world.\n\nAmid the fog and mist which came thickly down upon us,\n\nPage 31\n\n2\n\n291", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210342, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 313, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "292\n\nRODERICK O'BRIEN S.J.\n\nsteamed amongst many barren-looking granite islands, about the fifth day from Singapore. At last one island with a very high peak upon it, loomed out from the clouds at no great distance, soon near enough to discern the forests of masts and crowds of steam-funnels, junks, sampans, and small steam launches which told unmistakably of a large seaport. As we neared it in the dull light of that cold foggy day, it looked as picturesque as any place I have ever seen. It may be defined as thick rows of masts; then handsome terraces of houses rising tier above tier upon such a steep incline that they looked as if each higher range were founded on the chimney-pots of the other. About half-way up the houses ceased, and then diagonal and zig-zag roadways, with scattered villas rapidly ascended into the clouds. A piercing cold Siberian wind was blowing keenly upon the animated scene of great rafts of steamers loading and unloading, a goodly fleet of men-of-war, and, as we neared the wharf, excited, surging, shouting crowds at the waterside. Hong Kong has often been described, but its wonderful population must be seen to be understood. Enormous crowds of boat-women, junk sailors, and coolies, which make a living stream on the quay, have no parallel in Europe or Asia.\n\nCertainly Hong Kong is not a Chinese town, but a town for Chinese, but yet not of European architecture, nor like the Straits Settlements. Its crowded by-streets and lanes, the absence of horse-carriages, the presence of chairs and jinrickshas make it very peculiar. There are plenty of soldiers in red coats and plenty of sailors in naval uniform, and all sorts of picturesque Chinese costumes, a few Hindoos and Malays, besides Parsees of portly presence and European dress surmounted with a hat like a stove-pipe.\n\nI am not going to describe any more of Hong Kong. I believe it is the most hospitable town in the East, almost surpassing the Straits Settlements and Shanghai. The merchant princes live in real splendour, extravagant if you will, but really comfortable. In winter sporting, hunting and other such amusements are out of the question; but for cricket, lawn-tennis, foot-ball and such like, and for balls, parties, private theatricals, & c., it", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210370, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 341, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "320 \n\nW.J. HOWARD \n\nmind was very much superior to the electric organ which we have at present. I would go so far as to say that the volume of the ancient pipe organ's music could be likened to a Niagara as compared with the new electric organ's trickling stream. I believe the humid weather conditions in Hong Kong forced the change over to the less pretentious electric model.\n\nDenman Fuller was a great favourite with the boys, particularly when the congregation was dispersing after the service. He would improvise his music as the boys were trooping out. One of our senior prefects, waxing poetical at the time, compared Denman's efforts to a dragon lurking in the uttermost depths of the ocean before soaring to the heights of the empyrean. His fortissimo notes would completely drown out all the jabberings of the boys. Abruptly he would come to a halt and the boys would find their feeble voices again before commencing their long walk from the Cathedral back to school.\n\nThere was a European gentleman who attended St John's Evensong every Sunday without fail. He was fond of seating himself close to the boys. This gentleman knew practically all the hymns, psalms and prayers by heart. He never opened the Book of Common Prayer or the Hymns Ancient and Modern. As soon as the choir started he would join in the singing without the aid of any book. In those days the psalms were sung according to the day of the month. It so happened that one particular Sunday was the 15th day of the month and psalm 78, with 73 verses, had to be sung in full. The learned gentleman sang verse after verse as usual by heart but unfortunately he was always one verse ahead of the choir. A mischievous boy by the name of Edward Charrington tried in vain to draw the gentleman's attention to his error. After he had sung his last verse he sat down and was shocked when the choir thundered \"So he fed them with a faithful and true heart; and ruled them prudently with all his power\", this being the last verse. He probably thought that the choir had repeated verse 73. Nevertheless his memory was prodigious and aroused the admiration of all the boys.\n\nThe Diocesan Boys' School produced at least four ministers of religion. Aside from Rev. George Zimmern, mentioned earlier, we", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210379, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1984", "page_number": 350, "title": "RAS-1984", "content_text": "329\n\nstudent who can find a generous sponsor for complementary studies of those rural areas which lie outside Dr. Hayes's purview: the other Peng Chau (in Mirs Bay or Dapeng-wan), Tap Mun, Sha Tau Kok, Tai Po, Yuen Long and their hinterlands. Even within Hong Kong's 400 square miles can be seen the kind of variations which Ouyang Hsiu described (in his preface to the Hsin Wu-tai Shih) as: it is a strength of Chinese society that such healthy variability can exist. Time is short, because when I was last there in 1982, the opening up of roads had already begun to erode village life, as it did in Tsuen Wan, Lantao and New Kowloon,\n\n+\n\n-\n\nDr. Hayes is a true Cadet, in the tradition of Cecil Clementi, Walter Schofield, Stephen Balfour and John Barrow, and his work puts even them in the shade. But oh! oh! that romanization! He says disarmingly in the Foreword \"I confess that romanization has been a problem.\" No shame in that: Chinese — whichever you wish of the 3,000 languages, all known as Chinese — does not lend itself to phonetic writing, and the Cadmean alphabet, while no doubt adequate for the Western Semitic language for which it was devised, was not really suited to Latin and is hopeless for English (though it does not do too badly for Finnish and Welsh) — how much less for Chinese? But of all the inadequate answers to this problem, why choose the obsolete Wade-Giles without its vital apostrophes and tone-numerals, too for what Western academics obstinately call “Mandarin”; and Meyer-Wempe for Cantonese? The latter, with omitted or misprinted diacritical marks, of which I found many (and have sent Dr. Hayes a list) is gibberish. Besides, being based on West River dialects, which differ considerably from the Upper Punyu which, after the eclipse of Sai Kwan wa from 1905 onward, became the standard speech of Canton, Hong Kong and overseas Cantonese (except those from the 5 districts known as Sze Yap), Meyer & Wempe's handy little dictionary has serious shortcomings. What a pity an updated Eitel never appeared!\n\nNothing will ever persuade me that Cantonese, Hakka and Hokkien place names should be written in letters indicating a pronunciation which no local would understand. (I suppose it must be a matter of politics, with which no scholar should soil his hands). Just you try getting a boat to “Shayuyung”! (The place is", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1984.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/5h73wh572", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210427, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 34, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "15\n\n11 At the time of my research in 1985, Tam was still alive in Canton. He has not altered his Protestant faith.\n\n12 From my interview with Alfred Lo.\n\n13 Lo translated it as the \"Tao of Apocalypse.\" He probably was not aware that the word 'apocalypse' had connotations which were not in keeping with his teaching.\n\n14 By now it is obvious that the first generation of disciples all changed their middle names to Han (). This is significant in that a name-change signifies a new identity, that is, the disciples were conscious that they belonged to a new sect.\n\n15 **. This worshipping hall must have been built before the fall of Hong Kong to the Japanese, for Alfred Lo recalled the pillage of the hall by neighbouring villages during the period of lawlessness.\n\nPage 1\n\n16 XANT · KM. There are certain esoteric elements in Lo's teaching, especially those which pertain to specific methods of sitting in meditation and the method of curing and of chasing of demons. These specific instructions cannot be divulged to the uninitiated. However, the abstract formulation of his teaching is open to the public.\n\n17 至大至達顧聖紀念館講詞,\n\n18 See his essay \"Does God exist? { »h_27[® )\".\n\n19 神也否無形而有徵者也\n\n20 有,形,名,性,欲,尬,恩怨,注,數情,\n\n21 This text appears as the centre-piece on one of the altars of this sect.\n\n22 This is as much as Lo is prepared to say about the creative function as the Supreme Deity.\n\n23 See photo on the inside of back cover of the AM (Plate I).\n\n24「歿後可以復歸干种」至大至尊顯聖紀念館講詞。「復貼於神,復節於無極」神之有無講詞。\n\n25 AZGI, ch. 8.\n\n26 Ibid., ch. 3.\n\n27 神之有無。\n\n28 Thus, human destiny in Tan Tse Tao is envisioned quite differently from monistic Indian religious thought.\n\n29「養身之道先修達德伤去监性」太太真jch. 17.\n\n30 Aliki chỉ 28.\n\n31 Ibid., ch. 8.\n\n32 Ibid., ch. 7.\n\n33 神之有無\n\n34 £ì, ch. 31. Also in f¡¡ ch. 18.\n\nPage 1", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210430, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "18\n\nCARL T. SMITH\n\nCemetery in 1889 is June 1841 and the latest date is January 1845.\n\nAfter the new cemetery was opened, the old was allowed to fall into neglect. An article in the China Mail of 23 November 1865 calls public attention to the desecration of the abandoned cemetery. \"Part of it”, the writer says, “has been cut away for building lots, where now stand some tenantless houses, and day after day headstones are stolen by the Chinese to be refaced and sold to some newly-made mourners”.\n\nThe remaining stones were removed in 1889 and the ground was sold for development. Upon a part of it Hong Kong's first electric power plant was built.\n\nThe new cemetery at Happy Valley\n\nA large tract of land on the hill on the west side of Happy Valley was designated in 1845 as cemeteries for Protestants and Roman Catholics. St. Michael Cemetery, administered by the Roman Catholic Church, lies to the north of the Colonial Cemetery.\n\nIn the same year that the cemetery was opened a mortuary chapel was built. The cemetery was placed under the charge of the Colonial Chaplain, who kept a register of burials. Maintenance costs were borne by the Government as a part of the Ecclesiastical Establishment. The first burial record book begins in 1853 with grave number 807. By the end of the century the cemetery was placed under the jurisdiction of the newly created Sanitary Board.\n\nThere were complaints about the state of the cemetery in 1865. An article in the China Mail (23 November 1865) stated that it was nearly full. At the time there had been some 3,100 burials. The writer expressed the hope that \"Happy Valley will ever be sacred to the dead, and that we never again behold in Hong Kong a graveyard desecrated and as filled as was that to the south of Queen's Road East by St. Francis Hospital\". He made some suggestions \"so that the Happy Valley Cemetery be", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210435, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "23\n\nChristians or Eurasians. He expressed the opinion that such groups had given up their heritage; he himself was an ardent Confucian and promoted the building of the Confucian Hall in Sookunpoo. He sarcastically added that “as people had already been admitted into the European paradise on earth, he thought it was scarcely fair to debar them from using the passage to the European paradise in heaven”. (The Weekly Press, 17 April 1909)\n\nThe Hong Kong Telegraph took up the cause; Lau Chu-pak was one of its owners. Following the April meeting of the Sanitary Board in which Mr. Lau had expressed the opinions given above, it ran an editorial entitled “More Class Legislation in Hongkong”. The editorial linked the cemetery question with what the paper regarded as a growing movement towards the enactment of class legislation. \"The fact of the matter is that this sort of petty municipal legislation is all of a piece with the policy of the Government in reserving special lands for the bon ton of the Colony. First, they decreed that in life the Chinese should not live in the vicinity of the Peak, and now in death the Chinese are not deemed fitting occupants of lairs in the public cemetery.” The editor asked for consideration for the Chinese who were seeking a better deal for their dead: “Fancy the outcry there would be among the elite if the remains of the deceased predecessors were subjected to removal at the whim and caprice of some insignificant official in a Government Department. That in itself should constitute a plea for the Chinese that they have a right of interment in the Colonial Cemetery.\" Indeed, “the Colonial or Protestant, or whatever fancy name anybody might wish to call it, the public cemetery of Hong Kong is maintained out of the rates and taxes provided by the residents in the Colony. It is no more a private institution than the public gardens. No sect or body has a right to say that it has any particular claim on the domain; as far as we can make out, all have an equal right to interment”.\n\nThe Christian Cemetery Ordinance of 1909\n\nThe Government decided to draft legislation which would create separate sections in the cemetery where only those", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210475, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 82, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "63\n\nwhat Skinner (1964) has called a standard market area. However, certain considerations both of fact and point of view make me hesitate to use this term here. First as to fact: the above are not the only differences that make it less than useful to regard this area as being centred upon a market town like a wheel upon its hub. As far as markets were concerned, it had, as we have just seen, two centres. As far as the Kau Sai fishermen recognized temple festivals, however, it had at least three, none of them lying in either market town. (This situation is further complicated by the fact that both the market towns and one other fishing village in the area also organised annual temple festivals, which some Kau Sai people did attend but irregularly and idiosyncratically). In the third place, both Sai Kung and Shaukiwan acted also as market centres and anchorages for large numbers of junks which ranged much further afield, either because they were deep-sea craft with a wider range of occupational movement than the inshore boats of Kau Sai and its neighbours, or seasonally. Both towns were also centres for quite large land populations; Shaukiwan being in fact a rapidly expanding industrial suburb of Victoria City on Hong Kong island.\n\nIt is likely that most of the peculiarities of this kind of market situation are to be explained by the extreme mobility of the boat population and the proximity of the great conurbations of Victoria (Hong Kong) and Kowloon. (Regarded from the point of view of the local land dwellers Sai Kung does fall neatly into the standard market category and Shaukiwan drops out of the picture altogether). It remains true, however, that in this study I am not taking a \"market centred\" point of view. For the fishermen of Kau Sai, Kau Sai was the centre of the Universe. Markets at Sai Kung and Shaukiwan, temple festivals at Pak Sha Wan and Lung Shuen Wan, were important, but peripheral. Moreover, mobility was such that every part of the Port Shelter-Rocky Harbour area was freely accessible and frequently visited, And all parts of it contained fish. Borrowing a term from Zoology, the area is from this point of view perhaps more usefully thought of as a \"territory\" than as a market area. Like herds of impala the fishermen of Port Shelter and Rocky Harbour, including those domiciled in Kau Sai, roamed their territory and exploited their niche in it, regardless of the fact that", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210526, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "114\n\nBARBARA E. WARD\n\n22 All but one of Kau Sai's long-liners fall into the category Small long-liner. A small long-liner shoots his lines direct from his junk, which is on average about 30-35 feet in overall length. Bigger long-liners (classed as Medium or Large Long-liners) carry sampans for the shooting and hauling of lines. Baiting-up is always done on the mother ship. In 1950 the Large Long-liners based mainly on Shaukiwan were the aristocrats of the Hong Kong fishing fleets, wealthy men, employing large crews. Informants claimed that before the Japanese occupation two or three of these large boats had been based on Kau Sai anchorage. By 1970 shortages of labour had driven nearly all of them out of business. Kau Sai then boasted one Medium Long-liner.\n\nThe nylon line, which everywhere replaced the old ramie during the early 'sixties, was greatly appreciated for lightness, strength and quick drying, but it tangled easily and so made baiting-up an even more finicking job than before. 23 Note on this and role of F.M.O. (N.B.) and on numbers of pupils etc: 84 in 1970. [Note not written; for related information, see T.A. Acton, \"Education as a by-product of fish marketing,” JHKBRAS vol, 21 (1981) pp 120-143.]\n\n24 In 1969 a special typhoon shelter, with concrete break-waters, was constructed at Government expense at Yim Tin Tsai a well sheltered cove to the north of Kau Sai island.\n\n25 The Fish Marketing Organisation, a non-government trading organisation controlled by a Government Servant, the Director of Marketing, was established in 1945. The Director is empowered to control the landing, movement and wholesaling of all marine fish (except shellfish and marine fish 'alive and in water'). For further detail see Chapter V below. In 1950 controlled wholesale markets existed at Shaukiwan and Kennedy Town on Hong Kong Island, in Kowloon, and at Tai Po in the New Territories. The Kennedy Town market was transferred to Aberdeen in 1952 and the Kowloon market to Cheung Sha Wan in 1966. A fifth market was opened at Castle Peak in 1969. The Organisation also maintains collecting depots and/or other offices at Cheung Chau, Castle Peak, Tsun Wan, Sha Tau Kok and Sai Kung.\n\n26 A male recreation; women in 1950 always wore long hair, shampooing their own or each other's with... [note incomplete]\n\n27 On this and the whole question 'What is a real Kau Sai person? see below Chapters 5 and [p. 75]. [The following indicates how this question might have been answered: \"The non-kin groups to which he sees himself belonging are also few. First there is the village as a whole: Kau Sai. He may describe himself as a Kau Sai man, or refer, as he does very frequently, to 'our bay' as a membership unit. This includes all people for which Kau Sai bay is a permanent anchorage, or who have houses ashore there.\" \"Sociological self-awareness: some uses of the conscious models”, Man (1966), vol. 1, p. 203.]\n\n28 [G. William Skinner, \"Marketing and social structure in rural China, Part 1,” Journal of Asian Studies, vol. 63 (1964), pp. 21-50.]\n\n29 See also Ward 1967 and 1968. [Probably reference to articles cited in note 4.]\n\n30 One most important aspect of the territoriality of all the fishermen was their inescapable need for credit. See below pp.\n\n31 boon wan ge yan this expression which was used synonymously with \"Kau Sai\" was the more usual in colloquial speech.\n\n32 [The next paragraph in the manuscript summarizes the argument here: \"These", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210563, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "151\n\n75 Ahern (1973), 191-203, and 213-218.\n\n76 M. Fortes, The Web of Kinship among the Tallensi (Oxford, 1949), 234-235; cf. 138-139.\n\n77 Ahern (1973), 217-218.\n\n78 I note only M.-Th. Charlier and G. Raepsaet, \"Etude d'un comportement social: les relations entre parents et enfants dans la société athénienne à l'époque classique\", AC, 40 (1971), 589-606.\n\n79 Cf. Fustel de Coulanges (1874), 115, and 120-122; and J.A. Crook, “Patria Potestas\", CQ, n.s. 17 (1967), 113-122. For an early and convincing instance of a son's inability to make a will while his father was still alive, see Plaut. Mostell. 233-234.\n\n80 Thus also P. Veyne, \"La famille et l'amour sous le haut-empire romain\", Annales (ESC), 33 (1978), 36; and Hopkins, Death and Renewal, 243-245.\n\n81 Cf. CIL 11.27, 40, 105-107, 112, 119 = ILS 8243, 121, 125 = ILS 8242, 147 ILS 8241, 187, 191 and 198.\n\n-\n\n82 Field research for this paper in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Singapore and the United Kingdom was made possible by a generous grant from the University of Minnesota's faculty travel fund, as well as a Single Quarter Leave Grant in the fall of 1983. It has benefited considerably from the criticisms and suggestions of many people expert in matters of contemporary Chinese religious experience. I am indebted above all to Patrick Hase for his invaluable suggestions at a meeting of the Hong Kong History Society, and to Alice Ng Lun Ngai-Ha and David Faure for their contributions at a seminar sponsored by the Department of History of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. None would agree with all to be found herein, but we do share a common conviction that local traditions, which are increasingly subject to external influences, should be recorded and studied before they are lost forever.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210621, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1985", "page_number": 228, "title": "RAS-1985", "content_text": "209\n\nchange in 1949 of land ownership and marketing systems in the producing areas in Guangdong, resulted in a continuing decline in supply.\n\n1\n\nThe decisive change came in the 1960's when Hong Kong metamorphosed to a highly commercialized society with profit-making as the prime goal of many business people. With this change in values, the peach blossoms, although not favoured by the older generations as they associated the flowers with \"jilted love\" (MEX), gradually won acceptance by the local population. The younger generation consider the reddish blossoms of the peach a symbol of prosperity. Moreover, there are now many peach gardens in the New Territories where customers can choose their plants on the spot; this is not possible in the case of Tiu Chung.\n\nThe unethical business behaviour of some hawkers also contributed to the demise of Tiu Chung. They sometimes adulterated their stock with branches of other plants such as Michelia species. The buds of these branches, though bigger, are in fact leaf buds and will naturally not produce any flowers. This is a very bad omen for the buyer, and indeed, with increasing numbers of people having this kind of bitter experience, Tiu Chung has gradually fallen into disfavour.\n\nThe fall in demand has naturally resulted in less illegal cutting. This is evidenced by the steady decline of prosecutions. There was only one case in 1985, as compared with an annual average of over 100 in the 1950's. The decrease in cutting has certainly helped the preservation of this lovely plant in the countryside.\n\nOld custom is changing — in this case for the better, at least from the conservation viewpoint!\n\nK. C. IU", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1985.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/gt54s866x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210672, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 23, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "6 \n\nON \n\nHELEN F. SIU \n\nwandering before he connected up with his maternal uncle in Kowloon. He was given the uncle's telephone number, but not knowing that dialing to Kowloon needed an area code, he could not put through the call. He did not dare to ask advice from the shopkeepers who let him use the phone for fear that naive questions would immediately reveal his alien identity. \n\nHis fears were real. Though he was wearing what a Hong Kong youth would normally have, his rural accent and his unfamiliar gestures generated enough suspicious looks from people around him. At the time, the Hong Kong police had set up check points to stop illegal aliens from reaching the city proper. Coupled with police raids in resettlement areas and the constant official warnings to prosecute those who sheltered illegal aliens, the maneuvers created the atmosphere of a state of siege for Liang. \n\nHe was lucky to have the connections of a maternal uncle, who quickly took him in as an apprentice in a Chinese restaurant. A labour certificate came with a legal status, the \"green stamp,\" giving him temporary residence rights in Hong Kong. He felt secure enough to return to his home for a visit in 1982. It was a happy event, but the three years of sojourn left an unspeakable mark on Liang's life. The mark told the story of what it meant to be an immigrant from rural Guangdong to urban Hong Kong at the historical juncture when both societies were suspended in a state of uncertainty. \n\nThe setting for emigration \n\nThe year 1979-80 was disorienting for many youths in rural Guangdong. The Third Plenum of the Party Central Committee in late 1978 gave the go-ahead signal for political and economic reforms. In the commune where Liang was, cadres with due anxiety started to introduce the new production responsibility system. Even before the reforms became official, interest groups had pushed for relaxation in the local economy. The atmosphere triggered unexpected movements in the rural commune. Though the commune was not dismantled at the time, work responsibility was gradually allocated to households. Surplus labour emerged as a problem for the more efficiently managed household economies.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210676, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "The political issue of 1997\n\nHELEN F. SIU\n\nJust as Liang was eroding prejudices against his immigrant status, he encountered anxiety from a rather unexpected angle. His gradual absorption into the working-class environment of Hong Kong was truncated by a series of political events in the 1980s. Mrs. Thatcher's visit to Beijing in the fall of 1982 thrust the issue of 1997 in front of the five and a half million Hong Kong residents. Living in a borrowed place with borrowed time, every wave of emigrants who had settled in Hong Kong since the war had pretended that the issue did not exist. The issue now rang loudly and urgently, and various social categories were faced with dilemmas of their own. Leaks of details in subsequent negotiations between the British and Beijing governments, plus speculations over the political uncertainty, created one panic after another in Hong Kong's economy. While liberal intellectuals debated the issue of political mobilization, and while professionals desperately sought means to emigrate, working youths like Liang suffered the economic consequences of a panic the political causes of which they had little anticipation or control.\n\nAs both governments started the long-overdue process of building up a political infrastructure for future transition, major efforts were made to shape public opinion through the media. While vocal elite groups emphasized the need to develop a commitment toward Hong Kong's future, pro-Beijing organizations in Hong Kong hastened the planting of their representatives in the colony. Every Hong Kong resident was quite aware that Chinese personnel had been sent to Hong Kong with increasing frequency. Numbering about 50,000 (in 1985),* and easily recognized on the streets of Hong Kong with their grey suits and shopping bags, the \"maternal uncles\" (jiujiu) heightened the anxiety of the local elite toward China's political advances.\n\nAfter four years of hard work, Liang was just coming to terms with settling down. In three more years, he would receive his status of permanent residence. His position in Hong Kong would also make him useful for joint ventures with his friends in rural Guangdong. However, the political problem of 1997 upset his plans. His keen political sense taught him not to trust China's", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210686, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "20\n\nWALTER GREENWOOD\n\nthe British Colony of Hong Kong. He matriculated at London University in 1875, and in 1876 he passed the Intermediate Examination in Laws obtaining first place of those candidates who achieved second class at honours. Also in 1876 he won the Lee Essay Prize at Gray's Inn, the subject being \"The Judicature Act 1873, stating its object and provisions generally and its probable effect on the administration of the law in England”. He was called to the Bar in November 1876. I have no information as to how he otherwise spent his time during 1874-6. The last glimpse of him in England I know of is an entry in Foster's Men at the Bar 2nd ed. 1885 in which his addresses are given as Hong Kong and the Junior Conservative Club.\n\nFrancis was admitted to practise at the Hong Kong Bar in March 1877, being the 27th on the Roll and the first barrister of Gray's Inn to be so admitted. His admission was moved by the Attorney General George Phillippo before Smale who was still Chief Justice. Phillippo said that his call certificate had been filed and an affidavit of identity sworn before Mr. Justice Huddleston was before the Court. However Huddleston had not given any indication of his office and the question was raised whether it was in order to receive the affidavit. Phillippo said that Francis was well known in Hong Kong and Smale said that he was prepared to act on his personal knowledge of him. Just to resolve any remaining doubts there might be it was noted that the affidavit was dated from “Judge's Chambers\" and that was deemed sufficient. Perhaps Francis heaved a sigh of relief. It would have been somewhat tedious for him to have to return to England to obtain a further and better affidavit of identity. E.J. Eitel in his book Europe in China wrote \"the admission to the Bar of Mr. Francis added new zest to the local displays of forensic eloquence”. Shortly after his own admission Francis signed an affidavit in support of the application of Ng Choy the first Chinese to be admitted to practise in Hong Kong. I like to think that it was an indication of his sympathy towards the Chinese.\n\nIn 1877 the leading practitioner at the Bar in Hong Kong was T.C. Hayllar who was admitted to practise in 1868 and at first Francis practised in his shadow. Another obstacle to getting work was that at that time the Attorney General was allowed to engage", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210687, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "21\n\nin private practice. However he quickly became established and when Hayllar left Hong Kong in 1882 he was ready to step into his shoes. The Hong Kong Telegraph in its obituary observed “In the early part of his career he had an uphill fight but his eloquence and thorough grasp of the law quickly placed him in the leading ranks of the Bar and after the retirement of Hayllar he had no rival. No important case could come before the court without Francis being retained\". The China Mail said “As a lawyer he had limitations but they were due to lack of early legal training rather than lack of ability. He had a ready grasp of the main points of a case and was unequalled as a reader of character, particularly Chinese character, and an expert cross-examiner\". The speed with which he prospered may be judged from the fact that he took silk in 1886, being only the third member of the Hong Kong Bar to do so. In his letter to the Colonial Secretary requesting the Governor to recommend him to the Secretary of State for appointment Francis wrote \"His Excellency is well aware that this is an honour which according to the recognised custom and etiquette of the profession is always asked for and when properly applied for is seldom refused”. The Chief Justice (now Phillippo) wrote \"Mr. Francis is fully deserving the honour he seeks. On the retirement of Mr. Hayllar Q.C. he obtained the position of leading counsel at the Bar in conjunction with the Attorney General. In nearly every case he holds a brief on one side or the other, and as leading counsel when more than one counsel is employed”. Governor Bowen wrote \"he has risen into leading and lucrative practice at the local Bar where he is making, as I am informed, some £4,000 annually. I have no hesitation in recommending that his application be granted\". The newspaper reports of cases bear out the above observations. Only towards the end of his life when his health began to fail did anyone else challenge his supremacy. He died before the start of the Hong Kong Law Reports but one of his cases is reprinted from a newspaper: Tang Kai Shang v. Ng Pak To H.K.L.R. Vol. 6 for 1911 p.90.\n\nReading the newspaper reports of his cases Francis comes across as a forceful, and often pugnacious and outspoken, advocate who took every possible point for his clients and never gave up. He had many clashes with the bench, other counsel and witnesses. He admitted that he was \"at all times very hot tempered\" and more than once apologised for “the unjustifiable warmth” of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210691, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 42, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "25\n\ntenced two soldiers to seven years penal servitude for robbing a man of ten dollars. However in a report to the Governor (Hennessy) he wrote \"if after the circumstances shall be forgotten, say a year after the Regiment shall have left the Colony, you should think it fit to remit any portion of the sentence it might be done”. In another case of robbery in which two defendants were convicted by a majority of the jury of four to three he wrote “I know the Chief Justice has expressed dissatisfaction at verdicts by majorities but the judges have found themselves bound to accept them as conclusive and the practice has been to act on such verdicts. I felt myself obliged to follow such precedents\". He recommended that they be pardoned because a co-defendant who pleaded guilty asserted that they were innocent. In September 1881 the Governor discharged them, and the two soldiers, from prison and was abused by the press for his \"capricious leniency”. (In 1894 an Ordinance provided that a majority of five to two was required in criminal cases). When criticised for hearing proceedings in camera he said \"I mean as long as I sit on this bench to continue to exercise the discretion vested in me by law to hear a case in camera when the ends of justice appear to me to require it, in entire disregard of all obloquy to which it may expose me”. When he ceased to act as Puisne Judge the Chief Justice wrote to the Governor to say that he entirely agreed with the Daily Press that Francis had earned for himself a high reputation for ability and clear-headedness. In addition he was appointed to the Commission of the Peace in 1878, and a member of the Commission to Revise the Laws and Ordinances of Hong Kong in 1887. He was also an examiner of candidates for admission as attorneys both when he was a solicitor and after his call to the Bar. He was never appointed acting Attorney General or Chief Justice, which appointments carried a seat in the Legislative Council (the latter until 1889) and that according to his obituary in the China Mail was a matter of regret to him. The system of acting appointments could have disadvantages as Francis pointed out. In 1885 there was a rumour that the Puisne Judge was going on leave for twelve months and that E.J. Ackroyd the Registrar of the Supreme Court would be appointed to act in his place. Francis wrote to the government expressing the view that officers of the Supreme Court should not be appointed to the bench and that the Registrar was a far more important official than the Puisne Judge. He pointed out that Ackroyd had been", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210699, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 50, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "33\n\nnominated E.R. Belilios. The only way in for Francis was by election by the Justices or the General Chamber of Commerce of which he was a member. He suffered a number of handicaps one of which was that he was not a businessman. He was present at a meeting of the Justices in 1884 to elect a member and expressed regret that Justices who were officials had, at the request of the Governor, declined to vote. He said they should either use their vote or, better, have no vote. In 1886 he was a candidate for the Justices seat. He published his interest in the newspapers saying \"I honestly believe I can do the colony good and faithful service and better than any other man. I am nearly one of the oldest residents. I came here in 1859. Since 1862 I have taken a lively and I hope intelligent interest in the affairs of the colony. I have some knowledge of business and its requirements and am deeply interested in the prosperity and progress of Hong Kong as a whole. It is my home, my life's work is here and I rise or fall with its fortunes\". He referred to his practice as a speaker and training as a lawyer and said he was thoroughly independent in all things. He said he was in favour of maintaining absolute freedom of the port and improving the harbour, changing the method of dealing in land and reforming the Legislative Council including increasing the number and powers of unofficials.\n\nAn editorial in the Daily Press said “false modesty is not a failing of our eminent counsellor any more than want of courage. However the Justices may require other guarantees from their candidate. They may also object that Mr. Francis whilst perhaps independent now has not always been equally so and the tone he now takes smacks rather too much of constant and indiscriminating opposition to the Government. There is some reason to doubt whether the best interest of the colony would be best served by a lawyer. Mr. Chater would be a better member\". Francis replied “unofficial members are permanently in opposition but obstruction for the sake of obstruction is a thing I hate and detest. I pride myself on having been in all things and at all times absolutely independent in thought and word. I have spoken and acted in support of what I thought right when it was in my interest in every sense to do otherwise\". The paper responded “Nine years ago Mr. Francis and two other barristers (Ng Choy and Hayllor) arrayed with the Governor against almost every member of the British and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210716, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "50\n\nSTEPHEN SELBY\n\nPlanning maps for that time show extensive plans for dwelling houses along the alignment of Prince Edward Road out to East Kowloon and the reclamation works undertaken by Ho Kai and Yau Tak (the Kai Tak residential development at Kowloon Bay) were under planning. The plans even show the proposed alignment of a branch railway to Ngau Tau Kok which is very close to the present-day MTR alignment.\n\nJackman was promoted to Assistant Director of Public Works on 1 June 1921 at a salary of £1,000; he had acted in the post for much of the previous year. His responsibilities included overseeing the planning of the Kowloon urban layouts and their implementation, including negotiation over resumption of private building and agricultural lots and arbitrations over difficult cases. In the mid-twenties, the Kai Tak residential development plan failed and the Government took back the partly-reclaimed area in order to form a commercial aerodrome using material dredged from the Harbour. The aerodrome came into use in 1928, although the flying club occupied a corner (as it does now) from about 1925.\n\nIn 1922, Jackman acted Director of Public Works during the sickness of the substantive incumbent, and from 15 May to 29 August of the following year, he again acted during his superior's leave. As DPW, Jackman also served as vice-president of the Sanitary Board and member of both the Legislative and Executive Councils. He was member of the Court and Council of the University of Hong Kong. The period of the mid-1920's was an unsettled one in Hong Kong, reflecting political events in China. A number of seamen's strikes and general labourers' strikes took place causing much uncertainty in the commercial sector and the Government.\n\nH. T. Jackman acted DPW for most of 1927, but at that time was already suffering from ill health. He was seriously ill at the end of the year, and at the St. George's Ball on 7 January 1928 he was invited to the official supper party, but only his wife could attend. On medical advice, he retired at the age of 54 (one year early) on 3 July 1928. He and his wife were given a farewell reception by the Acting Governor, W. T. Southorn, at Government House. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210730, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "64\n\nly Australian and Japanese, some also from India.”\n\nIn the first annual report (31/12/1872) Mr. Ford reported that:\n\n\"It is to be regretted that, owing to the want of skilled European assistance, a portion of these Gardens could not be reserved for strictly botanical purposes, and for the formation of a collection of plants peculiar to China, and thus make the Gardens of use to those scientific visitors who make HK a place of call, as well as students who reside in the Colony.”\n\nThe importance of the Hongkong Botanic Gardens as a repository of plants with commercial value to the area had already been stressed by Dr. Hooker in his report to the Kew Royal Botanical Garden in 1871 when he referred to them:\n\nas a means of introducing a multitude of valuable vegetable products which are described by travellers in China, but which are totally unknown in Europe.\"\n\nIn the 1871 report Ford also refers to the construction of a \"chunamed basin\" 18 ft in diameter and 3 ft deep for the growth of a specimen of Victoria regia but there is no further mention of this eye-catching plant in any further reports. This might possibly indicate its inability to grow under Hong Kong's rather unique climate conditions. The report continues:\n\n\"The trees planted consisted chiefly of Banyans, India-rubber trees, Bamboos, Whampee, Litchi, Rose Apple (Jambosa vulgaris) and Longan which were obtained from Nurseries at Canton. A quantity of Chinese Fir Trees (Pinus sinensis) have been raised from seeds for the purpose of planting in the higher and more exposed parts of hills where other trees do not thrive. A quantity of the same kind of seeds have again been collected together with a larger quantity of Casuarina seeds, which have been matured on trees originally raised, I believe, from seeds received from the Mel-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210792, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "126\n\nD.L. MICHALK\n\nby governors and generals striving to grasp independent power, and China was plunged into bloody civil war. Guangdong Province, the birth-place of the republican movement, immediately proclaimed itself independent. Sun Yat-sen, the \"Father of the Republic\", was elected generalissimo, and in 1924 the Kuomintang (the People's Party) was formed. Upon the death of Dr. Sun in 1925, Chiang Kai-shek, backed by his modernized army, emerged as the Kuomintang (KMT) leader, and with assistance from Communist factions began campaigns against the north which culminated in the fall of Shanghai in 1927.\n\nChoosing not to expropriate the capitalist bankers in Shanghai as demanded by the Communists, the KMT and Communists became bitter rivals which re-ignited armed struggle in south China. Fuelled by Communist propaganda, there came a genuine uprising of the peasantry against the KMT for failure to deliver promised tax and land reforms throughout the southern provinces. As part of this general uprising, the first group of “freedom fighters\" appeared on Hainan in 1927 and staged guerilla warfare on the island until Liberation, twenty-three years later (Fairfax-Cholmeley, 1963).\n\nAlthough armed conflicts between Peking and southern forces had occurred previously on Hainan such as those which led to the capitulation of General Lung's army in 1918 (Moninger, 1919), fighting was confined to the soldiery. However, the Communist tactics brought the conflict to the common citizens by inciting peasants to take up arms against the oppressive gentry and greedy merchants. The effects of lightning raids caused havoc in northern Hainan: numerous villages were abandoned, others sacked and reduced to ash-strewn rubble, and large tracts of farming land were deserted (McClure, 1934b).\n\nIn fact, the revolutionary play, Red Detachment of Women, was loosely based on incidents which occurred in Hainan in 1931. At a bridge about one kilometre south of the present Xinglong Overseas Chinese State Farm, a guerilla band led by Hong Chang-qing assassinated Nan Ba-tian, a cruel landlord. In reprisal, the landlord's forces captured and executed the guerilla leader. However, a slave girl, Wu Qing-hua, took his place as commander and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210822, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "156\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nWhen Dr. Legge took charge, he immediately changed the system. When he arrived at Malacca, Mr. Evans was already suffering from a fatal illness and he died some months after.\n\nThis change gave Dr. Legge the opportunity to put his own ideas of management and teaching into practice. The student body had dwindled from seventy students in 1837 to twelve in 1840. Six more left after Dr. Legge took over. With the remaining six, he began to build anew.\n\nAfter two years he wrote: \"I have about thirty boys from ten to sixteen years of age, and four young men . . . My maxim is to communicate ideas to them, to call their faculties into exercise, and to make them teach themselves, just as they feed themselves, it being my task to furnish them with the appropriate nourishment.”\n\nPrompted by the suggestion of John Morrison, the son of Dr. Morrison, Dr. Legge began to think about the removal of the college to China. Political events were leading to the opening of China for foreign residence and the British possession of Hong Kong.\n\nWithin days of the planting of the British flag on Hongkong Island Mr. John Morrison was writing letters anticipating the transfer of the Anglo Chinese College.\n\nHe believed that neither money nor support would be a problem, for he wrote: “On a settlement of commercial and political affairs... there is no object that will so much open men's purses here as the Anglo Chinese College. Can we but give a fair ground of assurance that it is to take new life, and progress as rapidly as for some years past it has been retrograding.”\n\nDr. Legge responded to Morrison's suggestions with enthusiasm. Both men wished to revive the college in accord with original plans.\n\nBy the time Dr. Legge was prepared to move, there was the prospect of amalgamation with a school already established in", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210828, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 179, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "162\n\nCARL SMITH\n\nSociety's Mission in China did not seem proper as there were no theological students. In addition it was cumbersome.\n\nDr. Legge rather evaded the question of name by stating, “we shall build a house and call it the London Missionary Society House.\" After the building was up, it was variously referred to as the Mission House, the London Missionary Society's Institute, Dr. Legge's school, the Malacca College and, by the Chinese, the Ying Wa Shue Yuen.\n\nAfter all the initial difficulties, the school did begin the Hong Kong phase of its history. Dr. Legge fell ill and the doctor advised that he should return home. He left Hongkong in November 1845 and did not return until August 1847. Upon his return the school took on renewed life.\n\nWHEN THREE CHINESE STUDENTS \"FOUND GOD IN BRITAIN”\n\nDr. James Legge did not have the opportunity to build a solid foundation for the school he established in Hongkong. He had just got it under way when the doctor ordered him home to Scotland for a period of rest. He and his family left Hongkong in November 1845.\n\nLee Kim-leen,\n\nIn the party were also four young Chinese Song Hoot-kiam and Ng Mun-sow, three of his students, and Jane A-sha under the care of Mrs. Legge.\n\nNg Mun-sow was an orphan boy the Legge family had brought with them when they moved from Malacca to Hongkong. Lee and Song had been former pupils at Malacca. They had not left with Dr. Legge because of parental opposition. They overcame this in time and joined Dr. Legge in Hongkong in 1845.\n\nBefore leaving Hongkong, Dr. Legge had asked the Directors of the Mission Society in London if he could bring the boys with him, but he had not received a reply. When he arrived in England, he found the Directors had not approved, but the deed was done.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210916, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1986", "page_number": 267, "title": "RAS-1986", "content_text": "250\n\nCARL SMITH\n\ntions between the Government and the Chinese. He believed Chinese views on matters affecting public welfare should be known and taken into consideration in decisions made by the Government and its officials. He was a strong advocate of equal treatment of all groups within the Colony and was opposed to class legislation. These policies were not welcomed by a large part of Hongkong's expatriate population. When Ng Choy was named to the Legislative Council there were murmurs of displeasure.\n\nThe choice, however, was a happy one.\n\nNg Choy, a barrister educated in England, was a diplomat by nature. During the period he represented the Chinese on the council, he steered successfully the treacherous course of cooperation with Governor Hennessy's \"pro-Chinese policy\" and cross currents of opposition it aroused among the European colonials. All of his good sense, ability to relate to people, integrity of character and humour were needed, and these did not fail him.\n\nIn 1882 he resigned to join the staff of Viceroy Li Hung-chang at Tientsin as a legal adviser. It was not easy to find someone who would fill the seat so capably. Ho A-mei, never backward, was willing and eager to compete for the high prize. His competitors were only a handful. Prominently mentioned were Dr. Ho Kai, Wei Yuk, Leung On and Wong Shing. Ho A-mei aspired to join their ranks.\n\nWho were these men and what were their qualifications?\n\nWei Yuk had been educated in Scotland and was compradore of the Chartered Bank, having succeeded his father in that position.\n\nGovernor Hennessy had made him a Justice of the Peace in one of his bids to tie the Chinese more closely to the Government. The editor of the Hong Kong Telegraph described Wei Yuk as \"a gentleman of great intelligence besides his wealth and position, exercising vast influence in all local matters appertaining to the Chinese.\" He served on the Legislative Council from 1896 to 1914 and became known after receiving a knighthood as Sir Wei Po-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1986.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/jq08c7063", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 210955, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 17, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "PRESIDENT'S REPORT 1987-88\n\nThe progress reported at the last Annual General Meeting has continued over 1987-88. The number of new members joining during the year has been, I imagine, the highest since the early years of re-establishing the Society in Hong Kong. Activities have been maintained at a satisfactory level and have been well attended. The current position of the Society and its administration have been subject to intensive scrutiny with members' help, and our proposed reorganisation for the coming year is the subject of a separate information paper. The 1984 and 1986 Journals are expected soon, and a new publication on Religion in China Today is in the press. The only area of concern is that of financing, but you will see that the increase in the annual membership charges approved at the last Annual General Meeting, taking effect from 1 January 1988, will help to restore the position, together with the income from new members and the energetic measures being taken to publicize and sell our publications. Finally, in this introductory statement I must not fail to record that soon after his appointment as Governor of Hong Kong, H.E. Sir David Wilson consented to follow the late Sir Edward Youde as our Patron.\n\nProgramme\n\nI shall now review the year's activities. During the year there were 12 lectures and 5 local visits, plus three tours to China. The talks were as follows:\n\nMarch 31\n\nMr. Geoffrey Emerson \"Yankee on the Yangtze\"\n\nApril 28\n\nMs. Diana Martin\n\n'Ghost Marriages'\n\nMay 12\n\nDr. Elizabeth Sinn\n\nJune 2\n\n'Kowloon Walled City: A Journey into the Past'\n\nMs. Maja Boyd\n\n'Père David's Deer Return Home'\n\nvii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211010, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 72, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "47\n\nwas a middleman and a go-between whose life and work has significance for the social history of education in Hong Kong. A study of his book and his career may possibly even hold some broader significance for comparative and historical studies of educational development.\n\nGeneral methodological background\n\nA considerable proportion of the literature produced recently in the fields of comparative education and history of education focuses on large, general, often policy-related issues.2 There is much to be said for this \"macro\" level orientation. Interesting overviews are provided. Readers gain, relatively painlessly, quick and convenient access to basic facts about educational systems and may be encouraged to recognize significant inter-society comparisons and trends. Writers gain fortification and, perhaps, inspiration by choosing to apply commonly accepted, if usually stipulatively defined, concepts to educational developments in various communities. \"Accountability”, “ethnicity”, “legitimacy”, \"dependency”, “formal”, “lifelong” and “informal\" education are examples of organizing concepts which have, in recent years, triggered off illuminating discussion. However, they have tended to be used at times as fashionable shibboleths.\n\nThe position in relation to colonialism in education is a good example of this tendency. In the post-[and/or neo-]colonial world of the late twentieth century, the actual word “colonialism” has acquired considerable pejorative connotations, not only in the trend-concerned realms of politics and journalism, but also in the republic of academia. As far as colonialism in education is concerned, it is significant that the works of Carnoy1 and Altbach and Kelly4 are based entirely upon macro-studies which concentrate upon formal, official policies, as can be understood or inferred from policy statements and official statistics, or on polemics which are by no means disinterested. Even Ball's interesting critique of Carnoy's theory of colonialism as cultural imperialism uses similar methods and source materials, though the latter are broadened to include data about personal attitudes.5 Gifford and Weiskel set out to identify characteristic “colonial styles” via a comparison of case studies, selected as illustrative “cases” of gen-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211030, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 91, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "66\n\nplan to reside in, or do business with, Hong Kong after 1997.\n\nFurthermore, it is not too difficult to recognize the emergence of a new middleman (in a sense, a new “compradore class” in Hong Kong) during the years leading up to the transfer of sovereignty to China in 1997. These are individuals, usually but not invariably of Chinese ethnic origin, often with existing economic and social prestige in Hong Kong, who are attempting to serve as go-betweens with the new political masters. Even in the field of academic education, a group of facilitators and middlemen has already emerged in Hong Kong, opening doors for visits, conferences, and regular contacts with educationalists from the Chinese mainland. Mok Man Cheung was in some ways the spiritual and intellectual forebear of this group and, therefore, claims may be advanced for him to be considered, truly, as A Middle-man for All Seasons.\n\nIn a broader, international and academic context, perhaps a recognition of what can be gained from a study of snapshots will serve to open up alternatives to the classic, \"hard\" social-science approaches to the understanding of what is distinctive about education in different societies. Currently, at least some of the macro approaches are so much concerned from the very outset with generalization and comparison that they fail to incorporate important and characteristic aspects of a society's educational system. At the other extreme, some micro approaches are so excessively concerned, often in the manner of antiquarianism, with detail that it is difficult to see how they could possibly contribute to any important understandings beyond their own minute facts. The methodological burden of this article has been that there is a place for an inductive approach which starts from the details and, by focusing on them as snapshots, is capable of generating broader understandings. If Mok Man Cheung is accepted as a Middleman for All Seasons, a claim can be advanced for alternatives to macro-mania.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211031, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 92, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "NOTES\n\n67\n\n1\n\nThe South China Morning Post, 20th August, 1904, p. 3.\n\nSee, for example, Mark Bray, Peter B. Clarke, and David Stephens, Education and Society (London: Edward Arnold, 1986); Mark Bray, with Kevin Lillis (eds.), Community Financing of Education: Issues and Policy Implications in Less Developed Countries (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1988); Ingemar Fagerlind and Lawrence J. Saba, Education and National Development: Comparative Perspectives (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1983); Prosser Gifford and Wm. Roger Louis (eds.), France and Britain in Africa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971); George Psacharopoulos and Maureen Woodhall, Education for Development: An Analysis of Investment Choices (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985); R. Murray Thomas (ed.), Politics and Education: Cases from Eleven Nations (Oxford: Pergamon Press, 1983).\n\nMartin Carnoy, Education as Cultural Imperialism (New York: McKay, 1974), Philip G. Altbach and Gail P. Kelly (eds.), Education and the Colonial Experience, (2nd Revised Edition New Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1984).\n\nStephen J. Ball, 'Imperialism, Social Control and the Colonial Curriculum in Africa', in Ivor F. Goodson and Stephen J. Ball (eds.), Defining the Curriculum: Histories and Ethnographies (London: The Falmer Press, 1984).\n\nProsser Gifford and Timothy Weiskel, “African Education in a Colonial Context: French and British Styles,” in Prosser Gifford and Wm. Roger Louis, France and Britain in Africa (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971).\n\nClive Whitehead, “British Colonial Education Policy: A Synonym for Cultural Imperialism?\", in J. A. Mangan (ed.), Imperialism, Socialization and Education (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988).\n\nIt is not implied that all the works cited above suffer from this defect.\n\n10\n\nThe term \"compradore\" is an Anglicized version of the Portuguese comprador, which literally meant \"provider\" or \"provisioner\". The historical significance of the compradore class has been summarized by Carl Smith in the following terms: \"The compradores were influential in proposing, capitalizing, and managing the modernization and industrialization of China in the latter half of the century. They had received their business training and acquired their capital by functioning as 'middlemen' between the European merchant and the Chinese employees and business contacts of the foreign firm. It was a strategic position which called for a foot in two worlds. A background of ability in the language and an understanding of European thought and manners usually ensured a rapid rise as a compradore.' Carl T. Smith, Chinese Christians: Elites, Middlemen, and the Church in Hong Kong (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1985), p. 63. It may be worth noting that several, but by no means all, of the early compradores in Hong Kong were \"middlemen\" also in the sense that they were of Eurasian birth.\n\n15\n\nSee, for example, Particulars of the Offices of three Assistant Mistresses, Education Department, now vacant in the Colony of Hong Kong, August 1913, in Colonial", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211034, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 95, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "70\n\n32\n\nFor further details and comments about the establishment and failure of the 1881-1883 Normal School, see CO129/197, p. 326f. In this file, Colonial Office minutes are critical of Hennessy's extravagance, note that \"the scheme is evidently Dr. Eitel's with Governor Hennessy's fiat\" and other correspondence (e.g., Eitel first report on the Normal School, in Eitel to M.S. Tonnochy, Acting Colonial Secretary, 19th January, 1882, and his second report enclosed in his letter to Tonnochy of 19th January, 1882) shows that Eitel, the Inspector of Schools, felt that there would be very unfortunate repercussions if the school were to be closed and that the headmaster, A.J. May was even prepared to take a salary reduction (from the original proposal of $2,400 a year to $1,600) rather than see the Normal School break up. In later reports (contained in CO129/202 p. 532f.), Eitel compared the Normal School, with its \"special private tuition and instruction\" in pedagogy, to the pupil-teacher scheme at the Central School to the disadvantage of the latter, and May, in his letter to Frederick Stewart of 19th July, 1883, mentioned the virtues of being able to utilize simulation techniques for the preparation of teachers at the Normal School. The actual end of the Normal School, which had been dismissed as unnecessary in the Education Commission Report of September 1882, was precipitated by A.J. May's insistence, in September 1883, that the students agreed to a bond to teach for five years at a salary rate of $25 per month on their completion of the course. The immediate result was that four of the ten students left for the Medical College at Tientsin, three joined commercial firms, and one became a government interpreter, leaving only two of the original intake, as mentioned above, to become teachers.\n\n33\n\nIn Singapore, a central training college for men teachers using English as the medium of instruction was proposed in 1904 and again in 1910, but the scheme was aborted because of the lack of applications. In Kuala Lumpur, an experimental teacher training course began in 1905, proved successful, and was followed by a two-year course in Penang in 1907. See Wong Hoy Kee, Francis, and Gwee Yee Hean, Perspectives: The Development of Education in Malaysia and Singapore (Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann Educational Books (Asia) Ltd., 1972), pp. 12-14.\n\n34\n\nWhat is certain is that his name does not appear in the Blue Book as one of the Pupil Teachers at the Central School at any time between 1880 and 1885. As noted above, Mok Man Cheung won the Class 1 Mathematics prize in January 1884. He was employed as \"Fourth Chinese Assistant\" at the Central School from September 1884. He did not, therefore, have the time to be enrolled in a pupil teacher's course, which customarily lasted for three years, but he might have taken an examination in \"Pupil-Teacher's Theory\" while studying in Class 1.\n\n35\n\nThe dispute over the opening hours at the City Hall Museum had come to a head in 1880 when the Executive Committee of the City Hall Museum, led by its chairman, William Keswick, attempted to restrict the entry of Chinese to the afternoons. They were opposed by the first Chinese member of the Legislative Council, Ng Choy, and by the Governor, Sir John Pope Hennessy. See CO129/189 p. 476-614 for correspondence, largely unsympathetic to the Committee's discriminatory proposal and including an extract from the Hong Kong Hansard for 1880 reporting a speech by Ng Choy, and CO129/192 p. 438-446 for correspondence which includes Keswick's opinion that racial distinctions should not be abolished with regard to admission to the Museum of the City Hall. The call for separate schools for the different races had been made on a number of occasions in the past, most notably in 1845, 1856, and 1870-1872, but the most recent resurgence of interest and argument about the issue had been provoked by a speech made by the Anglican Bishop Hoare at the Prize Distribution of the Diocesan Boys' School in January", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211037, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 98, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "73\n\ntion of schools, contained in the Government Gazette, included: “An Upper Grade School means one in which at least part of the Staff is European. Lower Grade Schools are those under purely native management” (Hong Kong Government Gazette, 30th June, 1905, p. 1023). Earlier, Bishop Hoare, the Anglican Bishop of Victoria and South China announced at the annual prize distribution of a school noted for its ethnically ‘mixed' admissions policy that he \"did not believe it was a good thing to put two races side by side in the school. He did not think they mixed. There was a gulf between the Chinaman as a Chinaman and an Englishman as an Englishman, and he did not think it was a good thing for Chinese boys to be educated side by side with English boys” (Hong Kong Daily Press, 30th January, 1901, p. 3). Amongst the largely supportive correspondence in the letters to the editor pages of the local press provoked by the report of Bishop Hoare's speech, there is a letter from a local Chinese resident, Wang Chung-yu, who argued, “Now, to exclude Chinese from certain schools means to go against the law of nature and to aggravate the hatred between Chinese and foreigners.... My experience goes to show that, as a rule, European boys in school generally depreciate things Chinese, and therefore there is no need to fear that European boys may learn any bad method of thinking peculiar to the Chinese.” (Hong Kong Daily Press, 7th February, 1901, p. 3).\n\n48 Sweeting (1983), p. 274.\n\n49 Despite the lack of warmth and closeness in the personal and social relations between the two communities, there was, in a sense, a reciprocal interest by certain Westerners for \"Things Chinese\". This interest was largely intellectual (anthropological and literary) and is, perhaps, best exemplified by Dyer Ball's large publication, which in later editions became increasingly larger, actually entitled Things Chinese. See the Introduction and Prefaces of J. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (Hong Kong: Oxford University Press reprint, with Introduction by H.J. Lethbridge, 1982 of the 5th Edition revised by E. Chalmers Werner, 1925). Interestingly enough, Dyer Ball also published a book entitled Cantonese Made Easy, which by 1904 had reached its 3rd Edition.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211040, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "76\n\nwith records of the \"autobiography” of the Taoist saint Huang Chuping, the figure worshipped by many thousands of devotees in Hong Kong as \"Wong Tai Sin.\" This autobiography has been reprinted in official publications of the Sese Yuan, and reads as follows (using the Sese Yuan's translation):\n\nAs a young shepherd boy, I spent my early childhood at Kim Hwa [Jinhua] Mountain located at the north of Kim Hwa City in Chekiang [Zhejiang] Province. The mountain was said to have derived its name from Venus and Mou Nui Constellation (Wunüxing) both of which were directly overhead. Orientated at the north of Kim Hwa Mountain was the Hill of Red Pines where I took abode. This hill, densely forested and often hidden in clouds and fog, was seldom frequented by outsiders. Among thick natural vegetations and interlocking peaks there was a deep ravine named Kim Hwa, one of the thirty-six caves of the similar geological structures in the neighbouring district.\n\nMy childhood was marred by poverty and hunger, compelling me to start earning my daily bread as a shepherd boy at the age of eight. At fifteen I was fortunate enough to have been blessed by a fairy who led me to a stone cave where I learned the art of refining cinnabar nine times into an immortal drug. For forty years in succession, I lived in this seclusion from the rest of the world until my brother broke this isolation. His early efforts were at first futile. However, through the guidance of a Taoist fortune-teller, he located me. My brother queried me of the whereabouts of the sheep under my custody. To this I replied that they could be traced in the east of the Kim Hwa Mountain. He was surprised, on arrival, to find nothing but heaps of white boulders which quickly transformed into sheep at my call. Fascinated by this impressive show of mine, my brother also took steps to learn to become an immortal.\n\nOriginally, I was named Wong Cho-ping (Huang Chuping), a subject of the Tsun [Jin] Dynasty and a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211082, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 143, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "118\n\nhad to bestow, made Ho A-mei a possible candidate for the Legislative Council.\n\nNg Choy, who had recently resigned, was the first Chinese member of the Council. He had been appointed by Governor John Pope Hennessy in 1878. His nomination had been part of what the English language press liked to call “Hennessy's pro-Chinese policy.\" Governor Hennessy's object was to establish closer relations between the Government and the Chinese. He believed Chinese views on matters affecting public welfare should be known and taken into consideration in decisions made by the Government and its officials. He was a strong advocate of equal treatment of all groups within the Colony and was opposed to class legislation. These policies were not welcomed by a large part of Hong Kong's expatriate population. When Ng Choy was named to the Legislative Council there were murmurs of displeasure.\n\nThe choice, however, was a happy one.\n\nNg Choy, a barrister educated in England, was a diplomat by nature. During the period he represented the Chinese on the Council, he steered successfully the treacherous course of co-operation with Governor Hennessy's \"pro-Chinese policy\" and cross currents of opposition it aroused among the European colonials. All of his good sense, ability to relate to people, integrity of character and humour were needed, and these did not fail him.\n\nIn 1882 he resigned to join the staff of Viceroy Li Hung-chang at Tientsin as a legal adviser. It was not easy to find someone who would fill the seat so capably. Ho A-mei, never backward, was willing and eager to compete for the high prize. His competitors were only a handful. Prominently mentioned were Dr. Ho Kai, Wei Yuk, Leung On and Wong Shing. Ho A-mei aspired to join their ranks.\n\nWho were these men and what were their qualifications?\n\nWei Yuk had been educated in Scotland and was compradore of the Chartered Bank, having succeeded his father in that position.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211226, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 287, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "262\n\nin interviewing, were very perceptive researchers, and were dedicated to the subject. In addition, Miss Lee was most generous in allowing us to call on her many relatives and friends in North Sai Kung. This was most useful, and we greatly benefited from their connections.\n\nMy initial idea was that, at the Chinese University, we should have a few people interested in the subject who would form themselves into a team and do surveys as directed. We would periodically designate particular geographic areas to be surveyed, not unlike what people at Hong Kong University were doing with local architecture. For each of these surveys there is a minimal framework. We could briefly outline the history of the area as old people remember it, and add also detailed aspects for the research team who will add to it significantly. Of course, the research interest will change, but you can go back to people after you have built up contacts and still find out what you want to find.\n\nI think building up the contacts matters a great deal. We were very lucky in this regard because we had the support of the Sai Kung District Office and Rural Committee, but I must also add that, like all researchers, you do not like to get all your contacts from one source. You tend to be given introductions to the more wealthy and active villagers from the District Office, such as those in the Rural Committee. We were lucky because we also had our students' families, and people met by our former students in their place of work, and others we got to know through our project and so on; so that we built up our own network of connections. At other times we simply knocked on doors. I was turned away quite a few times.\n\nBut on the other hand, I met very interesting people in this way. I always remember one case when I started my rural research. It was near the Border and there was this lady. The moment we walked in we asked about inscriptions. In fact, it is always a very good opening. You don't start off saying \"I want to know your history\". You simply want to know where the ancestral hall is.\n\nYou start by commenting on the beauty of the architecture and so on, and very quickly it takes you into the history of the village.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211228, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 289, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "264\n\nIn the course of interviewing systemically within the district and going to all the festivals, and also doing what we call 'spot interviews', we began to discover that villagers had in their possession a lot of books. Our first big find in this area was a box in the house of a Taoist priest who kindly and generously allowed us to photocopy all the books in it. These were handwritten, and some of them were not even used in his time. We also found quite a few in Shatin, and then all sorts of other things turned up. At the moment, what we call the \"Historical Literature of the New Territories\" runs into 30,000 photocopied sheets, and more material is coming in all the time. Photocopies of these papers have been made for various libraries, here and abroad, in view of their historical importance. I should also mention a project on collecting folk songs in the New Territories, which is being sponsored by the Hong Kong Museum of History.\n\nIn hindsight, the organisation we had was rather too simple. Working in the way we did, we in fact needed a much greater amount of institutional support than we actually had. The problem is, you need a certain amount of continuity. You see, strangely enough, money is not the biggest issue. Continuity is needed to build up and sustain your contacts. People also need a place to work in, which we never really had. It has got to the stage where if somebody really wants to go on working along these lines, collecting interview materials and documents, he has to give up all his writing, which is quite impossible. On the other hand, the price you pay for writing without continuing to collect is that a lot of the material will be lost. Old people will simply not be around for so long, and the books will be thrown away before they are collected. Unfortunately, so far no institution has come forward to support a project of this sort. The people who are involved are working in their personal capacities and doing whatever they can. But because we have not got a better organisation, more will be lost than need be the case.\n\nPatrick Hase\n\nWell I'll also start by saying how I started in this field. Like other people now keenly interested in village life in Hong Kong, I was not initially interested in the subject. Then I became District", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211235, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 296, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "271\n\nWell, over to you again, David.\n\nDavid Faure\n\nWhen I was in England last year I had a look to see what local history societies do, and what sort of material people have in local histories, and I was very impressed. Wherever you go, you find some sort of society with people who are interested in something. Then you have publications that are primarily documentation. You have to walk into a church or the pub, pay your 10p, and you get your little sheet where somebody has written up the history of a village and that sort of thing. You have a whole range of them, you've got scholars interested in broader problems in the field, or trying to fit the local scene into a larger context. You also have the tourist side of things, where people just want to know what that churchyard is all about.\n\nI think we fall far short of that in Hong Kong. I suppose the nearest to a local history society we have in Hong Kong is the Royal Asiatic Society, and our Journals are the only ones I know of that discuss local history as local history. You have a few other places you can publish in. The academic journals abroad are interested in Hong Kong material if you can fit what is said here into a wider theoretical context, so called. Then you also have the publishers that are interested in having a few books on Hong Kong. But we have not got a lot of local materials assembled where people can have a look at them. The conference on Hong Kong History that we had a couple of years ago at the Chinese University was a venue for people interested in the subject, and I suppose we should have more of those. Some sort of publication of source materials would also be useful, and I can't think of a better way of doing it other than by photocopying them and leaving copies in the major libraries.\n\nIt is a new development that the District Boards are now interested in their own history. Quite a few seem to be. They are all compiling these handbooks, describing what happened with the district, and want to include a section on the history of the district. That would be a useful development for our sort of interest.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211236, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 297, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "272\n\nPatrick Hase (continuing the same topic)\n\nThis usually follows a strong interest taken by the district officer or by a very senior elderly villager. It is not yet strongly based, although we have it in one or two districts. It has taken many years of effort to convince the villagers that their own history is of value. Also, many of the elderly villagers have spent the last 50 years being told that everything concerned with their own past is worthless. This attitude that the village past has no value sank down a very long way. A lot of elderly villagers with books that they inherited from their teachers have been ashamed of them. “These are just old-fashioned, they belong to the old world, they have nothing to do with modern things, they are superstitious, they really are of no value”. This sort of attitude, this sort of comment we hear from every side, shows that the villagers themselves are ashamed of their past. This is due to a very large extent to what their teachers have been telling them, and what educated people have been saying to them over the last few decades. One or two elderly villagers are beginning to realise that this is wrong, and there are some who are interested in trying to preserve something of their past.\n\nThe trouble is that they immediately fall into another equally dangerous trap, that of ‘doctoring' their past. We have got at least two places in the New Territories where books have been produced which have quietly sunk or re-written documents to make their own family, their own village, their own clan look better. There are some very deep-rooted Chinese attitudes strongly at work, so although we have awakened a certain amount of interest, it isn't always one-hundred per cent to the good.\n\nAt the moment, the only real interest that has been shown is effectively from Japan, where the Universities there would like to do a great deal more about the area than we are doing in Hong Kong. In Hong Kong it certainly has been my feeling that our job at the moment is to preserve, to put on record, to photostat, even if it is disconnected, while the going is good, to leave it to other generations to produce something from it. This counsel of despair stems purely from the fact that we have not enough resources to do very much, but the sooner we can get beyond this stage to putting something more coherent together, the better. So far, the only", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211269, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1987", "page_number": 330, "title": "RAS-1987", "content_text": "Plate 1. The Walled City at the turn of the century, just after the British took over the territories surrounding it. (Courtesy of the Hong Kong Museum of History)\n\nPlate 2. The Lung-chin jetty with the Lung-chin pavilion at the head. To the left is the fort and to right is the gambling ball. 1898. (Courtesy of the Hong Kong Museum of History)\n\nPage 330\n\nPage 331", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1987.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/rx919b522", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211309, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "PIRATES IN THE PEARL RIVER DELTA\n\nDIAN H. MURRAY*\n\nThis study of “Pirates in the Pearl River\" was a multiarchival research project whose goal was to piece together information on a group of Chinese non-elites who had hitherto escaped the attention of historians and to turn our attention seaward from the Chinese mainland in order to place our understanding of land-sea relations within a broader ecological context. The research drew upon documents written in Chinese, Vietnamese, French, Portuguese, Japanese and English and involved visits to archives in Washington, D.C.; Taipei, Taiwan; Beijing, China: Macao, Hong Kong; and London.\n\nAlmost at its outset my investigation revealed a significant growth of piracy within the Pearl River Delta and along the entire South China coast from Chekiang to Vietnam between 1796 and 1810. Within Kwangtung province alone a confederation of several thousand pirates and a fleet of 1,200 junks dominated delta and coast alike forcing all who set sail, regardless of whether they were merchantmen, fishermen, salt distributors or opium smugglers, to purchase passports for immunisation against attack.\n\nThe military prowess of the pirates was such that they successfully fought the Ch'ing government fleet, in the form of the Kwangtung provincial water force, to a standstill and involved themselves in both battles and negotiations with the Western foreigners then on the scene.\n\nYet, during 1810, at what seemed to be the height of their power, the pirates disappeared almost overnight from the sea. It then became my mission to understand both their rise and fall. Initially, I had intended to investigate the entire phenomenon and to account for all of the pirate activity along the southeast littoral. In the end, however, I discovered that just as there were economic macroregions within which life was lived on the continent, so, too, were there similar regions or 'water\n\n* Professor Murray, of the University of Notre Dame in Indiana, is author of Pirates of the South China Coast, 1790-1870 (Stanford University Press, 1987). This talk was delivered to the Society on August 1st, 1983.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211535, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 252, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "228\n\nIt reads in translation:\n\n+\n\n+\n\n\"There are two sorts of rice huller. One is made of wood. The other sort is made of mud. This sort is made with a round bamboo frame, filled with clean yellow mud. Bamboo teeth are pressed into both the upper and lower hulling faces. The upper frame of the huller has a hollow to receive the grain, the capacity of which is double that of a wooden huller. If the grain is at all damp when it goes into the huller, it will be crushed. After hulling 200 shek (E) of rice, a mud huller will start to fall to pieces. Wooden hullers require strong men to operate them, but mud hullers are suitable for operation by women or young people. The ordinary peasants use mud hullers of this type.\"\n\nI am grateful to Mr. Yau for drawing my attention to this description.\n\nJames Hayes\n\nA GLIMPSE OF THE LAND SETTLEMENT AT SHEK PIK VILLAGE,\n\nLANTAU ISLAND, HONG KONG\n\nIn the opening years of this century, following the lease of what is now the New Territories of Hong Kong, all land that was being utilised or had been occupied was surveyed by the new government. A Land Court was set up to settle all claims to ownership of land, and any disputes were adjudicated. Finally, a register of ownership for each of the 355 Demarcation Districts was prepared and bound into a folio together with a survey sheet and a Block Crown Lease.\n\nWhilst the work of the survey and land court are well-documented in the official reports of the time,1 few materials showing the process in the villages have survived.\n\nTo my mind, the most interesting of these are the small printed \"chits”, known to villagers and government staff alike as Chi Tsai", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1988", "page_number": 260, "title": "RAS-1988", "content_text": "236\n\nnames in Mandarin (Wade-Giles). This book is about South China. The whole \"feel\" of the place and its people is somehow different if it and they masquerade as something else: had Cantonese Romanization been used, the identification of the two villages named at pp. 126-127 need not have been explained, to cite one example. The late K.M.A. Barnett said the same when he reviewed my book, The Rural Communities of Hong Kong, in Vol. 24 of this Journal, when I was another victim of the system. Frankly, I should have known better, having even more to buck convention than Dr. Murray!\n\nJames Hayes\n\nJerry Dennerline, Qian Mu and the World of Seven Mansions, New Haven: Yale University Press, 1988.\n\nWhen Qian Mu (Ch'ien Mu) returned to the Chinese University some years ago on the occasion of the founding of the series of lectures that bears his name, students flocked to hear him even though few could have understood his Jiangsu dialect that passed for Mandarin. I have always looked upon that incident as being highly symbolic of the call of Chinese nationalism, of the attraction that the unity of Chinese culture held for Chinese students, and of their propensity to accept as wisdom what they could not understand.\n\nQian Mu symbolizes Chinese culture, untainted by Westernism or party politics. Qian Mu was my colleagues' teacher. He founded New Asia College that became a part of the Chinese University, in Hong Kong and not Taiwan, driven by nothing except his determination that scholarship should be pursued for its own sake. My colleagues at the Chinese University recall with nostalgia the comradeship they felt as students of New Asia in the 1950s. Despite Hong Kong's colonial status, and despite the 1949 Revolution, in New Asia they studied the Chinese classics as the fundamental philosophy that would remain forever Chinese. You cannot but marvel at the confidence that was inspired by this great man, and you can understand why students would turn to him for intellectual leadership.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1988.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/ft84gb83q", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211708, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 123, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "98 \n\na door through which the western world traded with the East, particularly China. Import values of incense wood increased. In 1846, 131 tons of sandalwood were imported from New South Wales, 12 tons from Kuang-tung and 5 tons from Lombok and Bali.\" This might not seem impressive at first sight, until one considers that the total amount of import from New South Wales was 550 tons carried on 6 vessels, so that sandalwood constituted approximately a quarter of the total. In 1847, the quantity of imported sandalwood from New South Wales grew to 228 tons, almost double that of the previous year.'* \n\nNo direct mention can be found of local incense milling and joss stick manufacture during this period, although the export table for 1848 given in the Hong Kong Blue Book does make a distinction between trade in incense logs and incense powder. In that year, incense exports from Hong Kong to ports on the east coast of China consisted of 48 tons of sandalwood shipped in 213 packages, and to Whampoa consisted of 25 casks of powder and 318 logs while another 144 tons of sandalwood were sent to other places in Kuang-tung. \n\n15 \n\nIt is possible, therefore, to speculate that incense wood milling evolved in Hong Kong alongside the lumber trade in incense wood, probably as an attempt to reduce the bulk and weight of the logs. At that time, incense wood was ground by stone hammers operated by water power. Such hammers could be worked in pairs or in groups of five to six. The idea was to grind the incense wood by means of an overshot wheel. The axle of the water-wheel rested on a cross beam and was held in place by wedges within the place where it was to revolve. When water was conducted through a leat onto the bamboo boards of the wheel, the wheel turned, causing the cross beam to revolve. The revolution of the cross beam, in turn, caused the hammer to rise slowly and then fall with a crash. As a result, the continuous raising and dropping of the hammers onto the wood would grind it up into powder. This idea of incense milling was taken from the overshot wheel used in irrigation, as outlined in the Nung chêng ch'üan-shu,\" and is similar to the process used in pre-industrial Europe for the fulling of woollen cloth, and the working of iron blooms. \n\nYung-yen has referred to water milling in Heung Fan Liu (**) in Sha Tin in the late Ming Dynasty.\" This is possible, and it is even likely that there was incense milling in the area in and after the eighteenth century. However, the first positive evidence of incense milling in Hong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211770, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "160\n\nminority in the foreign community.' The effects of this discrepancy on the local dramatic scene will be dealt with later.\n\nBy far the greater part of those who came out to China were active as merchants or mercantile assistants; in general, they were in their late twenties or early thirties, and lived together in the hong of their firm. During business hours they traded in silk, tea, opium, and sundries; leisure was sought mainly in sports: racing, fives, bowling, cricket; by some in the Shanghai Library (established 1849), or the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society (founded 1857). All, however, seemed to love the amateur theatricals that were put on several times a year.\n\nII. Theatrical Criticism\n\nIn order to appreciate the information that has come down to us about the theatre in early Shanghai, some attention should first of all be paid to the way in which contemporaries wrote about it. (For reviews see the Calendar of Performances).\n\nThe main, in fact the only, source as regards the early history of the foreign settlement in Shanghai is the “North China Herald”, a weekly that was founded in August 1850. A daily edition, the “North China Daily News” was begun in 1864, but the surviving copies date back only as far as July 1866. Other papers were published in the period under discussion, notably the \"Shanghai Recorder\" (1862-1869), but of these too all trace is lacking, with the exception of one volume (1865) of the \"Shanghai Commercial Record”, the overland edition of the \"Shanghai Recorder\". So we have perforce to rely mainly on the \"North China Herald\"; and, to be sure, a worse source can be imagined. In its pages at the least we find the facts about which plays were performed and what kind of musical entertainment was enjoyed. That is, until about the beginning of 1866, for after that date there is a noticeable decrease in theatrical notes. Then one has to resort to the Daily News.\n\nAll articles, which could be as long as a column, were anonymous, or, in a few cases, signed with an initial or a pseudonym. Not that it matters very much, for generally speaking the critic, if we may call him so, went to considerable lengths to avoid any harsh treatment of the amateurs on the stage. Apparently it was not deemed proper to pull the rug from under a handful of well-meaning gentlemen who devoted their", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211826, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "216\n\nR: Nearly five years after his last recital in Shanghai, Martin SIMONSEN returned to the port, this time as a member of \"Mr. Smythe's troupe\". There was also the novelty of a lady singer, Miss Amelia BAILEY, who \"could not fail to render the entertainment attractive even had her voice been less excellent than it is\". This was the last night of a series for which public interest had not been particularly large; only on July 31st had there been an \"excellent house\" and in a reproaching comment, the Herald trusted that the company would \"meet with more uniform support at Hong Kong, the residents of which are reputed more willing to put up with a little heat for the sake of an evening's amusement\". (NCH 1,8,1863).\n\nOctober 1863\n\nOn October 24, the North China Herald informed its readers that \"the Circus Company announced more than a year ago as upon its way to Shanghai has at length arrived and promises to be a valuable means of dispelling the ennui inseparable from winter in China\".\n\n17.10.-23.10.1863\n\nA series of promenade concerts by Miss Amelia Bailey (singing) and Marquis Chisholm (piano), as well as the Rhenish Band.\n\nTH: N.N. (H)\n\n7.11.-13.11.1863\n\nA continuation of the concerts mentioned above.\n\nR: In spite of the meagre support met in Shanghai, the Smythe troupe ventured to return in October after a visit to Nagasaki. This time the concerts were more rewarding - financially, for in November it was noticed that “Miss BAILEY has continued to draw crowded houses\" and that she has no reason to complain of the reception she has met in Shanghai\". (NCH 17.10, 24.10, 14.11.1863).\n\n10.2.1864 (Wedn)\n\nE.B. LYTTON: \"The Lady of Lyons\" (1838)\n\nT: Romantic comedy (5 acts)\n\nC: C.R. Faylor's travelling company\n\nTh: Olympic Theatre (H)\n\nR: The port was honoured by a visit of Mr. FAYLOR's theatrical company in February and May. This was after it had toured Macao (in December 1863; see BGM 14.12.1863) and Hong Kong. There it was highly successful, but the first performance in the Yangtze city was unfortunately a failure in consequence of the ludicrous incompetence of that portion of the company which had been collected in Shanghai and pressed into service. The audience, moreover, was riotous in the extreme and displayed the worst possible taste in exciting themselves to increase the confusion on the stage\" (see also Survey, p. 22). (N.C.H. 13.2.1864).\n\n13.2.1864 (Sat)\n\nC. DANCE: \"Delicate Ground\" (1849)\n\nT: Comic drama (1 act)\n\nC. SELBY: \"A Lady and a Gentleman in a Peculiarly Perplexing Predicament\" (1841)\n\nT: Burletta (1 act)\n\nC: C.R. Faylor's travelling company\n\nTh: Olympic Theatre (H)\n\nR: It is not quite clear how many nights were given by the FAYLOR company. The Herald of February 27 states that **it still continues its performances\", but, in view of what had happened earlier, \"naturally enough has not been patronised by any of the ladies resident in the Settlement\". In May, it turns up again in the pages of the paper. (NCH 27.2.1864).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211864, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 279, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "254\n\nthan one paragraph, the original paragraph break is marked by a caret. The stylistic “&” and “&c” have been changed to \"and\" and \"etc.\" and certain numbers and fractions spelled out.\n\nJohn Fryer left China in 1896 to become the first Agassiz Professor of Oriental Languages and Literature at the University of California, Berkeley. He held that post until 1914, at age 75, when he became Professor Emeritus. During his Berkeley years he worked to establish courses in the Chinese (Mandarin and Cantonese), Japanese, and Malay languages, and to present Chinese and East Asian cultures to a wide audience. He was quite vocal in advocating the training of Chinese students at American universities at a time when it was not popular to do so. He forcefully supported the training of Americans in East Asian languages and cultures for eventual consular, commercial, and missionary work. He foresaw the need to integrate the study of language, literature, and culture, with emphasis on economics and political science, in a multi-cultural context. He was an early, perhaps the first, academic advocate of what we now call Pacific Rim studies.\n\nUpon his death in 1928 he left his personal library, his letterbooks, and his manuscripts to the University of California. The letterbooks and manuscripts are available in the archives of The Bancroft Library. His letters and manuscripts are currently being assembled and edited for publication.\n\nIn addition to the \"Diary of Voyage to China” the John Fryer papers in The Bancroft Library contain manuscripts titled “First Impressions of Hong Kong and the Chinese People” (August 1861), “Account of Three Days Excursion on the Mainland of China” (January 1862), and \"A Fortnight's Adventure in China and Mongolia\" (May 1865). These essays are of sufficient historical interest to warrant separate publication and will be presented in future issues of this Journal,\n\nNOTES\n\n'A biography, primarily dealing with Fryer's translation efforts, is available in Adrian A. Bennett's John Fryer: The Introduction of Western Science and Technology into Nineteenth-century China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), published as Harvard East Asian Monograph 24.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211873, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "263\n\nI shall not venture to say much about the cooking, etc. for I am obliged to keep my eyes shut on all occasions where I am near it, for fear I might see something not quite to my fancy in that department. I enjoy the biscuits very much, only I shall soon have to shut my eyes when eating them. Our fresh provisions are beginning to go, so we must soon fall back upon the preserved provisions. We have plenty of good milk to last the voyage, plenty of sardines, salmon, etc. and plenty of bottled fruit, so that we have a fruit pie or pudding every day. In fact we have everything that could be procured on land, and for what I can see, quite as good.\n\nThe captain and I agree very well on all points but religion. Yesterday we had a regular set-to about it, and I was obliged to talk to him rather plainly, only it will not do to say too much to such a man when he is warm. Captain Moult is about such another, or else he would not be a bad companion. He has been well educated, and has a good share of common sense. We are thrown a great deal into each other's society, and so it is to our interest to keep on pretty good terms. Since he has resided at Hong Kong for some time he knows all about the place, and I get a good deal of information out of him, on different subjects.\n\nWe have spent several hours in walking the deck together. It is the only exercise to be got on board ship. I have however invented two or three species of exercise in my cabin, which I find very beneficial. I believe I should be soon laid up if I did not take a fair amount of exercise. Often I have envied the sailors at their work, and should have liked to have a pull at the ropes with them.\n\nSaturday, April 6th\n\nToday has been a cheerful pleasant day. Soon after daylight the chief mate came down with the intelligence that land was in sight on the \"lee bow\". After so many days rambling over the water it was joyful news to me, so I got up, and had the usual wash all over, and went upon deck to take my constitutional, i.e. early walk. It was a lovely morning. The sun already \"well up\" was rather warm, and all round was lovely and delightful. Sure enough there was the land, but it was above thirty miles off, yet on account of its great elevation (in some parts 6000 ft) I judged it to be about four. The clear atmosphere quite deceived me. It proved to be Madeira, and we were on the eastern side. All day I have been on deck enjoying the beautiful soft balmy breezes, which are now quite", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211913, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 328, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "303\n\nTHE DANGS AS A LINEAGE\n\nAlthough a survey on occupations and land ownership was not part of the brief project on which this report is based, some of my interviews bear on the economic aspects of life in Kam Tin.\n\nWhile the Dangs of Kam Tin are well known as a wealthy lineage that has produced many imperial degree holders, in fact very few of the lineage were landlords/scholars. The vast majority of the Dangs earned their living as farmers, and most of them did not own much farm land. There seems to have been a large gap between the rich and the poor amongst the Dangs. Replying to my questions about ha-fu, or hereditary servants to the Dangs, a Mrs. Dang added her observations on the inequality among the Dangs themselves. The majority, the poor Dangs, were at the beck and call of the minority of the wealthy Dangs. She cited the example of her father-in-law, who worked on rice fields rented from a rich Dang as well as his own. He also took risks to hide the valuables of the rich man during the Japanese war. When asked why he did all this, she explained that obviously this was done in case he needed to borrow rice from the rich man in the future, which he actually did.\n\nThe family of another Mrs. Dang I interviewed had rented farm land from the same rich man, Dang Baak-Kau. She took care to lower her voice when saying this, and added: “Villagers of Tsi Tong Tsuen, Kat Hing Wai, and Tai Hong Wai — actually, all over Kam Tin people had rented his farm land”. Dang Baak-Kau had been a major leader of the Dangs of Kam Tin during his time. He represented the Dangs of Kam Tin in 1925 to petition the Hong Kong government to return the iron gates of one of the main Kam Tin villages taken away in 1899 when the British took over the New Territories. He was also one of the two Dangs named after the formal head of the lineage in a 1941 petition to the New Territories administration against the division and sale of an ancestral trust property. The dominance of the segment descended from him in lineage affairs is evident in the Ching Lok Ancestral Hall ritual manual, to which has been added, after entries giving two or one and a half catties of ritual pork to descendants of the six Dangs responsible for the initial building and rebuilding of the hall, an entry giving two catties of roast pork to his descendants in the Spring and Autumn rites. Before this Dang died some 30 years ago, he was awarded a \"higher medal\" in about 1933 by the British administration, according to a genealogy he commissioned. One can see at the same ancestral hall a", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 211963, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1989", "page_number": 378, "title": "RAS-1989", "content_text": "353\n\nthousand dollars. He would not give him the loan. He offered instead to purchase some of this fellow villager's seats. The offer was accepted and the family got some seats near the front.\n\nVII. THE INVOLVEMENT OF THE VILLAGERS\n\nA. Tradition and Continuity\n\nThe beliefs in gods and ghosts are still strong among the Dangs. This was most clear in the morning on the main day of the celebration when there was a very strong wind and some of the fa-paais threatened to fall down. There were rumours that some gods had been omitted in the villagers' invitation. “Some gods must have been omitted. Otherwise how can there be such a strong wind?\" An elder was asked to tell the priests to invite the omitted gods to the festival site, as a remedy.\" Something similar had happened 10 years ago. I was told that in the last celebration a few gods were forgotten and not invited, and during the festival suddenly the electricity went out and there was rain and wind. The villagers invited the missing gods and everything was fine again.\n\nSome younger Dangs who were more sceptical had suggested welfare projects instead of the festival for the last two celebrations. For the 1965 occasion they suggested the alternative of building a public school. This was done (the Mung Yeung Public School), but at the insistence of elders the festival had still been celebrated as usual. Something similar happened 10 years ago, and they established a Kam Tin Hospital for Women and Children. This time the younger men did not propose an alternative. They thought maybe there was not going to be another time at all, now that 1997 was so near.\n\nYet the continuity of the tradition depends not only on the willingness of the villagers to contribute the money and time required. It also requires knowledge about the detailed arrangement for the rites, especially where this jiu differs from others in the region.\n\nTalking with the no. I ritual representative, I found that he knew a lot about many of the events.\n\nThere will be two hang-heung [“procession of incense\"] on both the main day of the celebration and the following day. The first one will start at about 11 a.m., after ying-bong", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1989.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/8336pm92h", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212071, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 13, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "object of encouraging an active interest in East Asia, and in particular China, through the medium of lectures and discussions and by publishing an annual Journal”. These objectives must always be borne in mind and so it was particularly gratifying to see that the Hong Kong Standard thought we were worthy of space in their special 150th anniversary issue on the Foundation of Hong Kong, published late last year: I am grateful to Carl Smith for writing this article and to see that it brought forth many favourable comments. It is interesting to note that in spite of a 112 year gap in our history the influence of the Royal Asiatic Society is very much in evidence.\n\nThis evidence can also be seen in other areas. I would hesitate to call this Society a watchdog for the History of Hong Kong but nevertheless we are concerned about matters which could erode the historical heritage of our local community. For this reason the Council thought it appropriate to write to the Urban Council urging them to think again about the proposed charges for entering museums under their control; this is a new departure for the Urban Council and we will inform you in due course whether our representations make any headway. Again, whilst the Society does not have direct representation on the Antiquities Advisory Board, (a matter of some controversy), there are three members of the Council on the Board and we are therefore in some position to make our views known. We have also at their request written to the Government about the conservation and rescue programme for the area affected by the Airport and Lantau Port Study Areas.\n\nFinally I would like to turn to the future. Whether 1997 was on the horizon or not a Society such as ours needs to ensure that it continues to meet the aspirations of its members, have an active and interesting programme, a Journal which is worthy of the best, and that we are in a position to make our contribution within our objectives to the community at large. The Society was asked to comment by OMELCO on the Bill of Rights and we responded by emphasising the need for real freedoms, as opposed to paper ones and that such conditions in the Bill of Rights should also be included in or be in accord with the Basic Law when it comes into force: in particular, members of Council agreed on the need for freedom of academic research and that there should be no diminution of existing access to government and other records. We shall continue to watch developments, but if we are to succeed in continuing as a viable and active society we will\n\nxii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212096, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 38, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "15\n\ndeities worshipped in the local temples, a Chinese author touches on one important aspect of these events:\n\n**In raising the funds they [the organizers] talk about their god, what he did in the past and what he still means to the people. The theatricals dramatize the divine history. The idol in the temple characterizes him. The tablets and the scrolls in the temple and the opera matshed] call to mind his traits and his relation to the people.**25\n\nIt was the practice on these occasions to prepare and distribute festival brochures which contain such information. This was a tradition that was followed in some of the more popular Tsuen Wan temples.\n\n(c) The Surroundings\n\nAs if the process of indoctrination was not already thorough, the decoration of the temples and the better class of houses, shops and ancestral halls provided a milieu in which cultural influences were strong and could make an impression on youthful minds. Although a small place, Tsuen Wan District had its share of old buildings (and some not so old, dating from as late as the 1920s and 1930s) whose walls were decorated with eaves-paintings in the traditional style. Besides depicting the usual auspicious symbols for long life, good fortune, advancement, wealth and posterity, and the flowers and animals with similar associations, they also carried paintings of well-known stories and persons known to history or from the opera. Verses from T'ang poetry were also commonly included.29 Obviously, the better class of local buildings were not to be regarded as complete without this impressive cultural array.\n\n(d) The Lion and Unicorn Dance Teams\n\n30\n\nBesides what was taught in the rural schoolroom and learned outside its doors, one of the most powerful influences upon young village males was undoubtedly exercised through their training in the village lion or unicorn dance team. In Tsuen Wan and the other settlements of the Hong Kong region, these teams were at the heart of village ceremony. On social, political or religious occasions, they were the personification of the village's collective respect for important visitors and the means of marking the main events in the social life of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212105, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 47, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "24\n\n30\n\nSir George Thomas Staunton, a member of the 1793-94 Macartney Embassy, whose translation of Ch'ing Law was the first published in Britain, had been at pains to emphasize this: Ta Tsing Leu Lee, Being the Fundamental Laws... of the Penal Code of China (London, Cadell and Davies, 1801), p. 185. For its application in practice see the cases translated with commentary in Derk Bodde and Clarence Morris, Law in Imperial China, Exemplified by 190 Ch'ing Dynasty Cases (Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1967).21 Cited in Corinne K. Hoexter, From Canton to California, The Epic of Chinese Immigration (New York, Four Winds Press, 1976), p. 136.\n\n11 Dr. William Lockhart of the London Missionary Society, writing in 1861, cites the case of the old scholar who so greatly assisted Dr. W.H. Medhurst with his translations and researches. See his The Medical Missionary in China (London, Hurst and Blackett. 2nd edition, 1861), pp. 21-22. \"He was a living concordance of the entire range of Chinese literature. He could find any passage without hesitation, repeat page after page of most of the works, and could easily take up any citation which had been begun in his hearing, and finish it without hesitation. This is not an uncommon thing amongst the educated Chinese, but this man possessed the faculty in a remarkable degree\".\n\n23 Arthur Evans Moule, The Chinese People, A Handbook on China (London, Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, 1941), p. 262. See also his New China and Old, Personal Recollections and Observations of Thirty Years (London, Seeley and Co., 1891), p. 271.24 Some of the literary material to be found in villages of the Hong Kong region is described in Dr. Patrick Hase's most useful paper. \"Research Materials for Village Studies\", Chapter 4 of Alan Birch, Y.C. Jao and Elizabeth Sinn (eds.) Research Materials for Hong Kong Studies (Hong Kong. Centre of Asian Studies. University of Hong Kong, 1984), pp. 31-46, especially between pp. 32-37.\n\n25\n\n—\n\nBy great good fortune, some of their libraries have survived and are in safe keeping. One of them came from Hoi Pa Village, Tsuen Wan, and had belonged to the builder of the traditional village house there which is now a listed monument. He lived between 1865 and 1937, and after his return from Jamaica engaged in educational pursuits in a literary club and at the Luen Fong School in Hoi Pa Kwan Mun Hau. When what had survived of his library was presented to the Urban Services Department in 1982, it consisted of some 200 books of various kinds, as well as manuscript essays and poems, including some of the famed \"eight-legged essays\" written in preparation for the imperial examination; all providing valuable documentation for the educational, social and intellectual activities of their period. South China Morning Post, 26 May 1982. See also the Chinese press of that date.\n\n16 What Francis C.M. Wei calls the operation of the principle of retributive justice\" featured prominently in Chinese stories. See his The Spirit of Chinese Culture (Charles Scribner's Sons, 1947), p. 151. See also Yao Chin-nung, \"The Theme and Structure of the Yuan Drama\", in Tien Hsia Monthly, Vol. 1, No. 4 (November 1935), p. 392.27 The Tsuen Wan experience is echoed in the fine description of what it meant to be a village boy in late 19th century Kwangtung, contained in the memoirs of a successful Hawaiian Chinese, born in a village near Macau in 1865. In them, he describes what one might call the \"extra-curricular\" part of education. This included the telling of traditional stories by the family elders and by itinerant minstrels and story-tellers, and through the plays performed by visiting opera troupes, as well as in literary pastimes: Chung Kun Ai, My Seventy Nine Years in Hawaii (1879-1958) (Hong Kong, Cosmorama Pictorial Publisher, 1960), pp. 6, 26-29.\n\n28 Francis C.M. Wei, The Spirit of Chinese Culture (New York, Charles Scribner's Sons, 1947) p. 149.\n\n24\n\nFor the former, see the chapter \"Symbol and Tradition\" between pp. 50-75 of Ronald", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212191, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "110\n\nJ\n\nonto\n\nup from Shanghai to relieve them. In this way he wished to show the Japanese that the British flag could not be driven off the Yangtze. But other ideas prevailed in Shanghai; the ships were ordered out. I was instructed to transfer my Chinese refugees, the employees from our office and their families, numbering some 200 souls, to the \"Ewo\" hulk, which was to be left anchored at Nanking under the protection of a British gunboat. Curiously enough, the refugees showed extreme reluctance to be abandoned thus to an unknown fate, and in the upshot, most of them went on to Shanghai with the ship. Our flotilla was augmented by the arrival of the light cruiser **Caradoc** from Hankow, where she had been wintering. Her 'tween decks were packed with several hundred British women and children, who were being evacuated from the upriver ports. A small ship flying the Italian flag added to our number; she was believed to be carrying the personnel of the Italian Aviation Mission, who had been training Chinese pilots at Nanchang. Led by a Japanese escorting destroyer, followed by H.M.S. \"Caradoc\", we formed line and sailed down the river, the journey enlivened by the anger of the Japanese Commander at the inability of the master of the Italian ship to understand the signals which, from time to time, he made in the International code. With our convoy went the last merchant ships to show the British flag on the Yangtze. The \"Red Duster\" was displaced; henceforth the Japanese view prevailed.\n\nHong Kong and South China 1938\n\nThe West river and its network of tributaries provide the highways over which the commerce of South China moves. Some distance outside Bocca Tigris, where the river debouches into the China Sea, an eleven-mile ridge of hills rises sharply out of the blue semi-tropical waters. We call it Hongkong, but to the Chinese it is \"The Fragrant Lagoon\". Why \"fragrant\" I cannot say, because the surrounding waters are salt, as any sea water, and full of large diaphanous jelly-fish that lie in wait to sting unwary swimmers, or of little black insects which get inside your bathing costume and bite you in places inconvenient to reach.\n\nThere is no record to show how these marine depredators spent their time before 1840. In those days, before the arrival of the British, the island was uninhabited and, though visited by fisher folk and pirates, I doubt whether they went swimming. The pirates have now", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212251, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 193, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "170\n\nburning of the temporary theatre, and the sudden deaths of the troupe or community members, were believed to be the outcome of either a violation of the taboo, or a bad performance of the ritual. Besides such disasters, harm of a moderate degree can also occur. This might include the sickness of troupe employees, the loss of an actor's voice, the forgetting of one's part and the commitment of some impossible mistakes during a performance. It has also been a custom that local people should stay away from the performance hall or hide themselves at home before the completion of the White Tiger ritual.\n\nWithin the Cantonese operatic troupes which perform in modern Hong Kong, the taboo of shutting one's mouth and keeping quiet is still strictly observed by the two actors, three percussionists and two to three backstage workers who happen to be assigned by the troupe owner to participate in the preparation and performance of the ritual. Such troupe members often avoid laughing and talking from the moment they arrive at the theatre until the ritual is held, even in areas other than the stage. The two actors always stay away from their friends and colleagues and do not talk to each other. Other employees of the troupe try to hide themselves in the dressing compartments of the backstage, or leave the stage area.\n\nAnother tradition connected with the White Tiger ritual concerns the entrance and exit space located between the backdrop and the back wing curtain on both sides of the frontstage. These two areas are called fu dou mun (the tiger's gate of passage) and are referred to as the Tiger Gates in the present paper. It is uncertain whether the White Tiger ritual is related to the Tiger Gates but another taboo requires the employees to enter the frontstage area through the gate at stage left and leave through the one on the other side before the completion of the White Tiger ritual.\n\nAs pointed out by Barbara E. Ward in her paper \"Not Merely Players: Drama, Art and Ritual in Traditional China\", to avoid the breaking of the taboo by outsiders who do not know it, troupe members do not welcome any visits onstage before the ritual is held. However, the present writer has observed that some backstage workers of a younger age often fail to follow the taboos. Some of them said that they did not believe in these taboos and dismissed them as old-fashioned superstitions.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212254, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 196, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "173\n\nThe legend of the Deity of Fortune is known. It is understandable that the deity is incorporated in the ritual as he has the power to eliminate disaster and bring fortune. In the modern performance of the ritual, the deity's magical weapons are represented by a wooden staff and a chain. Troupe members often call the deity hak min (black face).\n\nStage Setting and Preparation\n\nA wooden table and chair are placed in the middle back portion of the frontstage. Another wooden chair is put on its side at the edge of the stage left. Occasionally, additional wooden chairs are put in front of the accompanying musicians who sit at stage right.\n\nA better understanding of the ritual enables one to discover the different functions of these pieces of furniture. The wooden table and chair together symbolize a high mountain, and the chair facilitates the actor's climbing to the top. The other chair that is put on its side at the stage edge has a piece of raw pork hung from one of its legs, so as to facilitate the White Tiger's consumption of the pork. The chairs placed in front of the musicians function to protect them from the possible harm caused by the White Tiger. Ward has mentioned that a row of chairs had been seen at the edge of the stage to protect the audience (1979:31). However, the use of these chairs has not been noticed during the several White Tiger rituals observed by the present writer.\n\nThe accompaniment to the ritual is provided by three percussionists: the gong and cymbal players, and their leader who is responsible for the wood blocks and the zin gwu \"kök (battle drum). Such players usually set their instruments ready one to two hours before the ritual and then stay away from the stage until shortly before the time assigned to hold the ritual comes.\n\nAccording to several experienced actors, traditionally the White Tiger ritual should be held immediately before the evening's operatic items start, which is approximately 8 to 9 p.m. In modern Hong Kong, as many troupe owners find it extremely inconvenient to maintain the taboo, they prefer to hold the ritual in the afternoon, usually at around 3 p.m. on the day that the series of performances begin.\n\nWithin the whole course of preparatory work for the offering, the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212282, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 224, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "201\n\nhis criticisms of Mencius cf.) In these revisions, the Christian sense of the bilateral duty to truth and to Deity was never lessened. What changed was Legge's understanding and sympathy toward Confucius as he compared the goals of the Classical tradition with those of the Christian tradition. They were neither religiously equal nor ethically equivalent, but they shared convictions about the nature of wisdom, commitments to moral virtues, and an understanding about the value of a self-critical humility in life which provided persuasive reasons for a bi-cultural harmonization. Although this perspective is most clearly brought out by a comparison of the 1861 and 1893-1895 editions of the Four Books, the basic arguments and their explicit justifications had been summarized in the Shanghai missionary conference paper of 1877.5%\n\nLegge's power to persevere through personal crises can only be explained by his deep sense of commitment to fulfil his vow of duty to Jesus Christ. For the sake of completing his task, he endured the death of his first wife (in October 1852) and four of their children (two in Malacca and two in Hong Kong); three periods of furlough when he returned with family members to England, two clearly for the sake of convalescence; risking death and hardship while travelling and evangelizing in the Chinese mainland (he was stoned by Chinese crowds at least two times in his career); and once being caught out at sea in the midst of a major typhoon, suspected by his family and colleagues of having been lost at sea. Although these might be seen as the trials of any difficult life, they were taken willingly, in spite of the cost, because of the deep commitment arising from his missionary call.\n\nSometimes scholars overlook this missionary calling when a man like Legge retires from mission work and enters academia. Though this might be the case for some, Legge experienced no disenchantment with his Christian faith once he entered Oxford. His missionary duty was carried on throughout his Oxford career, albeit expressed at the intellectual level,\n\nSoon after presenting his paper for the Shanghai General Missionary Conference in 1877, Prof. Legge served as the translator for a charitable organization which was seeking famine relief for the masses in China in 1878. This was directly related to his sense of Christian compassion, and was a means of practical response to", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212284, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "203\n\nA concise image of Dr. Legge's sense of missionary duty was given in a lecture presented in Hong Kong a few months before he retired from his service. Having gained enough Chinese to write numerous tracts and church-related materials in the language, including some in colloquial Cantonese, Dr. Legge had not avoided his call to know the Chinese residents of Hong Kong. He recalls having travelled from house to house \"conversing with them on all subjects, and trying to get them to converse with me on one subject.\"\n\nIn the light of these various evidences of Dr. Legge's spiritual motivations in Hong Kong and Oxford, as missionary and scholar, it seems most appropriate not to overemphasize his contributions to either the one or the other. Helen Legge's biography focuses on her father as a missionary; Lindsay Ride's autobiographical note places most attention on James Legge as the interpreter of the Chinese Classics for Westerners. In fact, Legge was both and more, and is described more adequately in W. E. Soothill's dedication: \"a great scholar and a devoted missionary.\"\n\nV. Legge's Non-Conformist Values\n\nThe values of Non-Conformist Protestantism had an immensely formative power in the Scotland of the 18th and 19th centuries, becoming a more and more influential cultural force in British society, especially in the second half of the 19th century. In the middle of the 19th century, the Non-Conformists were to a large extent united with the Free Church movement, a conjoining of religious values which carried many political overtones in the 1840s. Primarily they arose from the lower middle classes, forming in the 19th century an informed fellowship of dissenters who rejected governmental control of church worship (whether Anglican or Presbyterian), focusing on active and informed belief rather than credal precision, instituted the Sunday School movement for poor children who might not otherwise be schooled, and were one of the major stimuli for the expansive Protestant missionary movement of the nineteenth century. James Legge was a second-generation Non-Conformist, representing the acme of their cultural influence as an evangelical intellectual and globally conscious religious leader.\n\nNon-Conformists were reformists and, at their best, worked against the racialism and capitalistic militarism so often encountered in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212362, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 304, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "281\n\nSee P.H. Hase “The Cheung Shan Kwu Ts'un: an Ancient Buddhist Nunnery in the New Territories, and its Place in Local Society”, in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 29, 1989, pp. 121-157.\n\nJournal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 7, 1967, pp. 104-137, reprinted from Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 6, 1859, pp. 71-105.\n\nDer Evangelische Heidenbote, Jan. 1862.\n\nSee also P.H. Hase \"Ta Kwu Ling, Wong Pui Ling, and the Kim Hau Bridges\" elsewhere in this issue.\n\nKrone, loc. cit. says that missionaries were usually treated as neutral and ignored in fighting.\n\nDer Evangelische Heidenbote, Feb. 1906.\n\nSHA TAU KOK IN 1853\n\nThe Rev. Carl Smith drew my attention some time ago to the wealth of material available in the Basel Mission Archive on Sha Tau Kok in the middle of the nineteenth century. Through the courtesy of the Mission Archive, photostats of a number of documents were received and studied. Among them was a most interesting general description of the District and Market at Sha Tau Kok dating from 1853. Given its general interest, a translation of this document is printed below. Comments in square brackets are editorial clarifications.\n\n\"Tungfo.\n\nTungfo* | Tung Wo, 41, the formal name of Sha Tau Kok Market station is situated in the Province of Quang-tung [Kwangtung], in the District of Sinon [San On #1. The southern border of this District is formed by the China Sea, whereas, to the east and west, the borders are formed by inlets of this sea. The western inlet is the larger, although it is too small to be called a gulf. The English call it the \"Canton River\". The city of Canton is situated on this estuary. Because of the Canton River, traffic between Canton and Hong Kong is very easy, and\n\n* All placenames in this document are given in the original Hakka transcription. Placenames in Hong Kong are also given in square brackets according to the Gazetteer of Place Names in Hong Kong, Kowloon and the New Territories; placenames in China are also given in square brackets in Cantonese transcription and characters.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212390, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 332, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "309\n\nSOJOURNERS IN XIAMEN: NOTES ON THE RAS VISIT\n\nIt was up-up-and-away' on Friday March 6, 1992, as 18 stalwart RAS Members took a one-hour flight to Xiamen Island, in Fujian Province. Also known as Amoy, the town is similar, in some ways, to Hong Kong. Both are situated in the typhoon belt. Also, like Macau, there are isolated 'dip-nets' for coastal fishing, mournful water buffalo haul ploughs as in Guangdong and 'knife-bean' and flame trees adorn skylines as at Repulse Bay. As in most of China for the past decade, 'free markets' exist in Xiamen with intriguing street stall smells.\n\nBut this city, where Chinese still stare at Europeans, is also different from Hong Kong. Limited English is spoken, and, when it is, people often have Japanese accents. Nor is there the same high-rise concrete jungle, sampans and junks have more pronounced curves, straining bare-footed labourers pull carts and street sweepers use brooms made from branches of trees.\n\nAlthough one of the People's Republic's Special Economic Zones, Xiamen cannot be compared to hectic Shenzhen. But if direct relations can be established across the shallow, 150 kilometre wide, Taiwan Straits, instead of routing transactions through Hong Kong, the volume of trade could increase rapidly. To make it easier for the Taiwanese, to attract business many of the street signs in Xiamen are in conventional Chinese characters, as in Hong Kong, rather than the simplified ideograms normally used in China.\n\nThe Group's first stop on arrival in Xiamen, arranged by Member David Norris, was to 'Meixia Arts and Handicrafts' established and run by American Bill Job and wife Kitty. They manufacture and export stained art glass murals, windows and lampshades.\n\nThe following day, the couple invited the Party to their spartan but adequate house, built in 1928, for which the present rent is US$120 a month. An open well and grapevines grace the forecourt. Their two young daughters attend the Chinese school and are fluent in both Putonghua and the local dialect. The latter sounds more nasal than Cantonese. When the Group arrived the two girls were playing ball with Chinese friends in the narrow street at the front of their home.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212398, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 340, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "317\n\nNowadays piracy is very much in the news again, in the Malacca Straits, the Sulu sea, and even in the waters outside Hong Kong. There is scope for a new pirate book. However, it would call for more political background and a deeper understanding of human nature than Lilius shows in this briskly moving but somewhat superficial narrative.\n\nANTHONY LAWRENCE\n\nBeatrice S. Bartlett, Monarchs and Ministers: The Grand Council in Mid-Ching China, 1723-1820 Berkeley, Los Angeles and Oxford: University of California Press, 1991. xxi + 417 pp. Bibliography. Glossary. Index.\n\nThe Emperors of China were both person and institution. The Chinese bureaucracy was the most highly developed organization of its kind in the pre-modern world, with a complex array of rules and regulations which confined and defined government. The Yongzheng Emperor (r. 1723-35) is traditionally portrayed as the epitome of a ruthless despot, a cunning autocrat who developed a whole new secret police system to solidify his power. The Qianlong Emperor (r. 1736-95) based his rule of more than sixty years on political adeptness, not ceremonial presence. The traditional image of a Confucian official is of a man who served principle, not a ruler, and who dared to criticize those Emperors who strayed from the Middle Way (read \"bureaucratically defined acceptable behavior\").\n\nHow do we reconcile these contradictory views? Did the Emperor terrorize the literati-officials into submission, or was he merely the tool of an ageless bureaucracy? Is Chinese history during the Qing the record of strong or weak monarchs, or did institutions evolve which tempered the influence of the Son of Heaven?\n\nBeatrice Bartlett has provided us in Monarchs and Ministers with a ground-breaking work. Bartlett, delving deeper into Qing court documents than any previous foreign scholar, has provided us with crucial information on the evolution of the political structure of China's last dynasty. Where other scholars have given us glimpses of Emperors, have laid out initial hypotheses or focused on narrower political issues, Bartlett has unlocked the actual records and drawn together different strands of research on 18th century China.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212409, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1990", "page_number": 351, "title": "RAS-1990", "content_text": "328\n\nthe Roman Catholic church was turned down on the grounds that he was a Freemason'.\n\nThe formation and numbers of the Corps ebbed and flowed with local and international events. Sometimes in the lull periods the volunteer body was reduced to nothing more than a rifle-cum-social club. The human interest of the early chapters flags accordingly as the minutiae of the Corps, such items as the change from muzzle to breech loading guns, full names and initials of the various officers, numbers of men etc., are recorded. Whilst the Regiment's purists will relish this depth of detail, the non-military reader's interest might wane somewhat.\n\nThe book bursts alive again however with the horrendous events of the 8th to the 25th December 1941. The impression conveyed of the Japanese invasion of Hong Kong was of magnificent bravery and a classic military rear guard action in which the Volunteers fought and died alongside the Regular forces. The valour of the Corps is epitomized by the story of Private Sir Edward Des Voeux when, in a particularly ferocious encounter with the enemy, it was suggested he make a dash to safety 'he replied calmly that he was too old to go dashing about and that he would far rather fire in comfort. He died, still fighting' (P. 239)\n\nAlmost a third of the book is devoted to the fall of Hong Kong but do we learn anything new? Most history books trot out the catalogue of reversals based on General Maltby's subjective hindsight of what went wrong and why. This book sadly does not challenge Maltby's prejudiced reflections, which is a shame because Mr. Bruce, more than most, is qualified to question the logic as to how, where and when the battle was fought and lost. It is also regrettable that the publisher presumed that all readers are familiar with Hong Kong. Without a detailed map, the unfolding events, especially in December 1941, are difficult to grasp.\n\nMr. Bruce's book will not stand as a definitive story of the Hong Kong Volunteers. The loss of vital records during World War II prevents such a history. The appeal however is the readable portrayal of one of the territory's more colourful institutions and as such is recommended for anyone keen to have a broader picture", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1990.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/d79206299", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212568, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 122, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "102\n\n(1973. 10-1987. 3)\n\nKim, Samual S. ed. China and the World: Chinese Foreign Policy in the Post-Mao Era. Boulder: Westview press, 1984.\n\nKrasner, Stephen D. Defending the National Interest: Raw Materials Investments and U.S. Foreign Policy. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1978.\n\nLi, Rong, \"Hanliu dang bu zhu chuntian de jiaobu” (“Cold Currents Cannot Stop the Steps of Spring\"). Dazhong dianying (Popular Film), November 1979, p. 10.\n\nLeung, Chi-keung and Steve S. K. Chin. eds. China in Readjustment. Hong Kong: Center of Asian Studies, 1983.\n\nLi, Jian. \"Gede yu Quede.\" (\"Praise and Shame.”) Hebei Wenyi (Hebei Literature and Art). June 1979.\n\nOksenberg, Michel. “A decade of Sino-American Relations.” Foreign Affairs 61 (Fall 1982), pp. 175-195.\n\nPaterson, Thomas G., J. Garry Clifford and Kenneth J. Hagan. American Foreign Policy. Lexington, Massachusetts: D. C. Heath and Company, 1983.\n\nPratt, Julius W. A History of United States Foreign Policy (2nd ed.). Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1965.\n\nProgram Report 1978-1980 of the Center for U.S.-China Arts Exchange published in 1980 and the 1980-1981 report published in November 1981,\n\nRenmin ribao (Renmin Daily)\n\nRui, Xingwen. \"Gaige shiqi de wenhua fazhan zhanlue wenti.” (\"Issues on the Strategy for Cultural Development in the Time of Reform.\") Hongqi (Red Flag), No. 14, 1986.\n\nSchaller, Michael. The United States and China in the Twentieth Century. New York: Oxford University Press, 1979.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212570, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 124, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "104\n\nCHINESE FUNERALS: A CASE STUDY\n\nDAN WATERS\n\nThe boast of heraldry, the pomp of power,\n\nAnd all that beauty, all that wealth ever gave\n\nAwaits alike the inevitable hour;\n\nThe paths of glory lead but to the grave.\n\nThomas Gray, Elegy Written in Country Churchyard.\n\nIntroduction\n\nThis paper examines an actual, fairly typical, present-day Chinese death in urban Hong Kong and the funeral services and mourning that follow. Comparisons are made with past customs in Hong Kong, with traditional Hong Kong New Territories funerals and European funerals. Because this paper is largely about Hong Kong, Cantonese terms and Romanisations are mainly used rather than pinyin. Currency quoted is in Hong Kong dollars.\n\nThe author is grateful to Mr Gerald C.S. Siu, manager of the Hong Kong Funeral Home, Doctor James Hayes, the Reverend Carl T. Smith, Mrs Judy Kant Young and other persons and organisations named in this paper. Help varied from recommending source material to providing information.\n\nThe Case Study\n\nOne November night in 1988, a couple received a call saying the wife's mother had been taken to hospital. Shortly after midnight the couple, together with the wife's two younger sisters and two granddaughters, gathered around the corpse.\n\nTraditionally, Chinese hope for a peaceful death in old age with family mustered around the deathbed. In this case the end came suddenly. As Chuang Tzu, sometimes named as the first important Taoist writer, phrased it:\n\nWe are born as from a quiet sleep,\n\nWe die to a calm awakening.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212599, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 153, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "133\n\n21\n\nHugh Baker, 'Hell Bank Notes', Ancestral Images, A Hong Kong Album (1979), pp 105-108\n\n✰\n\n21\n\nHugh Baker, 'Nuns', More Ancestral Images, op. cit (1980), pp 13-16\n\nTin Sau Ho Coffin Shop, Hollywood Road, visited by author 20th July 1992\n\nThe Art of Death 1500 to 1800, exhibition at the Victoria and Albert Museum early 1992\n\n24\n\n09 Hugh Baker, 'Marsh', Ancestral Images Again, A Third Hong Kong Album (1981), pp 109-112; Frena Bloomfield, 'The Chinese Almanac', The Occult World of Hong Kong (1980), pp. 100-2, and 'The Chinese Almanac', The Peninsula Group Magazine 13 (Hong Kong, April 1978), pp 66-71.\n\n26 Hugh Baker, 'Mourning', Hong Kong Images. People and Animals (1990), pp. 121-3\n\n21 T.C. Lai, op. cit. pp 152-3\n\n28 Ingrams, loc. cit\n\n29 Carl T. Smith, 'The Emergence of a Chinese Elite', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol 11 (1971), pp 74-115 (p 98).\n\n30 S.M. Bard, Study of Military Graves and Monuments Hong Kong Cemetery (1991), pp. 16 (B), 26 and 27\n\n32\n\n33\n\nJ. Dyer Ball, Things Chinese (first published 1903), p 166\n\nDiscussion between author and David Shu Tat-koon, feng shui master, 7 August 1992\n\nHugh Baker, 'Burial', Ancestral Images, op. cit. (1979), pp 17-20\n\n34 Hong Kong Government Urban Services Department / Urban Council Annual Reports\n\n3 Hugh Baker, 'Exhumation', Ancestral Images, op. cit (1979), pp 110-104\n\nJJ Hugh Baker, 'Exhumation', Ancestral Images, op. cit (1979), pp 110-104\n\n37\n\nFrena Bloomfield, 'Fung Shui: Chinese Earth Magic', The Occult World of Hong Kong (1980), pp. 103-114; and Ernest J. Eitel, Feng Shui (Singapore, 1984).\n\n38 Discussion between author and David Shu Tat-koon concerning his own theories, 7 August 1992\n\n39\n\nIn other cases the author has been told of dead people's spirits returning home three, seven, ten or other periods after death\n\n40 All dead persons except infants and wandering strangers are entitled to a spirit tablet\n\n41\n\nVisit by Hong Kong Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, to Sang Woo Loong Art Advertising Model Work Company, 28 Western Street, 10 December 1988, second visit by author to same establishment 20 July 1992.\n\n42\n\n43\n\nHugh Baker, 'Earth God', Ancestral Images, op. cit. (1979), pp 1-4\n\nHugh Baker, 'Mourning', Ancestral Images Again, op. cit (1981), pp 101-104. Laurence G. Thompson, op. cit. pp 54 and 55.\n\n44 Leung Chor-on, 'Blessings Are Not For All', The Hong Kong Anthropologist, no 5 (April 1992), pp. 26-28 (p. 27)\n\n45 Rubie S. Watson, 'Remembering the Dead: Graves and Politics in Southeastern China', eds James L. Watson and Evelyn S. Rawski, Death Ritual in Late Imperial and Modern China, op. cit., pp. 203-227", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212662, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 216, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "197\n\nA NOTE ON HONG KONG'S WILDLIFE\n\nDAN WATERS\n\nIn the mid-1960s, an Indian bird-watching friend counted 48 different species at King's Park, in the heart of Kowloon. In early 1955, when I first lived in Conduit Road, the western end resembled a delightful country lane and there you could occasionally hear barking deer call from Victoria Peak.\n\nSince late 1980 I have been going up and around the Peak regularly, four or five times a week. At first, I felt there was little wildlife left, but, more recently, largely because it is mainly nocturnal, my conclusions, agreeing with a second school of thought, are that there is far more than most people appreciate.\n\nOn 26 April, 1989, I saw a dead masked palm civet in Barker Road. This was followed, on 11 November, 1990, by a dead ferret badger on Plantation Road, and, on 17 November, 1991, another on Severn Road. All had blood on their snouts and had probably been struck by vehicles. The last two were seen at daybreak.\n\nThere are also 'good' years for snake sightings, and, in the autumn of 1991, I spotted a young cobra crossing Po Shan Road, near dwellings. The first snake I saw in 1992 was a cobra sunning itself, in mid March, on a hilly path off Hatton Road. Less frequently, one sees the odd fresh-water crab even as high up as Lugard Road, and blue-tailed skinks seem to appear in batches.\n\nAlthough not on the Peak, on the Royal Asiatic Society outing, on 4 March, 1989, high up near a plantation on Tai Mo Shan, RAS member Rosemary Lee and the son of Dr Elizabeth Sinn spotted what was believed to have been a crab-eating mongoose run across a track, off Route TWISK, in front of our coach. Patricia Marshall, in Wild Mammals of Hong Kong (1967), says, about the mongoose, 'Probably no longer exists in the Colony.' Nevertheless, according to a game warden at Mai Po Marshes, one was spotted by bird watchers at Tsim Bei Tsui at Christmas 1987.\n\nI have also been told of barking deer and porcupine being seen", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212676, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1991", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1991", "content_text": "211\n\nare confused with those of the interviewed. But these are more methodological problems which should not be blamed on the students\n\nHighly related to, and probably more appropriate if included in the religion section are the reports on offerings used in religious worship and on yu lan jie (ghost festival). The strength of these two reports is that they have made better use of field investigation to complement library material to reconstruct the historical development of their topics. The students who wrote on yu lan jie, for example, compare the Buddhist and Taoist versions of the festival by attending each of the occasions and plotting the similarities and differences, in terms of the administration, the main rites and the problems faced due to social change. The report on the manufacture of offerings, though grouped with two other reports on “traditional occupations\", comes up with a list of the kinds of incense, candles, and paper goods involved in worship of different deities, as well as a tabulation of the frequencies of domestic worship of selected deities among members of a secondary school, reflecting the pervasiveness of popular religion.\n\nMany of the reports in the book follow a similar line of treatment. They emphasize structural descriptions, delineating specific historical events. How individuals respond to these events and how they conduct themselves in these situations are not known. The report entitled \"The Eighteen-day Nightmare” on the half-hearted and short defence in Hong Kong against Japanese invasion in December 1941, for instance, uses a lot of space listing military maneuvers and explaining their significance. As a report on \"the nightmare\", however, it should be talking more about the lives of different sectors of society during this particular period. Similarly, this is a weakness for two reports that deal with remnants of Qing Dynasty in Hong Kong. One plots the marine defence facilities along the coast of Hong Kong, while the other describes the village schools scattered in different heungs of Yuen Long. The schools and forts were painstakingly visited and their physical layout recorded, but the reports only manage to preserve what existed in the past, and fall short of reliving what happened. If the reports put social actors in their specific historical contexts and let them speak for themselves, they will add life to the historical events, demonstrating the dynamics among social actors as individuals as well as social groups, and paint a more complete picture of the history and culture of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1991.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/k356gt84j", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212742, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 51, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "36 \n\nsomething more than ordinary adventure.' \n\nAgain, after a theatrical performance by a Chinese actor and actress in a provincial town in Kueichou province, Mesny wrote that local people, believing him [he was then 36] to be very old as he had a beard, knew that foreign women must be inferior; \"They must be, “they added\", as foreign men pass by but never foreign women, and foreign men marry Chinese wives.' Mesny added that he had one 'with very small feet and wears elegantly embroidered red satin shoes!' This must have been in 1878. \n\nWriting a paragraph under the heading of 'Slave Girls', Mesny noted that it was a common thing for well-to-do people to present a couple of slave girls to a daughter as part of their marriage dowry. It was also customary with respectable people to release slave girls when marriageable. Mesny added that he had bought three different girls, two in Szechuan, for a few taels each [less than 15 dollars Mexican]. One he released in Tientsin, another died in Hong Kong; the other he gave in marriage to a faithful servant of his. \n\nIn his Miscellanies he described a number of Chinese women, young and beautiful, who [or so he claimed] desired to marry him. Some he encouraged but in each instance the story peters out, others disappear out of his stories without explanation or further mention. He also had a 'romantic and intimate interlude' with a young Chinese widow, who did not appear to be short of money, and who accompanied Mesny down river to Hankow where they remained in a house near the Yamen where Mesny frequently visited her. He noted at one point that 'there was nothing like gushing love between us, but I could not fail to admire such an admirably sensible woman. What she thought was admiring in me I know not, but I know she said from the first that she required my protection. The only time that I ever noticed anything like affectionate love on her part for me was on my first visit to her after my misadventure at the Lung-wang Miao\". Then she wept. She took my head very gently between her fine hands and repeatedly kissed the fresh scars of my recent wounds... we were both silent.' Despite this, he shortly afterwards described in the Miscellany that he, Mesny, 'had been busy at work and with his friend Pickerell, and paid frequent visits to my charmer near the Tao-t'ai's Yamen. She complained of the scarcity and brevity of my visits and showed unmistakable signs of being in a condition likely to increase the already great population of the vast empire of China.'", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212864, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 173, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "158\n\nchildren took Mme Hardoon's surname-Lo-the Eurasian children the surname Hardoon. Their ostentatious life-style was particularly noted. The Aili Garden, designed to be in the style of the Da Guan Yuan of the Dream of the Red Chamber, embraced a temple and a school. After the fall of the Qing dynasty in 1911, it was said that the Hardoons assumed the life style of the court by entertaining imperial concubines and employing eunuchs as retainers.\n\nActual facts known of the Hardoons are somewhat less flamboyant. Silas Hardoon was born in Baghdad. At the age of five, in 1851, his family moved to Bombay where his father worked for the Sassoons. In 1873 he moved to Shanghai to work for Sassoon as a clerk. His parsimonious living, administrative skills, and keen business sense soon enabled him to become a rich man himself. He engaged in opium sales and real estate speculation. Instead of buying expensive land in the British settlement, he bought land for himself and for the Sassoons in the External Roads area. And, when the settlement expanded, land value rose. It was said that he made as much as 500 million taels in one single transaction. Hardoon married a Chinese woman and had little to do with Jewish religious or social life in Shanghai, despite his significant gift to the construction of the Beth Aharon synagogue for the orthodox congregation Sheerith Israel. Before and during the Revolution of 1911, Hardoon and his wife harboured revolutionaries in the Aili Garden. Whether or how much they contributed towards the revolutionary coffers is unknown.\n\nSilas Hardoon died in 1931 and was buried in the Aili Garden. This final act of disregard of religious tenets again angered the Jewish community since the garden was not consecrated ground.\n\nThe Kadoories\n\nThe first woman to drive an automobile in Shanghai was Lady Kadoorie, wife of Sir Elly Kadoorie, an Iraqi Jew who made his fortune in real estate utilities in Shanghai. Kadoorie was a part of the Sassoon establishment until he went on his own. One of their sons, Lawrence,* was to become Lord Kadoorie, the first man from Hong Kong to sit in the House of Lords at Westminster. He has remained active in finance and industry in Hong Kong. Their other son, Horace, is known for his support for education of Jews all over Asia, including Israel. Horace likes to be active in all aspects of founding a school, from curriculum planning to staff hiring, in addition to fund raising. In Shanghai in 1939,\n\n* Since deceased [Editor]", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 212930, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1992", "page_number": 239, "title": "RAS-1992", "content_text": "224\n\nP'i) mentioned in the main text. Anne Birrell's Chinese Mythology achieves such distinction that we can easily forgive its minor shortcomings. The book is a delight to read and a joy to give to others. I only hope that her editors see fit to issue a paperback version soon. My own hardbound copy is already rather dog-eared.\n\nMICHAEL NYLAN\n\nNOTE\n\nFor example, the apocrypha to the Documents give an amusing explanation of the white fish omen that appeared at the end of the Shang dynasty\n\nFrank Welsh, A History of Hong Kong, Harper Collins, 624 + xv pp. Appendices, notes, appendix, maps.\n\nThis review has been excerpted from The New York Review of Books (7 April, 1994) by kind permission of the reviewer, Dr Jonathan Mirsky, who is East Asia Editor of The Times.\n\nThe entire history of Hong Kong, as Frank Welsh shows in his magnificent, much needed, and compendious history of the colony, is filled with misunderstandings and cultural collisions. One hundred and fifty years of muddle and injured pride are what permits Peking's leaders to call Chris Patten, whom they perceive as the point-man for an international conspiracy to overthrow the entire Communist system in China, 'a whore.'\n\nWelsh, a former Hong Kong banker, starts his dense but wittily written history in the early nineteenth century, and just manages to include the accession of Mr Patten in 1992. He refers to Hong Kong as 'that natural child of Victorian Britain and Ch'ing China... a source of embarrassment and annoyance to its progenitors since it first appeared on the international scene in 1842.' More than an annoyance: for the Chinese, Hong Kong has been a perpetual symbol of national humiliation. There are many instances of mutual disregard, which Welsh understandably enjoys and quotes copiously. In 1831, James Matheson, one of the founders of the 'noble house' of Jardine Matheson, the trading firm whose history", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1992.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/qf85tx75x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213165, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1993", "page_number": 233, "title": "RAS-1993", "content_text": "215\n\nTAKING A GODSON\n\nDAN WATERS\n\nOne June Sunday evening, in 1995, I attended a ceremony at a restaurant in Tonnochy Road, Wanchai, at which a childless couple (the wife has a daughter by a previous marriage) adopted (kai zi), Chinese style, a 28-year-old ‘godson'. The first ceremony of this kind that I went to took place in a private home, when a girl of 19, for whom the foster mother had great affection, was adopted. Presents brought to the foster parent's house on that occasion, by her real parents in 1966, included a live chicken.\n\nAmong traditional Chinese it is important for a couple to have a son to offer sacrifices, to worship the departed and to carry on the family line. Without a son, one cannot die in peace. If you do not have one you can adopt one. Not infrequently, if two families want to strengthen the friendship existing between them, then one couple may kai an offspring from the other family. On such occasions, Chinese speak of yuan fen (緣分), meaning ‘predestined connections”.\n\nAncient custom had it that there was no distinction between an adopted and a natural son. An adopted boy could not be disinherited except for offences which would apply to a natural son. On the death of his foster parents an adopted son mourned as for the death of his natural parents, although J. Dyer Ball, in Things Chinese (1903), says the adopted son need only go into ‘half mourning'. Ball also maintains that five per cent of Chinese families adopt children, 70 per cent of whom are male. A large number of Hong Kong Chinese families adopt children today.\n\nAlthough these adoptions are supposed to be permanent, come what may, I myself know of cases where relationships have been severed. For example, because of the alleged misconduct of the foster child.\n\nBut back to the case study in Wanchai. At that gathering in the restaurant there were four standard, Chinese, round tables, meaning that approximately 48 people, comprising relatives and friends, attended. A ‘good day' had been chosen according to the Chinese almanac. The ceremony of ‘adopting' commenced with a speech by godmother (kai neung ah).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1993.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/66833t302", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213215, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 37, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "16\n\nKirchmann transferred his tavern to Silbermann. The Land We Live In passed through a succession of proprietors with German, Jewish or Polish sounding names, Gustav Neubrunn, Moritz and Adolph Freimann, Bernat Cohen, Moses Tchetchilnızkı and lastly David Freeman. The Tavern was closed in 1912. The licensees of two other establishments suggest Jewish proprietorship: The Central Hotel, 1890 to 1906, Isaac Samuel Greenstein, 1907 to 1912, Ichel Gruman; and the Globe Hotel, 1894 to 1909, Isydor Silbermann, the nephew of Tevil, Ephraim Fischel Zellermayer 1910, and Adolph Weingarten 1911 and 1912. Both the Central and the Globe were closed in 1913.\n\nMrs. Petersen and the German Hotel Trade\n\nIn 1911 Frederich Reichmann, a German national, sought an interim injunction from the court to restrain Mrs. Uschmann and her husband from operating the Station Hotel in Kowloon. Mr. Reichmann charged that Mrs. Uschmann had broken a contract they had signed in November 1909, when he purchased from her for $30,000 her interest and good will in the Oriental Hotel on Queen's Road Central. The contract contained a clause preventing her from conducting in Hong Kong the business of innkeeping, publican or restaurant. The purpose of the clause was to prevent her from attracting to a new establishment the German trade. A summary of evidence presented in court provides information on the background of both the parties in the case. Mrs Uschmann claimed in her defence that the good will of the Station Hotel was the property of her husband, Robert Albrecht Uschmann, and that she was only his assistant. She had been connected with establishments licensed to sell spirits for some twenty or twenty-five years. She became the proprietress of the Thomas' Hotel on the south side of Queen's Road between Ice House and Duddell Streets. The hotel when she took it over had become bankrupt and was closed. No good will went with the transaction. Mr. O E. Owen, then proprietor of the Grand Carlton Hotel, but a former employee of Mrs. Uschmann in 1904 when she and her former husband, Mr. R.A. Matthaey, were operating the Occidental Hotel in Kowloon, stated to the court that it was his opinion \"that the Station Hotel would compete with the Grand\" (Mrs. Uschmann had changed the name of the Thomas' Hotel to the Oriental Hotel and Mr. Reichmann, in turn, had changed it to the Grand Hotel) because of her \"long association with the hotel business and her intimate knowledge of the German community.\" In fact, \"The German customers used to call her 'Mother' as a pet name\" (HKT 6 June 1911).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213253, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 75, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "54 \n\nThere is little doubt they spread rumours and not unnaturally do what they can to incite the Chinese and Indians against us. The proximity of Macao, Canton and Coast ports make it easy for them to get information out of the Colony and home to Germany. Money remittances can be made with very little arrangement from Shanghai and Manila. They go on taking the trade which the present war gives an opportunity of British firms to take hold of. Their presence renders it necessary to take more elaborate precautions in guarding all important places.\n\nPersonally, I should not be sorry to see all fit for service made prisoners of war” (CO129/413, Kelly to May 5 Oct 1914)\n\nHe had not long to wait for an order for internment was issued the last week of October. This action was taken when Germany issued a call-up of their military and naval reserves.\n\nAll Germans in Hong Kong on the reserve list were sent to Stonecutters Island. Soon after they were moved to Hung Hom Bay.\n\nThis move was made before the Hung Hom site was fully ready to receive the internees. The mat huts had dirt floors and were open to the elements. The presence of mosquitoes posed the threat of malaria. The internees were put to work sweeping streets and performing other manual tasks. Word seeped back to Germany that the internees were being treated badly. Through official channels the Germans contacted the Americans, the American Consul in turn contacted the British to ask if the representations made by the Germans were accurate. The Consul was taken to the Camp for an escorted inspection and found conditions satisfactory. One can appreciate the situation of the internees, mostly well-fed, well-cared-for, comfortably-situated merchants before they were caught up in the tides of global politics and swept into the crude conditions of a hastily-built camp for enemy aliens. The contrast between their large well-staffed homes and abundant meals prepared for their individual tastes and the primitive shelters and an institutional British-style mess must have been difficult to adapt to overnight. After two years the internees were moved to Australia.\n\nThose above military service age, wives and children were deported to Shanghai or Manila, the former under international control, the latter under American administration.\n\nPage 75\n\nPage 76", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213308, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 130, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "110\n\nBibliography\n\nTheses, Books and Journals, and Papers and Articles in Books and Journals\n\nAimer, Goran, 'Being Caught by a Fishnet, On Fengshui in Southeastern China', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. 8, 1968\n\nBaker, Hugh, 'Burial, Geomancy and Ancestor Worship', Aspects of Social Organization in the New Territories, Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch, week-end symposium, 1964.\n\n'Geomancer'. Ancestral Images, A Hong Kong Album, South China Morning Post, 1979\n\n'Grave', More Ancestral Images, A Second Hong Kong Album, South China Morning Post, 1980\n\n'Red', Ancestral Images Again, South China Morning Post, 1981\n\nBall, J Dyer, Things Chinese, Graham Brash, 1989 (first published 1903).\n\nBard, Solomon, In Search of the Past: A Guide to the Antiquities of Hong Kong, the Urban Council Hong Kong, 1988\n\nBlock, Alex Ben, The Legend of Bruce Lee, Dell Publishing Co, 1974.\n\nBloomfield, Frena, The Occult World of Hong Kong, Hong Kong Publishing Company Ltd, 1980\n\nBurkhardt, V.R., Chinese Creeds and Customs, South China Morning Post Ltd., 1982\n\nChatwin, Bruce, The Songlines, Picador, 1987\n\nChinese Landscapes: The Village as a Place, University of Hawaii Press (c. 1992)\n\nCumine, Eric, Hong Kong Ways and Byways, Belongers' Publications Ltd, 1981\n\nDudgeon, David and Richard Corlett, Hills and Streams, An Ecology of Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press, 1994\n\nEdwards, W.H., An Introduction to Aboriginal Societies, 4 April 1990", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213359, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1994", "page_number": 181, "title": "RAS-1994", "content_text": "164\n\nover HK$4 million to do a Territory-wide survey of historical buildings almost a year ago, work has yet to start partly because they are unable to line up enough qualified people to lead the survey (the Heritage Museum will be flying in scholars to help with its exhibitions - one a Canadian anthropologist who has been doing work in Hong Kong on and off since the 1960s, and the other an English design historian who returned to teach in the UK four years ago).\n\nThere are simply not enough bodies! The same 10 historians or so are burdened with research projects; advising the museums and AMO, advising radio and television programmes, exhibitions, even film; being interviewed by local and international newspapers; adjudicating photo competitions and students' projects; designing teaching materials for secondary schools; besides doing a full-time job of teaching and administration! Although a number of postgraduate students have written on Hong Kong history for their degree, many became secondary school teachers, civil servants, joined the private sectors, even the museum system as administrators, rather than pursue a career in research.\n\nThe problem is, unlike England for example, there is no army of amateur local historians (or local history societies) who study their own parish, church, village, street... as a hobby. In Hong Kong, local history is much more a consumer item than a participatory item. Despite the increased participation in projects by school and university students in the last decade or so, there is little sustained effort after the project is completed, few taking the initiative to continue research as a hobby. Thus, the main burden still falls upon those few scholars, every one of whom is spread desperately thin. There is a yawning gap, and what is missing is what we might call 'middle management' - budding scholars who can take on a project independently, without the supervision of a more senior scholar.\n\nOne worries also that the glamour of the marketplace might lure scholars away from serious scholarship. Why bother with painstaking collection and analysis of materials, criticism of text and interpretation of data when all one has to do is tell a good story to sell books? How does one strike a balance between pursuing serious research, which is almost by definition esoteric and exclusive, and serving the public?\n\nThere is another minor problem: items for research are now becoming much more difficult to come by. One effect of the growing popularity of...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1994.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zk522640g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213414, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 10, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "context of to-day's Hong Kong, and I am grateful to all members who have kindly contributed to that debate, notably Mr. John Wilson and our past President, Dr James Hayes, and I would now like to briefly give you the upshot of that review, and if any member would like to give input into this please do so.\n\nThis review covered such issues as the Society's role in relation to the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law and on this score, there is no doubt that the Society can continue to function after 1997 without fear of any legal restrictions other than those at present contained in the Society's Ordinance. In addition under Article 149 of the Basic Law it is clear that there will be nothing to prevent the Hong Kong Branch of the Society having dealings with its parent body in London or with other branches in the region or even with international bodies.\n\nThe Council also discussed two other issues, firstly the Title, and secondly its appeal to all the community in Hong Kong. On the first issue there was general consensus that the Society should continue to be called the Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch. It may seem unfashionable to retain the word Royal but in view of our history as outlined above I believe it is the right decision. There is also the problem of what to call ourselves if we did not include the word Royal. There is already in Hong Kong a Society called the Asiatic Society originating in London, and another one called the Asia Society formed about six years ago from America. For this Society to drop the name Royal will probably cause even more confusion than there is already.\n\nOn the second issue the Council agreed that whilst it had broadened its appeal over the last ten years, which has brought in many more local orientated members on the Council and in its overall membership it should continue to do more in this direction, without of course deleting one of the original purposes of the Society which is to inform and educate the public about the history life and culture of the local community. Related to this the Council agreed that where appropriate the Society should keep in close touch with other local societies in its various fields.\n\nThe review and the discussions in Council were I felt very valuable in focusing our attention on the current status of the Society. However,\n\n1X", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213415, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 11, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "I do expect that this will be an ongoing process and I believe the Society is well equipped and ready to face whatever challenges arise before us.\n\nPublications\n\nHaving given a brief outline of the history of the Society and some pointers for the future I would now like to turn to those activities to which I have alluded. First and foremost I would highlight the Society's latest publication in celebrating its 35th Anniversary, i.e. Beyond the Metropolis: Villages in Hong Kong, published by the Joint Publishing (HK) Co., Ltd. This book was first conceived by the Council in 1993, alluded to in my two last reports and edited by our Vice-President, Dr. Elizabeth Sinn, and Dr. Patrick Hase, with contributions by many members of the Society together with a fine team of photographers, conceptualises in a wonderfully vivid form the changes in our old villages in Hong Kong. Our sincere thanks go to all those who spent many hours in bringing this publication to fruition: also to our sponsor, the Joint Publishing (HK) Co., Ltd., for not only agreeing to publishing this, but also for making it possible for the Society to gain financially.\n\nIt is particularly gratifying that the Society was able to bring out this publication following on from previous publications, i.e., Seminar Proceedings, Hong Kong Going & Gone in 1980, Religion in China To-day (1988), The Chinese Christians. It is not easy to put together a publication with our limited resources. As I have said previously in my reports the Council welcomes suggestions for further input into its publication programme and if any member has any ideas please do not hesitate to contact any member of the Society's Council.\n\nAnother publication to come out recently is the Annual Journal. I would like to call it the 1995 Journal but in fact I need to confess it is the 1991 Journal: however because it is somewhat later than is desirable does not detract from its academic content. For its publication we have to thank our current editor, Mr. Peter Halliday. It is also very encouraging to report that you will be receiving the 1992 Journal shortly, and subject to unforeseen circumstances I am reliably informed that by this time next year you will receive the 1993 and 1994 Journals. Such feverish activity is very much to be welcomed, because one of...", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213477, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 73, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "40\n\n146 literally \"to fill up the bedchamber\" tea wife married when one of parties was previously widowed or divorced, to take the place of a \"kit tat\" wife\n\n147 vide infra\n\nWilson's Notes, e.g. Russell J's Report on Chinese (18th July 1883), Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1886-87, pp 187-189 (part of which is reprinted as Appendix 8 to Committee Report, 1953, at p 194), E Alabaster, Notes and Commentaries on Chinese Criminal Law, London, 1899, pp 168-170, Jamieson, op cit, p 13, and Van der Valk, op cit, pp 133-134\n\n1517\n\nvide Dyer Ball, op cit p 632 et seq\n\nReport on the New Territories 1899-1912, Appendix E (Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1912, at p 62)\n\n142\n\nWilson's Notes\n\nViz, CHOW CHAM vs YUET SEEM (1910) 5 HKLR 233, UN YAN SING AND OTHERS vs FONG LUN SAN (1913) 8 HKLR 89, CHAN KA LAM AND OTHERS vs CHEUNG CHUN KONG AND ANOTHER (1915) 10 HKLR 157, CHAN TU SANG vs TAM WAI SANG (1927) 22 HKLR 129 AND FAN NGOI NAM AND OTHERS vs ASIA CAFÉ (1929) 24 HKLR\n\nibid. (This subject is included since, as already noted, resort has occasionally been made in recent years to Chinese customary oaths in judicial proceedings, however, as long ago as 1912, the infallibility of this test was beginning to be doubted as the morality of the villager changed under foreign influence vide Report on the New Territories 1889-1912 para 87, Hong Kong Sessional Papers, 1912, p 56)\n\nAs already indicated, the main source for this part has been the material collected by Mr W Duncan of the Co-operative Development and Fisheries Department. Burkhardt also describes the \"Boat People\", op cit Vol II p 177, as does Barbara E Ward in her article “A Hong Kong Fishing Village\" JOS Vol I No 1 (January 1954) p 195\n\nY\n\nvide 1961 Census figures supra and also the figures for the 1911 census which were respectively - Land Population 94,246, Floating Population 9,855 (Report on the New Territories 1899-1912, para 6 Hong Kong Sessional Papers 1912, p 43)\n\n15% ibid para 53 at p 53\n\n157 For a description of a Boat People's Wedding see Burkhardt, op cit, vol 1 p 80", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213493, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 89, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "57\n\n19\n\non the stage and never mention the word \"Meng\" when back stage. What do you do when you have to use the forbidden words in a specific place? You simply substitute, as in the first place, the word “Geng” with the word “Jing”. So instead, the actor will sing, in one play \"Ting qiao lou da chu jing,\" which means \"When I heard the Drum Tower strike the first hour ..\" You will note that in the script the word \"Geng\" remains, but when the singer sings it, he immediately changed it to “Jing” in order to comply with the Taboo. There is no singing back stage, so when someone struck up a conversation with someone else and needed to use the word \"Meng\", you simply say “Da Huang Liang” instead. I have asked many people inside the profession, but no one can tell me why it is so and who started it.\n\nFinal Word of Appraisal\n\nI have written so many paragraphs of anomalies in the setting and acting of the Peking Opera - the question arises as to why the Chinese people still flock to see it. The answer is that the Opera gives them \"beauty\" - beauty in singing, beauty in the acting, beauty in the story as written and acted upon. (Sometimes, though, the beauty is far fetched and subject to logical questioning.) This is why some of the audience will go back to see the play a hundred times and never get tired of it. Certainly, in their heart, they have some fondness toward the acting, the singing which they want to enjoy, which they could not do without, like drugs. In China, we have a word for this kind of mentality, we call it \"itching\". They go back to see the same play many, many times in order to “quench” their itching.\n\nThen what about the anomaly?\n\nIn the psychology of the theatre goers, the whole play is a fake, not the real thing and if there is some small misinterpretation of the story, or the wrong costume the actor wears on the stage, why worry. As long as their \"itching\" is touched and satisfied, everything will be just fine.\n\nA Word of Thanks\n\nOn June 16, 1991, the Shenyang Beijing Opera Troupe was in town for a nine-day performance at the City Hall in Hong Kong. My friend,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213554, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 150, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "119\n\nadapted This pamphlet, costing a penny or two, was continually in the hands of servants, coolies and shopkeepers. The author was a Chinaman whose ingenuity should immortalize him. I have often wondered who the man was who first reduced the \"outlandish tongue\" to a current language. Red candles should be burnt on altars erected to his memory, and oblations of tea poured out before his image, placed among the wooden gods which in temples surround the shrine of a deified man of letters.\n\nF\n\nAccepting this widely-reported account of the \"Devil's Talk\" pamphlet to be correct, it is easy to understand how the vocabulary became established; after all, to the classically-trained Chinese mind, what appears in print becomes canon law. For fussy English-speakers to correct something which had been laid down in a Chinese textbook would have been no easy undertaking.\n\nBe quite clear on one point. Throughout the period of the Hong merchants and up to Treaty days, Pidgin English was not merely a means of communication between Europeans and their menials. It was a vital tool in a rapidly growing China trade in the southern Chinese ports. Hunter describes his discussions in Pidgin with the famous Hong merchants—How Qua, Ming Qua, and Pan Kei Qua—among the commercial elite of Canton. Hunter also describes one of the commanders of the Tai-Ping Rebels, Ho A-Luh, as speaking very good Pidgin English.\n\nBy the middle of the nineteenth century, China Coast Pidgin had become a well-established medium of communication. From the 1850s on, the restrictions to foreign trade and traders progressively broke down, so that the conditions which had made Pidgin's development a necessity disappeared. But the opportunities for contacts between European and Chinese people increased, and the conventions of the language were well enough engrained that it survived. The young makee-larns gradually progressed in their mastery of English, while the people with transient contacts—tradesmen and servants—picked up where they had left off. In his book “Rambles in Eastern Asia”, B. L. Ball records:\n\n“I saw a Chinaman who spoke good English, and appeared so polite that I stopped a while, and entered into conversation with him.\n\nPage 150\n\nPage 151", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213570, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "135 \n\nyou would know what to do?” to which he replied, \"Maskee! he call'um my. My no go.\" \n\n53 too muchee trub \n\n66 look see Joss Pigeon. \n\n90 All man savee you long time. \n\n101 King-Qua: ...he would guarantee \"My makee secure\" \n\nKing-Qua shook everyone by the hand in great glee, and as we left the consulate together, said, “Just now can do. Man-ta-le look see sealee he too muchee fear,\" meaning that the Mandarin would be in a mortal funk at the sight of the consul's official seal. \n\n105 Tai-ping rebel Ho-a-luh.... He spoke very good pigeon English. \"My lun way, my go Hong Kong\" ... \"No cuttee head, he all same my lun way,\" (1852-1854) \n\n++ \n\n169 Quan-Shing (silk merchant). Te-loo-ly No. 1 curio. Mei-se A-le-fan you book. Te-loo-le No. 1 curio, only my China hav got too muchee more curio \"Cunning\", Note: this word in pigeon English was invariably used in the sense of “clever”, “intelligent\" or \"wise” \n\n183 (1806-1836). Nankin Jack, Curio merchant; of a map: \"This have Cheena country. Topside got Pih-Ching - large emperor house - my have see he. Bottom side belong Canton - plenty tea, silk, foreign gentleman hav got. Before, my sell-um ten dollar; just now, as you are olo flen, my sellum you one dollar.\" \n\n193 (1841) Chinaman. \"My show you. My long you No. 1 good flen. What for fightce\" Large Man-ta-le makee fightee, he please; s'pose to molla hav got fightee, you no putee plum you gun, my no puttee plum my gun, puttee fire physic (powder) can do very well, makee plenty noise, makee plenty smoke. My no spilum you; you no spilum my!\".. \"My chin-chin you stop littee, my go odder (t'other) sy!” .. \"My puttee head insi (inside) holo” \n\n278 (1837), Howqua. \"More better no go.\", he said; if an accident occurred, \"Man-te-le bobbery mee too muchee\"", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213588, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 184, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "NOTES AND QUERIES\n\nLIFE ON THE FRINGES: THE BIOLOGY OF MANGROVES AND THE\n\nRÔLE THEY PLAY IN HONG KONG.\n\nJOHN HODGKISS\n\n155\n\nIntroduction\n\nMangroves are a group of plants belonging to several families which share a common habit and habitat. These plant formations are typical of soft depositing shores in tropical regions, where they live at the fringes of the land, so that at high tide their roots (and aerial parts often) are fully immersed in salt water, whereas at low tide they come into contact with water percolating down the shore, which is almost fresh. Thus, characteristically they grow where there is a freshwater input into the sea.\n\nThe rise and fall of the tide creates an environment of continuing change, which alters daily, monthly and year by year. Perhaps the most important change is the varying salinity, but the tides affect mangroves in other ways as well, altering temperature, nutrient supply and the level of oxygen in the soil and water. All this means that the mangroves form a special community and there is, in fact, no comparable community of large flowering plants which has a similarly intimate relationship with the sea, and few which experience so many short-term and long-term environmental changes.\n\nBotanically, mangroves are most closely related to the plants of the rainforest, and they are considered to have originated in South East Asia about 70 million years ago. Today they are widespread in the tropics (extending from 32°N to 38°S and fringing about 65% of the world's tropical coasts) but they attain their greatest diversity and luxuriance on the west coast of the Malaysian Peninsula. There they grow up to 30m high and merge at the back of the shore with the tropical rainforest.\n\nIn Hong Kong, because of the cooler winter temperatures, the mangroves are generally stunted, dwarf trees less than 5m tall, and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213605, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 201, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "173\n\nwith a strong visible presence along the colony's first line of defence.\n\nA very comprehensive description of the new observation posts was given in an article by Sub-Inspector M.E. Davis* which appeared in the HK Police Magazine in December 1953:\n\n\"The land frontier of the Colony of Hong Kong extends from Mirs Bay in the East, to Deep Bay in the West, following for the most part the tortuous course of the Shum Chun river. The country is intensely varied. The arable plain at Sha Tau Kok soon gives place to rugged mountains and deep gorges, which gradually fall away until the extensive marshy tracts near Mai Po are reached. Along the border for 16 miles of the length runs the frontier fence. It is, without any overstatement, difficult territory. The frontier area forms part of the New Territories Division of the Hong Kong Police Force, and is commanded by Mr. N.B. Fraser, M.B.E., Senior Superintendent of Police. One of the most important of the several methods of border control in effect in this area is the operation of a chain of Observation Posts\n\nThere are seven of these posts in the chain, covering the whole of the land frontier. Each is within sight of one or more of its neighbouring posts. All are accessible from the frontier road, or by means of jeep track from the roads. Most are located on prominent hill features which gives them an excellent field of observation. The elevation of the highest is over 700' above sea level. The frontier is divided into three sections, each with its complement of observation posts, which are controlled by a parent station in each section. From East to West the stations are Sha Tau Kok, Ta Ku Ling and Lok Ma Chau. The first has only one post, Pak Kung Au, under its control. Ta Ku Ling, the central and largest area has four, Kong Shan, Pak Fa Shan, Nga Yiu and Nam Hang. On the Western flank Ma Cho Lung and Pak Hok Chau posts are controlled by Lok Ma Chau\n\nThe posts are all almost identical in construction. Centrally there is a round, two storied, tower, and jutting from its sides are two long, one storied arms. The plan of the whole is roughly in the shape of a chevron. The upper storey of the tower is the Control Room, equipped\n\n* Deceased-Editor", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213631, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 227, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "201\n\n'Will some kind hand in a foreign land place a flower on my son's grave.' \n\nAvril Williams has answered that call countless times. She looks upon the departed, including of course the two Chinese, as members of her extended family. It is important they all have visitors.\n\nNOTES\n\n1 J Keith Stevens, 'British Chinese Labour Corps' Labourers Buried in England', Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society vol. 29, 1989 (1991), p 390 and Plates 24 and 25\n\n2 Michael Summerskill, China on the Western Front, Britain's Work Force in the First World War, published by Summerskill (1982), passim\n\n3 The Register at Foncquevillers Military Cemetery\n\n*S M Bard, Report on Survey and Study of old Service Graves at Stanley Military Cemetery, Antiquities and Monuments Office (Hong Kong, c 1990), p.10, and S M Bard, Annex to Board Paper Antiquities Advisory Board/21/91, Study of Military Graves and Monuments Hong Kong Cemetery (Hong Kong, 1991), p 17\n\n4 In large Chinese families children are still sometimes known by numbers eg 'Number Four Sister'\n\n5 British soldiers in World War Two each wore two identity discs on a cord around their necks. On these plastic discs were stamped their army number and their name. If a soldier was killed one disc was buried with the body and the other was sent back to base for record purposes\n\n6. Four proverbs were used. The other two were, 'A noble duty bravely done', and 'Though dead he still liveth'. All four have a hint of a Christian message\n\n7 Tim Sebastian, 'Haunted by the Ghosts of Heroes', South China Morning Post (1 July 1995), Features p.3\n\n8 Ibid\n\nPLATES\n\nPlate I Although an army number is inscribed, this grave of a Chinese labourer in Foncquevillers Cemetery is unnamed. This is not uncommon\n\nPlate II The inscription on this grave shows the name of the labourer and his native place in China", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1995", "page_number": 230, "title": "RAS-1995", "content_text": "205\n\nEXPERIENCES AS A WAR CRIMES PROSECUTOR IN HONG KONG\n\nPETER VINE\n\nFifty years ago I caught my first glimpse of Hong Kong through the perspex window of a DC3. I was in transit from Singapore to take up the post of War Crimes Prosecutor in Hong Kong. I was 24 and a Major in the Royal Marines in which I had served for the previous five years.\n\nMy last war-time appointment was as Gunnery Officer aboard a landing craft which mounted a 104 millimetre gun. We had made the journey from Plymouth, England to join up with other units of the Support Squadron assembled in Madras. Lord Mountbatten had planned \"Operation Zipper\" to reconquer Malaya down to the last detail when the announcement came through of Emperor Hirohito's broadcast surrender following the dropping of the atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Since it was not then clear that the Japanese military would respond to this call, Operation Zipper went ahead as planned, and this brought me to Singapore. My landing-craft never sailed again, and I was appointed to the staff of the Flag Officer Malayan area. I had free time at my disposal and I sent for the text-books and arranged with the English Law Society to have the Solicitors Final papers sent to H.M.S Sultan, Singapore where I sat the exam in March 1946. The announcement that I had satisfied the examiners came through in June, and a report appeared in the \"Straits Times\". I then received a telephone call asking me whether I would be willing to undertake War Crimes prosecution. I agreed readily as it offered me an opportunity to get in some legal work before demobilization, and I was appointed Deputy Assistant Judge Advocate General. I cut my teeth as prosecutor on a case which arose out of atrocities in the Andaman Islands, and which ended with a death sentence, and several terms of imprisonment.\n\nLists had been prepared of major criminals in Germany and Japan to be charged (mainly) with plotting aggressive war, and these major trials took place in Nuremberg and Tokyo. At the 1945 Potsdam Conference the procedure for all war crimes trials was worked out in detail. A modified military law would be followed procedurally allowing some flexibility for the introduction of affidavit evidence. For the major", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1995.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/95941j25g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213713, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 66, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "37\n\nand Hong Kong) where males found resident in the New Territories were born.\" Females are recorded in addition as born at Lung Chuen, Lo Ting, Ko Chau, and Lei Chau, but in each case only in ones and twos.\n\nIt will be seen that the world of the New Territories villager was effectively bounded by the coastal strip, and the central, Delta, area of Kwangtung Province. The Islands were in contact with other ports from Chiu Chau to Lim Chau, but not much further. Neither the 1911 nor the 1921 Censuses refers to anyone born in Fukien, and there is only a single reference in 1921 to a man born in Vietnam. The coastal trade must have been essentially kept within the bounds of the province, although oral evidence mentions also traders from the very southernmost part of Fukien.\n\nAt the same time, contact seems to have been close and easy with the Pearl River Delta area within 100 miles of the New Territories, but beyond 100 miles contacts were slight. Only one man is recorded from Ho Yuen, Ying Tak, and Yeung Kong. The three recorded in 1911 from Kwangsi fall into the same pattern, as also the single male recorded from Kiangsi in both Censuses. Above 100 miles from the New Territories, the only place with which the New Territories villagers were in significant contact was the Ka Ying area in the upper Han River valley, where the stonecutters and itinerant weavers came from, although oral evidence suggests that the villagers knew the name of the area, but not much more.\n\nIt will be clear from Table 13 that the New Territories was in particularly close contact with a zone no more than about 50 miles wide, i.e., the districts of Kwai Shin (Wai Chau), San On (Po On), Tung Kun, Nam Hoi and Pun Yue (the Canton City and suburban districts), Heung Shan (Chung Shan), Shun Tak, and San Wui (Kongmoon). The villagers' contacts with Central and North China was almost non-existent.\n\nMany villagers emigrated for part of their life, but almost always without their families, and the contacts of the New Territories villagers with the wider world outside China is, as a consequence, understated in Table 13. The 1911 Census, however, mentions males born in Honolulu, the Philippines, and Malaya, and the 1921 Census adds individuals born in Japan, Italy, and USA. Probably, by 1911, the New Territories villager was more in contact", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213768, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 120, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "91\n\n7 The Census Officer in 1931 came to this conclusion, after considering the evidence in some depth Census Report, 1937, pp. 139-141\n\n440\n\nPapers Laid before the Legislative Council of Hongkong, 1902 (Hong Kong Sessional Papers), printed Noronha and Co Government Printers, 1903, No. 14 \"Report of the Committee of Education” (The Brem Report), \"Land before the Legislative Council by Command of His Excellency the Officer Administering the Government”, p.392\n\n* Crime Report, op cit para 101, and Appendix G\n\n* Administrative Reports for the Year 1913, pages N[3-17\n\n** Administrative Reports for the Year 1921, pages 03-4, 022-23\n\n** Administrative Reports for the Year 1921, page 03-4. An average of 34 years would imply about 80% of boys received some education 4 years, about 70%\n\n*The Tampo Market Girls School, the Cheung Chau Girls School, the Yuen Long Girls School, and the London Mission Society School (Co-educational) at Tsuen Wan By 1931 there were distinct signs of improvement while only 2.81% of land population females over 21 were then literate, 1.69% of those aged 16-20 were\n\nHer\n\nThe withering scorn with which the Sung Report treats the content of the traditional curriculum and teaching methods of the village schools should be treated with some caution Sung was an extreme proponent of the \"new methods” in education\n\n* Census Report, 1977, Tables XXXV, XXXVI, Census Report, 1927, Table XVII\n\nKH\n\nKU\n\nCensus Report, 1921, para 4. The criticism of the 1921 \"Occupations” statistics was repeated in the 1931 Census Report\n\nCensus Report, 1921, Table XXVIII\n\nCensus Report, 1927, Table XXXIVa\n\n\"Census Report, 1927, Table XXIII, Part I and Part II\n\n02\n\nOmitting people working in agricultural occupations, fishermen, domestic servants, people working in religion, teachers/students, sailors on ocean-going ships, grass-cutters, Cartway workers, road transport workers, caddies miners and lime-burners, seamstresses and Mu Tsu\n\n\"Aberdeen, Ap Lei Chau, Lam Wan and Wong Chuk Hang also show dominance of the population by males, as does Shau Kei Wan, but these areas should be considered more as market towns, with subordinate industrial villages, and thus to fall more with places like Sai Kung or Peng Chau\n\n* Census Report, 1971, Tables XII, XIII\n\nPage 120\n\nPage 121", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213799, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 151, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "122\n\n* DJYL.cl_Zhongggo Minyan Xinvang Zhu Shen Xian Zhuan, a Taiwanese work published by different Hong Kong publishers each assigning a different author\n\n\"Michel Strickmann \"History, Anthropology, and Chinese Religion”. Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, 1980, vol 40, pp 201-48\n\n**Anonymous, Yi Wen Zongfu, reprint Shanghai Commercial Press 1937, pp 5-6. It is interesting to note that his enviable destiny is due to possession of ten thousand strings of certain coins (zhengku qian), I fail to find out what exactly they are, but they are probably significant as magic objects rather than money\n\n19 In Luo op cit, pp 365-375\n\n+\n\nLuo, op cit, p 210\n\n* Bao' Liao Shr Zongpu, in Luo, op cit, pp 357.\n\n* In Luo, op cit. p 102\n\n+\n\nWho moved to Fujian from Nanjing, i.e. Lu Jiang, yun, probably part of the present Anhui province\n\n** In Luo, op cit, p167 In some cases of the Wens for some ancestors two names are given for each, one of the simpler form and another prefixed by a numeric or non-numeric character Only names of the second form are designated as ordination names I am not sure if the names of the simpler form actually represent a more preliminary level of initiation\n\n[Check also the Lins of Hang Ha Po, Taipo, NT, note connection claimed with the Tian Hou Check also the Chens of She Shan]\n\nLuo, op. cit. pp. 97-99\n\n*See Faure, op Cit, pp 67-68 for a brief account of the relationship between some of the lineages/segments\n\n+9\n\n70\n\nThe Xing[ng] Mei[vian] YuuanYuan Lishi Pu Chao in Luo, op cit p48. The dates do not tally with the genealogy of the Lis of Shuen Wan and Chung Mei of Bao'an County which gives the date of birth of a 6th generation descendant of Hede as about the time the Song government moved to Southern China\n\nLuo, op cit, p 256\n\n1\n\nLuo op cit. p 281\n\n71\n\nThis ancestor travelled by standing on clouds and by riding bamboo horses (cf the tale about the Three Ladies Chen in ZHJLS), and was given the title of 'General for The Protection of Kingdom\" The genealogy contains two alternative stories that explained", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213802, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 154, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "125\n\nHH\n\nThe volume entitled the Genealogy of the Chens of She Shan contains two or three separate genealogies of Chen surname from which I cannot trace common descent. It seems that some pages were missing in the copy in the Hong Kong University collection. The name pujao, if indeed an ordination name, does not follow the usual long or fa format. It is probably an ordination name from another, more well-known \"folk\" religion, Luozu Jiao, which have ordination names in a format of Pa followed by another character, according to an account in a Qing work of anecdotal literature quoted by Fu Yilin's article \"Qing Qrankong kupan Cilaoguançaizong Qislu Kao\" – first published in 1942 and included in his Fu Yin Zash wusht man Wengao Xiamen Daxue Chubanshe, 1989. The pantheon and practice of Laiozu Jio is not related to the tradition that is the subject of this article.\n\n* According to Lo, op cit, p. 216 n 21. So Lo Pun was a member of an alliance including Lai Chi Wo, a multi-surname village. With one exception, which is not So Lo Pun, all member villages were lineage extensions related to Lai Chi Wo. I know of some Huang people in Lai Chi Wo, but do not know their genealogical relationship with So Lo Pun or whether they celebrated the Fengchao in the past. The genealogy contains a spirit tablet related to Lu Shan and the Three Ladies, a passage of invocation, and two talismans. It is unlikely that the genealogy belonged to a wang specialist, whose repertoire will take up many volumes, not just a few pages in a genealogy as in this case.\n\n*I fail to date any of the generations. Some dates are given in the genealogy using Dynastic year names which cannot be found in reference books for year names. I have not checked as thoroughly some of the year names and title of emperors in the prefaces.\n\nCopied during an interview with the ritual specialist by Lee Lar-mu, then of the Oral History Project of the Chinese University of Hong Kong. For part of the memorial, I have a tape recording of the priest's recitation demonstration during the same meeting for comparison.\n\n12. The Xu's genealogy of Shek Pik, Lantau Island in the British Library collection of genealogies from the New Territories contains a list of offerings for grave worship which begins with one raw pig and one cow. Rubie S. Watson, in her Inequality Among Brothers, Cambridge University Press 1985, p. 43 mentioned the division of raw pork after the ancestral hall ritual at Ha Tsuen but does not say if the four pigs purchased for the occasion were first offered to the ancestors as offerings.\n\n41\n\nHuhur Xinwen Yi hun Xu Zhi, Beijing Zhonghua 1986, p. 181.\n\n\"For the note see Luo, op cit, p. 230. For his picture of the Hakka as \"farmer-scholars\" see ibid, pp. 16-18.\n\n**Luo Op Cit, p. 255-263.\n\n* The description is in vol. 2. In the table of contents, the author has inserted xiang (\"incense\") between Ahuan and Huo. The rite has some interesting features. It uses a long piece of red cloth stretched from the \"lower\" end near the entrance of the hall to the \"upper\" end of the ancestral incense burner, and the ashes were carried over the \"bridge\" thus formed to the incense burner. That additional ancestors are incorporated into the ancestral hall in the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213806, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "130\n\nThis third letter is to be found in manuscript form among the Fryer papers in The Bancroft Library, papers which Fryer deposited prior to his death in 1928, papers which he was selective about preserving. It is an essay no doubt written for \"home\" consumption, but in its holograph form is without salutation or signature. Creases in the holograph suggest that it was mailed; perhaps it was accompanied by a \"covering\" letter which has not survived. The manuscript consists of six large pages with two columns per page, tightly penned, each page completely and neatly filled with writing and numbered, clearly the product of much reflection, control and effort. The manuscript has the title \"Account of Three days excursion on the Mainland of China.\" Many years later, perhaps after the typewriter became available, Fryer added the date “1862” in pencil. Other manuscripts in the collection have been annotated with a similar blunt pencil, probably prior to typing. The date was in error as the excursion could not have taken place before 1863, as will be described in a footnote that accompanies the \"letter\" below.\n\nFryer's origin was quite humble; his father was a Dissident itinerant Methodist preacher who appears to have had trouble finding his place in the society of Kent, his mother was a sometime school teacher and proprietress of a shop. Fryer was ambitious and was what we now call \"upwardly mobile.” In this letter we find Fryer at age 23 and well on his way to becoming an accepted China hand. He is invited by the already prominent German missionary Rudolf Lechler, who had arrived in China in 1847 to represent the Basel Mission, to join a party which includes three other substantial Englishmen. Lechler had worked in Kwangtung (Guangdong) among the Hakka peoples, had established a reputation for having \"gone native,” living in a Chinese house, wearing Chinese attire and probably a queue. The party included the Rev. Thomas Stringer of the Church Missionary Society and who had only recently arrived in Hong Kong, the Rev. John Irwin the Colonial Chaplain since 1855, and one \"Captn Drummond of the 99th”. During the excursion, Fryer, the youngest of the party, is at ease in this company and appears to be well on his way to becoming accepted by the establishment. He apparently has no trouble socializing, sharing meals, rooms, yarns and jokes, and doing a bit of pheasant shooting with his fellow excursionists.\n\nLittle is known of Fryer's two years at St. Paul's College other", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213811, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 163, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "135 o'clock we had our dinner on the deck. Such fun and such make shifts. Our stock of portable soup was very good however, and what with venison pasties and other items we got a very comfortable dinner, much to the amusement of the Chinese passengers, about 20, and the sailors. My servant came in very handy, as he was the only professional cook of the party. Our food was cooked in the Chinese way, in a little earthenware stove, and a camp canteen kettle. The deck all the while was at a very considerable slope, so that it was necessary to mind one's p's and q's, in order to avoid catastrophies. Then when we were done and cleared away, the Celestials came forward and took the deck and began their meal. Each passenger pays 30 cash (not quite three halfpence) for his meal of rice and fish and little nic nacs: and as they only eat two meals a day, you may imagine that there is not much profit to be got out of it. They did walk into the rice and no mistake.\n\nOne little boy I took a fancy to: he was a friend of the owner of the ship and his father a rich man at Sam-tsun the place we were going to. I had a long talk with him, and we read some of the Pilgrim's Progress. He had been to school 6 years, and literally knew nothing after all. The Chinese system of education is the greatest folly imaginable: No Chinaman, in less than ten years is supposed to be able to know the meanings of the characters. Many learn 5 years and only know the sounds.\n\nHowever this little fellow and I got on very well together. He was much amused with Stringer's dog, and asked dozens of questions about it. Then I offered to sell it for a dollar, but the youngster said it was no good only to eat,\" and therefore was too dear. So I joked him that he had not a dollar belonging to him, whereupon he produced a handful of dollars from his purse, and showed me a bundle of paper which he said had 7 dollars inside. He seemed to have perfect confidence in us that we would not try to rob him. It was hard to talk with him, through his dialect. It was like a Londoner and Yorkshireman. “Tea” he called \"Chay-yup\" and we call it \"Chah-eep.\" About four o'clock we entered the “Kup shui moon\" a channel opening into the \"Bogue” or as English people say \"Bocca Tigris\" or \"tiger's mouth.\"\n\nHere we passed the Canton steamer going to Hong Kong. The people stared to see Europeans on board a Chinese craft. Towards evening the breeze dropped off, and at sunset there was quite a calm.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213820, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 172, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "144\n\nto enter: another was knocked down: and after one or two had smelt the powder, and tasted some small shot, they all took to their heels and ran. They afterwards found the wounded man, and instead of giving him up, they extracted the ball, and he is now recovered and gone to another place: although some of the people say he is dead. They have not the least fear, although a stronger attack is rumoured. They are brave, noble men, who sacrifice all for Christ. They have done great good, but keep it quiet. A man whom they admit to baptism must be well known to be a changed character. Consequently their Christian professors are an armament1a to them. Their discipline is strict, yet salutary. They win the respect of the Chinese, even those who will not embrace Christianity. When I contrast the noble boldness of their character with that of those around me - and above all with my own, I see vast room for improvement. And here my story has found an end.\n\nNOTES\n\n* From the John Fryer Papers The Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley\n\n\"1862\" added to the manuscript in pencil Fryer made similar notes in pencil on other manuscripts in this collection many years later when transcriptions were made by typewriter. Miss W Haas Archive Assistant at the Evangelical Missionary Society in Basel, Switzerland, has determined that the date must be 1863, because a letter by Philip Winnes dated February 5, 1863, mentions a visit by Rudolf Lechler \"with four Englishmen\". In addition, E.J. Eitel (b. 1838) arrived in Hong Kong on October 24, 1862. Thus this excursion began on January 28, 1863, after Fryer (b. 1839) had been in Hong Kong almost 18 months. Eitel and Fryer were thus about the same age. See note 11.\n\nRudolf Lechler (1824-1908) was a Basel Mission pioneer, he spent 52 years (1847-99) in China and worked in Kwangtung with Hakkas.\n\nThe Rev. John James Irwin was Colonial Chaplain at Hong Kong during 1855-67.\n\nThomas Stringer, M.A. (Oxford), worked for the Church Missionary Society.\n\n1 As of this writing, Captain Drummond has not been identified.\n\n? Perhaps it was good only to eat.\n\n7 \"Nets\" in the sense of \"Catches\".\n\nPerhaps a pun on his name.\n\n\"That is, Buddhist.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213874, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 226, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "200\n\nThe influence of these western-educated Cantonese extended northward in the 1860s when western firms such as Jardine and Swire established their branch offices in the newly opened Treaty ports — Shanghai in 1850, Fuzhou in 1854 and Hankou in 1861. It was in these new Treaty ports that the Cantonese recognized that a new job market in politics was open to them. A \"Western Affairs Movement” was initiated by several powerful provincial officials in China by the 1870s. Under the patronage of these officials, economic and legal reforms were introduced into China in the name of westernization. These officials who rose to power after suppressing the Taiping Rebellion without Beijing's support, developed huge business enterprises in the name of the \"official supervision — merchant management” or “western-affairs movement\". The Hong Kong compradores were mainly responsible for the collection of capital. Their credibility came not from the enterprises they set up, with or without the legal backing of a company law, but from their own reputation as well as the political patronage behind them.\n\nAmidst the rhetoric of these western affairs movements, “reform-minded\" officials recruited their own advisors and set up their own personal governments, known as Mufu, literally, tent government, or what we now call think-tanks. Many Cantonese, with or without imperial degrees, were sought to fill these posts. The strength of this “Cantonese party” rested on their early access to things western — the \"Cantonese faction established predominance in China's internal affairs and foreign relations... [their strength] lies in the monopoly in the matter of emigration overseas ... Before 1840, Canton was the only port open to foreign traders”. On how these think-tank members were appointed, westerners observed that:\n\nin the exercise of patronage... the principle is that which animated Washington in the selection of his first cabinet. Latterly the Canton party, ultra-progressive, has come to the front.\n\nIn the 1870s amidst this rhetoric of westernization, and with the assistance of western-educated Cantonese, the \"reform-minded\" officials managed to bargain with Beijing and develop huge business enterprises under their patronage. In an environment where company law and stock markets were absent, these reform-minded officials started these modern enterprises under an arrangement known as the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213884, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "210\n\nKong and the British Consul to act as arbitrators.”\n\nThe Governor could not conceal his excitement. To persuade London to accept this proposal, the Governor quoted from earlier information that he received from someone he believed to be very close to President Yuan:\n\n[The President said] as the state of things in Canton was so desperate, the only course open was for the Canton Government to ask for foreign intervention and to get the Canton province run as the customs are run: for a limited period of 20 to 30 years.\n\nTo help this proposal to get through in London and Beijing, the Governor of Hong Kong telegraphed his British colleagues in the treaty ports for assistance. Sir Jordan recorded that his part in this scheme was \"to induce President [Yuan] to accept this principle and instruct Canton accordingly\". This scheme, however, failed to materialize because the influence of Liang Shiyi in Beijing declined suddenly in face of his political competition with the Anhui military men, another group of supporters of Yuan. To save its decline, the Communication Clique was driven to support Yuan's monarchical movement, a move which proved to be a political disaster for the Communication Clique. The majority of them had a narrow escape to Japan or Hong Kong after the fall of Yuan.\n\nThe worse for the Cantonese was yet to come. After the death of Yuan, Sun Yat-sen, together with Wu Tingfang returned to Canton from Shanghai and declared a new constitutional government in the South. Without an army under his control, he brought with him a guest army from Guangxi. I quote from a memoir of a Guangxi general that:\n\nThey really look awful! This same uniform had been worn through a war and a hot summer & in most cases had been worn to rags. Without needle or thread, many soldiers simply used grass to fasten the torn [pieces] together; the entire army was in a state of near-starvation...\n\nHe explained the difficulty of his army and how the army was formed:\n\nWhen the anti-Yuan movement had started, local armies were", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213889, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "215\n\nnegotiations with Chen Jiongming as “Canton needs the salvage of a large and united body of influential men\" and they all \"begged me [Lu] to form the Merchants' Association at once”. \"All urging me not to leave things as they were\", emphasised Liu, and they were \"offering to support whole-heartedly the scheme of government that I might propose\"\n\nImmediately after Liu's return to Hong Kong in late March, Liu Zhubo announced an organizational charter for a \"Business Maintenance Committee\". This committee was to raise a loan of $3,000,000 for the new Canton Government. To put up the sum, Liu proposed two methods to recruit adequate subscribers. The committee would either include a membership of 300 merchants with subscription fee of $10,000 or a membership of 30,000 with a subscription fee of $100. This charter was actually published and distributed in Canton and Hong Kong\n\nWith everything in place, Chen Jiongming broke with Sun Yat-sen in June 1922. During the incident, Sun's residence was bombarded. Sun fled to a gunboat and, from Hong Kong, he escaped to Shanghai\n\nChen Jiongming's co-operation with the Hong Kong merchants, however, proved to be a very short one. Sun returned to Canton in January 1923 with the military support of the Yunnanese and the financial support of the Siyi men from Hong Kong\n\nBack in Canton, Sun faced the familiar problem of trying to organize a government without adequate money and with no real command over military forces. To prevent the guest armies from mutiny, Sun had to provide a daily maintenance expense of $20,000 to $30,000 to the armies. Added to this problem was Sun's inability to collect tax in the province. Almost all the existing organizations for tax collection were non-functioning in the face of the guest armies who divided Guangdong into spheres of influence.\n\nImmediately upon his return, Sun called for a meeting with the merchants in Hong Kong. Fifty overseas returned merchants in Hong Kong, led by Li Yutang, met Sun Yat-sen in the Cement Factory of Guangdong. In response to Sun's call for financial support, Li made a public speech.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213924, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1996", "page_number": 276, "title": "RAS-1996", "content_text": "254\n\nof death rituals, rites of passage, gender role, festivals and customs, ancestor worship and feng shui, Constable illustrates that the Shung Him Tong Hakkas' attempt to reconcile Hakka-Chinese and Hakka-Christian identities is an ongoing process. This ongoing process is also demonstrated in the continuous transforming images of Hakka characters. The older generation emphasises Chineseness despite being Christians; the younger generation tends to allow Christianity a far more obvious role in their lives (Chapter 6).\n\nChapter 2 is devoted to a discussion on Hakka migration and the Taiping Rebellion, both events thought to have been important in the construction of Hakka identity. According to the book, the former provides the Hakkas with a historical mechanism to identify themselves as \"Orthodox Chinese,\" and the latter provided, other than lineage, an \"organisational structure that helped bring together those who became influential in inventing and articulating Hakka identity” (p. 38). If these two historical events were so crucial to the construction of early Hakka identity, one would expect to know more about how they were told and utilised by the Shung Him Tong Hakka Christians to reconstruct their own Hakka identity, not through records by historians of European missionaries. Without this, it is difficult to relate the construction of early Hakka identity and the reconstruction of the Hakka-Christian identity in Shung Him Tong.\n\nShung Him Tong is located near Lung Yeuk Tau, a village compound dominated by the powerful Tang lineage. It is also situated close to two other influential localised lineages in the New Territories of Hong Kong: the Pangs of Fanling and the Lius of Sheung Shui. Though the political influence of the early founders of Shung Him Tong is mentioned, Constable does not explain how the marginal situation of the village contributed to the survival of the community, which is Christian and Hakka (as against Chinese and indigenous Punti villages like Lung Yeuk Tau, Fanling, and Sheung Shui). It is also unclear how, unlike the Lius of Sheung Shui, who had to change their ethnic identity from Hakka to Punti, this marginal nature of the community is manipulated by the Shung Him Tong Hakkas to reconstruct their own unique Hakka-Christian identity.\n\nThere are also some minor imprecisions. One of which is Qing Ming, which does not fall in “Spring during the third month of the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1996.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/3n209j641", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 213990, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 59, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "25\n\nin Chinese) scaffold used, for example, to project out over a street to repair, say, a signboard.22 The main types of scaffolding, however, which surround a building, are what are known as 'single platform' or 'double platform' (double row scaffolding). 'Single platform' consists of just one layer of scaffolding surrounding a building. This means that, although it is easy to erect and less expensive, scaffold boards cannot be laid out on it to form a continuous working platform. The single platform scaffolding, therefore, really becomes a 'scrambling unit' over which men clamber and hang on to, with hands and legs, in order to work.\n\n'Double platform scaffolding', on the other hand, is made up of an inner and an outer frame of scaffolding surrounding a building. Such a scaffold is more substantial, it can carry more weight, and it is safer because scaffold boards can be laid out to form a continuous working platform complete with handrails and 'kicking boards'. These toeboards prevent materials, such as bricks, being kicked off the scaffold when they may fall on people below. The Department of Labour of the Hong Kong Government encourages the use of the double platform variety. The 1995 Code of Practice for Scaffolding Safety, drawn up in Hong Kong, was based largely on a version in China.\n\nWith each 'plane' of bamboo scaffolding surrounding a building, two types of bamboo uprights are used. First, there are the thicker maao chuk (lance bamboo) which form major 'empty' squares about 10 feet or so across. These provide the main supports. Then, between, are the thinner and lighter ko chuk (tall bamboo), spaced at about 2 feet 6 inches apart, to form the secondary, intermediate frame.\n\nUp until the latter half of the 1970s, bamboo uprights (standards), ledgers (horizontals), transoms, braces, and other members used to form scaffolding, were lashed together with strips cut from the sheaths of bamboo. These strips were often mistaken for rattan. These were pre-soaked in water and used wet so they were flexible. In the late 1970s, there was a switch to seven-foot-long nylon lashings which, as before with bamboo strips, dangle in an accessible position from the belts of the scaffolders working aloft. After the plastic lashings have been cut through, when the scaffolding has been dismantled, the lashings are often left lying about. Unfortunately, they are not biodegradable as were the old bamboo lashings. For structures which\n\n24", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214028, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 96, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "NEGOTIATING THE TRANSFER PRACTICE OF HOUSING IN A CHINESE VILLAGE\n\nCHAN KWOK SHING\n\n63\n\nIn Hong Kong's New Territories, the government has allowed each male indigenous inhabitant in his lifetime to apply for building a new three-storey house in his village since 1972.1 Villagers call this type of house ding wu (male's house), which is distinct from others called zu wu (ancestor's house). Zu wu should be transferred through the male descent line for the maintenance of lineage community, whereas the sale of ding wu (male's house) for profit is recognised as a socially acceptable practice. Villagers of the Pang lineage in Fanling define ding wu and zu wu differently with reference to their locations, and then manipulate the spatial difference to justify the transfer practice.2 In order to maintain the lineage community and its associated traditional identity, villagers rigidly enforce patrilineal descent in the transfer of zu wu. The transfer of ding wu is nevertheless open to negotiation in their self-interest. Some defined their ding wu as patrimony and transferred them patrilineally, but some sold them out for profit when the real estate market price in Hong Kong has been booming since the mid-1980s. The Pangs' strategy of manipulating space to redefine/negotiate the property transfer practice shows a mixture of community solidarity and profit maximisation in rapidly changing economic and legal circumstances.\n\nThe Setting and Housing Conditions in Hong Kong\n\nThe Pang lineage has been situated in Fanling in the northern New Territories before it was leased to the British Government in 1898. It is a patrilineal descent group with corporate landholdings to support group worship. Its members also organise a self-defensive village guard to safeguard life and property and appoint village representatives to speak for their interests. The population of the Pang lineage in the 1990s is about 3,000, but, as the Pang genealogy records, nearly half the lineage members have emigrated to countries such as Britain, the Netherlands, Belgium, and so on and worked abroad since the 1950s for making a better living.\n\nThe genealogy notes that the lineage founder and his son emigrated", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214029, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 97, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "64\n\nto Leng Shan in Fanling from Dongguan in 1190.5 In 1220, they were then driven out and moved to Fan Ling Lau, as their residence was appropriated by neighbouring Tangs. In the Ming Dynasty, due to population pressure, some Pangs moved to what is now called Fanling Wai and built forty-two houses and the village walls. Fanling Wai is composed of a walled village and its extensions which are referred to by the Pangs as Wai Noi Tsuen, Nam Bin Tsuen, and Pak Bin Tsuen. The houses in the past were built one-storey high of clay bricks with tiled roofs. Wooden ancestral tablets were placed at the center of the house for worship. Nowadays, due to population growth, nearly two hundred village houses stand in a row in the village. They have been built and rebuilt into two- or three-storey cement houses since the 1980s, and they contain paper-made ancestral tablets for veneration. The Pangs call this type of house zu wu (literally means the ancestor's house) and point out that they should be passed down the male descent line, usually from fathers to sons, for maintaining the Pangs' lineage community.\n\nOutside the walled settlement, there are many village houses with dark-red tiled roofs, white walls, and a balcony. Villagers call it the Spanish style. These houses were mainly built in the 1980s, under the 1972 Small House Policy. The policy allows every New Territories male villager, whose ancestor had settled there before the British Government took over the lease in 1898, to apply for building a house in his village. The house is allowed to be built of no more than 25 feet in height (three storeys) and 700 square feet covered area. Since this type of village house is built by male inhabitants (nan ding), villagers colloquially call these houses ding wu (male's house).\n\nFrom the 1980s onwards, the Pangs have rented out their available village houses for profit when the demand for rural housing increases substantially. After the Second World War and the unstable political period in China in 1949, a huge influx of immigrants from China to Hong Kong, together with the subsequently increased birth rate, exacerbated the housing problem in Hong Kong's urban area. In order to relieve the over-crowded living conditions, the government has not only provided low-cost public housing but also commenced the development of satellite towns (nowadays called new towns) in the New Territories. Housing is nevertheless still in substantial demand because of its inadequate supply. In the 1980s, the private housing", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214132, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1997", "page_number": 200, "title": "RAS-1997", "content_text": "The two walled villages that our Group did walk around, in this basically Hakka Chinese region, struck the author as being, both in layout and construction, similar to the Hakka Tsang Tai Uk walled village in Hong Kong's Sha Tin. All, for example, have communal soul tablets above their altars in their ancestral halls, unlike Cantonese ancestral halls which have individual soul tablets for passed leading members of the community. The walled villages we inspected also have wok i gables which are supposed to denote scholarship among the persons living there. In these walled villages in China, there was also the odd coffin or two stored in their ancestral halls. These are sometimes bought by old people and kept in storage ready for when the last trumpet call sounds. The author has read of coffins being bought and stored in this way but has never actually seen it practised in Hong Kong.\n\nExcept for bad pockets of pollution, including both dust from construction sites and smoke from factories, parts of the countryside in the Huizhou region reminded the author, very much, of the Hong Kong he knew in the 1950s. As we sped along a new highway with many tollgates and little traffic, a wide variety of vegetables were being grown occasionally by the People's Liberation Army which has to earn its keep. On one occasion, our minibus was held up by a column of ducks waddling, single file, across the road!\n\nBut, in addition, there was a great deal of paddy with rice harvesting in progress. Winnowing machines were being used similar to those you sometimes see today stored in ancestral halls in Hong Kong's New Territories where they are no longer required. Although there are some small tractors in the Huizhou Region, in the main, the water buffalo is still the beast of burden. On one occasion, the author counted a herd of over 20 out grazing.\n\nWe saw, of course, many fish ponds on our trip in 1997, and, although we did not see any salt-pans as one could see in Tai O, on Lantao, in the 1950s, and even up until the early 1960s, they still exist in out-of-the-way places in China. The small group of RAS members that visited this eastern Guangdong region, in 1995, did see salt being harvested at a place called Ping Hoi. Before World War Two, salt farming in Hong Kong was usually undertaken by Hakka Chinese, and, in addition to Tai O (previously the most important place for salt farming", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1997.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/wp98g7579", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214162, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 20, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "contributed, over the past year, by Council and committee members, speakers, tour leaders, institutions who have assisted us, and those who have carried out projects (see appendices). I must also thank Sarah Parnell, our Assistant Secretary, who has undertaken the many, often (but not always) routine tasks that have to be performed if a society as large and complex as the RASHKB is to function properly. Sarah has performed over and above the call of duty. A great deal of work has to be done behind the scenes which members, and indeed some Council members, do not necessarily know about. I now have the pleasant task of offering renewed thanks to everyone who has helped the Branch in any way and supported me during the 1998/99 Year. If I have omitted anybody who I should have thanked then please accept my sincere apologies.\n\nConclusions\n\nHow do you judge a Society such as ours? Although it is not possible to please all of the members all of the time we do, I believe I can honestly say, keep our ear to the ground and pay attention to members' views. Although we must admit we do make the odd mistake and receive the odd brickbat now and again, we also, on occasions, receive the odd bouquet. For instance, long-time member Kirsty Norman (now an Overseas Member together with husband Paul) whose family lived in Hong Kong for three generations, wrote during the past year:\n\n'We miss our Hong Kong friends and the wonderful RAS activities, but please tell your members we think the new Friends (in Britain) of the RAS (HKB) is a great success and that we hope they will all come along if they find themselves back in England,'\n\nDr. Dan Waters, President\n\nxix", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214185, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 43, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "6\n\nlaughter to one person and a mere smile to another. Indeed to a third person, the joke may fall completely flat. People often do not agree about what they find funny. Why? Much is physiological and beyond the scope of this paper. Some people take the view that life is not funny and you need to be a philosopher to extract fun from it. Nevertheless, few men or women will confess to a total lack of humour. As Frank Moore Colby (1865-1925) the United States editor wrote:\n\nMen will confess to treason, murder, arson, false teeth, or a wig. How many of them will own up to a lack of humour? The British statesman, William Gladstone (1809-98), is one of the few who was said by his critics to have been entirely lacking in humour (Muir, 1990; XXXII).\n\nSidonie Gabrielle Colette (1873-1954) the French novelist wrote: Total absence of humour renders life impossible (one could add, this applies for both Chinese and Westerners).\n\nNevertheless humour is probably not unique to the human race and many canine lovers will tell you can sometimes spot a grin on the face of a dog.\n\nWestern senses of humour\n\nThe brand of humour common in the United States, where people are not afraid to ‘debunk' anyone or anything, is, according to one middle-aged American woman living in Hong Kong, not always the most subtle. It can vary considerably compared to the humour, often based on behaviour or appearance, found in Britain where irony is frequently used and words portray the opposite of what is actually meant. Of course an Englishman may be unable to laugh at a Chinese joke because he has insufficient command of the language.\n\nFor instance, a European and a Cantonese were arguing how America was discovered. The European said Columbus sailed to the New World in 1492, together with soldiers and missionaries. Columbus landed, kissed the ground, and declared the name of the new land 'America'. The Chinese disagreed saying that Fa-Xian (AD 337-422), a Buddhist monk, landed there in a Chinese junk. As he walked up the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214186, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 44, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "beach with his Chinese cook carrying a wok (Chinese frying pan) under his arm, he proclaimed 'Mat ye lei ga? (†1) (meaning \"What is this?'). But to a Cantonese it sounds very much like the word 'America'.\n\nAgain, regarding the appreciation of someone else's humour, a Chinese who has never lived outside China may be unable to laugh at a joke because he has limited knowledge outside his own country. For instance the ideal world has jokingly been said, by Asians, to be an English stately home, Chinese food, an American salary and a Japanese wife. But then another Asian pipes up, \"If you had a Japanese house, English food, a Chinese salary and an American wife you'd be in real trouble!\"\n\nOf course general knowledge, background and nuances often play an important part. For instance if you say in English, 'She's no chicken,' you mean a woman is not young. But in Cantonese it means she is not a prostitute.\n\nChinese and Westerners may face various obstacles before they can laugh at each other's jokes. Nevertheless, as Ezra Pound (1885-1972) the American poet and translator wrote: The sum of human wisdom is not contained in any one language, and no single language is capable of expressing all forms and degrees of human comprehension. Although there is much fine Chinese literature there have been few Chinese Nobel Prize winners. It is unfortunate that many of the finest passages of Chinese writing lose their sparkle when translated into western languages (Ball 1903; 358).\n\nIn a similar way the English language is not always easy for foreigners to appreciate. Tsim Tak-lung, at one time in charge of the Hong Kong Chinese University Press, once said that when enquiring after someone the English reply, ‘As well as can be expected.' 'What on earth does it mean?' asked confused Tsim.\n\nAgain he tells the tale of when he asked someone in a railway carriage in England whether a certain train went to Blanktown. He expected a 'yes' or 'no' answer. Instead he received the reply: 'I should be very surprised if it doesn't!' When the train pulled up at the platform", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214206, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "27\n\nOf course obscene jokes and a preoccupation with excrement and body functions are common in many societies and have raised smiles, like other familiar jokes, for centuries. For example, instead of saying a Chinese laughed, one can say: 'Saw teeth but did not see eyes.' Because of physiognomy, one is hardly able to use this expression about Europeans.\n\nIn most countries satire survives partly because it tweaks the authorities. In England, there is the Yes, Minister series, which has stood the test of time, just as there is an assortment of tales about party leaders in China where jokes go back decades. Over the last half century many certainly do not conform with Communist Party intentions. For example, with a play on words, the late elder statesman, Deng Xiaoping, was sometimes ‘insulted' by calling him 'Little Bottle,' which the sound of his given names suggests. Certainly it is not the done thing in China to insult the leaders and humour, like most things, is expected to serve the state.\n\nTwo other anti-establishment jokes, which went the rounds not too long after the Communist government took over in China in 1949, run as follows:\n\nA parrot said, 'I'm smart, I listen to people and mimic what they say.'\n\nA government official replied, ‘I'm smarter, I only copy what our leaders say!'\n\nThe second joke runs:\n\nTwo men had a fight and one contestant bit off the other's nose. The case went to court. The man being tried insisted his opponent bit off his own nose. 'But how could he possibly do that?,' enquired the magistrate, 'His nose is situated above his mouth.' 'Simple' came the reply. 'He stood on a chair to get at it!' This joke seems to fall rather flat on most Westerners (and indeed on many Hong Kong Chinese) for whom it is not sufficiently subtle.\n\nAlthough not considered good taste today, as mentioned before, just as there are English jokes about the Welsh, the Irish and the Scots,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214209, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 67, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "30\n\nThe author, as a soldier himself, recalls a 'lecturette,' in Britain, while expecting the country to be invaded by Germans in 1940. His army squad was being instructed how to set booby traps. A thin wire was stretched from tree to tree, across a country road at the appropriate height, so that it could slice off the head of a motorcycle despatch rider. This was effectively demonstrated by a mock-up on film and just about everyone present, who were all generally good-hearted, genuine people, laughed. They were acting 'out of character.' But, after all, there was a war on.\n\nThe author recalls during the invasion at Salerno, in Italy, when there was a possibility that the British and American forces would be pushed off the beachhead, British soldier comrades told how they had gone on patrol and how in order to keep two German soldiers from shouting out, knifed them as they slept in their trucks. A Gurkha who was listening to the conversation immediately piped up. 'That's not fair! You should at least wake them up before you kill them!' Everyone thought it a huge joke. Today, looking back under peacetime conditions, it all seems terribly macabre and gruesome.\n\nLin Yutang is quoted as saying, 'Humour is the product of contentment and leisure.' Yet the British tommy was able to crack jokes even when faced with abysmal conditions. It is recorded that, in the defence of Hong Kong in December 1941, the men of the Middlesex Regiment 'never lost their sense of humour' (Lindsay, 1978; 136). Probably the Chinese Communist soldiers, on the 10,000 kilometre Long March, which lasted over a year in 1934-35, did not either, although their sense of humour was, no doubt, different. For instance, the Chinese soldiers used to sing, 'Don't fall behind, don't get wounded, don't get the eight silver dollars' (Lee, 1999). This can be likened to the English World War Two song, 'Pack up your troubles in your old kitbag ....'\n\nBut jokes can offend and one needs to be careful, in some countries especially, not to give the wrong slant to sexist jokes which can ruffle feathers. When talking to a Chinese, whose traditions value filial piety, you do not in the main tell mother-in-law jokes — although there are a few jokes about mothers and their relationships with sons-in-law. Again, in Chinese society, you do not say, where death is more or less a taboo subject, 'You're too slow for your own funeral', or 'He's got", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214223, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 81, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "References\n\nAndrews, Carol A.R. (1998, November 30), letter to the Author of this paper, the British Museum, Department of Egyptian Antiquities.\n\nBall, J. Dyer (1989), Things Chinese, Graham Brash, Singapore, first published 1903.\n\nBennett, Cortlan (1996, June 26), 'War-time Enmity Kicked into Touch,' South China Morning Post.\n\nBergson, Henri (1956), 'Laughter,' Comedy, John Hopkins University Press.\n\nBloom, Alfred H. (1981), The Linguistic Shaping of Thought: A Study in the Impact of Language on Thinking in China and the West, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers, New Jersey, USA.\n\nBolton, Kingsley and Christopher Hutton (1997), 'Bad Boys and Bad Language Chou Hau and the Sociolinguistics of Swearwords in Hong Kong Cantonese,' Hong Kong, The Anthropology of a Chinese Metropolis, eds. Grant Evans and Maria Tam Siu-mi, Curzon.\n\nBonavia, David (1980), The Chinese, Lippincott & Crowell.\n\nCairnes, Alice (1998), 'Bean as Boss,' South China Morning Post. exact date not known.\n\n'Cantonese Taste Gets the Chop' (1998, November 28), Hong Kong Standard, first published in People's Daily.\n\nChen Wangheng and Shu Jianhua (1993), ‘Lun Lin Yutang de xiaopinwen' (On the Personal Essays of Lin Yutang), In Lin Yutang Juemiao Xiaopinwen (The Best of Lin Yutang's Personal Essays) 1-23, Changchun: Shidai Wenyi Chubanshi.\n\nCheng, Margaret (1998, November 18), ‘Hospital Wants to Make it to the Top,' South China Morning Post.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214225, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 83, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "46\n\nJones, Russell (1997), Chinese Names, the Traditions Surrounding the Use of Chinese Surnames and Personal Names, Pelanduk Publications.\n\nKao, George (1946), Chinese Wit and Humour, Coward-McCann, New York.\n\nKarlgren, Bernhard (1971), Sound and Symbol in Chinese, Hong Kong University Press.\n\nLee, Lily Xiao Hong and Sue Wiles (1999), Women of the Long March, Allen and Unwin. Edited extract South China Morning Post, 'Saturday Review,' 'Women on the March' 20 February 1999.\n\nLee, Sherry (1999, February 2), 'Reviving the art of Silent Gestures,' Hong Kong Standard, 'Life' supplement.\n\nLexikon der Ägyptologie (1997), 'Humour.'\n\nLin Yutang (1937), The Importance of Living, Reynal & Hitchcock, New York.\n\n(1936), My Country and My People, William Heinemann.\n\nLindsay, Oliver (1978), The Lasting Honour, the Fall of Hong Kong 1941, Hamish Hamilton.\n\nLittle, Jennifer (1998, June 25), 'Chinese Kiwi Comic Gags Racial Stereotypes,' Hong Kong Standard.\n\nLiu, D.H. (1995), 'The Peking Opera,' Royal Asiatic Society Hong Kong Branch Journal, Vol. 35.\n\nMathews, Jay and Linda (1983), One Billion, a China Chronicle, Ballantine Books, New York.\n\nMcGregor, Richard (1997, August 22), 'Interpreters' nightmares,' South China Morning Post.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214228, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 86, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "49\n\nYeung, Chris (1998a, March 22), 'Broadcaster stays open to debate,' Sunday Morning Post.\n\n(1998b, March 27), 'Civil servants fail to see joke,' South China Morning Post.\n\nZeldin, Theodore (1983), The French, Fontana Paperbacks\n\nNOTES\n\nDiscussion with Howard Young, Legislative Councillor Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the People's Republic of China, 1 February 1999.\n\n2 These appear to be mainly Mainland Chinese jokes with some added, in stages, from Hong Kong and Taiwan. Some jokes appear to be 15 or so years behind the times. Many are not really funny. See Internet web page: http://www.sc.cninfo.net/index/new/yml.htm.\n\n3 Carol A. R. Andrews, Assistant Keeper, conducted a 'gallery talk,' April 1997, on Ancient Egyptian Humour.\n\n4 Mr Bean is played by Rowan Atkinson who was said, in 1998, to be Britain's highest paid actor: see South China Morning Post, 15 November 1998.\n\n5 Howard Young, who although himself a Hong Kong Chinese, tells western jokes as he finds Chinese jokes, to use his own words, 'boring;' interviewed by author on 1 February 1999.\n\n6 This is, in other words, the Lun Yu, one of the Chinese Classics which has been the essence of Confucianism for more than 2,500 years.\n\n7 Fok and the author worked together in the Hong Kong Education Department up to 1980.\n\n8 The 'Gang of Four,' which had been centred around Mao Zedong during the Cultural Revolution, was arrested in October 1976, less than a month after Mao's death. The 'Gang' consisted of Jiang Qing, Mao's widow, Yao Wengyuan, Zhang Chunqiao and the youthful Wang Hongwen.\n\n9 Chinese soldiers too exhausted to march on were taken to the nearest habitation,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214290, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 148, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "111\n\nthough they also had some on their war junks. The war junks were of much smaller size than the large men of war of the British navy. Generally they only had one gun deck although they were beginning to realise that they needed to have better ships and Mackenzie1 records that a start had been made as early as 1841. The batteries of the various forts were not short in numbers of guns, and Mackenzie records that the North Wangtung fort mounted 167 guns ranging in size from 3 to 64 pounders. What they did lack was the ability to aim them efficiently. Their accuracy was not good, and Mackenzie notes: \"The carriages are also most clumsy, and owing to this they are unable to train the piece to bear on any particular object, but fire it off point blank\"17. It is, therefore, no surprise that they were no match for the European ships, or even the gun boats such as the Nemesis which only mounted a couple of 32 pounders.\n\nOne would have expected the shore batteries to have given a better account for themselves; however, even the batteries at the Bogue Forts were not well directed. Ouchterlony said of their efforts to dislodge a battery of howitzers set up in the middle of South Wangtung, an island well within range of the fort: \"...it will convey some idea of their miserable deficiency in gunnery, to remark that during all that time, although many guns in the southern horns of the half-moon batteries on Wangtung bore upon it, not a single casualty occurred amongst Captain Knowles' party.\"\n\n# 18\n\nAs regards field guns, the Chinese did not have much use for them as they were generally on the defensive. However, they did have an interesting variety that was mounted on a form of wheelbarrow, but these were only found in an arsenal and not in service. They also used gingals (also spelt gingall or jingal, from the Hindustani jangal), which is a large musket about twenty pounds in weight and when fired is supported either on a swivel mounting or by a second man. A photograph taken around 1910 by Leone Nani20 shows a large matchlock musket being supported on an assistant's shoulder, and specimens of similar dimensions, probably dating from the early twentieth century, were seen in the New Territories of Hong Kong in the 1970s by the author. Weapons of similar size (about eight feet long) but of more modern design were also in use at the time of the Boxer uprising (1900)21. The size of its shot varied. Loch22 observed gingals that required three men to operate and which fired a ball of about 2 pounds. However,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214367, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 225, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "191\n\nindustry. It was common, so it claimed, for construction teams to hold Taoist rituals, including the sacrifice of oxen before work began.*\n\nOn the other side of the coin, according to the Bureau of Religious Affairs, about 200 Taoist temples have been re-opened to the public in China since the 1980s and seven Taoist provincial associations have been established. One of these temples is the former Taoist Cheng-i sect centre, the Heavenly Master Sect temple [T'ien-shih Miao] on Dragon and Tiger Mountain, Lung-hu Shan, in Kiangsi province. It was burned down in 1945 and work on rebuilding it did not begin until 1983. This consisted of the renovation of the main hall and the re-sculpturing of the images of the San Ch'ing, the Three Pure Ones, and fourteen other clay statues. Other sites nearby have also been renovated, including the Shang Ch'ing Palace, where the Immortals lived, and the Lien-tan Ch'ih, the Furnace [where pills of immortality were made]. It is interesting to read that both local and central authorities donated more than half a million yuan towards the project.\n\nAbout the same time as the iconoclastic campaign began, a ban was also imposed in Tsingtao, the port in southern Shantung, on the manufacture, sale and burning of funeral objects in a bid to curb a resurgence in superstition.\n\n...\n\nDespite all of these reports of the destruction of illegal temples and the crackdown on superstition, my daughter and I during the years 1995-1997 have visited a number of temples both urban and rural in remote areas of China as well as in cities and towns which, without doubt, fall under the category of superstitious religious establishments. We have not only been guided to several such temples by policemen but also in one instance we found the local party cadre actually lived with his mother inside a small popular religion temple. The only instance where a member of a temple staff had reason to explain that an activity was banned because it was superstition happened in the suburbs of Shanghai. When we asked why there were no oracular blocks on the altar with which to obtain the deity's answers to questions posed by devotees, we were told by the temple guardian that this particular practice was superstition and not permitted, whereas other routine rituals seen in temples in Hong Kong and Taiwan were. A Chinese scholar recently explained that in his view illegal temples are the structures built without permission because local State authorities have not had the quid pro quo erection of a village school, crèche or health centre paid for by the villagers with the same sum funded for the project as\n\nPage 225\n\nPage 226", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214406, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "230\n\nHONG KON\n\n(from the notes of a Russian traveller)\n\nOf the many islands, scattered along the shores of the extensive Chinese empire, the English selected for themselves a small island not particularly distinguishable for its fertility, almost bare, of little use to China; but with a good harbour and lying on the route from the Indian to the Pacific Ocean - hence very useful to them - and founded a city here, a depot for trade not only with China but with neighbouring islands. The city, whose proper name of Victoria is hardly known even to its own inhabitants, looks over the strait separating the island from the mainland, and consists of one main street following the course of the shore; it's called Queen's Road, although neither the present, nor any future queens of Great Britain are likely to travel on it; a number of other smaller streets run parallel to this main street or cross it at right angles. The latter rise up the mountain so steeply, that the houses behind stand a whole storey above the ones in front and that is why all of them have a wonderful view of the harbour and the picturesque shores of China. Magnificent too is the view of the city from the harbour. The houses, arranged in the form of an amphitheatre at the foot of the hill, are shaded by groups of trees; the main street is interrupted in the middle by an avenue, from which a garden with convenient, winding paths, runs further up the mountain, so that the mountain itself, previously completely bare is now covered to a certain level by shady bamboo lanes or groves of various trees. People building houses here mainly tried to shield themselves from the burning rays of the tropical sun, which is why the houses all have something in common: each one has, without fail, a covered balcony, and has some semi-dark hall through which the breeze blows; also shutters are an essential accessory of windows. The best building, in my opinion, is where the beautiful is united with the useful, which is - the barracks of the regiment stationed here. The two-storeyed peristyle surrounding it gives it the appearance of a Roman temple and shields it on all sides from the sun's rays. The Governor's House built recently on an elevated site in the middle of a newly cultivated garden, would have been one of Hong Kong's best adornments, were it not obstructed by extensions which completely obscure it. Other magnificent buildings I must include are the hospital, the club and many private homes. The western part was the first to be settled and is now nothing very much: - narrow streets with small houses", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214409, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 267, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "233\n\nappear now next to the thumb, tip to painting, now return to their place back in the reverse position. Generally speaking the Chinese are very good copiers. I saw a copy of Raphael's Madonna in a reduced size, brought from Berlin and another made from it here by a Chinese: it's difficult to distinguish one from the other. They themselves only paint flowers and insects well, copying each little leaf of a flower, each little butterfly's wing with such thoroughness, that they seem to be glued on to the paper. Much beauty is brought to these drawings by the paper itself which is like fine velvet and which the English call rice-paper but which is actually made from the pith of a plant belonging to the family araliacea and known in Chinese as den-tsao i.e. the lamp plant because lamps are made from its thin stems. It is said to grow exclusively on the island of Formosa, at least it is only there that they cultivate it and make paper from it. Paper used primarily for making artificial flowers.\n\nThat same ability of the Chinese - to be satisfied with little together with their imitativeness results in that all artisans and workers here, as well as all household servants - are of their number. A Chinese tailor will guilelessly offer you to chose from a fashion picture of three to four years earlier; a Chinese stone-mason builds magnificent houses according to European plans. But for whatever kind of work it might be it is easier to find a Chinese man than a Chinese woman; and that is why positions which are elsewhere occupied by female servants are here mainly occupied by men. And if it is strange to see a footman in a long tunic and with a long plait by the table, then it is stranger still, as is often the case, to see a similar Chinese in the role of a children's nanny.\n\nIn Hong Kong I had the opportunity of seeing for the first time the drying of tea; and although it was not the preparation of tea from fresh leaves, but the drying of tea that had become slightly damp, the process is nevertheless in essence the same. Cauldrons, in the form of hemispheres, are fixed into the hearth at an incline: their back part is raised sufficiently to allow the plane of the opening to make an angle of up to 50° with the horizontal. A worker, standing before each such cauldron continuously stirs the tea placed there with his hand always in one direction, thus imparting to it a circular motion until, with the fire burning under the cauldron the tea dries as required.\n\nTalking of tea, it would be opportune to mention an incident which occurred while I was in Hong Kong. A vessel carrying tea sank; the cargo was salvaged and sold at public auction. The dealer-speculator, who bought it, took", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214411, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 269, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "235\n\nrecently went to Siam, where he successfully concluded a trade treaty, and was now preparing for publication an account of the Siamese kingdom. His son has assembled a fine collection of insects of the local area and continues to add to it. Dr. Harland has undertaken to compile a complete fauna of Hong Kong, while Dr. Lorraine has a large collection of shells, gathered by him during his travels in America and India. Mr. Wade, the Chinese Secretary, has an impressive Chinese library and is involved in the study of the history of the reigning Chinese dynasty and informed me of a plan he had to compile a Chinese dictionary; only this plan is so immense, that one man would hardly be able to realize it. Well, that is all I know about the learned pursuits of certain individuals, living in Hong Kong. Much, undoubtedly, is undertaken in the privacy of a study and will only become known on completion. I have not said anything of the labours of missionaries: but they, on the whole, don't like to talk about their affairs. I only know, that of those living in Hong Kong many intensively study the Chinese language, not only themselves but their wives too, and I think that one can expect finer seedlings from the preaching of the latter by reason of the greater receptivity of the female nature.\n\nAs for literary works, apart from several translations of holy books, every year treatises appear in Chinese and not only theological treatises, but others, which reveal to the Chinese much useful European knowledge and the latest inventions. Perhaps some of these treatises came from the pen of one of the Hong Kong missionaries. One of them, Mr. LOBSCHEID, is constantly within the Chinese border, about fifteen miles from Hong Kong, where he is engaged in practising medicine, and to those that come to him for cures from their bodily ills, he doesn't fail to point out their spiritual infirmities as well, and the only way to rid themselves of them. I had already met him in Japan, when he was on the American ship Pageton, and now saw him again in Hong Kong, where he had come for a short time. I received from him as a gift the Japanese translation of several books of the New Testament, done by whom I don't know, but as far as I do know, not quite comprehensible to the Japanese. And so, hardly had the Japanese opened a number of their ports to foreigners before the missionaries had prepared the most essential material for their conversion. One cannot demand perfection at the first attempt: it is sufficient to make some sort of inroad; in time it will become more and more even, and improved.\n\nTo the charitable organizations of the town belong the hospital", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214430, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 288, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "254\n\nbetween the two main batteries, but being mobile the battery could have been at any position within the fort at the time of the surrender. This battery would have had its own mobile searchlights.\n\nA wartime machine gun post is shown on some old maps beside the footpath leading down to the present pumphouse behind the new married quarters on the west side of the peninsula. Nothing is shown on the Ordinance Survey map and it is believed that this post would have been an improvised sandbagged strongpoint. Its purpose would have been to prevent the enemy coming up the path from the sea. It also may have had its own searchlight set up in a sandbagged emplacement.\n\n**\n\n*\n\nThe story of the fierce fighting in the Stanley area and the last stand at Stanley Fort, which in the latter stages of the battle had no water supply and no communications link with the Fortress Headquarters in Victoria Barracks, has been told in Oliver Lindsay's book “The Lasting Honour\", Tim Carew's \"The Fall of Hong Kong\", and the Volunteers' Little Red Book. It was in this final action on Christmas Day 1941, that severe damage was done to the Stanley Fort Batteries by intensive shell and mortar-fire bombardment from the Japanese counter-batteries combined with continuous air-raid attacks by Japanese dive-bombers throughout the day until the capitulation was made on written orders from Fortress HQ shortly after midnight.\n\nFrom 1942 to 1945 Stanley was used as a civilian internment camp by the Japanese. In July, 1943 the batteries at Stanley Fort, then of course in Japanese hands, were again subjected to air-raid attacks this time from American dive-bombers. Fourteen internees were unfortunately killed in one of these bombing raids by a stray bomb. These air-raids continued intermittently until the end of the War. The war damage sustained by the bunkers, magazines, observation posts, and pillboxes which made up the batteries can still be seen today.\n\nAfter the Liberation, Stanley Fort was again occupied by the British Army. The garrison was reinforced in 1949 and remained strong throughout the 1950s despite deployments to fight insurgency in Ma-", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214440, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 298, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "265\n\nTHE STORY OF GUN CLUB HILL BARRACKS\n\nR.G. HORSNELL\n\nAnyone who walks or drives along Austin Road, Kowloon, past the Kowloon Bowling Club towards Chatham Road, cannot fail to notice the imposing entrance to Gun Club Hill Barracks.\n\nThe old cannon on its granite base at one side of the iron gates guarded by a sentry, and the massive granite retaining wall resembling the wall of an unassailable fortress, make a fitting entrance to the barracks. Yet it did not always look like this. The granite retaining wall was built when the cutting for Austin Road was made, and the main entrance to the barracks originally was from Chatham Road. In the old photograph one can see what the entrance looked like at the turn of the century. Colonnaded buildings stand on the site of the present WOS and Sergeants' Mess, a building in the centre stands on the site of the present Record Office and Training Centre, and a building on the right is where the present Officers' Mess now stands. This building is still there although somewhat remodelled with a front entrance wing added in 1935.\n\nIt is not known for certain when the barracks were established, but in early 1860, before Kowloon was ceded to Britain after the China Wars, several areas had already been mapped out as possible sites for military barracks. A memorandum from the Secretary of War, dated 1860, stated \"The necessity for increased accommodation for the garrison has long been apparent to the military authorities, and the acquisition of a healthy site like that of Kowloon, points at once in the direction in which accommodation must be found.\" One of the sites which was mapped out was Whitfield Barracks, named after Maj. Gen. H.W. Whitfield, Maj. Gen. China, Hong Kong and Straits Settlements (1869-1874) to the west of Nathan Road in Tsimshatsui. Another site was Gun Club Hill, probably one of the nine hills which gave Kowloon its name. The site then encompassed the Kowloon Cricket Club ground, but the present 25 acre site is bounded by Chatham Road, Austin Road, Jordan Path, Jordan Road and Gascoigne Road, this last road named after another CBF - Maj. Gen. Sir W.J. Gascoigne KCMG, Maj. Gen. China and Hong Kong (1898-1903).", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214505, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 363, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "332\n\nDowntown - the west of the city\n\nThe first port of call in the morning was the former German governor's residence, used as such from 1903 to 1914. This was reached by driving down the newly named Xiang Gang Lu (Hong Kong Road) from the hotel and penetrating the centre of the city. Until recently the governor's residence had been a government-run guesthouse - The Qingdao Yingbin Hotel; it was such when I visited it in 1996, and at least in theory a possibility as a place to stay or at least have dinner in surroundings of baronial splendour. Now, however, it has become the much more humble No 26 Long Shan Road and is kept as a museum, with original furniture (including “German table\", \"German chair”, “German piano\") and artifacts on display in the rooms, all of which are accessible. Also on display, although not officially, was the original German electric wiring system, complete with enormous switches, connection boxes and fuses. The main interest for most, however, was the outside of the building - which immediately impresses upon the onlooker the purpose for which it was built. Almost castle-like in its appearance, the governor's residence would have given the great man a clear view over most of the city over which he ruled to the south and west, and of the military establishments to the east.\n\nHaving set the scene for the morning by visiting first the seat of power, next was a visit to the centre from which that power was exercised - the Town Hall. Still operating as such, the Town Hall, found in Yi Shui Road, is another commanding building whose intended purpose is clear at first glance. Access is denied, of course, but the outside of the building is worth a few moments contemplation. When first constructed, the Town Hall was the place from where a community of 30,000 was governed. The population of present day Qingdao is in the order of 20 times this figure, and so the original building has been long outgrown. However, interestingly enough, an extension was built in the early 1980s in exactly the same design. The result is most impressive in that it is very hard to differentiate the old from the new, even down to the fine architectural details such as the fine wrought iron work on the roof. Visitors should take a minute to walk down the small street to the left of the main building to see the new building through the gates, and see if they can spot the difference.\n\nAlso worth a little inspection is the old Court House, just over the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214556, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 414, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "383\n\nMONUMENT\n\nTO THE WESTMORELAND REGIMENT THE 55TH REGIMENT OF FOOT\n\nIN\n\nDINGHAI CITY ON ZHOUSHAN ISLAND\n\nKEITH STEVENS AND JENNIFER WELCH\n\nIn October 1998 the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society organised a visit for members to Ningbo [Ningpo] and Zhoushan Island [Chusan Island] off the East coast of China in the archipelago of the same name. The object of the visit to Dinghai, the county capital of the archipelago, was to try and follow the course of the British military campaign there during the First and Second China Wars, the First being the so-called Opium War of 1840-1842 and the Second, the Arrow War of 1856-1860, and see if any monuments to the British victory and subsequent occupation remained. In particular we were looking for the military cemetery and tombstones.\n\nThe Chinese guide who met us in Ningbo and who was to accompany us to Dinghai was most doubtful about our mission. We did not think she was even aware that the British Army had been on Zhoushan 150 years ago. However by the time our ferry docked at Dinghai, maps relating to the campaign, which had been brought along with us, had been studied in detail, together with an account by the Reverend Wright.\n\nIn Dinghai our first call was at the local museum where we collected the Curator. We were most fortunate in that he was interested in the China Wars, and not only knew the accounts - albeit from the Chinese point of view - but was able to lead us to the sites of action, and to the one remaining monument to the British.\n\nDuring the two China Wars Zhoushan had its moments of glory in history after which both conflicts gradually faded from both British national and Chinese local memories. Between the 5th of July 1840 when the city of Dinghai fell before a British attack for the first time, and the 5th of June 1846 when the British restored Zhoushan to the Chinese, the island was ruled twice by the British with its claim to fame as the first Chinese territory ever to be occupied and controlled", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214585, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1998", "page_number": 443, "title": "RAS-1998", "content_text": "412\n\nUniversity, she very handsomely acknowledges the help that she received writing the book, notably from her significant other, which is a nice touch.\n\nThe reviewer's not-uncommon experience of books written in Hong Kong by Hong Kong people, and particularly where painstaking research is required, is that a degree of laziness creeps in. Serious subjects, which require hard work to research and write about, all too often do not receive this sort of dedicated application, with the result that books are shallow and anecdotal, rather than being accurate and detailed.\n\nDr Bickley demonstrably does not fall into this group. She attests to research going back over eight years and the amount of data backs this assertion up. There is an astonishing amount of detail, even to who was with Stewart at the time of his death. There is a certain amount of editorial comment and Dr Bickley is clearly an admirer of her subject. But there is much about the subject to admire and he left a lasting legacy. The author has also gone to considerable trouble to illustrate the book with old, generally relevant photographs, and one such photograph heads each chapter, which is a little monotonous. It might have been preferable to distribute them more randomly throughout the work and put a caption under each one. Nevertheless, in Lady Saltoun's words, \"Dr Bickley's life of Frederick Stewart is beautifully written, eminently readable, and at times moving.\" The reviewer heartily agrees. The work is a valuable contribution to the post-colonial history of Hong Kong.\n\nObtaining particular books about Hong Kong can be difficult. The Golden Needle is available by mail-order from the UK at £13.50 plus postage and packing from Mrs Jean Shirer, c/o Aberdeen and NE Scotland Family History Society, 164, King Street, Aberdeen AB24 5BD or from Hong Kong (for delivery outside Hong Kong) at HK$168 plus postage and packing from The David C. Lam Institute for East-West Studies, Hong Kong Baptist University, 34, Renfrew Road, Hong Kong. Bookazine bookstores in Hong Kong have good stock.\n\nPETER HALLIDAY", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1998.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/1g05n0794", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214634, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 49, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "The Chans and the Ngs, therefore, insofar as their clans originated in these difficult years, fall entirely into a widespread local pattern.\n\nThe Ngs today divide their clan into four Fong, or branches, and twelve descent lines (see Table 1). The four Fong are the descendants of the four eldest of the six grandsons of Ng Shing-tat (the descent lines from the youngest two died out, probably during the troubles of the Coastal Evacuation). There are few descendants of the first three Fong, which each comprise only one descent line, stemming from the single sole survivor of that Fong still alive after the Coastal Evacuation. The fourth Fong comprises the remaining nine descent lines. Of these, three stem from the three eldest of the five descendants of the fourth grandson of Ng Shing-tat who remained alive after the Coastal Evacuation (the descent line of the youngest of these five later died out). The remaining six Fourth Fong descent lines all stem from the fourth eldest of the Coastal Evacuation survivors from the fourth Fong. Three stem from the three eldest great-grandsons of this man, and the final three from the three sons of the fourth great-grandson. It would seem likely that only eight males survived the Coastal Evacuation from this clan, i.e., the stem ancestor of the first three Fong and the five survivors from the fourth Fong. Thus the present clan divisions reflect the post-Coastal Evacuation history of the clan, in the period 1668-1750.\n\nThere is very little in the records to support the villagers' belief that their ancestors were followers of the Sung boy-Emperor Ping. It would have been Ng Shing-tak's great-grandfather who would have been the head of the clan at the time of the boy-Emperor Ping, but the Tsuk Po merely records that he lived at Ng Ka Chung, and is buried there. The last of the Sung members of the Chan clan, Chan Yu-wa, BARVE, must have died very young, and very close to the end of the dynasty: it is possible that he was connected with the Sung remnant court, and possible that he died in their service, but the Tsuk Po is silent on this. Given that the Chans were living at Nga Pin Heung a hundred years before the Sung Court came to Kowloon, it is very likely that they would have been swept up in its support in the period when they found themselves living on the doorsteps of the Court.\n\nThus the first people to settle near Nga Tsin Wai seem to have been the Chans, who settled at Nga Pin Heung about 1150-1170, probably in a development associated with the removal of the Salt Intendancy", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214685, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 100, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "64\n\n27 See P.H. Hase \"Bandits in the Siu Lek Yuen Yeuk\", in Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. 32, 1992, pp. 214-216.\n\n29 I am indebted to the interview notes of Dr James Hayes for this incident.\n\n29 The traditional land-law of the New Territories divided the land-ownership rights into subsoil rights and topsoil rights. The topsoil landowner had the right to till the land, or to sell or mortgage that right. The subsoil landowner had the right to take a rent-charge from the topsoil landowner, and he resumed the topsoil rights should the topsoil owner fail. It was the subsoil owner who was responsible for paying the land-tax, if any. The British declared the system inappropriate, and declared the topsoil owners the sole owner, and personally responsible for the Crown Rent. For the Nga Tsin Wai sub-soil rights in Kowloon City, see J.W. Hayes The Hong Kong Region op.cit. pp. 167-168.\n\n30 See J.W. Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, op. cit, pp. 168-171.\n\n31 The information in this section is taken from the Chan clan Tsuk Po, and from information given me by the Chan clan elders. See also B. Williams, \"The Chan Family of Tseung Kwan O\", in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol. 7, 1967, pp. 158-160, which gives additional material taken from the information given by the elders in the 1960s.\n\n32 See J.W. Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, op. cit. p. 171.\n\n33 See J.W. Hayes, The Hong Kong Region, op. cit. pp. 167-168.\n\n34 For these inscriptions, see D. Faure, B. Luk, A. Ng, The Historical Inscriptions of Hong Kong, op. cit, Vol. 1, pp. 75-78, 114-116, 184-188.\n\n35 Information from the recently revised Tsuk Po.\n\n36 Information in this paragraph is taken from the Census of 1911, and from information given by elders of a number of villages. See P.H. Hase, “Traditional Life in the New Territories: The Evidence of the 1911 and 1921 Censuses\", in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch, Vol. 36, 1996, pp. 1-92.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214713, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 128, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "92\n\nDo villagers really believe in tun fu?\n\nHow many of the New Territories' villagers really believe in tun fu? Earlier, it was mentioned that the Pat Heung villagers were paid $600,000 to stage their collective tun fu ceremonies. Brian Jenny, Government Director of Audit, in November 1994 wrote in his report that, during the 1980s, amounts paid annually by the Government (on account of feng shui disturbances) varied between $500,000 and $950,000. In 1990, the Government paid $1.1 million, in feng shui compensation, to the villagers at Ha Tsuen so that ceremonies could be held (Hong Kong Standard; 1990). The fall in the purchasing power of the dollar over the years must be taken into account when interpreting these figures.\n\nWhen the British took over Hong Kong they promised the Chinese that Qing laws would be retained and local customs respected (Endacott; 1958, 38, 40, 41). Certainly a large number of festivals, customs and much culture have been retained. To some degree, because of lack of restrictions during the colonial period, there was limited hostility towards the British (Cheung; 1999, 573). Other ex-colonial powers could perhaps argue that this easygoing affinity, which developed between the Hong Kong Chinese and their rulers, was not always in the interests of the Colony. For example, the compensation paid to villagers to hold tun fu ceremonies, could have been put to better use.\n\nBut returning to how many villagers really believe? A small group of elderly women that the Author spoke to, sitting in the sun near a tun fu pot at Shui Tau Village, in the Kam Tin District, said that when work first started on improvements to the Kam Tin River the villagers did not intend doing anything. But people started falling sick and several died. It was decided then to hold a tun fu ceremony.12 'Did the elderly ladies believe in tun fu?'\n\n'Well, people stopped falling ill and dying,' they replied, 'so of course we had to believe.'\n\nThat is as good an argument for believing in tun fu as any.\n\nNevertheless several retired civil servants, both British and Chinese who have worked in the New Territories, some as District Officers,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214718, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 133, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "97\n\nin tun fu and other religious ceremonies. 'It is not really worth making a fuss about and upsetting the system', seemed to sum it all up.\n\nBut by comparison, even if western women would probably not accept a 'second-class citizen' situation in a similar way, nevertheless it should be remembered that only men are allowed, still, to become Catholic priests. Women have however been accepted, in a number of cases not so long ago, as clerics into the Anglican (Episcopalian) Church. Again showing leanings towards men, even in the West, the Author recalls his 90-year old English mother saying, in the 1980s, \"It's a pity Mrs Thatcher (the then Prime Minister of Britain) isn't a man. People would respect her more.”\n\nWill tun fu die out?\n\nWith the population of Hong Kong expected to reach somewhere in the region of eight-and-a-half million by the year 2010, this can only mean additional new towns and greater urbanisation in the New Territories. Such growth must bring drastic changes in lifestyles as has happened in the past. Western style bars, karaoke and other hostess services are now not uncommon in the Yuen Long and Kam Tin area, signifying the move towards globalisation (Chu; 1999)(Yu; 1999). In addition, what sociological changes will Route Three Highway, the West Rail Link and a possible new town close by bring to the district (Shum; 1996, 41)?\n\nBut in spite of inevitable changes, Sheung Tsuen, where the main Pat Heung tun fu ceremony that the Author attended was held, is still a pleasant, peaceful village. In spite of paddy fields having long disappeared and derelict cars being dumped together with other eyesores, there is still a country atmosphere. The Koel and other birds call from atop camphor and banyan trees. To an observant person, the number of tun fu ceremonies held in the New Territories still does not appear to be exceedingly small. But with the continuing rapid increase in population and concomitant developments, they are likely to become endangered, although the custom is likely to be around, in smaller numbers, for some time to come.\n\nConclusions\n\nTun fu ceremonies are held because a previously quiet area of the countryside and its feng shui are threatened. Perhaps a hill in which the", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214737, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 152, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "116\n\nmirrored by the meticulous interest of model enthusiasts. There has been less interest in events in Asian theatres of war, particularly those before the change of the tide of war after the Battle of Midway. Save for a few battles, little has been written in English about the major battles in the Pacific War. One exception is the Battle of Hong Kong fought against the Japanese forces in December 1941. In this Battle, two brigades of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps without air support fought three full-strength Japanese divisions supported by an air fleet.\n\nThe Battle broke out at 08:00 hour on 8 December, when the air raid on Kai Tak Airfield began, and lasted to 15:25 hour on Christmas Day, when the Governor Sir Mark Young made the decision to surrender. This led to the official ending of the almost 18-day fighting, which was intended to cease at 18:00 hours, when for the first time in history, a British Crown Colony was surrendered to enemy forces with her governor taken as a prisoner. This surrender occurred one hundred years after the creation of the colony. A miserable three years and eight months period followed for the captive defenders and civilians until the British administration returned on 30 August 1945.\n\nBriefly, the Battle was conducted in two distinct phases2. From 8 to 13 December, it was fought in the New Territories and Kowloon. This phase ended with the fall of the Shing Mun Redoubt of the Gin Drinkers Line on 11 December and the final evacuation of defence forces to the Island of Hong Kong two days later. The second phase commenced in the early morning of 18 December when the Japanese made their first attempted landings on the Island near Lei Yue Mun Strait, the eastern approach to Victoria Harbour, and ended with the surrender one week later. Before the final capitulation, the Governor had rejected the Japanese request for surrender twice, on 13 and 17 December.\n\nWe shall consider a brief textual review of the English and Chinese publications and materials on the Battle of Hong Kong available in the University of Hong Kong Library, which provides points of reference for our re-assessment of the performance of the defenders of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214740, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 155, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "119\n\none of the best descriptions about the background to the Battle of Hong Kong.\n\nThe Battle Itself\n\nIn terms of the actual fighting, a host of publications specifically on the facts of the fall of Hong Kong and its aftermath, both English and Chinese, has been published, beginning in 1943 with Harrop's memoir, The Hong Kong Incident (Harrop 1943). This was followed after the war by the despatch by Major-General C.M. Maltby to the Secretary of State in the London Gazette, “Operations in Hong Kong from 8th to 25th December, 1941\" of 1948 and a Hong Kong Government publication in the same year, Events in Hong Kong on 25th December 1941 (Hong Kong Government, 1948) and in 1953, A Record of the Actions of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps in the Battle of Hong Kong. Seven years later, Carew's book The Fall of Hong Kong was published (Carew, 1960). Endacott's History of Hong Kong, first published in 1958 (Endacott, 1958), and Fung's Chinese counterpart of 1967 (Fung, 1967) represented the earliest local works that put the Battle in the historical context of the Colony.\n\nAnother 17 years lapsed before another phase of active publication occurred, starting with Coates' A Mountain of Light (Coates, 1977). One year later, Hong Kong Eclipse commenced by Endacott and posthumously completed by Birch appeared (Endacott and Birch, 1978) with Lindsay's The Lasting Honour: the Fall of Hong Kong 1941 (Lindsay, 1978). Birch's own Radio Hong Kong broadcast on the Battle was published one year later in a book entitled Captive Christmas: the Battle of Hong Kong (Birch, 1979). In 1980, Ferguson's work, Desperate Siege: the Battle of Hong Kong, was published (Ferguson, 1980). In the following year, Vincent's (1981) work, No Reason Why: the Canadian Hong Kong Tragedy: An Examination, and Lindsay's second work, At the Going Down of the Sun: Hong Kong and South East Asia 1941-1945 (Lindsay, 1981). This active phase of publication ended with the first systematic Chinese account, A History of the Fall of Hong Kong, (Yip, 1982) and The Royal Hong Kong Police 1841-1945 written by Crisswell and Watson (Crisswell and Watson, 1982). Most English works in this period retained a condescending view about the reliability of Chinese soldiers who happened to be in the Colony and Chinese civilians who helped the defence of Hong Kong. The odd", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214741, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 156, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "120\n\nexception was the Chinese translation of Walter Easey's Hong Kong Today published in 1977 (Easey, 1977).\n\nThe last seven years of the so-called \"transition period,\" i.e. the 13 years from the 1984 Sino-British Agreement on the return of Hong Kong to China on 1 July 1997 witnessed another boom in literary output related to the fall of the Colony to the Japanese and its aftermath. The first work was Bruce's Second to None: the Story of the Hong Kong Volunteers of 1991 (Bruce, 1991). The second work was Rollo's The Guns and Gunners of Hong Kong (Rollo, 1992). Next came a Chinese work on the communist guerrillas that operated in occupied Hong Kong, Tsui's Partisan Activities in Hong Kong (Tsui, 1993), published in 1993. The following year saw the work of Wright-Nooth, Prisoner of the Turnip Heads: the Fall of Hong Kong and Imprisonment by the Japanese (Wright-Nooth, 1994). In 1995, two more Chinese works appeared, Ko and Tong's Hong Kong: Japanese Occupation Period (Ko and Tong, 1995) and Tse's The Fall of Hong Kong (Tse, 1995). Ruins of War; a Guide to Hong Kong's Battlefields and Wartime Sites, written by Ko and Wordie (Ko and Wordie, 1996), was the major last work of this period. The publications in this period are generally less restrictive than earlier works in that they (a) give due credit to the Chinese defenders in the Battle and communist partisans, with their base in Sai Kung, New Territories, during the occupation; (b) spell out the potential and actual contribution of Chinese soldiers in the Colony; and (c) give sympathetic consideration to the Chinese civilians. The same is true of general history books on Hong Kong such as Cameron (Cameron 1991), Welsh (1997), Morris (1997) and Chan (1990).\n\nChurchill's Wisdom of Defending Hong Kong in Retrospect\n\nThe recurrent theme of unofficial publications is that the fall of Hong Kong was inevitable and its belated reinforcement by the two Canadian battalions was pointless. I would suggest that in this regard a more comprehensive view of the battle requires an appreciation of the post-war history of British Hong Kong. The books referred to above have not discussed the political consequence of not fighting an impossible battle.\n\nOne may speculate that had the British Administration given up the Colony without a fight, it would have lost the Colony forever. The", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214742, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 157, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "121\n\nThe reality is that the British had been able to retain Hong Kong as a Colony for another 52 years after August 1945, notwithstanding the promise of Britain to the Chinese Government in 1943 that she would return all her possessions in China after the end of the war. In this light, Churchill's decision was not irrational, and the garrison's sacrifice was a contribution to the way of life and system of government in Hong Kong today.\n\nIn terms of duty and moral responsibility, Churchill's decision was also reasonable, given the constraints confronting his administration. For the sake of argument, what other options were available to Churchill in December 1941, assuming that \"the British Far Eastern Strategy\" (Bell, 1996), for which he was not responsible, with respect to Hong Kong had been wrong? Should he have handed over the Colony to the invading Japanese forces without a fight? Should he have \"returned\" the Colony to the Chinese Government, which had lost control of Canton and a meagre military presence in or near Hong Kong? Or should he have made efforts to evacuate the Governor and the Hong Kong garrison by sea or air and left the rest of the population of Hong Kong in a state of anarchy?11 Bell suggests that demilitarisation and evacuation were feasible options and that the ruling out of these options by the British Government was not justified (Bell, 1996). I do not think that these options were politically sensible or morally responsible. Therefore, I dispute the view that the efforts of the Hong Kong garrison, though militarily probably doomed to fail, were unnecessary or pointless. The complaint by some authors, such as (Blackburn, 1989) about looting by the \"Chinese\" during and after the fighting testified the need for British military presence in Hong Kong to avoid a state of anarchy amongst the population. I further dispute the view of some recent authors that the British administration was humiliated in the eyes of the local population when the small Hong Kong garrison surrendered. That would have been the case had they fled or surrendered Hong Kong without a shot being fired. The majority of the law-abiding Chinese population, irrespective of their views towards colonialism in Chinese territories, had always been supportive of measures to defend their liberty, lives and property against Japanese invaders. At the time the Japanese troops marched on Hong Kong, they had already plundered Chinese soil for more than a decade. There is no doubt that the Chinese population of Hong Kong were not, as represented by some authors, apathetic about the invasion.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214743, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 158, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "122\n\nThose who are resting in peace in the military cemeteries in Sai Wan and Stanley and those not buried there have not just earned for themselves a reputation for obedience and courage, but also won a way of life for the future generations of Hong Kong. Above all, they served their home countries and mankind by making a contribution to a war that was a crime against humanity.\n\nThe Performance of the Hong Kong Garrison\n\nWhile politics and good will may be controversial, an objective assessment of the actual performance of the defenders vis-à-vis the invaders is not impossible.\n\nAll authors referred to in the literature above pointed out that the Hong Kong garrison was, militarily, facing a hopeless situation on 8 December 1941. The Colony was isolated, with virtually no air cover or naval support, outnumbered three to one by the Japanese, and largely without combat experience, adequate training, sufficient ammunition or even winter uniform. Furthermore, it was an assortment of nationals who spoke different native languages; English, Cantonese and several Indian dialects. It was thrown into a battle against well-prepared and veterans of the Japanese Imperial Army, which had at least five years of combat history in China and was well supplied with detailed intelligence and mapping information about the Colony. During the Battle, Japanese agents and Chinese collaborators living in the Colony also assisted the invaders. The British forces also laboured under the impression that the offer of assistance by the Chinese forces and other Chinese groups was reliable. The final collapse of the resistance happened not only earlier than the London authorities had expected - 17 days instead of 9012 - but also far ahead of schedule for the Japanese, who contemplated that half a year13 would be required to conquer the Colony. Thus, many commentators argue that the defence of Hong Kong was a shambles. However, no author has actually attempted to measure the \"fighting power\" or effectiveness of the Hong Kong garrison or made a comparative study of the tactics of the defender vis-à-vis the invaders.\n\nI argue that it is unfair to pass judgement on the performance of the garrison by solely comparing the actual and planned duration of the battle or any other military dimension of the fall of Hong Kong.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214744, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 159, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "123\n\nThe performance of a military force is always a relative term in many senses. Authors writing about the Battle of Hong Kong have not rigorously compared the performance of the Hong Kong garrison with that of the Japanese invaders, save statistics of casualties and strength. Nor have they compared the performance of the garrison with British garrisons in other theatres of war.\n\nIt is true that the performance of the Hong Kong garrison did not prevent the fall of Hong Kong. Yet, it should be recognised by the military historian that the Hong Kong garrison, notwithstanding its inferior strength, did not only (a) manage to hold out for a much longer period of time; but also (b) sustain a much lower loss rate, as weighed by relative strength, than its adversary relative to the latter's strength. The former was probably the true mission of the garrison as contemplated by Churchill and both (a) and (b) testified to the battle worthiness of the garrison.\n\nEvidence of these two points is adduced in Table 1, which compares several dimensions of the Battles of Crete, Hong Kong and Singapore. These battles all involved British forces repulsing invading well-prepared Axis forces which had either absolute or relative local air superiority and which succeeded eventually in overrunning the defended territories, taking a large number of prisoners. Each battle has attracted much post-war criticism of the failure of Churchill's strategy or tactics about defence of the island concerned. In all cases, the battles were mainly fought on land, though the German invaders of Crete were air-borne. In the cases of both Hong Kong and Singapore, the conflict was largely between infantries supported by artillery and there was no naval support during the hostility as the navy either was absent or had been wiped out. Evacuation by sea was only possible for a part of the Crete garrison.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214751, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "130\n\nCameron, N. An Illustrated History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1991.\n\nChan Lau, K.C. China, Britain and Hong Kong, 1895-1945, Hong Kong, Chinese University Press, 1990.\n\nCarew, T. The Fall of Hong Kong, London, Anthony Blond, 1960.\n\nChurchill, W.S. The Second World War Vol. 3, Boston, Houghton Mifflin, 1950.\n\nCoates, A. A Mountain of Light, Hong Kong, Heinemann, 1977.\n\nCourtauld, C and Holdsworth, M. The Hong Kong Story, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997.\n\nCrisswell, C. and Watson, M. The Royal Hong Kong Police (1841-1945), Hong Kong, Macmillan, 1982.\n\nDavis, C.B. Review on Endacott's Hong Kong Eclipse, The American Historical Review, Vol. 84, 3 (June 1979): 828-829.\n\nEasey, W. Hong Kong Today, Hong Kong, The 70's Publisher, 1977. (Chinese translation)\n\nEndacott, G.B. A History of Hong Kong, 2nd ed., Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1964.\n\nEndacott, G.B. and Birch, A. Hong Kong Eclipse, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1978.\n\n*English, J.A. and Gudmundsson, B.I. On Infantry, 1994, Chinese translation by Rye Field Publishing, Taipei, 1999. (Chinese publication)\n\nFerguson, T. Desperate Siege: the Battle of Hong Kong, Toronto, Doubleday, 1980.\n\nFung, Y.L. A History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Shanghai Book Store, 1967.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214753, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 168, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "132\n\nLai, S.S. The Surrender of Japan: Before and After, Hong Kong, Ming Pao Publishing, 1995. (Chinese publications)\n\nLeason, J. Singapore: the Battle that Changed the World, Garden City, New York, Doubleday, 1968.\n\nLiddell Hart, B.H. History of the Second World War, New York, Da Capo Press, 1999.\n\nLiddell Hart, B.H. Strategy, second revised edition, New York, Meridian, 1991.\n\nLindsay, O. The Lasting Honour: the Fall of Hong Kong 1941, London, Hamish Hamilton, 1978.\n\nLindsay, O. At The Going Down of the Sun: Hong Kong and South East Asia 1941-45, London, Hamish Hamilton, 1981.\n\nLondon Gazette: Supplement, 29 January 1948. “Operations in Hong Kong from 8th to 25th December, 1941”\n\nMorris, J. Hong Kong: Epilogue to an Empire, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1997.\n\nMuir, A. The First of Foot: the History of the Royal Scots, the Royal Regiment, Edinburgh, Royal Scots Historical Society, 1961.\n\nNeillands, R. A Fighting Retreat: the British Empire 1947 - 1997, London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1996.\n\nOrwell, G. The War Commentaries, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1987.\n\nOxley, D.H. Victoria Barracks, 1842-1979, Hong Kong, British Forces Hong Kong, 1979,\n\nPonting, C. Armageddon: the Second World War, 1995, Chinese translation by Rye Field Publishing, Taipei, 1997. (Chinese publication)\n\nPriestwood, G. Through Japanese Barbed Wire, New York,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214754, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 169, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "133\n\nAppleton-Century-Cross, 1943.\n\nProulx. B. Underground from Hong Kong, New York, E.P. Dutton Co 1943\n\nA Record of the Actions of the Hong Kong Volunteer Defence Corps in the Battle for Hong Kong, December 1941, Hong Kong. Law speed.\n\n1953\n\nRicci Hall. Ricci: Souvenir Record of the Silver Jubilee of Ricci Hall. Hong Kong University 1929-1954, Hong Kong, Ricci Hall, University of Hong Kong, 1954.\n\nRollo, D. The Guns and Gunners of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, the Gunners' Roll of Hong Kong. 1992.\n\nSimpson, R. K.M. \"These Defenceless Doors: a Memoir of Personal Experience in the Battle of Hong Kong, and After,” unpublished mimeograph.\n\nSimpson, T. Operation Mercury: the Battle for Crete, 1941. London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1981.\n\nSiu, K.K. Forts and Batteries: Coastal Defence in Guangdong During the Ming and Qing Dynasties, Hong Kong, Urban Council, 1997.\n\n1965.\n\nStokes, G. Hong Kong in History, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1965.\n\nTakagi Keniti; Kobayasi Hideo and Isida Jimtarou. Hong Kong Japanese Military Currency and Post-war Compensation, Chinese translation by Ming Pao Publishing, 1995, (Chinese publication)\n\nThrower S.L. Hong Kong Country Parks, Hong Kong, Government Printer, 1984.\n\nTse, W.K. The Fall of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Commercial Press, 1995. (Chinese publication)\n\nTsui, Y.C. Partisan Activities in Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Joint", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214755, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 170, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "134\n\nPublishing (HK) Co, Ltd, 1993. (Chinese publication)\n\n* Van Creveld, M. Fighting Power: German and US Army Performance, 1939-1945, 1982, Chinese translation by Rye Field Publishing, Taipei, 1999. (Chinese publication)\n\nVincent, C. No Reason Why: the Canadian Hong Kong Tragedy: an examination, Ontario, Canadian Wings Inc., 1981.\n\nWan, T.K.G. Peace Memorial at Devil's Peak, unpublished B.A. thesis, Hong Kong, Department of Architecture, University of Hong Kong, 1999.\n\nWard, I. Sui Geng: the Hong Kong Marine Police 1841-1950, Hong Kong, Hong Kong University Press, 1991.\n\nWelsh, F. A History of Hong Kong, London, Harper Collins, 1997.\n\nWong, N.L. Hong Kong: Past and Present, Hong Kong, 1992. (Chinese publication)\n\nWright-Nooth, G. Prisoner of the Turnip Heads: the Fall of Hong Kong and Imprisonment by the Japanese, London, Cassell, 1994.\n\nYip, T.W. ed. A History of the Fall of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Wide Angle Press Ltd, 1982, (Chinese publication)\n\nYuen, K.P. A Brief History of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, Mid Stream Publishing, 1988. (Chinese publication)\n\nNOTES\n\n2\n\n'Though some veterans may believe that the new government in Hong Kong will remove every object which serves as a reminder of the colonial history of Hong Kong. For instance, see Neillands (1996): 600-601.\n\nFor an excellent succinct account of the Battle and description of its sites, see Ko and Wordie (1996). For greater details from official sources, see \"Operations in Hong Kong from 8th to 25th December, 1941\", Despatch submitted to the Secretary of State for War by Major-General G.M. Maltby, London Gazette:", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214777, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 192, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "A DECODED DIARY REVEALS A WAR TIME STORY\n\nP.J. ASTON\n\n157\n\nAbstract\n\nA diary written using a numerical code in a prisoner of war camp in 1941/2 should not be too difficult to decode, should it?\n\nHong Kong, 1941. On December 8 1941, the Japanese attacked Hong Kong. Seventeen days later, on Christmas day, the brave but outnumbered defending forces surrendered and were put into prisoner of war camps in which many died. A young squadron leader in the RAF, Donald Hill, kept a diary of events during the battle for Hong Kong and for a while during his captivity. In order to keep it secret, he wrote it in a numerical code which, according to the cover of the book in which he wrote, was supposedly \"Russel's Mathematical Tables\". Donald survived the camp and brought the diary out with him. However, his experiences were so traumatic that he did not like to talk about them. The diary was never translated before his death in 1985.\n\nGuildford, 1996. The phone rings again. The secretary in the Department of Mathematical and Computing Sciences, University of Surrey answers it, polite as always. The caller, Col Ian Quayle of the Soldiers, Sailors and Airmen's Families Association, asks to speak to a mathematician. Having just finished some photocopying, I happen to be the nearest person to the phone so the secretary asks if I will deal with the call. Col Quayle explains about Donald Hill's diary. Mrs Pamela Hill, Donald's widow, is keen to have the diary decoded so that she can find out more about a closed chapter in his life. I suggest that he sends a copy of the diary and say that I will have a look at it.\n\nThe Diary. The first page described how the 'Tables' could be used for multiplication. Instructions for multiplying 83 by 26 were given which could be followed on the first page of numbers. However, the claimed answer of 2118 was clearly incorrect. This presumably was part of the disguise.\n\nTwelve pages filled with numbers followed. On each page there", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214857, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 272, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "240\n\ncommittees. As was common in an earlier age, he addressed many people by their surnames, such as 'Hayes', as James sometimes likes to remind me. Nevertheless J R Jones was not a snob.\n\nHe made old bones and the last trumpet call sounded in January 1976, when he was 88. He was lucky to be buried in the Hong Kong Cemetery (previously called the Colonial Cemetery), in Happy Valley. It was already just about full at the time.\n\nOn his tombstone are two lines of Welsh, which are supposed to mean so I am informed: An affectionate son who loved life (literal translation, 'who loved the world'). I have been informed by a Welsh scholar, however, who teaches at the University of Wales, that there are mistakes in this Welsh inscription. This is a pity but fortunately, hardly anyone notices it. Few people in Hong Kong can read Welsh.\n\nI could, of course, name many other interesting people who have been members of our Branch, many of whom I knew personally. Unfortunately, time will not permit. There was the late John Romer, the 'snake king' (ser wong), who later established the Natural History Society. There was 'big,' in every sense of the word, Ken Barnett who had a splendid command of various Chinese dialects. Governor Sir Samuel Bonham (1848 to 1854) believed that studying Chinese addled the brain. But it did not apply in Ken's case. He had a prodigious intellect. In prison camp, according to Dr Solomon Bard a past RAS member, they used to play mental chess. But no one could keep pace with Ken Barnett.\n\nAims of this conference\n\nWhy are we here?\n\nAs with many of the contributors to our Journal you will find that our speakers here today, while they may not be full-time academics, have lived through or had access to important periods of local history. For instance Mr Tim Ko, who will be speaking this afternoon. His family came to Hong Kong around 1850. The male members worked as stonecutters and masons. They came here because business was brisk. Five generations of Tim's family have lived in Hong Kong. If anyone can describe himself as a true 'Hongkonger' it is Tim Ko.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214878, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 293, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "263\n\ninterest payable on the principal. This sum, though unstated, is likely to have been one dollar. As indicated above, those members who took loans early paid more interest than those who were prepared to wait. Thus, Yeung Tai would have paid least by waiting longest for his turn to have the use of the principal sum.\n\nAs for place, the participants' varied names suggest a town rather than a village. Since the book in which it was found was bought in Hong Kong, and as the currency used in drawing up the record was in use there, it is very likely that this small group of persons were living and working there.\n\nThere is no mention of the purposes for which men and women clubbed together in this way, but it was usually for small, attainable objects connected with household, economic or religious purposes. Such associations were certainly popular at the time, in town and country alike. It is significant that money loan associations feature in the older Western literature on China, gaining a mention, for instance, in compendia like Dyer-Ball's Things Chinese, first published in 1892. In Hong Kong, defalcations and mismanagement among their members brought many civil cases into the magistrates' courts.\n\nThis particular association, if such it was, was combining for very modest sums. In this regard, it was on a lower level than the money loan associations I reported from the village of Shek Pik on Lantau Island in Vol. 8 (1968) of this Journal; afterwards reproduced with additional material as Chapter 15 of my The Rural Communities of Hong Kong: Studies and Themes (Hong Kong, Oxford University Press, 1983). The sums borrowed there were larger, since land and houses were available as security for participation, and could be used to guarantee repayment of loans taken. This made them more significant than the smaller associations, more akin to clubs, represented by this scrap of paper.\n\nOther Explanations?\n\n(a) The list represents the outstanding sums owed to a money loan association\n\nDr. Patrick Hase, to whom I sent the draft of this paper, questions", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214902, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-1999", "page_number": 317, "title": "RAS-1999", "content_text": "293\n\nBOOK REVIEW\n\nGillian Bickley (2201), Hong Kong Invaded! A '97 Nightmare, with a foreword by Arthur Gomes, Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 303 pages.\n\nA97NIGHTMARE\n\nIn 1897, a series of anonymous articles appeared in the China Mail. Together they constituted a story entitled The Back Door. This was a fictional account of a successful invasion of Hong Kong by the combined forces of fin-de-siècle aggressors, France and Russia. The inference is that the author was perturbed that Hong Kong's defences at the time were inadequate and so, in an attempt to galvanise the authorities, wrote this \"wake up call.\" Copies of the story ultimately found their way to Whitehall in London.\n\nGillian Bickley\n\nAs the title of the story infers, the superior invading forces entered Hong Kong by way of the south side of Hong Kong Island. There was the bloody Battle of Deepwater Bay, fought in \"the jungle\" around the Golf Club and on the beach. There was shelling of the Peak from the sea and the sea battle of Sulphur Channel. Matters neared their end when the enemy captured the Kowloon Forts and the dynamite and gunpowder stored on Stonecutters' Island were fired. At the last stand, on Stonecutters', the defenders were ultimately annihilated.\n\nThe Back Door evidently arose from the same anxiety that drove Britain's negotiations with China; concluded in 1898 when China granted the ninety-nine year lease of the New Territories, which Britain had requested as a protective buffer against attack.\n\nGillian Bickley discovered a copy of this story some years ago and it evidently fired her imagination, probably because as we all know, Hong Kong was invaded on 8th December, 1941, by the Japanese - also by superior forces - and ultimately capitulated on Christmas day. The Japanese, however, entered Hong Kong from the north, through the New Territories. Had the Japanese, she wonders, read The Back Door?", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-1999.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/s178b887x", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 214923, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 19, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "to escape the madness, the melancholia and, yes, the panic, which sometimes surrounds the human situation.\n\nActivities\n\nAnother of the fields where our Branch has made significant contributions over many decades has obviously been with our lecture and visit programme. These may be described as the backbone of our Society. Over the past year these have consisted of lectures, averaging about one a month, mainly at and jointly with the Hong Kong City Hall. These sessions are open to the general public free of charge. This is a form of community service. At the Chi Lin Nunnery talk well over 90 people attended. Over the past year we have in addition mounted visits locally and two visits outside the Hong Kong SAR. All these had leaders - sometimes more than one working as a team - who had a thorough understanding of their subjects (see Appendices One and Two).\n\nIn some cases, because some of our members have good connections, it has also been possible to call upon the assistance of knowledgeable local people: for example in the case of Dr Ting who was able to invite people to assist with our visits to the China Mainland. Records show that, in the 1980s and the early 1990s for example, our visits outside Hong Kong were not well supported. Planned trips sometimes had to be cancelled. In the 1960s and '70s, it was not easy for various reasons (for government servants for example) to visit China. Over the past few years this situation has changed. More recently, on our tours outside Hong Kong it has not been possible, sometimes, to enroll everyone who wanted to join. It is interesting to mention here that our first overseas tour was to Thailand back in 1973.\n\nAlthough full day or weekend seminars, especially during the 1960s and the early '70s, were a fairly regular feature of Branch activities, they have not played such an important part in recent years. This was partly why our conference, titled Hong Kong: Forty Years of a Growing City, held during our 40th anniversary year as a joint function with the Museum of History, was so welcome. It consisted largely of our own members as speakers, persons on whom we rely so much. They included the Reverend Carl T. Smith, Dr Patrick Hase and Mr Tim Ko. Tim's family has lived in Kowloon for five generations, since the 1850s. These three speakers are outstanding examples of members who have put,\n\nPage xviii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215070, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "123\n\nscroll stands in the centre and is flanked by two images each with his right arm raised holding a bell. The faces are one red and one black, and the pair are known as the Red Taisui and the Black Taisui, all three functioning as one deity.\n\nA six-armed image of Taisui in the side hall of the Penang City God temple shares the main altar with Guan Yin and the Great Saint [Qitian Da Sheng - though better known as the Monkey God]. In Cholon, Saigon, three separate deities are portrayed on one altar, each with Taisui added to his title. These are Ziwei Xingjun, Wenchang and Xuantan, the first being a stellar deity whose likeness is pasted or nailed to doors as a popular charm to ward off demonic attack, the second is the God of Literature and the third, a Wealth God. This nomenclature would appear to be a local whim, not seen nor heard of elsewhere.\n\nOnly in very few instances does Taisui have any assistants. Several temple keepers in Taiwan and Singapore explained that Taisui, like so many protective deities, has Five Demon Armies under his command. These he despatches to cope with recalcitrant humans who fail to honour Taisui properly or who have insulted him in any way. When humans come under any form of demonic attack the cause and source of the attack is usually revealed to them by mediums, who are then in a position to advise the individual what should be done to counter and ward off the evil effects, particularly so when the attack is mounted by tamed demons under the control of a deity, Taisui. They advise the human to immediately propitiate him and request him to call off his demonic forces.\n\nIn several novels Taisui is described as having ten assistants the last four being the gods of the year, the month, the day and the hour. All were described in the Deification of the Gods as having been slain at the famous battle between the good and evil forces at Wan Xian Chen and have been named as:\n\nLi Bing\n\n李丙\n\nHuang Chengyi\n\n黃丞乙\n\nZhou Deng\n\n周登\n\nLiu Hong\n\n劉洪\n\nIn a temple in Kalgan, a city known today as Zhangjiakou in the Chinese province of Inner Mongolia, Yin Jiao's second brother, Yin", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215150, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 246, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "DESIGNATORY LETTERS AFTER AN RAS MEMBER'S NAME\n\nDAN WATERS\n\n205\n\n'As an RAS member, am I entitled to put letters after my name?' Occasionally, your Branch receives such enquiries. We are also sometimes asked if our Hong Kong members are Fellows\n\nAlthough RAS members of our London Headquarters are given the title of Fellow, that has never been the practice with the Hong Kong Branch since it was reconstituted in 1960. There are other Royal societies in Hong Kong, however, which do use the term 'Fellow.' The Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Commonwealth Society is one example.\n\nIndeed even when the Hong Kong Branch of the RAS was first established, from 1847 to 1859, the title 'Member' and not 'Fellow' was used. It would also appear from records that the title 'Member' was used in the North China RAS Branch in Shanghai.\n\nRegarding putting letters after one's name. That splendid reference book, Things Chinese or, Notes Connected with China, is of special interest. The author was the noted sinologist J Dyer Ball MRAS (Member of the Royal Asiatic Society) as he styled himself. One notes straightaway that he used the title Member and not Fellow. That is probably because he was a member of the North China Branch.\n\nInterestingly, Dr James Hayes points out that the famous missionary, sinologue-author, J Edkins DD, in his booklet on Opium (published by the Presbyterian Mission Press, in Shanghai, in 1898), styles himself, 'Honorary Member of the Asiatic Society (sic) London and of the Japanese Branch'.\n\nI have sought the views of RAS Head Office, London, on this subject. They say they cannot find any official statements sanctioning the placing of RAS after one's name. They suspect it has not been encouraged. Head Office also mentions that, in Professor Beckingham's History of the Royal Asiatic Society, he does not refer to Fellows being called anything else nor does he refer to the use of designatory letters.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215151, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 247, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "206\n\nIn spite of the tentative conclusions above, it is interesting that a few RAS members have put such letters after their names in order to give themselves a certain, special, identification. It meant something to them. They obviously took pride, as we all do, in being members of our Society.\n\nIf any reader can add anything to the above brief notes their contribution would be welcome.\n\n[Nice try, Dan-Ed.]\n\n1 Transactions of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1847, Hong Kong University Libraries Special Collection.\n\n2 Ball MRAS, J. Dyer, Things Chinese or, Notes Connected with China, Graham Brash, 1903.\n\nEdkins, J., Opium: Historical Note, or the Poppy in China, Shanghai, American Presbyterian Mission Press (1898).\n\nLetter from Adrian Thomas, Secretary, Royal Asiatic Society, London (20 March 2001).\n\nThe Royal Asiatic Society its History and Treasures, Eds. Stuart Simmonds and Simon Digby, EJ Brill for the RAS (London, 1979): C. F. Beckingham's history of the RAS appears on pp. 1-77.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215168, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 264, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "A Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong\n\nsystem. After all, most people have been to school and, therefore, many are instant experts.\n\nClaude Burgess, Colonial Secretary from 1958-1963, said that Hong Kong was a problem of people. Indeed one sometimes wonders how other countries' education systems would have fared if their populations had increased at the rate Hong Kong's has. Post-World War Two education started from a low base line, but by 1981, universal, compulsory, free education had been introduced.\n\nThe proof of the rice dumpling has to be in the eating, just as you judge an education system by the students who graduate. Many of those who studied technical education in Hong Kong have gone right to the top of their chosen fields. A few have graduated from the Polytechnic, or its predecessor the Technical College, and have become members of the Legislative or Executive Councils.\n\nTo achieve what we have, certainly in the old days when funds were restricted, there had to be a force of long-serving, dedicated teachers. Members of staff who gave stability and shape to the technical education scene, in spite of its limitations some of which have been noted in this brief paper.\n\nIf you cannot live with change Hong Kong is not the place to be. Certainly over the past half century the pace of change has been staggering. I cast my mind back to when we teachers were invited in 1956, by past building students, to a Chinese dinner in the woodwork workshop, at the old Technical College in Wood Road. They engaged outside caterers and the food was cooked in the corridor. The cost was around $100.00 per round, Chinese table seating 12 persons. Today, every New Year I am graciously invited by my past students, some of whom have already retired, to a Technical College/Polytechnic/Polytechnic University Ball at the Grand Hyatt. How things have changed! As you can see I still keep in touch with some of my old students, both locally and overseas, some of whom I taught over 40 years ago.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215169, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 265, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "225\n\nA Brief History of Technical Education in Hong Kong\n\nOld people recall the past gladly and shrink characteristically from contemplating the future. But obviously things are going to continue to change, just as some of us in the 1970s could visualise that an organisation similar to the Vocational Training Council (VTC) was not so far away. But just as in the colonial 1950s and '60s 1997 was seldom mentioned, looking into the crystal ball today to decide what technical education will look like half a century from now has to be another story.\n\nThank you again for inviting me to share this very special day with you.\n\nAbout the Speaker\n\nDr D D Waters, who was born in 1920, sailed from England for Hong Kong in 1954. It has been his home ever since. He taught building at the old Technical College (now the Polytechnic University) becoming Head of the Building Department in 1963. In 1968 he was appointed Principal, more than one year in advance of the opening of Hong Kong's first Technical Institute at Morrison Hill.\n\nIn 1972, he was transferred to the Education Department Headquarters to oversee the setting up of additional Institutes. He later became the Assistant Director (Technical Education) and responsible to the Director of Education for Hong Kong's technical education system.\n\nDr Waters served as a Justice of the Peace in the 1970s and was made a Companion of the Imperial Service Order by Her Majesty the Queen in 1981, largely for his work in technical education. In 1998 he was awarded a Bronze Bauhinia Star, by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China, for his work in heritage conservation.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215195, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 291, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "SOME THOUGHTS ON HAN SUYIN'S A MANY SPLENDORED THING\n\n'Love is a Many Splendored Thing'\n\nPETER HALLIDAY\n\n255\n\nAs I have said before, I believe, generally, that editors should edit, rather than write, but I should like to share the following with you all.\n\nA few weeks, or so, after I arrived in Hong Kong in the fall of 1967, I was taken to the movies by what had now become a new friend. The motion picture we saw that Saturday afternoon - I remember the circumstances with undiminished clarity - was Love is a Many-Splendored Thing, starring William Holden (born William Franklin Beedle Jr., 17 April 1918 - 16 November 1981) and Jennifer Jones (born Phyllis Flora Isley, 2 March 1919). For a reason that is not central to this Note, the movie made a very deep impression upon me and I have to confess that, as we filed out of the movie theatre, I wept unashamedly.\n\nIn 1972, or thereabouts, I was contentedly idling away an hour or so, browsing in the old YMCA bookshop in Salisbury Road - to this day still a particular pleasure (browsing, that is) - when I came across a book entitled A Many-Splendoured Thing by Han Suyin (born Elizabeth Kuanghu Chou, 12 September 1917). Memories of the old motion picture came flooding back. Could this be the book behind the film or vice versa, I wondered?\n\nHan Suyin, circa 1950", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215213, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2000", "page_number": 309, "title": "RAS-2000", "content_text": "273\n\nits installations and parked aircraft. Around a hundred structures, all told, were demolished at Ta Kwu Ling, among them 14-15 large village houses. The people had been told to move out in October-November 1943, and were not offered houses in Model Village. In lieu of resettlement, they were given 75 catties of rice per adult and 35 catties for children - clearly with the intention of providing some assistance in an emergency for those concerned. Nonetheless this must have been a time of great hardship, with winter coming on. It was reported that the village headman, who had held office since about 1925, had died of starvation.\n\nThis removal, together with Shek Wu Lung and Tai Hom, was said by the Nga Tsin Wai elders to have been unnecessary, caused by greedy Chinese contractors working for the Japanese authorities (and perhaps in collusion with some of their people), who had coveted the building materials and saw this opportunity to force people from their homes. According to the elders, the Chu lineage of Tai Hom were too frightened to object to the Japanese about this, for fear of being executed, and had said nothing.\n\nDuring the main clearance, the Nga Tsin Wai leaders averred, they had had the courage to visit the Japanese officer in charge, and even to call upon the military governor. He had asked them to return to their native village in China, whereupon they had explained that they had none, having lived in Kowloon for six hundred years. Thereafter, a diversion was arranged for the light rail track carrying the earth wagons used in the nullah excavation and construction, whereby the main village - but not its outlying houses and structures - was saved from the planned demolition.\n\nIf even part of the above can be believed - its reliability is surely strengthened by the fact that it came directly from the mouths of affected parties - it will be seen that the Japanese authorities were not completely ruthless in their behaviour towards those Kowloon villagers affected by the airfield extension, or in their treatment of those men, women and children who laboured on the various public works projects undertaken by them during their wartime occupation of Hong Kong.\n\nFinally, as reported by Patrick Hase, cash compensation was paid by the returned colonial administration after the war to those village", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2000.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/nk328168n", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215248, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 25, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "commemorate the 60th Anniversary of the Fall of Hong Kong) represent a programme of, on average, one lecture every three weeks. This is a splendid achievement, especially considering that the programme is administered, and mounted, on an entirely voluntary basis. My thanks, and admiration, for this marvellous programme go to our excellent Hon. Activities Co-ordinator, Mrs Valery Garrett and her hard-working Committee. Without them it would not be possible for me to be able to be as positive as I am on the work of the Society.\n\nMembers who have suggestions for future talks are always very welcome to give their suggestions to Mrs. Garrett or to any other Councillor.\n\nIn addition to the Lecture Programme, Mrs. Garrett and her Committee have also put together during this last year a very fine programme of visits: eight to locations in Hong Kong (including the two to the Central Library in Causeway Bay) and a further two to locations outside Hong Kong, that is, to Korea in September and to Bhutan in February. These ten visits represent a visit every 4½ weeks of the Society's year. Details are given in the Appendix to this Report.\n\nWhile it would be invidious of me to single out any of the talks or visits, I feel I nonetheless have to mention especially the Society's February 2002 visit to Bhutan. This is the first time the Society has visited Bhutan since 1980, and the tremendous success of this visit is due to the hard work put in to it by Dr. Brian Shaw (who also led the 1980 visit). I would like, on behalf of the Society at large, to thank Dr. Shaw most sincerely.\n\nI am glad to be able to report that the programme of lectures and visits has been agreed for the next six months, and sketched out for much of the following six months. The upcoming programme, I can promise, is just as exciting as the programme undertaken in the last year. Among the visits will be a major overseas visit to Phnom Penh and Angkor Wat, at the end of September and the beginning of October. Members interested in this visit should keep an eye open for further details in the upcoming Newsletter!\n\nThe Journal and other Publications\n\nDuring the year, the Society reached a milestone. For the last\n\nxxii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215252, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 29, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "recognise fully the weight of gratitude I owe him. As I said last year, when you elected me President, I am very much aware of the high standards Dan and my other predecessors set for me to live up to, and I remain of the same view today! Dan's helpfulness to me has made my life much easier than it might have been. Thank you, Dan!\n\nDr. Solomon Bard has been a doctor in private practice, a medical officer to the Hong Kong Regiment during the fighting against the Japanese, and was the first Student Medical Officer of Hong Kong University. He conducted the Hong Kong Chinese Orchestra and the Hong Kong Philharmonic for many years. He has been an archaeologist of distinction in Hong Kong for more than four decades, and today, at an age of well over 80, he is still vigorously active in this field. He has long supported the Society, being a Founder Member. Council considered that no-one had made more of a contribution to the cause of heritage preservation and education in Hong Kong, and, for this reason decided to offer him Honorary Life Membership.\n\nI am very glad to say that both Dan and Solly accepted the offer made to them.\n\nI would like to conclude this Report with heartfelt thanks to everyone who has helped me personally and the Society in general over the year with their enthusiastic support. In the first place my thanks must go to my brother Councillors, both elected and co-opted, and especially to the Vice-Presidents, Mr. Robert Nield and Dr Elizabeth Sinn, and to the Honorary Vice-President, Rev. Carl Smith. I owe all of them more than I can say. Of the other Councillors several have already been thanked above, and do not need to be mentioned again here, but I would like to mention Mr. Peter Stuckey, who nobly stepped in as Acting Honorary Secretary when Peter Barker had to leave Council at short notice to go to Chicago, and our Assistant Secretary, Mrs. Mary Painter, without whose hard work the Society would, in very short order, fall apart. Many, many thanks to you all!\n\nDR PATRICK H. HASE\nPRESIDENT,\n\nxxvi", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215253, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 30, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "Appendix\n\nActivities for 2001/2002\n\nDate Lectures\n\n2001\n\nRoyal Asiatic Society, Hong Kong Branch\n\nFri 20th April: Dr Janet Lee Scott on The Fung Chew of Hong Kong\n\nMay 4th: Harry Harum on The Last Emperor's Garden Restored after 75 Years.\n\nMay 18th: Pauline Poon Pui-ting on Domestic Servant Girls: the Po Leung Kuk\n\nFri 1st June: Drs Gillian and Verner Bickley on \"How Hong Kong History entered the Space Age”.\n\nFri 3rd Aug: Hugh Phillipson on 150 years of Hong Kong's Water Supply\n\nFri 31st Aug: William Shang on Imagination and Reality in the Drawings of William Alexander.\n\nFri Oct 19th: Kim Salkeld on Life in Government House.\n\nFri October 26th: Cesar Guillen Nunes on \"Macau's St Paul Façade: a Re-table-Façade?\".\n\nFri 16th Nov: Dr James Hayes on Village Culture in South China.\n\nFri Dec 7th: Dr Dan Waters on Hong Kong in the 50s and 60s\n\nSat Dec 8th: Tim Ko and Jason Wordie on 60th Anniversary of the Fall of Hong Kong\n\n2002\n\nFri Jan 18th: Dr Paul Van Dyke on Daily life in the Pearl River Delta during the era of the Canton Trade.\n\nFri 1st Feb: Susannah Hoe on Lady Macdonald and the Empress Dowager. Summer 1900.\n\nFri 8th Feb: Prof Paul Cohen on Humanizing the Boxers.\n\nFri 15th March: Jonathan Wattis on South China and the Pearl River Delta in Western Maps.\n\nXxvii\n\nPage 30\n\nPage 31", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215287, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 64, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "creation of protected local industries could be justified only where the colony had natural advantages for the development of an industry and where it was likely eventually to be profitable without protection. However, regard should also be paid to the principle of trusteeship and where the commercial interests of Britain and the general economic well-being of the colony were in conflict, colonial interests should prevail. These ambiguous recommendations gave the Colonial Office a considerable area of discretion to determine whether or not a colony should be allowed to institute a protective tariff or provide other assistance to a proposed new industry.\n\nThese recommendations did not affect the situation in Hong Kong and Singapore, where Chinese entrepreneurs were successfully exporting shoes and other goods manufactured from imported raw materials without the assistance of any protective tariff. Their home market was small compared to their export markets and they could easily undercut any foreign competitors. The committee regarded the invasion of the British and dominion markets by cheap rubber shoes produced by oriental labour as an evil, but it opposed the imposition of import duties on colonial manufactures since the Ottawa agreements had granted entry free of tariffs to all imports from the dominions and India; discrimination against colonial products would undermine the principle of free trade within the empire and call into question the preferences and privileges which the colonies had extended to imports from Britain. Instead of tariffs on colonial manufactures the committee recommended that efforts should be pursued to assimilate conditions of employment and factory and workshop regulations to those in force in Britain by the adoption of the International Labour Conventions by the colonies. The committee also suggested the encouragement of negotiations between manufacturers in Britain and in the colonies to divide the market by the assignment of quotas between them.\n\nCunliffe-Lister welcomed the report in spite of the rejection of his idea of protection for British manufactures against colonial competition. The report was circulated to the cabinet for the information of ministers but objections were unexpectedly raised by the secretary of state for India and the chancellor of the exchequer. The main doubt was whether the report went far enough in recommending the discouragement of new industries in the colonies. So the report was remitted for further consideration by another committee, but nothing was done for three years. In the meantime the Colonial Office proceeded to act on the principles recommended in the report. Instructions were sent to all colonies that any proposal to protect a local industry must be referred to London at the earliest possible stage and no bill to impose or increase a protective tariff should be introduced into the legislative council without prior authorisation by the colonial secretary. Telegrams were sent to the governors of Singapore and Hong Kong asking\n\nPage 46", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215288, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 65, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "them to call a meeting of the manufacturers and seek a voluntary agreement to limit their exports to Britain as the committee had recommended.\" This was not an easy matter. If the industry in Hong Kong had been established by Jardine Matheson, Swire or one of the other leading British trading firms, the governor could have spoken personally to the directors and appealed for restraint; but the rubber shoe manufacturers were small Chinese firms which were most reluctant to co-operate.\" Before they would agree to limit their exports they demanded guarantees that the quota would be large enough to keep their factories operating at a profit; that no new footwear firms should be allowed to open in Hong Kong; and that there should be a comprehensive agreement between Canadian, British, Singapore and Hong Kong manufacturers to divide up the British market and exclude any new entrants from India or elsewhere. The British manufacturers suggested a quota for Hong Kong of 1,500,000 pairs. Hong Kong said this was far below the current rate of exports to Britain, and asked for at least 2,500,000 pairs. Negotiations between the British and Canadian manufacturers to divide up the British and Canadian markets between them broke down when one of the largest firms, Bata, refused to join the cartel.\n\nThis failure left Hong Kong manufacturers free to expand their exports to Britain without a limit. The largest manufacturer in Singapore went bankrupt in 1935, enabling Hong Kong firms to penetrate further the British market. They exported 2,403,900 pairs of canvas and rubber shoes to Britain in 1935, 3,309,088 pairs in 1936, 4,849,324 pairs in 1937 and 7,007,604 pairs in 1938. These figures do not include exports to British colonies, which were also substantial. In 1939 a representative of the British manufacturers went out to Hong Kong to negotiate directly with the Chinese firms before going on to Canada. Agreement was reached for Hong Kong to have a quota of 6,600,000 pairs in the British market provided that the colony agreed to raise its prices to British levels. The Hong Kong government foresaw considerable administrative difficulties in implementing such an agreement. Legislation would need to be enacted to licence factories and to regulate exports, which would be extremely unpopular. The outbreak of war in September 1939 caused the agreement to be suspended indefinitely.\n\nPage 50\n\nIV\n\nThe imperial preferences agreed at Ottawa and the additional specific duties on footwear, hosiery and textiles failed to achieve their intended objective of excluding Japanese competition and leaving the colonial markets free for British and Canadian textile manufacturers. The Japanese had little difficulty in absorbing these additional costs and undercutting British and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215389, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 166, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "115\n\nDAR2032AM\n\nKNMUGA*Y\n\n如耶路撒冷陷落時, Agippa 號野雞 Hastings #ENBAHNB (VOTA\n\nKO 200 989 KARPRAKA\n\nASSANT (GDOM) A\n\n在隨後的歲月裡，繳何職和另一位立豬石鹼瓤鵝\n\nAMAMURAMAH · BMW IMA\n\nof Henry May · A. W Brown · WA\n\nPH M Taylor MMA Tha** M\n\n* - Wong Leung humt? • Young Him- Pongi門，麗金榴，豐義理，確镗芬·西蘭\n\nJ\n\nThe Presentation of The Tribute\n\nApril 28, 1910 was a typical April day, fine but cloudy with a light breeze, temperature 78°F and humidity 80%. Contemporary events included the arrival of Halley's comet, in its 76-year orbit, which was \"plainly discernible to the naked eye at Hong Kong during the early morning”. It\n\npromised to be \"as brilliant and awe-inspiring as it must have been at the times of the fall of Jerusalem, the death of Agrippa and the Battle of Hastings\". Mark Twain died, and a Frenchman won a £10,000 prize from the Daily Mail newspaper for flying in stages between London and Manchester at 200 feet and 33 miles per hour.\n\nThe deputation received at Government House was introduced by Dr Ho Kai with his fellow legislator Mr Wei Yuk. Those present included: the Hon. Sir Henry May (Colonial Secretary), the Hon. Mr. A.W. Brewin (Registrar General). Capt. PH. M. Taylor (aide-de-camp). Messers Lau Chu-pak, Ng Hon-tsz, Ho Fook, Ho Kom-tong, Wong Leung-him, Yeung Him-pong, Wong Kum-luk, S.W. Tso, Sin Tak-fun, Fung Wa-chun, Cheung Si-kai, Li Sui-kam, Lau Yuen-chuen, Leung Fui-chi, Yu To-shan, Chan Sik-lam, Li Yau-chun, Chau Siu-ki, Wo Wan-cho, Wo Tsai-yang, Lo Kun-ting, Siu Yim-Eai, Sam Pak-ming, Li Wing-kwong, Chan Wan-sau, Mok Man-cheung, Tam Hok-po, Leung Kin-en, Chan Kang-yi, Lau Pun-chiu, Chiu Yee-ting, Chan Pak-yee, Wo Tsa-wan, Yiu Ki-yun, Li Po-kwai, Chan Chuk-hing, Tsang Yik-kai, Chan Lok-chun, and Ho Mok-lok.\n\nThe Governor received The Tribute together with an album of red morocco leather, which bore his monogram in silver and contained the address in both Chinese and English.\n\n和一本發行紀念冊，紀\n\nDr Ho Kai CMG, Legislative Council member, (1880-1914); founder of the Alice Memorial Hospital (1886) and co-founder of the Hong Kong College of Medicine for Chinese (1887).\n\n何啟爵士，立法局議員（1880-1914年）；雅麗氏醫院的創辦人（1886年）和香港華人西醫書院的共同創辦人（1887年）。", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215464, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 241, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "190\n\nBhutan, so when the absolute deadline for bookings came in December, I simply said 'Why not?' and sent in my cheque.\n\nUnfortunately my favourite travelling companion (my wife) was not able to come with me. The start of the RAS trip coincided exactly with the start of her parents' six-week visit to Hong Kong to stay with us. I honestly cannot recall which booking happened first, theirs or mine - honestly.\n\nMountains of reading\n\nI was able to do some rather brief research before the journey, although I was not able to do justice to Brian Shaw's three-page bibliography. (With much relief, I found out later that I was not the only one to have failed in this regard.) I was able to discover that this \"tiny\" mountain kingdom is not so tiny after all, being about the size of Switzerland. Until unification in the 17th century, Bhutan was a series of independent valley-states. Initially influenced by its much larger northern neighbour, Tibet, what is now Bhutan became Buddhist in the 8th century and is now perhaps the staunchest of Buddhist countries. The country was never part of British India, but following a clash in the mid-19th century relations with the Raj warmed and these continued after India's independence. Even so, Bhutan remained for most purposes cut off from the rest of the world until the 1970s, not least due to its remote location in the eastern Himalayas.\n\nIt is almost inevitable, if travelling to Bhutan from Hong Kong, to route via an overnight stopover in Bangkok. But this can hardly be considered a hardship. By the time our evening flight had delivered us to Don Muang airport, and thence to the Windsor Hotel, it was well past midnight and bedtime, although I did hear some enthusiasm being expressed for a neighbouring beer garden.\n\nI awoke the following morning just in time to catch the tail end of breakfast, and then repaired to the room to really sort out the bags I had packed in a bit of a hurry. The rest of the day was spent looking for photographic opportunities along Bangkok's klongs (canals), and trying hard not to think of the 4.15 a.m. wake-up call the following morning.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215465, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 242, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "191\n\nCloser to the ground\n\nThe call came, loud and clear, and 30 minutes later we were off, bound for the BAe 146 aircraft, a reassuring piece of British engineering, and the flight to Paro. Some Bangkok to Paro flights route via Dhaka in Bangladesh, but most call in at Calcutta. When, during my less-than-extensive research, I had seen ‘Kolkata' on the itinerary I presumed it was somewhere in Bhutan. But like Mumbai and Yangon, Kolkata is modern-speak for an old familiar name. I wonder if it will catch on?\n\nThe leg from Calcutta (obviously didn't catch on with me) to Paro was just over an hour—long enough to serve a boxed meal and deliver a warning to all passengers. The pilot came on the overhead speakers to tell us that the approach to Paro is quite unusual. 'Do not worry if you appear to be closer to the ground than normal. This is quite standard.'\n\nI thought to myself: 'This chap doesn't realise that he is dealing with 27 people who have done many landings at Kai Tak.' But, loyal as I am to all things Hong Kong, I have to say that the approach to Paro is a bit more hairy than Kai Tak used to be. It is rather like flying into Happy Valley as far as the foot of Blue Pool Road, doing a u-turn, and then landing on Queen's Road East using a runway about one-quarter as wide as Kai Tak's was.\n\nOn the walk across the tarmac to the terminal building I was able to talk to the pilot and congratulate him on such a challenging landing. He told me that he had been with his country's national carrier, Druk Air, for thirteen years, always flying 146s. In fact he started on them after only 250 hours experience. 250 hours! Even I have 350 hours of flying experience—but I am very happy to leave such interesting landings to him, full load of passengers and fuel and all.\n\nA pleasant surprise\n\nThe temperature on arrival was a pleasant surprise. On the plane, the pilot had initially reported -5°C, and then -2°C and just before landing +5°C. Obviously things warm up pretty quickly when the sun comes out. And it was certainly out when we arrived—clear blue skies and what felt like 15-20°C, although noticeably cooler in the shade.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215473, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 250, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "199\n\nsnoozed for a lot of the way.\n\nHappily, I was awake when we arrived at the Riverview Hotel because there was a large banner on the front of the building, welcoming us to Bhutan and to the hotel. Mobile 'phones have not yet arrived in Bhutan, and not everywhere has an international dialling service. Thimpu, however, being the country's capital, offers this service at its major hotels. So I made a quick two-minute call to Hong Kong to report in. Two minutes after that there was a knock on my door. A member of the hotel staff was asking if I would like to pay for my phone call now - US$51! A big chunk of my spending money went, just like that - but what a worthy cause!\n\nDinner that night was rather special, preceded by a cocktail reception hosted by our local tour company, Etho Metho. There was Bhutanese music, singing and dancing. Like many similar experiences, appreciation of Bhutanese music is an acquired art. It really did seem to me that the musicians misinterpreted our applause, for each time we clapped they appeared to play the same piece again. But I guess that is just my ignorance showing through. I had a long and interesting conversation with Aum Dago Beda, a most impressive lady and the company's urbane managing director. After dinner there was a thorough and rather complex (for my IQ) briefing from Brian who promised us 'a full day' for the morrow. He was not wrong.\n\nA peer through the gate\n\nDay 3, the eve of Losar (the Bhutanese New Year) started with a fairly leisurely 7:00 a.m. breakfast and 8:00 a.m. departure for the Queen Mother's formal residence. This is set in a very secluded spot up the valley from the capital city. Her estate has a lot of trees in the grounds and a very impressive entrance gate - and that is all we were allowed to see. Usually, tourists were not even able to get as far as the gate, so I suppose we were privileged.\n\nPerhaps one of the most photographed buildings in Bhutan is the Tashichho Dzong, our next destination. This is the seat of government and houses the offices of the majority of government departments. As the King is the head of the government, a role he plays similar to that of the chief executive of a large corporation, a great deal of respect has", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215515, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 292, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "242\n\nSeveral months later on 2nd April 1842, another piece of land adjacent to the burial ground was allotted for internment of Roman Catholics.7 It was recorded that during the leveling work, because of heavy rain, a landslide obstructed Queen's Road. A letter from the Inspector of the Land Office, dated 20 June 1842, required the building of a retaining wall and the immediate clearing of the road. Burials started as soon as the site formation was over. On the same compound, two brick houses were also built, one at the bottom used as a seminary and the second at the top of the hill as the residence of Father Luke Poon8 who had just arrived from Macao to assist the work in the seminary.9\n\n10\n\nEpidemics of fever, which visited Hong Kong each summer in its early years of development, retarded its development and gave it an evil reputation for insalubrity. 1841 and 1842 had been bad summers, but 1843 was even worse. In 1843 the annual death rate among European troops in Hong Kong was 22 percent and among Indian troops even higher. One regiment alone, at West Point, lost a hundred men between June and the middle of August.11 The Royal Army Medical Corps history records 'Hong Kong proved a costly acquisition, as in spite of good barracks and hospital as the men continued to fall sick and die.”12 Almost all contemporary public, private and regimental records had similar entries in regard to the terrible cost in lives, particularly among the troops, in the early development of Hong Kong.13 The popular Illustrated London News had the following account in 1845:\n\nIts diseases are endemic fever, diarrhoea and dysentery...The British Commander, General D'Aguilar, has declared, that to retain Hong Kong will require the loss of a whole regiment every three years... The grave yard was soon filled and another was required form14 the Surveyor-General, who found it difficult to point out a proper spot.\n\nThe burial ground in Wan Chai had only been in use for a short period's15 as space was running out. It became necessary for a new burial site and the Wong Nai Chung Valley,16 soon to be named as Happy Valley, quickly provided the answer,\n\n17\n\nYet the last graves and monuments in Wan Chai were not removed until 1889. By then it had become surrounded by a dense population of Chinese of the poorer classes, it is difficult to keep it in a condition of decency and cleanliness.18 The ground was sold for development.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215543, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 320, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "270\n\nrecords. It is almost certain that this cemetery was the same as 'Ma Tau Wai Cemetery,' though reference in regard to this change in name has not been found. Ma Tau Wai Cemetery, located around the present site of the Hong Kong Eye Hospital, was a large cemetery which can be revealed by the fact that between 1911 and 1912, the number of interments was mounting to 1,155 and 2,036 respectively, see Administrative Report 1912, p. L28. Removal of all graves in Ma Tau Wai Cemetery was ordered in 1925, see HKGG Notice 352 of 19th June 1925. The location and boundary of this cemetery is shown in a 1920 map, CO1047/455, as kept in the PRO at Kew.\n\n64 This plot of land was later cancelled and replaced by a similar site in the same area in 1889, see HKGG Notification 76 of 23 February 1889. A year later, this cemetery was closed, see HKGG Notification 168 of 26 April 1890. The cemetery was later referred to as Chai Wan Cemetery in 1911, and the burial area was extended, see HKGG Notification 42 of 24th February 1911. Another plot of land, also in the same area, was appointed as a Chinese cemetery in the same year, see HKGG Notification 307 of 19th July 1890. A section of Chai Wan Cemetery was reserved for the use by the Tung Wah Hospital, known as 'Chai Wan Extension, Tung Wah Hospital' which was authorized some time after. However, details on this development are not known yet, but obviously it occupied a huge area, for in 1939 alone, there were 2,274 interments (many dead were probably refugees arriving in Hong Kong after the fall of Guangzhou in 1938), see Annual Report of the Chairman Urban Council Hong Kong for the year 1939, p. M(1)17. All graves and urns in the Extension section and the urns in the whole cemetery (including the Christian section) were ordered to be removed in 1948, see HKGG Notice 1072 of 19th November 1948.\n\n65 Bodies buried in this cemetery between 1929 and 1941 were exhumed by the government and the remains reburied in New Kowloon Cemetery No.8 (Diamond Hill Urn Cemetery), see HKGG 719 of 1947.\n\n66 Removal of all the graves in the Stanley Cemetery, together with the Christian Chinese Cemetery, Stanley, mentioned below, was ordered in 1933, see HKGG Notices 494 and 500 of 21 July 1933. A 'New Stanley Cemetery' was erected shortly after, also see below.\n\n67 HKGG Notification 211 of 2nd May 1891.\n\n68 The Chinese cemetery at Mount Davis was extended in 1900, see HKGG Notification 6 of 13th January 1900. The cemetery was closed in December 1906,", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215578, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 355, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "305\n\nrecords of \"old salts\" who were happier \"afloat\" than when taking shore leave (Jones; 1985).\n\nIn 1955, Sydney Frank Barnsey occasionally used to drop into the author's home in Conduit Road for a mid-morning cup of coffee. He sometimes smiled and said, 'I shall leave my bones in Hong Kong.' The author did not realise at the time what he meant. In fact, in his will he requested that he be buried on Waglan Island where he had spent many, what he considered to be, peaceful years as a keeper. He had deep affection for 'The Rock.' When the last trumpet call sounded government approval was sought and Barnsey's ashes were interred at a lovely spot with a small garden,\n\n49\n\nHis Malaysian Chinese wife visited his grave at appropriate Chinese festivals, such as at Ching Ming and Chung Yeung. But after Waglan was no longer manned, with no Marine Department boats going there on a regular basis, she had difficulty in visiting his grave. His remains were then exhumed and moved elsewhere. The author recalls the grave, but what was a tranquil spot is now overgrown.\n\nHow did life at Waglan over a period of years, mould personalities? Although it is an interesting question the author is not a psychologist and thus not really qualified to answer. But certainly, with a small group of men living together for 24 hours a day, one can speculate that there must have been instances of personality clashes although the author did not hear of any. But also many close friendships were, at the same time, forged.\n\nIt is relevant that Roger Parry told the author that Hong Kong lighthouse men were, 'a wonderful bunch of special people.' 50 Stories were handed down by word-of-mouth and there was a kind of mythology and history belonging especially to them.\n\nA comparison: before and after automation\n\nFor a time, after Waglan was automated, the island retained some of its original glory.51 But since that changeover, in many respects, it has become rather run down. Every step, leading from sea level to the top of the island, is no longer clearly numbered in brightly coloured paint. What had been a garden has become overgrown. There is litter.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215698, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2001", "page_number": 475, "title": "RAS-2001", "content_text": "428\n\ncould be slipped past the powers-that-be. Slaughterhouse butchers, villagers in New Territories villages, hawkers in urban street-markets, taxi-drivers, factory-hands forced to commute on wildly inadequate bus-services, all were helped by schemes introduced by Denis. When I first joined the Hong Kong Administrative Service in 1972, I heard a good deal about the problems these \"Bray-waves\" caused to the bureaucrats who were teaching us the ropes, and who wanted nothing so much as a comfortable life, bolstered by rule-books which never needed to be questioned, but, having looked at what Denis did, and how he did it, I have no doubt at all that what he did was politically essential, well thought out, practicable, and necessary. Letters \"B,\" the Small House Policy, the Hawker Control Force, the Mutual Aid Committees, and so much more, were the right solutions to real problems, and genuinely did alleviate real unfairness. All too often, after Denis moved on, his successors would hamstring his reforms by refusing to implement them in the spirit in which they were introduced, unfortunately, but I do not believe anyone reading in an unbiased way Denis' account of the introduction of Letters \"B\" (p. 76), or the Small House Policy (p. 163-166) could fail to see the need for the new policy, nor the skill and intelligence with which Denis undertook the work.\n\nReading this book, I was amazed to see just how many of the policies I attempted to implement had been introduced by Denis. In the Urban Services Department, the Home Affairs Department, and as District Officer in the New Territories, almost all the policies that governed my life had been introduced by him.\n\nThe later part of the book, on the years when Denis was \"near the top,\" and at the top, will prove of interest to political historians in later years, giving glimpses of an insider's view of the negotiations on the future of Hong Kong. I personally found this part of the book duller and of less interest. Loyalty to the system makes the descriptions thin and the reticence is widespread. Nonetheless, this part of the book is without doubt of considerable historical value.\n\nAt the end of the book is a short “Epilogue” in which Denis gives his views on the political development of Hong Kong after his retirement. His utter rejection of the Patten position is made very clear, and his espousal of a slow-but-steady development towards universal suffrage for the Legislative Council and for the election of the Chief", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2001.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/zg651950g", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215725, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 24, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "Peter Stuckey and Chris Bailey - Visiting St. John's Island\n\nDan Waters - Projects and enquiries ........\n\n435\n\n449\n\nDan Waters - Yet more thoughts on Han Suyin's A Many Splendoured Thing: Conduit Road and its environs\n\n453\n\nJohn Wilson - A poem from the HKBRAS visit to East Bhutan, February 2003......\n\nBOOK REVIEWS\n\n459\n\nPeter Halliday - Voices from the past: Hong Kong, 1842-1918 (Solomon Bard)\n\n467\n\nPeter Halliday - The development of education in Hong Kong, 1841-1897 (Gillian Bickley)\n\n468\n\nPatrick Hase - The fall of Hong Kong: Britain, China and the Japanese Occupation (Philip Snow)\n\n472\n\nJames Hayes - From rice to riches: A personal journey through a changing China (Jane Hutcheon)....\n\n474\n\nXV", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215805, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "37\n\nforces to the north would tire themselves out trying to link up with the beachhead. Should the Chinese collapse in the face of a Japanese attack, then an Allied campaign to recapture Hong Kong would be jeopardized.\n\nJapan had an incentive to retain Hong Kong. Besides being a part of Japanese-held China, Hong Kong also lay just outside Japan's Inner Zone. This zone included Japan Proper, Korea, Manchuria, North China, Formosa, the Pescadores, the Ryukyus, and the Japanese half of Sakhalin Island. Well before the war, the British had already gained an appreciation that a Hong Kong in Japanese hands would augment the defence of the Inner Zone. Moreover, Hong Kong helped guard Japan's LoC to points west and her oil supplies in the Dutch East Indies. The Japanese could still afford to trade space for time by forfeiting many other parts of their Pacific empire to the Allies, but they were certain to defend their Inner Zone and the positions that anchored their LoC to and from it with the utmost vigour. If the Japanese lost Hong Kong, this would provide hope to people living under Japanese rule elsewhere, while it would send a message to the Japanese people that the war was proceeding unfavourably for them.\n\nBy late 1943, the Allies had gained the upper hand over the Japanese in the Pacific. It was the Allies who could dictate where the next move would fall. As China was still in the game, Allied planners began to take a closer look at the feasibility of a Hong Kong campaign. One opponent the Allies couldn't overcome, however, was Mother Nature, so heed was paid to Hong Kong's weather and how it could affect an Allied campaign there.\n\nA timeless enemy\n\nNature at its cruellest is a phenomenon that humanity's best efforts still cannot match. Even during a high-technology conflict like World War II, the weather proved to be as indomitable a nemesis as it had been throughout the history of war.\n\nWith World War II being fought over a greater expanse of the planet than any other war in history, its participants had to endure extreme variations in the weather, like the freezing cold of the Arctic and the Soviet Union to the sweltering heat of New Guinea, or the oppressive humidity of the South Pacific to the barren aridity of North", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215813, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 112, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "45\n\nthe mountains to evade Allied radar, and then pouncing on Allied positions at the last minute, thereby achieving a measure of surprise. Depending on the strength of the Japanese response to the invasion, the Allied CAP may or may not have been able to handle all of the attackers.19 Moreover, the CAP would have been highly dependent on radar. Barrage balloons could partially compensate by being placed near a mountain pass where the enemy could be expected to pass through. This tactic, however, would be negated in the presence of strong winds, which can blow through a mountain pass faster than over a peak.20\n\nBut air operations could be negatively affected by the wind too. Air drops of supplies depend on calm weather, lest the supplies become lost or fall into enemy hands. The same applies to bombing operations. In a compact setting like Hong Kong, a bomb that is blown even slightly off its target can fall on friendly territory or civilians. The dropping of airborne forces to secure certain objectives, already risky during good weather, is made infinitely more difficult when performed during periods of strong winds. (A wind of just 16 mph/26 kph is enough to blow a paratrooper well off course.) If airborne forces land too far from their objective, surprise would be lost because they would have to fight their way to reach the objective and sustain casualties in the process. Should they reach their objective, they would have to take additional casualties holding it. Sometimes they are left to their fate.\n\nOn the other hand, strong winds can benefit incendiary bombing, which depends on the wind to spread the flames farther - as long as they don't spread in the wrong direction. All it takes was for a wind of more than 18 mph (30 kph) to do the job, and this was most common during the early months of the year in Hong Kong.\n\nWhile Hong Kong was at its windiest during the winter and early spring, this was minor compared to the proliferation of typhoons during the summer (which, incidentally, is the mildest part of the year when there are no typhoons). A typhoon was the weather phenomenon that could do the greatest damage to a military operation in the Pacific.\n\nSimply defined, a typhoon, which comes from the Chinese term tai fung,21 is known in meteorological circles as a tropical cyclone, which is a very strong mixture of wind and rain with sustained wind", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215872, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 171, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "104\n\nPottinger Battery were relocated to Bokhara Battery, Cape D'Aguilar in 1939 or 1940 (Rollo: 201). The batteries' arc of fire at Devil's Peak in 1938 reached the southwestern tip of Lamma Island and the south of the Po Toi Group of islands, whereas those at Stanley reached beyond the southwestern part of the Lema Islands (Dangan Liedao).\n\nThus, before the Japanese invasion of Hong Kong on 8th December 1941, there were no guns at either the Gough or Pottinger Battery. However, the sites at Devil's Peak had become part of the Gin Drinker's Line in the 1930s. This Line runs from Gin Drinker's Bay (Kwai Chung) in the west to Port Shelter in the east. The Devil's Peak was a crucial component of the Kowloon segment of the Line. The Japanese had good maps about the location of the defences of Hong Kong. Some remarks on the defence works at Devil's Peak are registered in a map produced in 1939/1940 (Empson 1992). Defensive positions in the military sites on Devil's Peak were taken up by the 5/7 Rajputs of the Hong Kong Garrison on 12 December, after the fall of the Shing Mun Redoubt in the western part of the Line three days before.\n\nThe sites at Devil's Peak witnessed heavy defensive fighting by the 5/7 Rajputs and the First Mountain Battery of the Hong Kong and Singapore Artillery. The latter expended 400 rounds with their four 3.7 inch field guns before the evacuation of the defenders to Hong Kong Island on the morning of 13th December. The defenders destroyed all equipment before they crossed the Harbour during the night. Thereafter, the Japanese used the sites to bombard the Island and the defenders' gun returned fire.\n\nAfter the defeat of Japan, the Devil's Peak sites were abandoned by the British, although the batteries on the Island side of Lei Yue Mun Pass were reoccupied and put into active military use until the mid-1980s. Before 1997, there had been little news connected with British military activities at Devil's Peak, save for an air accident in the 1950s. In March 1956, two Royal Navy Sea Hawks struck fog-shrouded Devil's Peak, killing the pilots and an elderly lady (Eather 1996).\n\nA surviving example of the 9.2-inch guns that were deployed on the batteries at Devil's Peak can be seen at the Buyu Battery (Siu 1997: Plate 6 at p.76) that guards Humen (The Bogue). This battery was modernised in 1883 with the assistance of British and German military experts.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215886, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 185, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "118\n\nKong PRO control no. MM-0477)\n\n'Hong Kong Devil's Peak, 2-6\" B.L. Gun Battery, Details of No. 1 Emplacement - Gough Battery' chopped by the Inspector General of Fortifications dated 28.5.70 (with a Public Record Office reference WO78/4140 RP3578) (Hong Kong PRO control no. MM-0469)\n\n'Hong Kong Devil's Peak, 2-6\" B.L. Gun Battery, Details of No. 2 Emplacement - Gough Battery' chopped by the Inspector General of Fortifications dated 28.5.70 with a Public Record Office reference WO78/4140 RP3578 (Hong Kong PRO control no. MM-0470) Colonel Robertson, L. (28.7.1914), Devil's Peak: Copy of the Original Design prepared by Lt. A. F. Day and coloured by him to show progress up to 1.7.1913. 1:120 sketch drawn by Colonel L. Robertson, Chief Engineer, South China Command, (WO78/5432), PRO441(1). Colonel Robertson, L. (28.7.1914), Devil's Peak Redoubt as Constructed. 1:120 sketch drawn by Colonel L. Robertson, Chief Engineer, South China Command, (WO78/5432), PRO441(2).\n\n(b) On military operations\n\nHong Kong Government, History of the War in the Far East. Confidential File CR5751/47, Colonial Secretariat, Hong Kong Government, PRO HKRS163-1-656.\n\nHistory of the Part Taken by the 5th BN 7th Rajputs in the Defence & Fall of H.K. Against the Imperial Japanese Army, Dec; 8th - 25th. (WO172/1692), PRO16947.\n\nRoyal Artillery Report on Operations in Hong Kong in Dec 1941. PRO17849.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215933, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 232, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "166\n\noff from distant airfields and alerted possible targets. Previously the British had depended on runners and letters delivered by junk: the advantages of tapping on to the Chinese system were obvious.\n\nChiang was enthusiastic, and eager to talk. British policy seemed engineered towards appeasing the Japanese. Protecting trade and British economic interests were paramount, and the fate of China and its people were seen only in the light of that primary concern. In the deafening silence of British efforts to help the Chinese, Boxer's visit, and the recent reopening of the Burma Road, must have seemed like a breakthrough in British attitudes. Boxer sensed that Chiang was 'apparently envisaging a great deal wider form of liaison than we actually had in mind.' Later, British organisations were to claim that it was Chinese hostility and the Americans who stymied their efforts in China. There is plenty to negate this assumption. Dai Li, a shrewd judge of character and not a man to suffer fools, undoubtedly had had Boxer closely observed, and would have smoothed the way for his introduction to Chiang Kai Shek. The warmth of Boxer's reception shows the Chinese were not implacably opposed to the British. Indeed, far from being anti-western per se, General Dai gave enthusiastic support later to Americans such as Captain Miles, and indeed some British SOE related agencies, who were prepared to work with the Chinese on Chinese terms.\n\nThe wireless sets were duly sent to China and installed by a Cantonese speaking SOE officer, Major Hector Chauvin, who had been attached to Boxer in December 1939 for this purpose. Chauvin travelled extensively in China setting up the stations and meeting the Chinese personnel involved. This network was a prototype. It was the first serious intelligence system in the Hong Kong region. Most importantly, the arrangement was based on trust: the Chinese had full operational control. Although the Chinese might have a different agenda to the British, it was an implicit acknowledgement that, in China, the Chinese were paramount, and that Chinese could and did run a most efficient system. The arrangement worked: The evening before the Japanese attacked Kai Tak, Phyllis Harrop, a civilian police adviser, was at a dinner party with British intelligence personnel. At 10:30 hours, they were interrupted by a sudden telephone call, advising all staff to return immediately to headquarters. Major L left immediately and Captain Bush half an hour later. Bush was an expert on extremist secret", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215937, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 236, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "170\n\nto villagers, making personal and individual contacts. He told Endacott how he met farmers and fishermen, Hoklo and Hakka speakers, and gradually won acceptance: at one stage, he had to undergo a “blood ceremony” with some pirate families in the Mirs Bay and Bias Bay area. Trained in SOE tactics, he realised that these close-knit communities, with their tradition of secret societies and their sometimes justified tradition of being outlaws, alienated from established government, were an ideal ready-made resistance underground. Strategically, the hinterland behind Hong Kong was a critical buffer zone in the event of Hong Kong being occupied. It would be the area through which information, personnel, and material would enter and exit. Hence the extreme importance placed on developing relationships with all the local people, whatever their politics, and channelling their interests in support of the British cause.\n\nShortly after the fall of Canton in 1938, a guerrilla unit was formed, nominally under national government influence, to assist in carrying out resistance against the Japanese in the East River Area, just north of Hong Kong, and along the lines of the Kowloon-Canton railway from Sumchun to Sheklung. This unit was commanded by the charismatic ex-seaman Tsang Sheng, whose vision of social change was far closer to communist values than to the increasingly right-wing KMT. Because his power base was the region behind Hong Kong, not especially loyal to the central government, he was able to break free and declare his communist sympathies. He consolidated his influence over the area by earning the support of the local populace and by controlling the worst excesses of bandits, many of whom at this period were KMT supporters. Tsang’s army of guerrillas, known as the Guangdong People’s Anti-Japanese Resistance Unit, or the East River Column, formed the strongest, best-organised, and most aggressive Chinese military formation in the vicinity of Hong Kong. Kendall noted that these men were well-armed with Mausers and decent equipment, funded either by the Communist Party or by the relatively prosperous villagers who had overseas remittances from men working abroad. He knew that many in the KMT were as violently opposed to the Communists as they were to the Japanese, and that working with the Communists would be a high-risk strategy, but it was essential in a region so crucial to Hong Kong. It is known that Kendall was involved in negotiations with the Communists. Ronald Holmes, a SOE agent seconded to the BAAG, was to refer to this in July 1944 when he prepared a report of", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215945, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 244, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "178\n\nClarke resistance circle during the occupation. Another member of the group was Emily Hahn, later the wife of Charles Boxer. Relationships between this left-wing branch of the Guomindang, with their strong Communist connections, and key figures in the British establishment may shed more light on the relations between the British and the Communists.\n\nWhen the War Office authorised the creation of a Chinese Machine Gun Unit, it pondered where the men for this group would come from. Who did they call on for advice? None other than Rewi Alley, the journalist who had lived in Yenan and knew the Chinese Communists well.xxii He even went so far as to suggest that the War Office consult a Communist guerrilla leader from the north on setting up the unit, and recruiting men from China. This was tantamount to establishing, in Hong Kong, a unit of left-influenced fighters. Even more significantly, the unit was designed specifically to be a Chinese unit with minimal British input. The first batch of trainees were supposed to form an elite officer corps in what eventually might be an all-Chinese unit. The War Office was prepared to go along with this idea and detailed Chauvin, who had set up the wireless network, to organise the unit. This was in line with SOE's record of training and arming local men for a resistance and sabotage role, although the details of the training these men received is unknown, and officially they were a 'machine gun company.' By this stage, SOE had two separate guerrilla training units in China itself: the Danish Commando Company staffed by Danish businessmen under cover of Danish neutrality, and another force known as Mission 204, a much larger-scale and better-established organisation created to assist specifically in the Chinese war effort and operate in the hinterland of Shanghai. Chauvin was able to recruit and train fifty men for this Chinese battalion. Whether he used men with Communist leanings or men recruited through his contacts with KMT guerrillas is unknown. Photographs of the passing-out parade of the unit show that they were unusually tall men, possibly northerners. Unfortunately, they graduated from their training barely a week before the Japanese attacked.\n\nJust as war is an extension of politics, so is politics essential for the continuance of war. In a situation like Hong Kong, the political aspects of resistance were even more complex than in other places because of the proximity and the supremacy of China. No amount of intelligence gathering and sabotage skills would have counted without", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215954, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 253, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "187\n\nTHE PROTO-MARTYR OF CHINESE PROTESTANTS: RECONSTRUCTING THE STORY\n\nOF\n\nCH’ÜA KAM-KWONG\n\nLAUREN PFISTER\n\nAs much as the writings of a person extrapolate and delimit their public presence after they die, so the deaths experienced around a person - perhaps we could call them the \"public absences\" they experience - these \"public absences\" often give form to that person's private world of meanings and influence the directions of their life's later years. Regularly, though probably not always, the public realm of writings and the private sphere of felt deaths intersect. In the life of a Scottish Victorian missionary-sinologist and pastor, these two dimensions often collided in scribbled correspondence, mission reports, literary reflections, and the biographical sketches others made from these sources about those public absences.\n\nJames Legge\n\nAcross the eight decades of James Legge's (1815-1897) active life it is not hard to identify the power and presence of this sphere of public absences, especially during his hyphenated missionary-scholar experience in Hong Kong from 1843 to 1873. He was indeed a \"pastor\" in the full sense of the Dissenter traditions he represented, not seldom found describing, in linguistic forms stereotyped across the Victorian era's professional clergy from many denominations, the deathbed scenes of missionary colleagues, their family members, and elderly members of the Chinese congregation he co-pastored with Ho Tsun-sheen (1817-1871). Colonial life led him also to the soldiers' barracks for occasional worship services, and to the jails, where death was calculated into the normal conditions of life far more frequently than among \"normal\" social settings. But the more personally felt deaths can also be numbered - there were fourteen which shook his consciousness with varying degrees of starkness, most coming from his large and extended family ties. Among the four", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 215963, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 262, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "196\n\nAfter some initial interviews in May, pastors Legge and Ho apparently agreed that Ch'ea required more instruction before being baptized. This refusal of baptism was bound to reap some resentment, and was a calculated risk Legge in particular insisted on taking in order not to be tricked like the Prussian missionary, Karl Gützlaff (also known as Charles Gutzlaff, 1803-1851), by needy and less honest persons. In fact, Ch'ea was obviously not wealthy, and had been considering leaving his job at the temple of Master Kong, so he was probably also asking for some alternative form of work. None of this is stated directly, but Legge and Chalmers add in their initial letter two straightforward statements near the end of their account: \"[Ch'ëa] had no capital to set up in business here. We had no employment for him.\"31 Then what convinced them of his sincerity? In his later recollection, Legge tells how Ch'ëa continued on in Hong Kong to receive Christian instruction, but the more Legge hesitated about his being baptized the more eager Ch'ea became about having the matter settled. Finally, one evening after a prayer meeting where Ch'ea had participated, as others were dispersing into the rainy summer evening, the Poklo man waited for Legge. When Legge finally emerged, he was startled by an unexpected sight.\n\n32\n\nIt was raining, and [Ch'ëa] stood in the rain and said, \"You don't believe in me, and are afraid to baptize me, but I am a true man, and God, whose rain is now falling on me, knows it – see,” and here he took off his cap and let the rain fall on his bare head, \"see,\" he said, “God is baptizing me.\n\n**\n\nOnce he was more formally baptized and provided with adequate books to feed his new religious interests, Ch'ea returned to Poklo having experienced the worship services led by Pastors Ho and Legge. His official bond with the Chinese congregation of Union Chapel because of his training and baptism was taken very seriously, though it is not clear that he was ever associated with Union Chapel as a registered member. Having risked the association with \"foreign devils\" (yángguǐ) because of his intellectually driven religious quest, Ch'ëa left Hong Kong with an affectional bonding to Union Chapel, its pastors, people, and style of worship.\n\n33", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216019, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 318, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "252\n\nthe Tang Dynasty can be divided into two streams. There was a nomadic cultural stream that was the patrimony of the horse-based cultures of the North. This stream can be summed up by Sima Qian's description of how Hun children rode with their mothers before they could walk, learned archery riding on a goat and shooting rats as infants, and were well skilled for hunting and warfare by maturity. (Shiji: Xiongnu Liezhuan. Selby: 8G.)\n\nThe Han Chinese did not regard archery as an innate skill, although they were quick to claim outstanding archery skills for model founding emperors of new dynasties. (Han Shu: Chao Cuo Liezhuan. Selby: 84H.) Nevertheless, archery was an acquired skill for the Han Chinese, and the acquisition took place most likely in an aristocratic sporting or educational setting.\n\nTexts on archery from the Song and later periods treated archery on foot and mounted archery separately. They offered few insights beyond what was set out in Wang Ju's Tang text. Much was made of the aesthetic aspects of archery on foot, and layers of philosophical introspection were added. Mounted archery, on the other hand, was utilitarian and fast. Writing in around 1040 the compiler of a Song military encyclopaedia, Zeng Gongliang, roundly attacked Wang Ju's 'flowery' method (Zeng Gongliang: Wu Jing Zong Yao. Selby: 10L.) Judging from the continued preference for the 'flowery style' into the Ming Dynasty, however, his views did not have much influence.\n\nDespite acquiring skill in horseback archery through training, there is no sign that the Han Chinese troops were not good at it. It would be wrong to imagine that the defeat at the hands of the Mongols and the fall of the Southern Song was due to unfamiliarity or an inability to deal with mounted archery tactics. That was largely a European defect.\n\nMing archery was firmly rooted in the Confucian tradition. In the early part of the Hong Wu reign, Zhu Yuanzhang appears to have re-established the full archery ritual in parallel with the military examination, which had lapsed during the Yuan Dynasty. (Hong Wu 3: Edict on the Establishment of the Examination System. Selby: 11A.)\n\nIn both the Song and Ming military examinations, there was a controversy over whether to give preference to candidates who could", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216039, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 338, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "272\n\nAlthough not part of the Zhenjiang story a Daoist cult centre on Mao Shan, a mountain some fifty miles to the south, was visited annually by a stream of pilgrims in the Spring, a great many of whom passed through the convenient port of Zhenjiang. The Daoist Mao Shan school was arguably the most powerful Daoist sect during the Tang and maintained its great prestige down to at least 1949. The Mao Shan Daopai as it is known, is renowned for its seances and medium trances, and according to Mao Shan sect priests was founded in the fourth century AD with the Mao Shan sect priests considering themselves to be the highest ranking of all Daoist orders.15 The sect originally appears to have been meditative and only later did it fall into line with other sects.\n\nIn 1917 two images were observed by Otterwill in Zhenjiang, in procession, Yan Gong and Jiang Gong #, both patron deities of river boatmen. Both deities were popular on altars in and around Nanchang, Anjing and along the Yangzi. Also popular in central China, C. B. Day records that Yan Gong in Zhejiang province was one of the Five Daoist deities who presided over a period of danger, a member of the Celestial Board of Health 瘟部五帝.\n\nThere have been but few references in western writings to the legend and role of Yan Gong, a Patron of Sailors. According to Doré, \"he was regarded in Central China as the protector of sailors and the god of the tides [Chao Shen].\" This, presumably, means the patron deity of sailors in the rivers and estuaries of the Yangzi basin. However, Yang Laoda is the usual patron of boatmen on the Yangzi. Werner1 provides a more detailed description of Yan Gong, the god of sailors, adding a little to Doré. He notes that Yan Gong had a temple built in his honour near Shanghai during the reign of the first emperor of the period of the Three Kingdoms [ca. AD 240] and that he was the deified hero in that temple who protected Shanghai from rebel attacks during the reign of Ming Shi Cong [ca. 1540]. Other legends claim that he was born during the Song in Jiangxi, that he was one of the four major deities of Jiangxi province, and was a censor famous for his integrity. Or that he was again a native of Jiangxi but born during the Yuan, and drowned during a storm when returning home. He was buried but was seen by the inhabitants of his native district on the same day. When his coffin was brought to Nanchang and opened it was found to be empty, a miracle which led to a temple being built in his honour. Sailors have", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216059, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 358, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "292\n\nwas buried there beside his first wife in the Zhenjiang cemetery when he died in Changsha a mere two months later. By the late forties, the cemetery had disappeared beneath industrial buildings.\n\nThere was quite a scandal about the Methodist chapel in about 1907 when, during an evening service, the whole congregation started to wriggle and scratch themselves. Many left hurriedly, and the preacher was almost alone when the service ended. It was then discovered that the Chinese caretaker had turned the place into a paying doss-house for coolies and beggars, and every pew was crawling with bedbugs and lice.\n\nMesny's Involvement with Zhenjiang 1863/5\n\nNow to an entirely different slant on activities within Zhenjiang. William Mesny was a Jerseyman who ran away from home in 1854 at the age of 12 and arrived in China in 1860. His autobiographical writings describe scenes from his diverse and exciting career in China from his earliest days as a lowly gaoler in Hong Kong, through his sailing days as a master on a small Yangzi trader, his time as an Imperial Customs Tide-waiter in Hankou, to the peak of his career serving with the Chinese Sichuan Provincial Green Standard army, ending up as a brevet Lieutenant-General. From there on, he was a self-appointed adviser to senior Chinese officials, travelling far and wide throughout China, and ending his days as an impoverished 'poor white' first in Shanghai and towards the end in Hankou, where he died in 1919. Although he had little to do with Zhenjiang itself during his time on the Yangzi, he was involved with others who had.29\n\nMesny, writing about his time on the Yangzi, first as a youth commanding a lorcha and then as a Customs Officer with the Chinese Imperial Customs, explained that on his first trip up the River, the comparatively short journey on from Zhenjiang to Nanjing took five hours with a call at Shi'er Wei, an important salt town on the northern bank of the river. An hour and a half before reaching Nanjing, ships would pass the Third Fort guarding the narrow defile under Guanyin Shan. It was there that in April 1862, Mesny was wounded and captured by a fleet of Imperial gunboats whose role it was to stop supplies of all kinds reaching the Taiping rebels. Mesny was sailing for Hankou from Shanghai with a full legal cargo, but to the Imperial gunboats, the 'Imps' as they were referred to by westerners, all vessels were fair game. Mesny", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216091, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 390, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "324\n\nold Colonial Office in Great Smith Street. Sir Christopher Cox, who headed the interview panel, said: 'Waters, you would be more suitable teaching building subjects in Hong Kong than in Trinidad. Go away and think about it!'\n\nRose, Rose I Love You was the first song originating in the People's Republic of China to become popular in Britain. Yet the composers never received royalties. They could not afford to be seen drawing money from a capitalist country. And as I listened to the refrain in Merry England, it all tied in. Serving in the Colonial Service in Hong Kong seemed terribly exciting and romantic. It made me think of Camp Coffee, Zam Buk ointment and other similar branded goods with scenes of Empire on bottles and tins which I grew up with as a child.\n\n'You're not going to the Far East?!' an acquaintance exclaimed. 'The Communists have just acquired half Korea. There's fighting in Vietnam and Malaya. Hong Kong will be the next to fall!”\n\nIn spite of adverse comments I accepted the offer from the Colonial Office which was shortly to become Her Majesty's Overseas Civil Service. After all a considerable amount of a map of the world was still coloured red. Hadn't Winston Churchill proclaimed: 'I have not become the King's first minister to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire'? At the time I could have been posted to any one of something like 55 different colonies or dependent territories within the British Commonwealth. For me, 'Go East young man!' was the watchword. Nevertheless, some said that the Hong Kong Royal Naval Dockyard was shortly to be closed down.\n\nSo, in spite of discouraging remarks, I \"burned my boats,” sold the family business as a going concern, and went shopping. I spotted cabin trunks made of sheet metal. 'Oh no,\" the shop assistant exclaimed, 'you only need those, Sir, if you are going to some humid place like Hong Kong!' 'I'll have two!' I replied.\n\nShipboard\n\nIn the early 1950s, if one flew to Hong Kong, one normally went by seaplane, landed on water and slept the night in a hotel. The journey took five days. But up until 1959 most of us travelled by sea. The\n\nPage 390\n\nPage 391", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216092, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 391, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "325\n\nPeninsula and Oriental Line had four passenger ships: the Chusan, the Carthage and the Corfu. I sailed on the Royal Mail Ship Canton. As a newly joined Hong Kong government servant I went on half pay as soon as I stepped on the boat. It took 31 days from Southampton to Hong Kong.\n\nIn first class one dressed every night for dinner, except the first night and nights in port. With a long voyage some passengers were like bears with sore ears. For others there were games like deck quoits, dancing, the ceremony of \"crossing the line\" and shipboard romances. Others were seasick. Regarding romance the pretext for \"Romeo\" at night was to take a girl up to the boat deck to show her the Southern Cross. One lady boasted: 'I was taken up twice on one night and both men pointed to the wrong constellation!'\n\nThere were sea birds and flying fish to watch out for, and some wonderful sunsets in the Indian Ocean. Just as the brilliant sun dipped below the horizon you could occasionally see a green flash. Looking over the ship's rail at night one could frequently see phosphorescent, microbial animal and plant life in the tropical waters. Sometimes one could see this when one flushed the toilet in the darkness of one's cabin.\n\nAt Port Said gilly gilly men (Egyptian magicians) were allowed on board to entertain passengers. Or you could go ashore, visit the Pyramids and elsewhere, and catch the ship at the other end of the Suez Canal (that was the way people travelled on the so-called overland route, before the Suez Canal was completed in 1869.)\n\nAden, with low taxes, was a good place for shopping. Or one could visit the museum there to look at a stuffed Manatee with its broad, flattened tail. Fond of sitting on rocks, these sea creatures were said to have provided the substance for seamen's tales about mermaids. Other customary ports of call for British passenger ships were Bombay, Colombo, Penang and Singapore. P. & O. ships were manned partly by lascar seamen with stewards from the Portuguese Goa. There was a splendid array of cuisine with China, Indian and Ceylon teas. The Indian curry cook could serve a different curry for every lunch of the 31-day voyage.\n\nSome Britons preferred to travel on foreign ships which were not", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216103, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 402, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "336\n\nGovernment servants completed four-year tours up until the early 1960s. When we went on leave, being seen off was a grand occasion. One would normally organise a reception for a number of friends. They boarded the ship. Occasionally, there was a bit of gate crashing by people known as \"professional see'ers off\" who enjoyed the company and a few free drinks.\n\nBrass bands would play Auld Lang Syne on the quay and paper streamers would be thrown to friends on shore. As the ship pulled away the streamers would break and the \"umbilical cord\" would be severed, as it were. After a four-year tour a government servant would earn something like seven months leave plus 30 days travelling each way. That meant you were away from the colony for about nine months. Being seen off was an important affair for Chinese too and, in the 1950s when the growing of rice was not profitable any more and the \"vegetable revolution\" was underway, many New Territories' Chinese made their way to England to work in restaurants. On being seen off just about the entire village would sometimes turn out!\n\nOn one occasion I was on leave in England and a fellow passenger on a train spotted my suitcase. 'Ah,' he said, 'you're from Hong Kong. Tell me. Do they still put paint on with their hands?' I had to admit that painters stick their woollen-gloved hand into a pot of paint when they paint metal railings and the like. They still do. It's labour saving. It's surprising what people remember about Hong Kong after they have left.\n\nPestilence\n\nThe colony was not a healthy place in its young days and many expatriates died young, as a wander through what we used to call the Colonial Cemetery (now the Hong Kong Cemetery) in Happy Valley reveals. There were cases of bubonic plague up until the 1920s with an especially bad epidemic in 1894. There was a worrying outbreak of cholera in the early summer of 1961. Stalls were manned by nurses in the street, for example by the Star Ferry. There was no wasting of time and no paperwork. All you did was roll up your sleeve. Now, from the days of pestilence and being an unhealthy place, Hong Kong has a life expectancy greater than most western countries, including Britain and the USA.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216223, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 522, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "456\n\nsouth-westerly monsoon in the summer. As the Cantonese saying has it, ‘Even with a 1,000 taels of gold it is not easy to buy a flat facing south.'\n\nOn the steep hillside with its lush vegetation, opposite and well above Realty Gardens, exists even now what is sometimes still called Cheung Po-Tsai's Path. Shown on maps, starting more or less opposite and a little higher up than May Road, although heavily overgrown and not negotiable in parts because of landslips and other obstructions, the footpath goes around and finishes up on the southern slopes of the Peak. Cheung was Hong Kong's most notorious and fearsome pirate who was at the zenith of his powers during the first decade of the 19th century. He was reputed to command as many as 600 junks, 40,000 fighting men - including a few British ex-Royal Navy gunners and \"own\" the prettiest girls. No firm evidence, however, appears to exist that he himself ever walked along that path.\n\nFrom the fung shui aspect Victoria Peak with its spurs, and Seymour Cliffs to our southeast, symbolise strong backing. The \"cosmic breath\" of fung shui rides on the wind and is dispersed and checked by watercourses. Realty Gardens' location brings blessings, which are just, and inevitable rewards deserved by the skilful and the diligent. Watercourses stream down the mountain keeping fortunes flowing into our flat and protecting our well-being. Some fung shui specialists maintain that the spiritual energy on the Peak is the best in the whole of Hong Kong.\n\nAt the far western end of Conduit Road, close to the junction with Kotewall and Po Shan Roads, a steep, narrow road branches off. This is Hatton Road. It leads to the Peak. About half way up it passes the remains of Pinewood Battery, which has been turned into a picnic spot. This artillery emplacement was constructed by the British, starting in 1903. The whole area around Hatton Road is relatively unspoiled and provides a wonderful recreational area for Conduit Road residents to stretch their legs and to appreciate nature. Many of the elderly Chinese who walk up there daily for exercise call it \"Long Life Road.\"\n\nSadly however, while talking of heritage, with the villa at No. 55 (completed in 1919) having been demolished in the summer of 2000, there is only one pre-World War Two building still standing in Conduit", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216237, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 536, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "470\n\nand Society in Hong Kong would have been merited.\n\nClearly a book into which Gillian has put a great deal of effort.\n\nPETER HALLIDAY\n\nPhilip Snow, The Fall of Hong Kong: Britain, China and the Japanese Occupation, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 348 pages (text), plus 129 pages (notes, bibliography, index), and 16 pages (plates), 2003.\n\nPhilip Snow has done historians of Hong Kong a great service in producing this generally excellent book. His grasp of the sources for the period 1940-1946 is wide. He has consulted archives in London, Hong Kong, Tokyo, and Taipei (although he seems to have missed the Harcourt archive, and the unpublished war-diaries in the Muniments of the Imperial War Museum, in London), and has read very widely, consulting both collections of original documents and secondary material, in Chinese and Japanese as well as in English. The index to the book is excellent - indeed, rather better than merely excellent. The result is a book which will be a standard for many years to come. The plates included, however, are relatively ordinary: more plates, and plates more tightly connected with the text, would have been valuable. More photographs of the major figures of the Occupation period, both Japanese and local Chinese, would have been very welcome. As so often, alas, better maps would have benefited the book greatly.\n\nDespite the title, the book has relatively little to say on the Battle of Hong Kong, the actual progress of the fighting in Hong Kong, or the fall of Hong Kong: presumably because there are other books which cover the actual fighting well. What the book does above all is illustrate in detail, and very convincingly, the months leading up to the Battle (the Governorship of Sir Mark Young), the developments in Hong Kong under the Japanese, and the post-war period of the Harcourt and restored Mark Young administrations. None of these periods has been entirely adequately covered elsewhere, and this book is the more valuable in consequence,\n\nThe book is particularly valuable in clearly identifying the changes which took place in Japanese attitudes to Hong Kong in the 3 years and", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216241, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2002", "page_number": 540, "title": "RAS-2002", "content_text": "474\n\ndirect or through the lives of those to whom she spoke, seem to indicate that part of the solution must lie in improving the quality and ethics of the bureaucracy at all levels. In a country where the officials and the Party still call all the shots, attempts to educate the people at large in \"good conduct\" will be abortive, as well as meaningless, without it. Paradoxically, there is the long Confucian (and quintessentially Chinese) tradition of good government and right behaviour to sustain the dual effort - still meaningful and understood, but not, in every age, or everywhere, attainable.\n\nHave I any criticisms? Not really. The photographs (mostly colour) illuminate the text, and there are next to no typos, but as a historian, I noted an oversight (p.78) in which Xiamen (formerly Amoy) and Guangzhou (Canton) are located together, and a paragraph in which (p.145) the essential legislation ending the Chinese institution of mui tsai (servant girls) in Hong Kong is given as the 1950s instead of the 1930s.\n\nTo conclude, we are much in Jane Hutcheon's debt for such a useful and pertinent survey of a great people and nation at this crucial stage of their transition to modernity. There is much to learn and ponder upon in this attractive book, which will serve as a handy benchmark for checking on 'New China's' course in the years immediately ahead. Its leaders, too, could benefit from the dedicated efforts of a skilled observer who, though critical, is always balanced, and is ever a true friend of their land and its people.\n\nJAMES HAYES,\n\nSYDNEY,\n\n2003\n\nPage 540\n\nPage 541", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2002.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/mp4901278", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216268, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 27, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "APPENDIX\n\nROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY ACTIVITIES FOR 2003/2004\n\nLectures\n\n \n Date\n Lecture\n \n \n 2003\n \n \n \n Friday 25 April\n Mr Paul Fonaroff: A General History and Overview of Hong Kong Cinema\n \n \n Friday 9 May\n Mr Tony Banham: The 1941 Hong Kong Garrison - Unabridged\n \n \n Friday 30 May\n Dr Vicky Lee: Memoirs of Eurasianness\n \n \n Friday 13 June\n Mr Dave Morgan: Through Spanish Eyes: Two Sixteenth Century Spanish Accounts of the China of the Period\n \n \n Friday 27 June\n Dr Graeme Lang; The Return of the Refugee God – Wong Tai Sin\n \n \n Friday 29 August\n Mr Stephen Selby: Chinese Archery -- An Unbroken Tradition\n \n \n Friday 5 September\n Mr Philip Snow: The Fall of Hong Kong: Britain, China, and the Japanese Occupation\n \n \n Friday 24 October\n Mr Joop B.M. Litmaath: Forty Years in Hong Kong – Far East of Amsterdam\n \n \n Friday 14 November\n Dr Louis Ng: Sun Yat-Sen, Hong Kong and the Sam Chau Tin Rebellion\n \n \n Friday 21 November\n Dr Patrick H. Hase; Sha Tau Kok Market and its Market District\n \n \n Friday 12 December\n Mr Andrew Tse: Ho Kon-Tong: A Man for all Seasons\n \n \n 2004\n \n \n \n Friday 16 January\n Dr Elizabeth Sina: Power and Charity: The Rise of the Chinese Merchant Elite in 19th Century Hong Kong\n \n \n Friday 30 January\n Dr Francois Bizot: The Jardine Matheson Correspondence. 1827-1843\n \n \n Friday 13 February\n Dr Peter Halliday: A History of Suicides in Hong Kong\n \n \n Friday 27 February\n Dr Greg Thomas: From Model to Museum: Yuanming Yuan through European Eyes\n \n\nxxvii", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216342, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 101, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "50\n\nmore detail, the returns for the Company and 'Country' trade at Appendix I in Greenberg, Michael (1951), British Trade and the Opening of China. Cambridge University Press.\n\ns Cited in Views of the Pearl River Delta, Macau, Canton and Hong Kong (1996). Urban Council, Hong Kong joint exhibition organized by the Hong Kong Museum of Art and the Peabody Essex Museum, USA, p.108.\n\n9\n\nBall, B.L., M.D., Rambles in Eastern Asia Including China and Manilla During Several Years' Residence, Boston, 1855, pp.97-8,\n\n10 Davis, John Francis (1845). Sketches of China Partly During an Inland Journey of Four Months, Between Peking, Nanking and Canton. [made with Lord Amherst's Embassy in 1816]. London, as a Supplement to the 1845 edition of The Chinese, p.262.\n\n11 Cited in Views, op.cit., p.109.\n\n12 Parkinson, op.cit., pp.257-8.\n\n13 Gutzlaff, Rev. Charles (1838). China Opened, or A Display of the Topography, History, Customs, Manners, Arts, Manufactures, Commerce, Literature, Religion, Jurisprudence, Etc., of the Chinese Empire. London, Smith, Elder & Co., 2 vols. At Vol. I, p.138.\n\n14 For an evocative recent account of Canton, see Garrett, Valery M. (2002). Heaven is High, the Emperor Far Away, Merchants and Mandarins in Old Canton, Hong Kong, Oxford University Press.\n\n15 For a description, see Davis, The Chinese, vol. II, pp.114-116.\n\n16 Herbert A. Giles (1900). A Glossary of Reference of Subjects Connected with the Far East. Shanghai, Kelly & Walsh, Third Edition, p.87. A plan of the Factories, as drawn in 1856, is given in Morse, Hosea Ballou (1910), The International Relations of the Chinese Empire, The Period of Conflict 1834-1860. Shanghai, Kelly and Walsh, opposite p.70.\n\n17 Ball, Rambles in Eastern Asia, op.cit., p.100. The earlier remark is by Commodore Mathew Perry, USN, when en route to his Mission to Japan, but other than having recorded \"Perry, p.136\" I cannot at present trace my source.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216343, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 102, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "51\n\nThere is a good selection in Views of the Pearl River Delta, cited above.\n\n19 In a major exhibition of China Trade paintings brought to Sydney's Maritime Museum in 1998, of the 22 oil and other colour paintings of Canton, no fewer than 19 were by Chinese artists. And of 7 such paintings of Whampoa and the Bocca Tigris, 4 were also by Chinese artists.\n\n20 Morse, International Relations, Period of Conflict, op.cit. p.70.\n\n21 Hayes, James, with Garrett, Richard and Valery (1992-3). The Honam Temple (Haichuang Dzi) Revisited, at pp.137-143 of Hong Kong Library Association Journal, No. 16. Honam became a site for additional trading houses under an Agreement signed on 6 April 1847, after Sir John Davis had sent an expedition up the Pearl River and captured the Forts at Bocca Tigris. \"The territory of Honam\", it was stated, \"is a place for trade, the renting of warehouses or of ground for building houses is therefore fully conceded. This will be managed properly by the Consul and the local authorities in accordance with the provisions of the [1842] Treaty. Hertslet's China Treaties, Third Revised Edition 1908, Vol.1 [of 2] p.17.\n\n22 Preface to Dyer Ball, J.(1911). The Chinese at Home, The Man of Tong and his Land. London, The Religious Tract Society. \"Tong' is the Cantonese romanization of \"Tang'.\n\n23\n\nIn MacNair, Harley Farnsworth (1923). Modern Chinese History, Selected Readings. Shanghai, Commercial Press, at p.145.\n\n24 Fu, Lo-Shu (Compiler etc., 1966). A Documentary Chronicle of Sino-Western Relations (1644-1820). University of Arizona Press, 2 vols., at Vol. I, p.368.\n\n25 Chinese text at No.37 in Vol. 1 of the three volume set of Hong Kong's Historical Inscriptions published by the Hong Kong Urban Council in 1986.\n\n26 Davis, Sketches of China, op.cit., p.261.\n\n27 Burford's Panorama, Leicester Square (1838) Description of a View of Canton, The River Tigress, and the Surrounding Country, London, pp.11, 15.\n\n28 Views of the Pearl River, op.cit., pp.176-7.", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216345, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 104, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "53 \n\n* Giles, Glossary, op.cit., p.57. \n\n44 Downing, C. Toogood (1838). The Stranger in China, or The Fanqui's Visit to The Celestial Empire in 1836-7. Philadelphia, Lea & Blanchard, 2 vols., Vol. I, pp.9-10. A diary kept on a French ship in 1779 tells of an \"outside\" pilot boat from Macau, whose five occupants spoke a kind of corrupt Portuguese. Charles de Constant (1939). Recit de Trois Voyages A la Chine 1779-1793. Passages chosen and annotated by Philippe de Vargas. Published by L'Ami, Revue Mensuelle, Yenching, Peking.. \n\n45 \n\n46 \n\nDavis, The Chinese, op.cit., (1836 edition, London, Charles Knight), Vol.II, p. 447.. \n\nDowning, The Stranger in China, op.cit., Vol.I, p.10. \n\n* Ibid., Vol. I, p.27. \n\n48 \n\nMorse, International Relations, Period of Conflict, op.cit., p.74 \n\nDavis, The Chinese, op. cit., (1836 edition, London, Charles Knight), Vol.II, p. 449. \n\n50 Ibid., Vol. II, pp.448-9. \n\n51 Morse, International Relations, Period of Conflict, op.cit., p.74. \n\n32 \n\nChina and the English (1835). New York, p.73. Written for Abbott's Fireside Series. \n\n53 Ball, Rambles in Eastern Asia, op. cit., p.99. \n\n54 Abbott's Fireside Series, op.cit., p.73, \n\n55 \n\nA striking instance is given in Wei Peh T'I (1981). Juan Yuan's Management of Sino-British Relations in Canton 1817-1826, The Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, (hereafter JHKBRAS), Vol. 21, pp.153-5. Pidgin English has been described succinctly as being 'a singular admixture of corrupted Portuguese, English, Hindustani, and other foreign words spoken largely in a Chinese syntax': Chang, Commissioner Lin, op.cit., pp.235-6, n47. For a recent detailed statement on Pidgin, see Selby, Anne and Stephen (1995)", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 }, { "id": 216430, "series_id": 26, "series_slug": "histsyn-rashkb-journal-engine", "series_title": "RASHKB Journal 皇家亞洲學會香港分會學刊", "series_use_hku_proxy": false, "document_key": "RAS-2003", "page_number": 189, "title": "RAS-2003", "content_text": "139\n\nunits were in league with the Hong Huzi, whose activity was always a factor to be reckoned with in the Russian occupation of Manchuria. The Russian Minister in Peking made forcible representations and threats of what would happen should China break her neutrality. The Chinese were frightened into withdrawing General Ma and his army to a safe distance from the point of danger, and the General received the most explicit instructions not to make any move which might be used as an excuse by the Russians for an armed invasion west of the Liao River. The removal of his army from what was the main centre of bandit (Hong Huzi) activity in Manchuria left lawlessness there with a free rein against their bitterest enemies, the Russian occupying forces.\n\nAs the Russian army found itself diverted to sending more and more of its garrison troops to stem the Japanese advance so the bandits grew ever bolder. Every night villages were attacked and robbed by marauders, who eventually even commenced to carry out petty depredations in a number of the native quarters of several of the major towns and cities along the south west of Manchuria. The Western residents of the foreign settlements became seriously alarmed at the prospect of what would in all probability happen when the Russian evacuation occurred and an interregnum ensued before the arrival of the Japanese. They formed committees under a major foreign dignitary, usually a Consul-General, to arrange for the defence of foreign life and property. During the interregnum the Russian settlement of Newchwang was in flames with swarms of Chinese looting the deserted houses, parading in the streets and waving little Japanese flags which had appeared as if by magic.\n\nBrindle reported that after the fall of Port Arthur bands of Hong Huzi deserted their guerrilla units and joined the regular forces of Japanese. They were sent north towards Mongolia and the market towns from which the Russian army secured its supplies, in order to harry the Russian supply lines.\n\nBandits serving with Russian forces\n\nFollowing their occupation of Manchuria in 1900 the Russians had mounted a major campaign to suppress the Hong Huzi and found themselves to their surprise at war with well-armed parties of brave Chinese and Manchu bandits whose knowledge of the terrain provided", "txt_file_path": "txt/dfo323lmgvd/RAS-2003.txt", "external_url": "https://digitalrepository.lib.hku.hk/catalog/2v242g390", "rank": 0 } ]